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AUTHOR: 


NAPIER,  HENRY 
EDWARD 


TITLE: 


FLORENTINE  HISTORY, 
FROM  THE  EARLIEST ... 

PLACE: 

LONDON 

DA  TE : 

1 846-47 


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945F66 
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Napier,  Henry  Edward,  1789-1853. 

Florentine  history,  from  the  earliest  authentic  records  to  the 
accession  of  Ferdinand  the  Third,  grand  duke  of  Tuscany.  By 
Henry  Edward  Napier  ...    London,  E.  Moxon,  1846-47. 

6  T.    plates,  maps,  plan.    18". 


1.  Tuscany— Hist. 

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FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


\ 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


1  KOM  THE  EARLIEST  AUTHENTIC  RECORDS 


TO    THE    ACCESSION    OF 


FERDINAND   THE   THIRD, 


Ma  quell'  ingnto  popolo  maligno 
Che  discese  di  Fiesole  ab  antico, 
E  tiene  ancor  del  monte  e  del  macigno. 

Dantk.  I 'I  f'enw.  Canto  \v. 

E  come  '1  volger  del  ciel  della  Uina 
Cuopre  ed  iscuopre  i  liti  sanza  posa, 
€o«i  far  di  Fiorenza  la  fortuna : 

Pferche  non  dee  parer  mirabil  cosa 
Ci6  ch*  io  diro  degli  alti  Fiorentini. 
Onde  la  fama  nel  tempo  ^  nascosa. 

Da.vtb,  Paradito,  Canto  xvi 


GRAND    DUKE    OF    TUSCANY. 


BY 


HENEY   EDWARD   NAPIER, 

Captain  in  the  Royal  Navy,  FR  S. 


« 


IN    SIX    VOLUMES 


VOL.    I. 


i 


LONDON: 
EDWARD   MOXON,   DOVER   STREET. 


MDCCCXLVI. 


TO 


MAJOR-CENERAL    SIR   CHARLES   JAMES    NAPIER,   C.C.B. 


Governor  of  Scinde.  &c. 


LOKDON  -. 
«BADBU»T    ASD   BVAS8.   FIll?iT«RS,   Waif«f»l*«». 


There  are  some  men  who  create  matter  for  History,  others 
who  only  write  it ;  you  now  belong  to  the  former  and  may  here- 
after to  both :  I,  in  the  following  pages  have  tried  although 
at  a  most  humble  distance,  to  approach  the  latter.  Such  as  they 
are  I  dedicate  them  to  you  without  whose  aid  1  never  could 
have  prudently  ventured  to  place  them  before  the  world.  For 
ten  years  of  sickness  and  sorrow  they  have  been  my  constant 
companions  and  whatever  may  be  their  fate  my  obligation  to  you 
remains  unaltered. 


London, 

October,  184(5. 


Your  affectionate  Brother, 


HENRY  EDWARD  NAPIER. 


Jl  i.  JL  <J  tJ  ^ 


PREFACE. 


Objections  maybe  made  to  the  length  and  details 
of  this  work,  and  they  are  generally  grievous  faults; 
but  can  a  nation's  story  be  well  told  \iithout  them  ? 
Can  the  character  manners  and  customs  of  a  people, 
their  laws  social  state,  physical  comforts,  and  moral 
condition,  be   fairly  or  usefuUy  displayed  in  brief 
descriptions  of  political  facts  or  nulitary  enterprises 
however   agreeably  related?     Are  not   the  former 
essential  parts  of  history,  and  the  latter  rather  the 
memoirs  of  a  few  leading  individuals  or  paiticular 
faxitions,  of  vast  importance  to  be  known,  but  still 
only  a  part,  and  to  the  philosopher  and  philanthro- 
pist perhaps  not  the  most  instructive  or  affecting 
part  of  national  history  ?     No  people  can  be  known 
by  riding  post  through  their  country  against  time  : 
a  few  striking  features,  many  interesting  objects, 
may  catch    the    eye  and   pass  like   shadows,   but 
scarcely  come  home  to  the  understanding  or  leave 


'\ 


VI 11 


PREFxVCE. 


any  lasting  impression  on  the  mind.      Long  resi- 
dence  is   absolutely   necessary  to   become  familiar 
with  the  inhabitants;   we   must   study  their  mode 
of   living,  enter  theii-  societ}^  obser\e  their  daily 
occupations,  join    in    their    amusements,  and   mix 
ourselves  up  with  them  in  all  the  little  incidents  of 
every-day  existence,  to   acquire  a  thorough  know- 
ledge  of  their  real  condition  and  complexion ;  and 
but  few  even  in  our  own  countiy  arc  thus  intimate 
with  the  classes  either  above  or  below  their  own. 
In  like  manner  short  sketchy  histories,  whetlkM-  pro- 
found or  superficial,  give  a  general  notion  of  their 
subject  but  bar  our  entrance  into  the  common  spirit 
and  characteristics  of  the  people*:  we  are  not  identi- 
fied ^-ith  them ;  their  annals  are  like  water  sprinkled 
in  our  face;    they  refresh   without    quenching   the 
thirst.     A  stranger  unacquainted  with  national  cus- 
toms feels  this  both  in  travel  and  history;  and  it 
often  happens   that   the  very  depth,  cleurness,  and 
general  excellence  of  Macchiavelli  only  make  us  the 
more  regret  his  brevity.     Past  ages  are  as  foreign 
countries   to   the   present,    wherefore   the   frequent 
exhibition  of   those   trifling   incidents,   whether   of 
manners   or   character,  of  the   individual   or   com- 

•  «*  As  for  the  corruptions  and  moths     all  men  of  sound  judjrment  hasc  ton 
of  history  which  arc  epitomes,  the  use     fessed;'&r.-(  Vidthixcon,Advanre- 
of  them  dcservcth  to  be  banished  as     ment  of  Leanunfjy  Book  ii.,  p.  /». 


PREFACE. 


IX 


munity,  which  combine  to  effect  important  results 
and  weave  the  web  of  history ;  all  tend  to  produce 
that  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  nation  which 
must  necessarily  be  omitted  in  shorter  narratives. 
To  those  who  may  be  is^norant  of  Italian  manners 
and  history  and  who  read  for  such  information,  the 
Icngtli  and  minuteness  of  this  work  would  need  no 
apology  if  its  style  and  general  character  could 
hope  to  escape  reproach.  But  Avhy  write  so  long  a 
story  al)out  so  small  a  country?  Because  history 
like  learning  '^  convcyeth  medicine  into  men^s  minds 
by  the  quickness  and  penetration  of  examples  :'* 
Because  her  lessons,  which  are  the  records  of  expe- 
rience and  the  beacons  of  human  error,  may,  as  in 
the  Grecian  republics,  be  taught  with  equal  benefit 
from  the  acts  of  a  small  as  a  great  community: 
because  Florence  performed  as  conspicuous  a  part 
in  Italy  as  Athens  did  in  Greece :  because  she  was 
one  of  the  head  nurses  of  modern  art  and  science ; 
of  literature,  liberty,  and  song ;  of  all  that  improves 
and  adorns  society;  and  because  she  probably 
influenced  the  free  political  destiny  of  many  existing 
nations :  besides  her  history  for  a  long  period  in- 
cludes that  of  Italy  itself,  and  was  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  annals  of  transalpine  nations  whose 
industry  she  awakened,  whose  taste  she  formed,  and 


PREFACE. 


whose  manners  she  contributed  to  refine.  No 
modem  community  of  equal  size  has  been  more 
celebrated  than  Florence :  she  moved  alone^  was 
peculiar  in  her  character,  and  rose  amidst  the  ruins 
of  more  powerful  neighbours:  the  sound  of  her 
name  still  impresses  our  mind  with  a  mingled  feel- 
ing of  admiration  and  respect,  for  she  also  was  the 
last  to  bend  under  the  gusts  of  despo^^sm  when 
foreign  potentates  and  native  princes  combined 
against  her;  when  abandoned  by  her  oldest  ally, 
and  left  to  fall  unaided  in  her  last  and  most  glorious 
struggle  for  liberty. 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  I. 


Inteoductory  Chapter 


Page  1  to  7 


CIL\rTER  I. 

Origin  of  Florence-Conjectures  on  it-Opinions  of  VUlani,  Malespini,  MacchiavellL 
Varchi,  Borghini,  Dante,  Richa,  Leonardino  Aretino,  the  Volterrano  and  Poli- 
/mno-supposcl  to  have  been  a  Miinicipium-Passage  in  Floras  doubted  by 
Coluccio  balutati-Error  of  Ptolemy-Origin  of  the  name-Arms  and  Emblems- 
Sigmfication  of  the  word  Florentia-Other  opmions-Similarity  of  Latin  and 
Etruscan  Words -Eastern  derivation  of  the  name  Firenze  -  Borghini's  opi- 
nion  .  "1 
Page  7  to  15 


,,t 


CHAPTER  n. 

(from  A.D.   17    TO  A.D.  650.) 

Tascany-Ancient  names  of  it-Boundaries,  extent  and  celebrity  of  Etruria-Its  poUtical 
power-source  of  Tiber  and  Amo-Course  of  Arno-Horence-Situation-EarUel 
Ph  ?  t,  c"".  '"^"'^-^''^^-^■^^"--Colmate-Maremma-Introduction  of 
def^tTVr'  ^^^^-«-  Zanobi-Radagasius  besieges  Plorence-His 
defeat-Santa  R^parata-Games  instituted-DecUne  of  Roman  power-Migration 
of  nations-Govermnent  of  Italy  under  the  Romans-Division  of  the  empire- 
Removal  of  the  seat  of  goverrnnent-Barbarian  inroads-Reign  of  Odoacer-Fall 

.C      "JT,,      ^'''~^'''°^'''  ^°^  ^*^°°^  Saxony-Change  ofEmpire  to  King, 
dom,  and  the  contrary-State  of  Italy-Theodoric  defeats  Odoacer-ffis  long  reign 

^d  character-Boethius-Symmachus-Cassiodorus-Dominion  of  the  Ostfogo^s 
broken  by  BeUsanus  and  Narses-Rule  of  the  latter-RecaUed  by  intrigue-ffi. 

^r^TST""'."'^'^^'^'^''-'^'''  P°"^^  ^d  oppressions-Sate  the 
Romans-Character  of  both  nations  by  Salviani  and  Luitprand-Roman  games 

^^t  .if         Barbarians-Theodoric's  opinion  of  them-^ergy  vainly  attempt  to 
check  them-Public  misery  terminates  them         .  .  .       Page  16  to  24 


Xll 


rONTKNTS. 


CONTEXTS. 


XUl 


aiAITER  III. 
(from  a.v.  6.i0  TO  A.l).  80.>.) 
Obscuritv  of  bL^torv-Charlcmagnc^Orijfin  of  the  word  "  aarfafan  "-Rmlification 
of  Florence-Confusion  of  early  writers  between  Attila  and  TotUa-Tlie  latter  besicpes 
Florence-His  deetls,  death  luid  chanieter-Horence  not  destroyed  by  him-lYoots 
-Attempt  to  reconcile  the  8tory  of  ita  reCditication  with  truth -Saracens  and 
Hunsrarians-Leslie-s  account -Switch  and   Irish  encourajretl  by  Charlemagne 
Learning  revived  in  Italy  by  ;m  Irish  Monk-Charlemajme's  invasion  of  Italy-Its 
am9e»-\stoli)ho,  king  of  the  LombanLs  invades  the  Imperial  states— The  Poik 
dains  aid  from  Pepin,  king  of  Fnince-Cro^-ns  him-Other  favours-Pcpin  van- 
qmshes  Astolpho-Gronts  peace-Second  cxpetUtion  ni  Pepin-Astolphus  again 
vanqul^hed-Donation  of  Pepin  to  the  Chnrch-'nie  extent  of  it-The  Pentapohs 
-\malphi-The  mariner's  Compas*-J^t  insumce  of  temporal  domimon  formaUy 
granted  to  the  bbhopof  Rome-Astolphas  die^Desiderius  succectls-Pope  Stephen 
II.  dies-Pepin  dies-IILn  kingdom  divided-Charles  keep«  1-Yance-Scnds   twch. 
taiAhop^  to  Rome-Tun>in-Charles  marries  the  daughter  of  Desiderius-Carloman 
dies-IIis  states  usurpctl  bv  Charles-IIis  widow  and  children  tly  to  Desidenus 
Pope  Stephen  III.  dies-Adrian  I.  quarrels  >vith  Desiderius,  who  marches  toward^ 
Rome-Adrian  calls  C*harU-s  to  his  aid,  who  dethrones  Desiderius,  and  becomes 
king  of  Italv  -  Is  crowned  Kmperor  by  Pope  Ixo  III.  -  Possible  repeoplinj: 
of  Florence -Conjecture  about   the   walls    in  conjunction    ^rith   the   state  ot 

,    ,  .  Page  25  to  37 

Italv  ...••**•  ^* 


aiAPTER  IV. 

(raoM  A.iK  801  TO  v.i'.  inio.) 

Political  institutions  of  Germany  connected  with  Italy-Farcs-Farones-Barons--6au 

-Graf-Scabini-Centenarii -  SchiOze-Decani— Vassab-  Benefice   -  FHef-Count> 

-Marquisw -Dukes  of  provinces,  or  rectors,  abolished  by  N arses  -  Exarch  ot 

Ravennu-DukeofRome-Tuscanvand  its  cities  governed  by  dukes-Succeede<l 

by  counts-Probuble  encouragement  given  to    Horence-Senate  and  consuLs- 

Carlovignan  n»ce  in  Italr-Dcpwdtion  and  death  of  Charles  the  Fat-Contest  d 

Guido  and  Berenger-Society  dliOCganise<l-Otho  I.-State  of  Italy-He  give^ 

aome  libertv  to  the  dties^-Commeneement  of  the  repubUcs-PoUtical  result*  ot 

Otho's  coronation-Uttle  knoWH"6Tnorence  at  thw  period-Encouraged  by  thi 

Otho»-Eariv  notice  of  its  prosperity- Death  of  Otho  III.-Disputed  succession  f. 

the  Italian  throne-.\rdoiiio  and  Ilenr^- of  l^ivaria -Henry  invades  Italy-Crownc.l 

at  Pavia-Buins  it-Tuscany  submits  to  him-llas  no  marquis- How  divided  by 

the  Romans-Dukes  of  Tuscany- Ik)nif ace  not  the  ancestor  of  Matilda-Hugo  th( 

Great-Ranieri-Matilda's  character  and  poUUcs-Frecdom  in  Lombardy-Spread> 

into  Tuscany-Form  of  the  free  commimities- Authority  of  counts— Their  instruc- 

tioi»-yo  exact  account  of  the  birth  of  free  government  in  norence-Free  citi(- 

of  Tuscanv-Privileges  eede<l,  sold,  or  tolerated-  -Beatrice  seUs  Porcari-Tuscar, 

citie8-^^^lefl'  fiw-Wars  of  Pisa  and  Lucca-Mutual  war  tolerated-Otho  ( 

FVerfngen Page  38  to -.. 


CHAPTER  V. 

(from  A.D.  1010  TO  A.I).   1085.) 

''TestftW  ;:?'''' .''  it-Malespini-rnion  of  the  two  pooples-Some  Fieso- 
bnes  settle  a  Pistoia-scnate  and  Consuls  of  Florence-New  arms-City  enlarged 
and  pahsaded-second  walls  erected -Observations  on  the  Ficsoline  Expedition- 
Muraton  s  opmion-Letter  of  the  Abbot  of  Vallombrosa-Second  attack  of  Fiesole 
-Florence  a  town  of  note  in  the  Eleventh  Century-General  Council  there-The 

and  tumiU  8-Bishop  degraded -Pietro  I^neo-Ordeal  by  fire-Endence  of  Flo 
rentuie  independence -Gregory  Vll.-Council  at  Rome-BuUs  ^aH  L^ 
and  Priests  marnages-Consequent  tumults  in  Germany-Severity  of  the  Pone- 

ZTZ'^f'''~^''T  ^'"-  ^^-^— H-y  IV.  reto'rts-Rolarof 
larma-n  .  boldness-The  Emperor  Henry  IV.  excommunicated  and  deposed- 
Gregory  rehes  on  Matilda  and  others-German  I>rinces  fall  off  from  Henrv-ffis 
abject  submission  at  Cannosa-Pride  and  rigour  of  Gregorv-Begimiinfr  of  nuar 

-Fea^  r  ""xhTcr  f  Xr -^'^^-^  attached  to  Matildfand  the  cCb 
Fears  war -The  eity  fortihcd  -  Second  circuit  of  walls  _ Rodolph  of  Suabii 
acknowleclged  by  (Gregory  as  Emperor-Henry  a^  oxcommunicate<l'and  d e^td 
-Holds  a  Diet  and  deposes  Gregory  in  return-Elects  .m  .intipope-Defeats  and 
kins  Rodolph-I^ats  Matilda-Enters  Italy-Besieges  Florence-Unsute iT^ 
B^ieges  liome  three  times  successively-Is  crowned  bv  Clement  the  Antipope- 
Dnven  from  Rome  by  Guiscard,  who  bums  tlie  ancient  city-Modem  to^- 
Rctreat  and  death  of  Gref:ory  VII.  -Commencement  of  dissensions  at  Horence 
between  Churchists  and  Imperialists       ....  Page  57  to  78 

CHAPTER  M. 

(from  A.I).  1085  TOA.D.  1170.) 

NoAuthorityfornorentine  Independence  beforethcTwelfthCenturr-Relations  between 
the  Empire  and  Italian  States-Royal  Prerogatives- Feudal  Prix-ileges-Otho  I  - 
f^  '  ^^P'-^^^tatives  -  Dignitaries  -  Popular  Governors-Consuls  -  Podesta- 
Otho  of  I-resmgen-  Tributes-Foderum-Parata-Mansionaticum-Frederic  I  - 
Diet  of  Roncaglia-Crcatcs  Podestiis  -  His  Reason -Consequences-Otho  I    en 
coiu^gesthe  Italians  to  serve  kirn -His  re  wards-Titles- Vavasours- Vavasins- 
Meaning  of  these  lltles-I'ri^ileges-King's  Captuns-N%w  nobUity-Feudatories 
-\as.sals-lommi-FedeU-Soivices  due-Three  sorts  of  Dominion-Hereditary 
succession  dimiiashes  Royal  power-Cities  intemaUy  free  in  theElevPnfhr..H,.:. 
-Comage  in  Florence  early-Xattae^Fihilc^Hi^Sr^T-r^^^ 
and  Free  Cities-Like  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonics-MatUda's  last  Acts  in  Flo 
rence-IVst  Act  of  Indei>endence  -Close  of  Regal  power-Davm  of  Libert)--Sie8e 
of  I'mcK-Matiida's  Power-Probably  gave  Florence  its  II^mf-D^ction  of 
f^.!!f~.^'  of  Florentine  Government-  Consuls-Uncertain-Podesta  and 
Council-TScSyv^ntn  lYebbio-Hectors  or  Priors  of  the  Arts-Called  afterwards 
Consuls-Form  a  Chamber  of  Commerce,  &c.-Goveniment  in  1204- Uncertainty 
about  it-Podcsta-WTien  first  intro<luced-Established  with  gieat  power  in  P07 


'T" 


\1V 


CONTENTS. 

-Reaaom  for  it-PagancUo  dc'  Porcari  Podcsti-Natiirc  of  his  Authority-Much 
Ltecuritv  thereon-Supprwsecl  a  whilc-Capitano  del  Popolo  substituted-Podesta 
re^tabiished- Absorbs  aU  State  Aulhority-Anziani-Suspension  of  the  Constitu- 
tion in  times  of  danfjer-Office  of  Podeata  supprensed-The  lluota- Ambition  of 
Florence-Conquests-Oripin  of  Prato-lts  Siej?e-Much  obscurity-Defeat,  death, 
and  mLseryof  Henry  rV.-Henr>'  V.  inltaly-At  Horencc-Crowned  at  Rome- 
Quarrels  with  the  Pope-norence  adheres  to  the  Uittor-More  Aggres»lons-^\  ar 
with  the  Imperial  Vicar-Monte  Cassole-Death  of  Matilda,  and  obser^-atlons  on 
her  Character-Indistinct  accoimts  of  those  times-Fires  in  Florence-Corruption 
of  Manners-Hcresv-Reliffious  tunuUts  -  Dominicans  and  Franci^ans- Their 
dispute  on  the  Immaculate  Conception  -  Epicureans  -  Florentines  respected- 
Guard  Pwa-Porphyry  Columns-Rocca  of  Fiesole  ruined-Disputes  between  its 
Bishop  and  Florence^The  latter  feared  by  her  Neighbours-More  Conquests- Death 
of  the  Emperor  Henry  V.- Lothario  of  Saxony  succeeds  him -Sides  with  the 
Guelphs-Conrad  of  Franconia  in  Italy-Crowneii  at  Monza-ExcommuBicated- 
Retires-Lothario  crowned  at  Rome-Origin  of  Guelphs  and  GhibeUnes-Guelphs 
of  Este  and  Bnmswick-GhibeUnes  once  AUies  of  the  Church  -  Buondehnonte 
reduced-Alliance  with   Pisa- War  in  Tuscany-  l^tween  Siena  and  Florence^ 
Counts  Guido^Senese  Army  captured-Lucca  and  Pisa-Agitated  Condition  ol 
Italy-Cause  of  hate  between  Siena  and  Horencc-- Attack  on  Monte  diCroce-taiis 
-Ai«ao-8econd  Crusade-Cacciaguido-Lothario  dicft-Omrad  III.  succeeils- 
Affidrsof  Germany-Death  of  Conrad-Frederic  Barbarossa-lnion  of  Guelphs  and 
Ghiheline^Monte  di  Croce  destroyetl  -  Enmity  between  Horencc  and  Counts 
Guidi-Account  of  that  Family-War  between  Prato  and  Hstoia-Attack  of  Car- 
nagnano- VnsucceKsful-norence  and  Prato  defeated  by  Pistoia  and  Siena- 
Trwpsof  Fiesol<-I>eath  of  Pope  Adrian  IV.  -Alexander  III.  and  Victor  l\.  elected 
-lYederic  supports  the  latter- Inx-ades  Italy- His  ><n.  rity  -  Destroys  Milan  - 
League  of  Lombardv-Succession  of  Antipopes-Universal  discord-Guelph  and 
Ghibeline  Factions  spread  m  Italy-State  of  Honmce  .  .  Page -9  to  11 4 


CILVPTER  VII. 
(fbom  a.d.  1170  TO  A.».  1200.) 
ReTcngeful  Customs^Arezzo  humbled-The  Emi^^ror  prepares  to  enter  Italy-Peace  iii 
Tuscany  and  Leagues  against  him-Lucca  and  Pistoia  enemies  of  Pisa-The  latter 
closely  aUied  ^ith  Horence-Boldness  of  the  two  latter-Archbishop  of  Mentz 
War  between  Siena  andilorence-Defeat  of  the  Senese-Origin  of  Poggibonzi-And 
CoUe-Peacc  with  Siena-Poggibonzi  dirided-Fires  and  Floods-CiN-U  Discord- 
Bitterness  of  Party-Guolphs  and  Ghibelines-Popc  and  Emperor  reconcUed- 
Death  of  Alexander  HI.-  Peace  m  Florence-Capture  of  Pogna-Peace  between 
Lucca  and  Pisa-Treaty  between  Horence  and  Lueca-Treaty  with  Count  Albert 
of  Prato-Florentine  policy  and  succes*^  Discontent  of  their  Neighbours-Barba- 
raiBa  deprives  Florence  of  her  territory- Forbids  the  purchase  of  Semifontc-Siena 
shuts  her  gates  against  the  Imperial  Army-Death  of  Pope  Lucius  m.-Urban  III.- 
QnarreLs  with  the  Emperor-Marriage  of  Henry  King  of  the  Rom.ms  and  Con- 
stance of  Sicily-Death  of  Urban  III.-Gregory  \Tn.- Accession  of  dement  HI. 
He  preaches  a  third  Crusade-Its  general  effect  on  general  superstition-Zeal  ot 
norence-Territory  restored -Frederic  I.  assumes  the  Cross-Dies  m  the  East- 


CONTENTS. 

XV 

press  a  prisoner-Released  by  T^-r^"!  1*^? '°  °'™™^-'^«  Em- 
Death  of  Tancred-Sicilv  rJnnrT  k  J°<''*'*  ""  Horence-Then  Comuls- 
ftederic  Il.-PhSp  the  kC^S  ^'^"^-^^"-^  evcryb«ly_Birth  of 
Henry  n.-,.hilip',l^tl^^°"^^''"  """'l"'*"  "'  Tuscany-Death  of 
under  Innocent  Ill.-ixature  o  t^l^T^  "^  affairs-League  of  Tuscan  cities 

Chasing  conquered  V^^Xt^'^.ZZ^^:  T' 1^  """""^  ""  -"■ 
Semifonte-San  Miniato  mrl  <ar.  r  ^  Florentines-Failure  before 

CILiPTER  yjU. 
(from  A.D.  1200  to  A.D.  1203.) 

amh,.ion-in^"^:;r:rof'^zrt  ^°r  "'-'^  ■=^-'^'-  -' 

-supports  Tn.^y^lJ^s^L^T'^T''' '""''"''  ^"^- 
Counts-Duties  of  the  old^a»;,e  ""-^°™"™'™«  "'  Tuscany  by  Vicars  and 
•Semifonte-SituaUoL  and  ^oZ'^Z^  aaiUrs-Pr.parations  for  .ar  ^,h 
Sene«intrigue-Declai;i3Tf  "^',^™-"  '<'™»-,  Tom  the  Alberti  by 
-Its  simpUdtr-cTuLTI^Trt  ,         --ePUbUc-Accorso  Pitti-Govermncnt  setUei 

who  ,«rsuades  the  iSTo  sub^r  A^  T       f™"^  "^  '"^  '"*°'' ''""°»'™. 
toe  army  against-stn.n«b  „f    ^  ?  ''""-"-Chiarito  Kgli  leads  a  Floren- 

suburb-siol^L^r  .        u     ,  l"=«<^I^ription  of  it-Florentines  take  a 

cone-His  dete^^ttL^'^^'^^l'I^'^i^"'^^^  "olds  out-Dainello  Jacl 

of  capitulation    iXTtru^^n'o^^^'^'^-'S"^ 

uu  aestruction  of  the  place-Treaty  with  San  Gimignano 

Page  1-H  to  169 

CHAPTER  IX. 

(fhom  a.d.  1203  to  A.I).  1215.) 

ehasi  ^Z  •"""-'"""^  Murlo-Oounts  Guidi  and  Pistoia-Montc  Murlo  pur 
^^Z,  "f  «™;«'»"«™-J-Ionsy  Of  Florence-<^nseq„ent  quZ,  S 
o^e^f!^      rogpbonn-Discontent  and  troubles  at  Siena-^unte  of  Canrafa 

SenescTM  J  w      «  Montepulciano-Horence  succours  it  and  beats  the 

^^d^«M  ^."^    """'  ■•"■■i^a"''- War  continued  successfully  by  Rorcl 

Su^^f^^rZ 'r    V  Z'^''  f  "^  '>«'™=«°-Affairs  of  Germanv- 

KomanslSeVof^l^ntrp  "'    "'T *"*  '"^  ''"P^*"'  '^^  "'  *^ 

at  Rome-O^,  ;.    ,     "^f  "-""'o  Emperor-Joy  of  the  Italian  Guelphs-Cro«-ned 

Rom^uarrels  with  Pope  Innocent  ni.-Attacks  the  KingdL  of  Sicily- 


^^j  CONTENTS. 

and  Ghibelinc  chanRC  ,id<^rte<lcnc  rcimirs  to  Rome,  ^'^^  J   ^ 

cro^.e.1  .t  Ai..U.XhapeIl^Km.  of  the  I^-^^-^,"  ;^^^^^^  ,„ 

the  Frenoh-Dic,  at  Uartybur^-ftdoric  cro.iiod  Kmg  "f  '«™^    ^    ^  J„^. 

Albigeota-Paubcuuu,  and  ''"'^""'rj^l'; '"■,rZo,fca6.  and  decUnc  of  thta  «ct 
Italy-ln  Roroncc-San  P.ero  Martiro-Tumuto    Dcloatt  ^   ^.^^j^arrcU 

in  norcnc<^I>cath  of  San  I'icro  MaiO«-S,pmt  of  '■«"»"'"  j!"  rt^«lr.*l  »< 
of  Churoh  and  Empitc  no.  indifferent  to  the  ".7""-«y^;  ,'„^^_^Xn  oH 
C«cpi-Buon..ohnom^rronu^  T^^fthrt^i-  ^^and  its  <on^- 
for  a  dan.^1  of  the  Don=>ti-In.bgnat.on  of  the  .^.d  ^l^.  "^"^  ^^„,i„„  „, 
q«n<«-Cuelph5  and  ObibeUne,  m  Horenco-Tbc  c,t>  diudcd  wn^  ^_^  ^^  ^,  , 
these  troubles      ..•••"* 

CHAPTER  X. 
(raOM  A.D.  1215  TO  A.IJ.   U'«'l-) 

Reflections-^tato  of  non.ncc-Cn.sad.^Chamctor  and  ""»«<" "°'^^*f  j^^. 
Pie™  della  Vip.a-.luarrel  of  Horentine  and  P..m  ^'"^f^;' "^^  ™X- 
<,„cnec-numihtyofHoren«.  and  pride  of  P«a-Battle  »' ^'^  '^J'^riH„„ 
Lines  ™toriou..-Other  mUiurr  opemion^lmnp.e.  of  E«n.e  and  opp^mo 
of  Frederic  and  the  M«a.^Fir,t  h..tle  of  Melona  and  -'''•J  "' *;;;;^'^ ,,, 
Death  of  Oregon-  IX.  and  Celctmc  lV.-Accei»ion  of  Innoeent  I\ .  ■••"'J'^'"!^ 
^rldTon-Call,  a  CouneU  to  dep<^  Fr«lerie-^^■ho  ^'--^^'"'^^l 
Cr  t>oeeiallT  in  Horence-Civil  »ar  there    l;.ul^  by  the  expulsion  of  th< 
G^e'r^Xft^^o  M^-m'»  oh^ules-External  eonflict,  ^tb  theGuelpb. 
rrXc  eomes  to  TnTany- Capture  of  Capraia-Cruel  n>e.t.ure5-Barban^.  o 
1   he  GMbeC:iDi^ntent'«f  the  "o-tine,-Revo,«tton-Ne.org3n.^^n 
;  p,vemn>ent-PodStV;fepS^d-Tbir.y^L.  P-"™""-^"  .•'"'^^"°,", 
Tcaptain  of  the  l>«,pl.^MiUt;.ry  „rpu>i^tion-€ine  ""'I""''^*"'"*^"^™ 
liLue-^ionf:donieri-New  pubUe  Palace -DemoUtion  of  tower^^^  all>  be,on.l 
Ar^Moderation  of  the  p.H,pl,^-I)i»tribuUon  of  the  nuhtary  """^J'-^^^^'J;; 
i^Weapon,-Carroecio-It.  u.*.  invention,  xe.-Martmella  ,.hat--forn>  ..„ 
jarms-  '"Po  Frederic-ReeonciUation  of  parties  and  recall  ..t 

^:^«  "u^cTwar  I^Hstoia-Opp.-.  by  Ghihelines^Their  e.puU 
•  S^*s;^Jrdof  Horenee  altered  by  Guclphs-Kxtema.  war  of  the  ob>^hr.e,,. 
^t,«  with  Lucea,  tienoa,  »x.-Vig„rous  war- Deleat  ot  the  Lueehes^-Ke- 
UevTbv  the  norentines-Victory  over  the  victors  a.  Po-^f  "-':^,^'''"  T,. 
Wareontinued-Volterra  taKen-Pcoce  with  Pi^-Year  of  -to^-^n,uwuo 
bcftun-Conrad  arrives  in  Italy-War  between  kirn  ;ind  the  Poix^-Conrad  s  dMl 
^^Guelpb-Peace  with  Slena-Brunetto  Latini-Prospenty  and  qmei  -i 
norence-lncrease  of  territory-Revolution  atArezzo-Hne  <«'«"|"  «' ™'™" 
Z^  of  Naples-spreiuls  a  report  of  hi,  nepheW.  death  and  »  elected  lun. 
S^«hens  his  inlluence  in  Tuseany-Pi«.  makes  war-Is  soon  rcdueed-Ald- 
S^Tttl^o-^^hibeUne  spirit  revHves-IX.fen«s  of  Po.^W.  rumed-- 
\  success  of  the  democratic  govemment-Uiseontent  o.  th.  I  ^'"-T^™  "l"'^" 

'  with  Manfred-InsurreeUon  and  expulsion- Abbot  of  Vallombrosa  behead..! 


CONTENTS. 


xvu 


ZflZl^^  i^terdict-^toaeterof  the  g»vemme»t-De,tntcti„n  of  GWbe- 
q^L    r^~^f  walls-Mena  receives  the  e-xfles-Remonstrances-War  with 

^ous..  ...  .ena-T.e ^^:^^^:::^^::^^^ 

l^rti-German  prowess-Consequences-Sally  of  the  besieged-ReTement  of 
Florentxnes^perations  of  Senese-Intrigues  of  Farinata  and  leG^^ZZl^ 
bTv  ofX  r  T:''  n''""'  ^"  consequence-An  expedition  detemiLT-lSm- 
Guelphic  ami) -Consternation  at  Horcnce     .  .  .  Page  194  to  253 

CILVPTER  XI. 

(from  A.I).  12C0  TO  A.D.    1282.) 

Consequenees  of  the  battle  of  Montenperto-Flight  of  the  Guelphie  families  to  Lucca- 
^or^iee^cupied  by  t,ie  GhiboUne  aiw-Measures  of  gov'enuuent-^Sto 

^tt^::;^!?"  "^T^-^'^  ''^^'^'^  ^'  ^^^-^«-  proposed-F^ata's 
^^aof  Tu'  T  ""'  "ty-GuidoNoveUo  Vicar-General  ]n  Tuscany-The 
LTZ?  T'Tr  T'''"""^''^''  Guelphs-Ghibelines  paramount  in  iiseany 
al^T  Z%    /^^^^-^^^"^  «f  P°P«  Alexander  IV.-Aecession  of  Urban  iT- 

GueloL  S  7^  7  °'  '''  ''"''  ''  Conradine-Its  ill-success-FlorenL 
GuelnWc^r  '^°"^^^^^^-I'^^^^«  ^tween  it  and  Florence-Adventures  of  the 
Gudph^c  gentlemen-Arezzo  reduced-Intrigues  of  Pope  Urban  IV.-Offers  Naples 

t^^2..  'i'l  '''"'"  ''  ^^^"'  "^°  ^^^^P^  it^haraeter  of  the 

ThT,      r         T'"  "'  ^«°^^I>^ath  of  Urban-Accession  of  Qement  IV.- 

^^e  iL  To'    .""'^n^J^^^^^^^  '''  war-Florentine  Guelphs  volunteer  to 
Z7n^~^    J^"^""'"^'  ^^''""'^  ^^^'^^  ^^"^^  ^'  Rome-Guelphic  gentle- 

Gnmdella- Manfred's  character-IncUgnities  offered  to  his  corpse-Alarm  of  the 
Ghibehnes-State  of  Tuscany-Of  Florence-Changed  significTtion  of  the  part^ 
names-Agitation  in  Horence-PYati  Gaudenti-CouncU  of  Thirty-six-Reforms- 
supenor  Arts-Mibtary  organisiition-Timidity  of  Guido  XovcUo-Nobles  prepare 
formsurreetion-Attack  the  people-Are  repulsed-Guido's  panic-Retires  from 
norence  to  Prato-Attempts  to  retuin-UnsuceessM-Ghibelines  disperse-Re- 
r hTr        r  ^"""""7  ^"^**^^^  °f  the  Anziani-General  amnesty-Guelphs  and 
GhibeUBesrehuTi-Satisfaction  of  the  people-New  agitation  and  alarm-bharles 
of  Anjou  s  pohcy-Com^dine's  preparations-Pope  Clement  appoints  Charles  Vicar 
of  Tuscany-Troops  sent  there-The  Ghibelines  retke-Eight  hundred  French 
bnghts  mnoronco-Bitter  war  against  the  Ghibelines-St.  EUerc^Sierof^^gt 
bonzi  by  Charles- War  continued-Indemnification  to  the  Guelphs-Tribunal  of 
the  party  Guelph-Guelphic  League  organised-Lordship  of  Florence  offered  to 
Charles  for  ten  years-Accepts  it  in  part-Reform  of  the  Constitution-Buoniuomini 
-^  «ious  legislative  councils-Constitution  of  the  party  Guelph-Charles's  power 
--Affairs  of  Rome-Don  Ilemr  of  CastUe-His  revenge  against  Charles-Revolts  - 
Coaradme  amves  at  Pisa-French  detachment  defeated-<:onradine  arrives  at 
Rome-Invades  Naples-Is  beaten  at  TagUacozzo^Taken  prisoner-Beheaded  at 
Naples-Death  of  Clement  IV.-Senc«e  beaten  near  Colle-Restoration  of  Senesc 
^OL.    I.  ^ 


I 


\  ^ 


/ 


II 


XVlll 


CONTENTS. 


CONTEXTS. 


/ 


Guelphs— .Several  of  the  XJberti  taken  and  executed— Murder  of  an  English  prince 
at  Viterbo  —  Ghibclines  still  unquiet — Poggibonzi  destroyed — Charles's  great 
power— The  House  of  Suabia  extinct — Gregory  X.  Pope — Opposes  Charles— Tries 
to  paci^  Italy,  especially  Florence — Arrives  there  with  Charles — Assembly — Paci- 
fication—Arts  of  Charles— Ghibelines  retire — Pope  retires  in  anger— Council  of 
Lyon — Rodolph  of  Hapsburg  emperor— ^Vffairs  of  Bologna — Of  Pisa  —  Count  Ugo- 
lino — Gregory  passes  through  Florence — His  death— Accession  of  Innocent  V.— His 
death— Adrian  V. — John  XXI.— Nicholas  III.— His  able  conduct — State  of  Flo- 
rence—XIardinal  Latino  sent  to  pacify  the  city— Endeavours  to  fulfil  his  mission- 
Reforms  in  consequence— Tranquillity — Fears  of  the  Emperor — PoUcy  of  Florence- 
Death  of  Nicholas — Charles  recovers  power — Menaces  the  Conclave — Martin  IV. 
elected- His  subservience  to  Charles— Power  and  ambition  of  the  latter — Discon- 
tent of  Sicily— Cruelly  oppressed  by  Charles— John  of  Procida— Organises  a  revolt- 
Peter  of  Aragon — Sicilian  vespers — Their  consequences — The  French  lose  Sicily— 
Aftaurs  of  Romagna— Guido  of  Montcfeltro— Conduct  of  Florence — Internal  re- 
forms-Measures for  preserving  the  i)eace  of  the  city— Ci^ic  Guard  of  one  thousand 
men— New  Guelphic  League— New  form  of  Government— Nobles  comi)eUed  to 
bdong  to  a  trade— Endeavours  to  estabUsh  equality— Institution  of  Priors  of  the 
Arts— Their  state,  dignity,  and  duties— Effects  of  this  reform     .     Page  254  to  307 


CHAPTER  XII. 
(FMM  A.D.  1282  TO  A.D.  1292.) 

Tranquillity  of  Florence— Charles  arrives  there— Gaiety  of  the  place— Piaa— Her  power  - 
Connexion  with  Florence,  Genoa,  and  Venice— War  between  Genoa  and  Pisa- 
Second  battle  of  Meloria— Disastrous  to  Pisa— War  with  Florence  and  Lucca— Count 
I'golino^s  peace  with  Florence— Prince  Charles  of  Naples  made  prisoner  by  Loria- 
Charles's  effort**  to  retrieve  his  affairj^— Death  of  Charles— Death  of  Martin  TV.— Ac- 
cession of  Uonorius  IV.— Tranquillity  of  Horcncc— Reforms— Nobles  further  curbtd 
—Third  and  last  circuit  of  wall»— Architectural  improvements— Pisan  affairs— Im- 
phjionHicnt  and  death  of  Count  Ugolino  and  his  sons— Justice  and  mode  of  exe- 
cuting it  at  Horence— Domestic  laws — Arezzo  agitated— Bishop  Guglielmino— 
Guelphic  League  renewed— Revolutions  at  Areazo— War  between  Florence  and 
Arezzo— Prospects  of  each  party— Great  power  of  the  Bishop— Florentines  invade 
Arezzo  and  insult  the  city— Senese  defeated  at  Picve  del  Toppo  by  the  Aretines— 
Conjunction  of  Pisa  and  Arezzo  discomposes  Horence — War  with  Pisa — Active 
war&re  in  the  Arezzo  territory- Invasion  of  the  Florentine  states  in  return— Dis- 
aftction  in  Horence — Count  Guido  of  Montcfeltro  commands  the  Pisans — Prince 
Charles  liberated — Conditions — Consequences — Charles  arrives  at  Horence — Joiib 
the  Pope— His  afCiirs  settled— War  continued  with  Arezzo— Negotiations  with  the 
Bhhop— Fail— The  army  advances  into  the  Casentino— Battle  of  Campaldino  and 
defeat  of  the  Aretines— Its  effect*— Arezjso  invested— Is  well  defended— Florentine  I 
army  retire*— Enters  Florence  in  triumph— War  still  carried  on  against  Pisa— 
DOHiMtic  affairs— Discontent  of  the  Citizens  about  the  cost  of  the  war-Arti 
Minori— Prosperous  and  joyous  state  of  Florence— Two  foreign  events  dis- 
turb it      Page  308  to  341 


\LY 


CHAPTER  Xin. 

State  Of  norene^lnsolencf  :;V;;::;:  IT  ''''' 

-ciety-Giano  della  Bella  resolves  to  e^~^^^^^  necessary-Different  ranks  of 
the  peopl^rdinances  of  Just  cZ^^^'ni '  rT'^r'^  -^-ures-Assembles 
Giano  excites  the  jealousy  of  lll^^^ft^"^:^  ^^^^^^^^^ 

honest  and  faiLs-Cabals  against  Wm-l^^rS  '"T^'^  ''^''  '''^"^'^  i«  too 
quiet  the  peopl^i^  deseited  by  hHieSTld^;'^  Bonati-^iano  attempts  to 
famdy  persecuted-state  of  the  cu/dmS'.Thl  ^"^^"^^''^  ""^  ^"'  ^^  ^^^ 
mercial  relations-Increase  of  terrfto  "  T  ^^^nts-Affait^  of  Pisa-^^om- 

Death  of  Rodolph  of  IIapsburg-GrrmST^^''T'''*'~^'^  ^^^^  ^on^^n- 
<^e V.-Accessionof  BoUce  vill-^^^^^  ^^^^^^^^«^«  IV.-Of  Celes- 

The  nobles  discontented-Assembled  t^'/l"^!;' '^"^^^^^^ 
established-Preventive  measZatti^^tZ^r  war  threatened-Peace  re- 
of  the  people-The  towns  of  srcTv^^  ^^^C    .TJ'^  ^^^^^^^  ^^  ^he  rank. 
Pazzi  and  t-balcUni-.^sistancrsemt^Z^.  '''''  franco  founded  to  curb  the 
built-State  of  the  RepubUe     .  ^^'  "^^^  Ferrara-Palazzo  Vecchio 

Page  342  to  3C4 

CILIPTER  XI\'. 

■ana  attacks  Cor«  Donati-fi^^tal^Z  ,  "^'""'''^■'  '""■n-Guido  Cava). 

and  Neri-Anarchy  at  Pi.uS^^^^f"'^  P«.ciaticW-Origi„  of  Bia.,chi 
Chiefe  0,  raotion  «ilcd  to  «otn  "efvM  b^TT '^"^ '""'^  ^^■■— 

•put  m  St  Trinita-The  Pope  in^fcri^™;    *"'"'"■  '^"^'^''-Ptet  bl«Kl 
peac-CMcfe  Of  both  factL  baSwltZ^r^ ''"""^'^ '»  ""^•' 

Com  Donati  and  the  Ncri  at  Rome-Bim^S  i„  ,>,         Cavalcanti-lntrigues  of 
L«cca-Ca«.,ucci„  Ca«tracani-Xrl^Tf  Vall    ''  "'™'^'  "  Pfetoia-Neri  a, 
resolved  on  at  Iloreneo-Dino^C^^a'r  ""^'^  «  «^-^-H«  reeeption 
PubUc  agitation-Wea)me«  ofZ^^^'''^  ""^'^  ^"'""^Sis  coT,i^,t^ 

deeds-Curious  appearance  u,  il^Z^CmZ^X''  "'"™  "'"™-"'' 
oeedmgsofValois-Acquaspartaagai^  ar^tlZf  T"''^'^'"^  ""- 
Leaves  the  citj-  mterdiCed-Valoi,'  extorfZ  ?  '*!«='^-"^er-Partly  succeeds- 
«f  Niccolo  de-  archi  and  Simone  I^natSw' t"'  '^'""^  "'  ""^  """"es-DeatU 
■nent  of  the  Bianchi-Dante-Pe^^^-lr'Tf'  '"'^  '^''^  ^  •«>U»h. 
Faa-H,«,ffitie,  u,  other  p.rJZ^^t  ''  '*'"  "'  "^^  '*"'  '"-«'-- 
the  Bianehi  u.  Mugello-^^„r^^J„'^„^«"'*-t'nBuccessfuI  expedition  of 

Ghibeline  of  the  white  factta^-virat"™^'!^^  T" '*"'<*■"='«'""' »" 
DonaUdissatisfled-Disturbsthecit,^^'"?  °'*^^™  »  Mcgna-a,„«, 
Lncchese  arrive  and  restore  orderI(^T/'™  ^*  'be  Bishop-Anarchv- 
PartlysuccessM-BaiBodbvtheNcri-RM^,  ^  """^  "^  Peace-maker- 
Horence-IIis  refonn^i^™  nt^en^'^L^,^!!;^'"'"""*-'^'-™'  •» 

^   ^"iieroicted-Civilwar  recommences- 


►i 


X3L  CONTENTS. 

Chiefs  of  &ctk»— Battles— Bianchi  at  ftnit  succeed- Ncri  Abati  fires  the  town— 
ImmeiMe  destruction- Artificial  fire- The  Cavalcanti  driven  away— Alarms  of  the 
citizens— The  Pope's  anger— Neri  chiefs  summoned  to  Perugia— Arts  of  the  car- 
dinal of  Prato -Assembly  of  Ghibelincs  at  Lastra— They  attack  Horencc,  fail,  and 
retreat  with  loss— Impotence  of  the  government— PodcstA  quits  norccce  in  disgust 
—Provisional  magistrates- Stinche  etptured-IMsons— Robert,  duke  of  Calabria, 
commands  the  FtorentiBes— Siege  of  Hstoia- Robert  retires,  but  leaves  his  troops 
before  Pistoia— Horenline  cruelty -Luccheee  and  Horentines  excommunicated— 
iiii%i8im.  of  the  I»istoians  -They  surrender— Its  defences  destroyed— Oppressions 
—New  tax  at  Horena^Cardinal  Orsini— Assembles  a  Gliibeline  army  at  Arezzo— 
Florentines  march— Their  retreat  —  Dbpersion  of  the  Gliibeline  forces— The 
legate  retires  -  Refbrms  —  Companies  re-establi«hetl  -  Reguktions  —  Executor 
of  the  ordinances  of  justice  created  —  New  appellation  of  the  people  —  The 
clergy  taxed  —  Consequent  commotion  —  Power  of  the  Badia  lowered  —  Other 
ngulationa Page  365  to  404 


OIAPTER  XV. 

(PBOM  A.l>.   1308  TO  A.D.    1317.) 

Rain,  obstinate  resistance,  and  death  of  Corso  Donati— His  character  by  ^Tllani- 
Macchiavelliand  IMno  Compagni— Arezzo— Vguecione  dello  Faggiok)and  the  green 
party— Peace  with  Florence— Tarlati  return— War  recommenced— Disturbance  at 
Prato— vSuppressed— W«  lad  dtrastation  in  the  Arezzo  territory— Oppression  of 
Pistoia— Brave  and  sneeeeaM  reristancc  of  the  citizens  favoured  by  Florence- 
Death  of  Azzoof  Este,  and  quarrel  between  Rome  and  Venice— Florence  aids  the 
Pope,  and  is  abaolred— Robert  of  Calabria  succeeds  to  the  crown  of  Naples— Death 
of  Albert  of  Anatria,  and  its  eontHqaencea— Intrigues  of  the  Pope  and  French 
King  for  the  imperial  throne— Ilenry  of  Luxembourg  elected  emperor  by  the  Pope's 
advice-— Ilis  high  pretensions  and  arriviU  in  Italy— Conduct  of  the  Italian  states— 
Guelphic  league— Visconti  and  Torriani  of  MiUm— Henry's  conduct— Reforms  every 
gtate— Vindicates  the  imperial  authority— Is  crowned  at  Milan— Endeavours  to  be 
impartial— Tumult  at  Milan— Treachery  of  the  \wconti— Defeat  and  exile  of  the 
Torriani— Other  cities  revolt— All  suppressed  but  Brescia— Siege  of  that  place- 
Gallant  defence  —  Noble  conduct  of  Teobaldo  Bru^ati  -  Cruelty  of  Ilenry— 
Retaliation- The  city  capitulates— Discord  at  Genoa— Ilenry  made  sovereign  of 
that  city  for  twenty  years— Negotiations  with  Naples— Broken  off— War,  and  Rome 
occupied  by  Prince  John  — The  Guelphic  league  active  —  Henry's  messenger 
assaulted  at  Lastn  and  Bologna— They  retire  U)  the  counts  Guido— Establish  an 
imperial  court  at  Civetella,  and  summon  aeveral  cities— Florence  and  other  placc^ 
dMregard  it— Are  citetl  before  it  with  severe  penalties— The  Emperor  arrives  at 
Pii«— Confidence  of  the  Pisaas- Marches  to  Rome— Is  partly  unsuccessful  there, 
and  crowned  in  the  Lateran  instead  of  the  Vatican— Retires  to  Tivoli— Marches  to 
Tnacany— Florentines  march  to  oppose  him— Stopped  at  Incisa— Manoeuvres  and 
cuts  them  off  from  Ilorence— That  city  invested— Terror  and  determination  oi 
the  citizens— R<enforcement««  arrive  from  every  part— Failure  of  the  cnterprL'«t 
Imperial  army  retires  to  Casciano—Poggibonzi— Florentine  policy  and  intrigues 
Heavy  taxes— State  of  parties  in  Florence— Death  of  Rosso  della  Tosa- Betto 
Bnmeldchi  and  Fazzino  Pazzi— Tumults— Condemnations— The  Cavalcanti  exilctl 


CONTENTS. 


XXI 


— Ftineral  of  Corso  Donati— Dino  Compagni's  Invective  against  his  countrymen- 
Emperor  removes  to  Pisa  — His  proceedings  there  -  Condemns  Florence  and 
Robert  of  Naples— Marches  southward,  and  suddenly  dies  at  Buoueonvento— His 
character  — Remarks  on  the  conduct  of  Florence  dui-ing  these  transactions- 
Mercenary  soldiers— Catalans-Incipient  decay  of  military  ardour  in  Rorence— 
Henry's  death  alarms  Pisa-Uguccione  della  Faggiola  made  tbeir  general-His  rapid 
success-Overtures  of  peace  from Ilobcrt-Acceptcd-Great  iwwcr  of  Robert-Uguc 
clone's  intrigues  and  ambition— Some  account  of  him— Prosecutes  the  war  with 
vigour-Peace  with  Lucca,  and  rccal  of  the  GUibeline  exiles,  with  Castruccio 
Castracani  at  their  head-Gets  i)os8ession  of  Lucca-Immense  booty-Florence 
alarmed-Picro,  count  of  Gravina,  arrives  from  Naples-His  great  popularity— 
Uguccione's  progress-Prince  of  Taranto  arrives  at  Horence  with  rcenforcements- 
Siege  and  battle  of  Montecatini— Defeat  of  the  Florentines— Their  firm  conduct— 
FacUons  in  Horence-Pino  and  Simone  della  Tosa-Dismissal  of  the  royal  vicar- 
Landod'AgobbioBargello-Uis  cruelty  and  power- Deplorable  condition   of  the 
citizens— Guido  of  BattifoUe  appointed  vicar- Paralysed  by  the  adverse  party- 
Robert  made  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  town-SandJ  dismissed-Lordship 
of  Florence  extended  for  throe  years  to  Robert— Constitutional  changes— Walls  of 
Florence  eompleted-Familios  reconciled-Taxation- Affairs  of  Pisa— Uguccioni's 
tyranny- Discontent  of  the  people-Secret  negotiations  for  peace— Treaty  concluded 
against  I'guccione's  wiU-His  conduct  in  conseiiuence-Banducci  Buonconte  and 
his  son  put  to  death-Reforms  to  court  popularity-DLscontent-Plots  T\-ith  Lucca 
-Castruccio  Castracani-IIis  power-Conduct-Imprisonment-Ugxiccione  goes  to 
Lucca  to  execute  him-Insurrection  at  Pisa-At  Lucca  the  same  day-Castruccio 
liberated,  and  Uguccione  and  his  son  driven  from  Lucca  and  Pisa— Castracani 
made  Lord  of  Lucca Page  405  to  451 

CIL\PTER  X\l. 

(from  A.D.  1317   TO  A.D.   1326.) 

Peace  of  Tuscany-  State  of  Genoa-Lombard  GhibeUnes-Ferrara-Florence— Adminis- 
tration of  Count  Ciuido- G.  Villani  — One  of  the  Priors— Public  improvements- 
King  Robert's  authority  renewed -He  goes  to  Genoa-Siege  of  Genoa— Discon- 
tinued by  the  GhibeUnes  -Robert  goes  to  France— Siege  recommenced— State  of 
Italy— Guelphs  and  Ghibelincs.— Their  various  views— Policy  of  Florence— Inter- 
feres in  I^mbard  wars— Met  by  Matteo  Visconti— Castruccio  Castracani— Power 
and  views  of  the  GhibeUnes-Guclphsof  Tuscany-Castruccio's  progress  at  Lucca- 
Listens  to  VLsconti— Breaks  the  i>cace  with  Rorence— His  inroads— Genoa— Second 
siege— Castruccio  marches  towards  Genoa— Is  forced  to  return  by  the  Horentines 
— Malespmi  assisted— Florentines  retire  before  Castruccio,  who  ravages  their  terri- 
tory—Discontent and  reforms  in  Horence— The  College  of  Buoniomini  created 
—Lordship  of  Robert  ceases— Observations  on  it— Death  of  Dante— VUlani's  cha- 
racter of  him— Walls  of  Florence-Affairs  of  Pistoia— The  dread  of  Castruccio's 
power  increases  — Revolutions  at  Pisa  and  Castruccio's  intrigues— Constructs  a 
fortified  palace  at  Lucca  -  Horence  sends  troops  to  Lombardy-Preparations  to 
crush  Castruccio-Defection  of  Jacopo  Fontabuona-Its  effect  on  Horence -Cas- 
truccio renews  his  inroads-Invests  Prato-Florence  arms  in  its  defence-Decree 
m  favour  of  the  exiles-March  to  Prato-Castruccio  retires-Contention  in  camp 


^1 


i 


xxu 


CONTENTS 


CONTENTS. 


XXlll 


and  city— Discontent  of  the  nobles— Tumixlts  at  Florenco— The  army  advances  to 
Fucecchio — The  exiles  attempt  to  enter  Florence,  but  fail— Their  just  complaints- 
Aided  by  the  noble«i— Plot  and  second  attempt  of  the  exiles  baffled  —  Result — 
New  method  of  accusation— Great  power  of  the  nobles— Reforms  of  companies— 
Citti  di  Castello  lost  —  State  of  Florence— Change  in  the  mode  of  appointing  the 
Seignory  from  election  to  lot — Imhorsozione — Squittino — Remarks  on  the  change — 
Siamondi  quoted— Castruccio's  intrigues  at  Pisa— He  attacks  Fucecchio,  but  is  at 
last  repulsed— Florence  makes  levies  in  France  — New  Gudphic  League— Affairs 
of  Lombardy— Defeat  of  Cardona  there— Pisan  fleet  beaten— They  lose  Sardinia— 
Carmignano  taken  by  Count  Novello — Revision  of  the  Borse — All  the  magistracies 
made  subject  to  the  new  mode  of  appointment— French  cavalry  arrive— Castruccia 
about  Pistoia— Filippo  de'  Tedici's  intrigues— Gives  Pistoia  to  Castruccio  for  10,0(K> 
florins  — Consternation  of  the  Horentines — Ramondo  di  Cardona  arrives  and  is 
made  Generalissimo  of  the  Florentine  army—  Fine  army  equipped— Its  strength 
—Marches  to  Pistoia  and  insults  Castruccio  there— Invests  Tizzano— Passes  the 
Gusciano— Takes  Cappiano,  Monte  Falcone,  and  Altopascio — Castruccio  quits  Pis- 
toia to  oppose  Cardona— Reenforces  his  army  and  position  —  Dissensions  in  the 
army  and  Florence— Cardona's  views  and  deceit— The  army  advances— Castruccio 
demands  aid  from  Visconti— Cardona  attempts  the  hills— Is  opposed  and  repulse<l 
by  Castruccio,  who  deceives  him— Azzo  Visconti  arrives  at  Lucca — Cardona  retreats 
to  Altopascio— Castruccio  repairs  to  Lucca— Rejoins  the  army— Skirmishes  with 
Cardona  until  Visconti  joins— Battle  of  Altopascio  and  defeat  of  the  Florentines- 
Its  effects— Castruccio  ovemms  the  Florentine  territory— Insults  the  city— Coins 
money  at  Signa— Lamentable  state  of  Florence— Its  exertions  for  defence— Castruc- 
cio's  triumph— He  returns  to  Signa— Besieges  Montemurlo— Ravages  the  countr)- 
—Insults  Horence  —  Helpless  state  of  the  Republic— The  lordship  of  the  state 
given  to  the  Duke  of  Calabria— Comlitions      .  .  .  Page  452  to  491 


CIL\PTER  XVII. 

(from  A.D.  1326  TO  A.D.  1329.) 

Pierre  de  Narsi,  General  of  Florence,  attempts  the  life  of  Castruccio— Detected— French 
troops  dismissed— Castruccio  ravages  Pesa  and  Greve— Insults  Florence — Destroys 
Signa— Proposes  to  swamp  the  plain  of  Florence— Devastations— Pierre  de  Narsi's 
intrigues— Made  prisoner— Executeil  byCastruccio— Despair  of  Florence— The  Duke 
of  Athens  arrives  with  troops  as  Vicar  of  the  Duke  of  Calabria— Claims  great  power 
—Pope's  Legal.— Castruccio's  letter  to  him— Offers  of  peace  —  Charles  Duke  ot 
Calabria  at  Siena— His  intrigues  there— Demands  on  Florence — Arrival  at  Florenct 
with  a  large  army— Her  great  resources  —  The  troops  inactive  —  Charles  assumc< 
the  whole  authority— Favoured  by  the  nobles— But  holds  to  the  people— Signi 
fortified— Malespini  enters  Lunipiana— Florentines  co-operate  —  Mamignano  an(' 
Gavignano  revolt— Castruccio  bafties  all— Disappointment  of  Florence — Castruccio'- 
acts— New  demands  on  Florence— Their  discontent— Fear  of  Lombard  Ghibelines- 
They  invite  the  Emperor  to  Italy— His  affairs— Assembly  of  Ghibelines  at  Trent 
The  Pope  condemned— Affairs  at  Florence— Estimo  tax—  Florentine  cheerfulne? 
—Affairs  of  Pisa— Of  Lucca— Conspiracy  fostered  by  Florence— Discovered  by  Cas- 
truccio— Pimishment  of  the  Quartigiani — Siege  of  Santa  Maria  a  Monte — Capturt 
of  .\rtimino— Army  recalled  to  Florence— Emperor's  progress  in  Italy— Affairs  c 


Lucca  and  Pisa-Disgust  of  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo-Siege  of  Pisa-Capitulation- 
Influence  of  Castruccio-Made  Duke  of  Lucca-Departure  of  the  Emperor  Louis  for 
Rome-Of  the  Duke  of  Calabria  from  Florence-Of  Castruccio  from  Lucca-Em- 
peror  at  \^terbo-His  coronation-Fall  of  Hstoia-Castruccio's  anger  and  quick 
retum-His  grandeur  at  Rome-ffis  absence  felt  by  the  Emperor  who  tyrannises 
there— Castruccio  takes  possession  of  Hsa— Reduces  Pistoia— His  great  power- 
Death  of  Galeaxzo  Visconte— Death  and  character  of  Castruccio  —  His  death  fore- 
told-Joy  at  Florence— Affairs  of  the  Emperor— Meditated  siege  of  Horence-Her 
Energy-Louis  at  Pisa-At  Lucca-Mutiny  of  eight  hundred  of  his  troops-Death 
of  Charles  of  Calabria-Sentiments  of  the  Florentines-Reform  of  their  Consti- 
tution-The  ancient  Councils  abolished-CouncU  of  the  People-Common  Council 
—Popularity  of  this  reform— Reflections         .  .  .  Page  492  to  530 

CIIAI'TER  XVIIL 
(from  a.i>.  1329  TO  13.36.) 
War  vigorously  pursved  against  Pisa  and  the  Emperor— His  plot  in  norence— Fails- 
Cruel  punishments— New  laws— Exasperation  of  Florence— Affairs  of  Louis  and 
Lucca-Azzo  Visconte  at  Milan-The  emperor  loses  ground— Lucca  offered  for  sale 
to  Florence-Rcjccted-Confirms  her  supremacy  over  Pistoia,  and  the  league  of 
Val-de-Nievole-Pisa  recovers  her  libcrt^'-Marco  Visconte  at  Florence-Lucca 
again  offered  to  Florence-Again  rejected  by  faction-Marco  proceeds  to  Milan- 
His  murder-Pisa  buys  Lucca-Cheatcd-War  continued-Peace-Lucca  a  third 
time  offered  to  Florenc<--Ref used-Patriotic  acts  of  certain  private  citizens- 
Lucca  sold  to  Gherordino  Spinola—Villani's  opinion  of  these  ti-ansactions-«eraveUe 
occupied  by  Florence-Siege  of  Montecatini-Louis  attempts  to  get  Bologna-Is 
baffled  by  Florence-Siege  of  Lucca  by  the  Horcntines-Mutiny-Siege  raised- 
Spinola  seUs  Lucca  to  John,  king  of  Bohemia-Horentine  territoi^  ravaged  by  his 
troops-Spinola  retires  in  disgust  from  Lucca-King  Jokn's  arrival  and  rapid  pre- 
gress  in  Italy— Requests  Florence  not  to  molest  Lucca— Refused— The  Pope,  his 
Legate,  and  King  John,  in  concert— Their  secret  views— The  Legate's  quarrel 
with  Florence— His  power  augments— Pistoia  completely  subjected-Pisa  demands 
her  aid  and  is  succoured— The  Ubaldini  submit  to  her-Firenzuola  founded— 
Affairs  of  Lombardy-Successors  of  Cane  della  Scala-King  of  Bohemia  returns  to 
Germany-League  of  both  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  against  him  and  the  legate 
Bertram  de  Poiet— Objects  of  the  league-John  at  Turin  with  a  French  army- 
Legate  defeated  at  FeiTara-Romagna  revolts— John  of  Bohemia's  movements, 
and  final  retreat  from  Italy-The  Legate  tries  to  detach  Florence  from  the  league-^ 
His  ambition-ProGperity  of  Florence— State  of  Tuacany-Amusements  at  Florence 
—Terrible  flood— Opinions   of   astrologers— Villani's   reflections   on   it— Nobles 
unquiet— Defenceless  state  of  the  city-State  of  Lombardy— Decline  of  PoIet'L 
power-Revolution  at  Bologna— PoYet  in  danger— Saved  by  Florence— Return?  to 
Angnon-Seven  Bargellini  created-Death  of  Pope  John  XXH.-His  enormous 
wealth-His  principal  acts-Benedict  XH.  electee-Robert  of  Naples  loses  Genoa 
-Decline  of  the  Tarlati-Affairs  of  Arezzo  and  Perugia-The  latter  assisted  by 
Florence-AUiance  with  Siena  renewed-Unsettled  state  of  Tuscany  and  Lombardy 
—Conduct  of  the  Rossi  of  Parma— Azzo  Visconte  and  Mastino  deUa  Scala— Alarm  of 
Florence— Conference  at  Lerici  and  on  the  OgUo— ReconciUation  of  the  confede- 


ff< 


XXIV 


CONTENTS. 


rates — Their  several  acquisitions — Florence  and  Mastino — Pisa  and  Florence- 
Coolness  about  Massa— Aifairs  of  Arezzo— Viscounty  of  VaUi'-Ambra— Submits  to 
Florence— Domestic  affairs— Bargellini  abolisbcd— Captain  of  the  guard— Its  conse- 
quences—Mastino's  ambition — Occupies  Lucca— Hopes  of  Florence — Fail— Mastino's 
views  on  Pisa — Fail— Revolution  there — Nobles  banisheti— Embas.<y  from  Florence 
to  Mastino— Deceit  of  the  latter- His  demands— Acquiescence  of  Florence— Mas- 
tino throws  off  the  mask— His  ambition— Quarrels  with  Florence — War  com- 
menced in  the  Val-di-Nievole     .....  Page  531  to  566 


t 


MISCELLVNEOUS  CHAPTI-:R 

FOR  THE   13th  CENTt  RY. 

Review  of  Florentine  government— Public  and  private  architecture— Hospitals— Santa 
Maria  Nuova—Scala—MLserecordia— Manners  and  customs  in  13th  century- 
Frugality— Florence  less  rctined  than  other  states— Despisetl  by  the  PLsans — 
Luxury  increaseti  after  the  beginning  of  the  14th  centurj'— Dante — Morality- 
Concubinage — Frequent  marriages— Numerous  offspring— Pier  degli  Albizzi— 
Florentines'  gaiety  of  character— Their  manner  of  living— Houses— Loggia- 
Towers— Marriage  ceremony— Orders  of  knighthood— Corti  Bandite— Their  mag- 
nificence— Accoimt  of  Senese  manners  in  the  Sonnets  of  Folgore  da  San  Gimignano 
—Weekly  occupations— Anneggicrie— Dances— Fxmerals—I'rirate  feuds— Insecu- 
rity in  tumults— Supposed  condition  of  the  Italian  middle  classes  according  to 

/  Ricobaldo  di  Ferrara— Luxury  of  the  clergy— San  Diimiimo's  rebuke  to  them— 
Luxury  comparative — Food— Monks  of  Saint  Ambrose — Luxury  of  the  Romans — 
Saba  Malespini— The  French  admired  and  imitated  in  Italy— Charles  of  /Vnjou's 
entrance  into  Naples— Siunptuary  laws  by  Gregory  X.— By  Florence — Commerce- 
Early  attention  to  it  by  Florence — Treaties- Liberality  of  mind— Industry— Floren- 
tines resembled  the  Dutch  in  their  ideas — Early  trade  corporations — Their  institu- 
tions favoured  commerce — .Vmbition  subservient  to  it— Their  enterprise — Activity- 
Knowledge — Travels— Important  effects — High  rank  of  a  Florentine  merchant- 
Municipal  regulations  —  Bankrupts — Early  organisation  of  trade — Silk  trade  — 
Wool  trade — Frati  Umiliati— Account  of  them  as  improvers  of  cloth  manufacture — 
Regulations  and  extent  of  wool  trade— Ilorentine  manufactories  in  England,  &c.— 
Pernicious  to  themselTes— Early  trade  with  England— Memoirs  of  Balducci  and 
Uoano — Great  depot  of  Florence  at  Bruges— Its  mischief— Silk  manufacture— Its 
introduction  into  Italy— Incorporateil  at  Florence  as  early  as  1204— Regulations — 
Its  slow  progress  until  16th  century— Bankers — Bills  of  exchange — Origin— Rapid 
progress  of  banking— Pojie's  agents— Vast  establishments  and  extent  of  business- 
Character  of  Italian  money-<lealers  amongst  foreigners— I*robably  imdeserved- 
Minute  attention  to  business— Early  laws  of  the  trade — Customs— Rate  of  interest 
— Other  trades — Energy  of  the  Florentines  in  establishing  an  overland  trade  with 
China— Paper  currency  there— Did  not  affect  purchases  there — Florentine  mint — 
The  golden  florin  and  other  coins— Fiorini  di  Suggello — Di  *^'alea— Explanation  of 
them — Imagrinary  Ura — Learning — Its  rise — Jurisprudence — Various  kinds  of  law 
in  Italy — Codes — Justinian— Theodosian — The  Edict  of  Lombardy — The  Salique— 
The  Ripuarian,  &c.— Two  kinds  of  laws  in  Italy — General  and  Particular— Free 
choice  of  law — Reasons  for  the  exclusive  self-jurisdiction  of  the  priesthood  — 
JJuziicipal  statutes  —  Their  origin— Confusion  by  so  many  laws— Florentine  statute 


CONTENTS. 


XXV 


— Accorso— His  great  celebrity  as  a  lawyer— Cipriani— Accorso's  sons— One  in 
England  with  Edward  I.— Physicians— Taddeo  Alderotti  and  his  successors— Anec- 
dote—Mathematicians— Cecco  d'  Ascole— Fibonacci  of  Pisa— Introduces  algebra  into 
Italy— Italian  tongue— Encouraged  by  Frederic  II.  and  his  sons— Various  poets— 
liologna  took  the  lead- Brunctto  Latini,  a  philosopher,  poet,  lawj'cr,  statesman, 
rhetorician  — His  3V*oro— Historians— Malespini— Jacchetto  Malespini— Love  and 
romance— Painting— Its  rise— Progress— Greek  manner— Guido  of  Siena— Giimlo 
of  Pisa— Biu-tolommco  of  norcncc— Cimabue— Giotto— Sculptors— Amolfo— Mosaic 
work  — Tufi—Gaddi— Influence  of  rcUgion  on  the  arts— The  priesthood— Early 
power  of  bishops—First  Bishop  of  Horencc— Their  primitive  title  —  Gradual 
aggrandisement  of  tlic  elorgj-— Power  of  Florentine  bishops— Their  early  mode  of 
election  abolished— The  Cattaiii--:Masnadi— Slavery— Its  state  and  gradual  aboUtion 
— MiUtary  state  of  Italy— Walled  towns— Castles— Towers  —  Various  sorts  of 
defences— Militarj'  engines— Knighthood— Sachetti's  account  of  it— Armorial 
bearings— Men-at-amis— Their  Equipment— Mode  of  combat— Offensive  and  de- 
fensive arms— Armies— Mcrcenarirs-^Morul  feeling  of  unpaid  citizens  as  soldiers— 
The  Carroccio  —  Riuisom  of  prisoners— Spirit  of  the  citizens— Various  corps  of 
troops- Great  miUtiry  power  of  Florence— Camp  equipage— National  pride  im- 
parted a  i)eculiar  bitterness  to  war— Insults  made  conflicts  more  personal 

Page  567  to  63I> 


I 


LINE 

ERRATA. 

PAOE 

FOR 

READ 

14     . 

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Note  della  Chiese      . 

.      delle  Chiese. 

15  . 

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Lezioni. 

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40  . 

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117  . 

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148  . 

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14 

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580  . 

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598  . 

599  . 

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sngella  Col  segna  suo. 
Novel  i*. 

614  . 

Last  line 

Raccommandato. 

raccomandato. 

IIb  I 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 


HisTOBv  should  be  studied  with   somewhat  of  the  same 
feelmg  that  superior  spirits  are  supposed  U>  regai-d  the  endless 
progress  of  man  :  before  them,  the  present,  past,  and  future  are 
simultaneously  displayed;  they  at  once  perceive  the  motives, 
ambition,  and  final  views  of  humanity;    they  calmly  behold 
those  deeds  that  fill  the  earth  with  wonder,  contemplate  with 
stedfest  eye  the  birth,  progress,  and  death  of  mtions,  and  at  a 
smgle  glance  penetrate  the  chaos  of  human  passions,  while 
successive  generations  rise,  flourish,  and  decay.     They  see  new 
actors  perform  the  same  parts  with  little  variation ;  before 
them  the  world  fades  and  lives  again,  and  its  high  and  bois- 
terous spirits  sink  as  if  they  had  never  been.     They  perceive 
like   causes   working   like   effects,  only   modified   by  circum- 
stances ;  everything  in  action,  nothing  permanent ;  happiness 
blindly  sought  and  rarely  found ;  ambition  craving  and  un- 
satisfied;  good  often   contemplated  but  seldom  lasting;   evil 
idways  flourishing,  and  religion  the  consolation  or  the  cloak 
ot  all.     These  things  and  their  misty  shadows  on  the  page 
of  history  may  often  tempt  us  to  e.xclaim.  "For  what  purpose 
are  we  here?"  a  question  more  easily  asked  than  answered 

VOL.    I.  £ 


li 


2  INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER. 

But  history  is  chiefly  useful  as  a  record  of  cause  and  effect, 
when   it   traces  past  events  to   their  real  source  and   con- 
sequences ;  when  it  follows  them  through  everj^  turning,  points 
to   the  wisdom   or  folly  that  engendered  them,  and  finally, 
offers  them  as  a  beacon  or  example  for  posterity  in  similar 
times  and  circumstances.     And  as  the  great  moving  principles 
of  our  nature  are  unchangeable,  he  >vill  read  histoiy  with  most 
profit  who  compares  the  coui-se  of  other  ages  with  the  living 
current  of  his  own,  who  will  bear  in  mind  the  character  and 
peculiar  habits  of  times  and  countries,  who  \rill  judge  of  indi- 
vidual actions  by  this  standard,  and  be  neither  too  easily  startled 
at  its  conclusions  nor  too  heedless  of  the  lesson  it  conveys. 
But  however  striking  may  be  this  analogy,  it  is  nevertheless 
rare,  in  times  of  public  excitement,  that  the   passions  and 
prejudice  of  men  will  admit  of  a  just  comparison  between  the 
drama  in  which  they  themselves  are  actors,  and  those  most 
analogous  in  the  history  of  the  world.     If  the  historian  hath 
shadowed  out  dark  and  calamitous  conclusions,  their  effect  is 
likely  to  be  repelled  by  ambition  or  magnified  by  fear,  and 
some  slight  variation  of  circumstances  vnW  always  be  seized  a> 
an  excuse  for  neglecting  the  past,  while  the  keen  edge  of 
history  is  unscrupulously  applied  to  rival  politics,  and  becomes 
alternately  the  mote  or  beam  of  the  Evangehst. 

Histoiy,  if  it  be  not  thus  written  and  thus  read,  and  if  it 
serve  not  as  an  incentive  to  wise  actions,  is  merely  a  graver 
kind  of  novel,  a  production  of  slight  labour,  which  can  give  it> 
author  no  just  claim  to  the  title  of  historian. 

Amongst  those  sparks  of  liberty  that  burst  from  the  smoul 
dering  ruins  of  Rome  few  ascended  more  brightly  or  mor.^ 
rapidly  than  the  Florentine  Republic  :  it  shone  in  arts  and  arms, 
in  literature  and  science  ;  and  had  internal  union  been  main 
tained,  scarcely  a  state  in  Italy  could  have  long  withstood  the 
genius  of  its  citizens.  A  fierce  and  insolent  nobility  was  in 
the  beginning  as  justly  dragged  from  power  as  it  was  afterwards 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  3 

unjustly  punished;  yet  the  people  fought  not  as  in  Rome 
for  equa    rights,  but  absolute  uncompromising  power  •     the^ 

and  the  tyrannical  and  once  formidable  aristocracy  became  a 

degraded   caste :  its   power  terminated ;   its   insolence   stood 

rebuked ;  but  much  of  its  military  spirit  was  also  crushed,  a.  d 

mally  ceased  to  .mnnate  the  general  mass  of  citizens      Xo 

longer  trustmg  to  native  valour,  licentious  bands  of  strangers 

were  lured  to  defend  the  commonwealth,  and  less  as  servL  J 

than  as  masters  :  the  moral  effect  was  pernicious,  and  assisted 

by  other  causes  produced  an  indifference  to  military  virtue 

which  without  entirely  destroying,  depreciated  personal  spirit 

and  often  exposed  the  comitiy  to  humiliating  exactions. 

Nevertheless  we  have  an  example  in  Florence  of  the  power 
which  even  a  petty  state  may  attain  by  the  innate  force  of  free 
institutions  acting  on  a  manly  energ^^  of  character  :  the  first 
bomids  of  her  authority  were  but  a  walk  beyond  the  walls,  and 
the  republican  territoiy,  even  in  its  most  ,)almy  days,  did  not 
exceed  a  third  of  the  present  dukedom;  vet  fL  'that  smdl 
centre  the  power  of  Florence  gradually  spread  over  all  tlie 
neighbourmg  states  until  the  sea  and  the  Apennines  became 
Its  limits. 

We  have  in  Florence  also  the  example  of  a  ^•ictorious 
people  enlarging  their  territory  by  war  without  any  real 
augmentation  of  national  force,  for  it  is  impossible  that  any 
state  should  gain  strength  when  more  exhausted  by  the  effort 
to  conquer  than  enriched  by  the  conquest :  both  Venice  and 
Florence  were  comparatively  more  formidable  in  their  concen- 
trated vigour,  when  the  former  was  a  simple  naval  power  and 
the  latter  confined  to  a  smaller  circle,  than  when  half  Lombardy 
and  Tuscany  were  under  their  control. 

By  a  steady  advance  and  multiplication  of  her  commercial 
relations,  the  natural  effect  of  unfettered  intercourse,  wealth 
Howed  into  Florence  from  tlie  distant  capital  of  China ;  from 

n  2 


4  INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER. 

the  nearer  provinces  of  Asia ;  the  shores  of  Africa,  and  the 
ruder  countries  of  Europe.  Half  the  world  paid  tribute  to  her 
skill :  her  alliance  was  sought  and  the  weight  of  her  chaxaxiter 
felt  by  the  leading  powers  of  Christendom,  and  her  citizen- 
ship, neither  lightly  given  nor  yet  an  unexpensive  honour,  wai* 
accepted  with  pride  by  some  of  the  noblest  families  in  Italy. 
The  mdustr}^  of  her  citizens  created  luxuries  wliich  their  private 
frugality  forbade  them  to  consume,  while  the  wealth  thus 
acq^red  not  only  embelhshed  their  city  but  enabled  them 
cheerfully  to  sustain  long  and  expensive  wars  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  Italian  equality  and  their  own  political  independence. 
Their  mental  activity  and  subtle  intellect  penetrated  every- 
where, and  they  became  so  universally  necessary  that  in  1294 
the  Ambassadors  of  twelve  different  States  and  Kingdoms,  from 
England  to  Constantinople,  all  Florentines,  met  at  Rome  to 
congratulate  Boniface  VIII.  on  his  election,  and  occasioned  his 
well-known  saying;  ''that  in  worldUj  matters  the  Florentines 

seemed  to  he  a  fifth  element '^'.^' 

Their  republic  was  in  truth  a  goodly  fabric,  but  ambition 
undermined  it ;  for  those  fiery  spirits  that  scarcely  shake 
the  mass  of  greater  states  often  burst  through  the  lighter 
pressure  of  small  communities  and  destroy  the  social  edifice. 
Large  societies  are  commonly  less  open  to  personal  influence ; 
the *pop^^ation  though  divided,  acts  in  vast  bodies;  its  voice 
however  loud,  is  seldom  the  voice  of  faction,  and  its  leaders 
are  bonie  on  the  opinion  of  millions.  Pride,  anger,  enmity, 
ambition ;  all  are  there  ;  but  with  only  a  partial  influence, 
and  permanently  confined  to  the  few ;  dispersed  through  a 
multitude  their  effects  are  comparatively  trifling ;  for  though 
great  masses  follow  popular  chiefs  it  is  not  as  vassals  or  clans 
men ;  their  leaders  may  a  while  deceive,  but  they  ultimately 
work  themselves  free.       Neither  do   such    struggles  mate 

♦  «  Earth,  air,  fire,  water,  and  Florentines,  were  to  be  found  everywhere." 


INTRODUCTORY   CHAPTER.  $ 

rially  affect  the  administration  of  private  justice,  nor  are 
they  likely  to  be  made  a  cause  of  persecution  by  the  winning 
faction ;  for  this  their  antagonists  are  too  strong,  too  numerous, 
and  would  never  suffer  themselves  to  be  thinned  out  by  banish- 
ment and  confiscation.  In  petty  communities  the  chiefs  are  chiefs 
of  faction,  and  their  success  the  success  of  a  sect  in  which  each 
individual  follower  relies  for  safetv  and  stakes  his  life  and  for- 
tune  on  the  cast.  Modem  states  have  the  press  and  impeach- 
ment ;  Rome  had  the  tribunitial  power  as  an  outlet  for  public 
dissatisfaction  ;  Florence  neither :  no  efficient  means  were  there 
provided  to  punish  a  powerfiil  offender  or  obtain  justice  for  a 
friendless  man  :  a  culprit  in  authority  feared  no  accusation,  no 
sentence,  no  judgment  unsupported  by  physical  force  ;  and  his 
means  of  defence  were  precisely  of  the  same  nature  :  faction 
was  necessarily  opposed  to  faction,  the  punishment  of  leaders 
brought  misfortune  on  numbers,  the  city  was  thinned  and 
public  good  impaired :  in  Rome  the  single  transgressor 
suffered,  and  few  exiles  and  fewer  deaths  disgraced  that  stormy 
commonwealth  until  its  liberty  fell  in  the  struggles  between 
Sylla  and  Caius  Marius. 

In  Florence  the  party-leaders  were  not  followed  by 
numerous  public  bodies,  for  there  was  no  republic  without 
the  walls;  a  few  powerful  families  led  the  van,  and  the 
contest  was  confined  to  the  citizens,  themselves  only  a 
portion  of  the  general  urban  population.  A  faction  once  in 
power  soon  became  formidable:  death,  exile,  confiscation, 
and  imprisonment  diminished  the  adverse  ranks,  and  oppo- 
sition was  put  down  by  the  destruction  of  hostile  property: 
what  with  us  would  be  a  mere  change  of  administration 
was  there  the  cause  of  a  sudden  revolution  that  trampled 
indiscriminately  on  mercy,  justice,  and  patriotism.  No  great 
course  of  policy  really  divided  the  factions  :  they  struggled  for 
no  political  principle  but  unmitigated  power;  yet  always 
under  the  standard  of  some  popular  grievance  ;  a  cause  noble 


6 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER. 


INTRODUCTORY    CHAPTER. 


in  Itself,  but  imstable  as  their  own  sincerity,  seized  on  for 
the  hour  and  crushed  in  tlie  tumult  of  victory.  In  great 
communities,  if  leadei-s  prove  false,  their  followers  moved 
by  a  real  or  mistaken  sense  of  injustice  and  a  commu 
nity  of  interest,  are  gencniUy  ti*ue  to  the  cause,  and  their 
desire  is  rarely  destmctive  of  liberty  ;  though  ignorant,  they  are 
naturally  just ;  and  have,  moreover,  a  quick  perception  of  truth 
when  unfolded  by  an  honest  and  friendly  hand.  The  result 
is  that  we  have  a  species  of  public  principle  continually 
tloating  in  the  p)litical  atmosphere,  a  mere  speck  perhaps, 
like  a  balloon,  which  all  regard  but  in  which  few  are  tempted 
to  ascend  :  hence  the  public  conduct  of  party  in  great  com- 
munities, though  as  full  of  evil  passions  as  in  smaller  states 
is  not  so  exclusively  directed  by  them  ;  nor  does  vengeance 
follow  success  where  reason  is  not  ovei*whelmed  by  general 
frenzy.  The  history  of  Florence  is  an  example  of  one,  that 
of  Great  Britain  not  a  bad  illustration  of  the  other ;  while 
the  administration  of  Ireland  has  hitherto  combined  the  most 
noxious  qualities  of  both  *. 

In  Florence  we  shall  see  national  politics  pursued  with  all 
the  subtilty  of  ambition  and  personal  hatred  ;  we  shall  set 
treacher}%  injustice,  persecution  and  tyranny  attend  on  the 
ascendant  faction,  with  fear  and  suspicion  for  its  safeguards, 
and  a  rival's  destruction  the  only  means  of  self-preservation 
The  junction  of  such  materials  could  seldom  be  for  public  good. 
a  question  never  discussed  by  Florentine  leaders  except  when 
external  danger  or  foreign  conquest  for  a  season  imited  them. 
Yet  beneath  this  stormy  surface  the  stream  of  national  wealth 
rolled  powerfully  though  irregularly  and  measures  of  general 
interest  were  promulgated  even  in  the  most  unquiet  times ; 
industry  was  \igilantly,  sometimes  perhaps  unwisely  managed, 
and  the  great  corporate  power  of  the  trades  brought  commerce 


safely  through  those  tempests  that  seemed  to  threaten  the 
ver}^  existence  of  society.      People  of  all  ranks  and  factions 
were   legally  compelled   to   enrol   themselves  in   these  pro- 
fessional associations  if  they  wished  for  political  power,  and 
consequently  a  strong  corporate  spirit  or  commercial  advan- 
tages formed  the  real  bond  of  public  union  in  Florence  :  more- 
over riches  and  industry  were  widely  spread ;  a  busy  trade 
gave  life  and  vigour  to  the  national  mass,  which  though  roughly 
shaken  by  the  jar  of  factions,  was  never  completely  ruined 
until  the  strong  spirit  of  independence  had  entirely  evaporated. 
This  spirit  was  first  awakened  by  the  struggles  of  Ardoino  and 
Henry  of  Bavaria  for  the  Italian  throne ;  it  gathered  latent 
strength  through  the  troubled  reign  of  Matilda,  and  assumed  a 
definite  form  in  the  beginnmg  of  the  twelfth  centur}^ :  severely 
checked  by  the  long  contiimed  power  of  the  Albizzi  and  en- 
feebled by  the  subtle  policy  of  the  elder  Medici,  it  ultimately 
sunk  under  the  despotism  of  the  younger.    Leopold  would  have 
revived  it,  but  was  prematurely  called  to  fill  a  higher  throne  ; 
Ferdinand,  with  a  free  and  honest   spirit,   had   neither   the 
energy,  talents   nor  experience  of  his   fiither,  and  was  swept 
away  by  the  great  wave  of  western  revolution  ere  he  had  time 
to  begin  what  his  o\\ti  natural  bias  would  have  finally  prompted. 
Free  principles  have  therefore  not  taken  deep  root  in  Tuscany  ; 
and  Florence  still  remains  with  much  dormant  talent,  much  of 
the  acuteness,  but,  excepting  a  few  distinguished  names,  none 
of  the  spirit,  enterprise,  or  untiring  industry  of  the  ancient 
republic.   Ruled  by  a  Prince,  who  will  gain  more  credit  and  do 
more  real   service   by  restoring  life   and  population   to  the 
Tuscan  marshes,  than  amongst   the   thorns  of  constitutional 
politics,  she    still  exhibits  the  most  thriving  and   contented 
portion  of  the  Italian  peninsula. 


it 


V 


*  This  was  written  in  1835,  since  which  things  have  changed  in  that  country. 


BOOK    THE    FIRST. 


CHAPTER  I. 


) 


f  HE  origin  of  Florence,  like  that  of  most  Italian  cities,  is 
very  uncertain,  and  its  investigation  has   employed    more 
time  and  talent  than  the  subject  deserves  ;  her  general  fame  and 
acknowledged  ancientness  may  dispense  with  a  blind  plunge 
into  the  depths  of   time  for  an  illustrious  origin,  a  labour 
belonging  rather  to  the  antiquary  than  the  historian  :   four 
centuries  of  her  own  eventful  histoiy  afford  examples  for  her 
living  children  to  shun  or  imitate,  and  with  sufficient  bright- 
ness  to   ennoble   her,  independent  of  the   doubtful  light  of 
remote  antiquity.     Like  other  ancient  races,  she  has  suffered 
much  in  fame  and  fortune,  and  no  longer  supports  as  a  nation 
the  energetic   character  of    her    republican   lineage:    great 
crimes  and  great  virtues  disfigure  and  adoni  her  liistory,  but 
coupled  with  that  taste,  talent,  and  high  adventurous  spirit 
which  excites  the  imagination  and  commands  respect. 

Some  writers  assert  that  Florence  was  built  by  the  Libyan 
Hercules,  after  having  drained  the  surroundingplain  by  removing 
the  Golfolina,  a  rock  which  tradition  says  impeded  the  Amo's 
course  near  Signa,  and  about  which  there  are  many  conjectures 
and  no  certainty.  Borghini,  rejecting  this  tradition,  admits  the 
probability  of  a  Hercules  having  anciently  visited  Tuscany,  yet 
doubts  the  desiccation  of  the  lake,  because  a  marsh  still  existed 


II 


10 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   I.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


11 


V 


there  in  the  time  of  Hannibal,  whose  route  by  this  plain  is 
however  a  disputed  point*.  But  a  partial  swamp  might  have 
remained  for  ages  after  the  deeper  watei-s  had  subsided ;  and 
the  long  course  of  time  between  the  advents  of  these  heroes, 
with  the  marks  of  human  labour  said  to  be  still  visible  about 
the  Golfolma  as  they  are  in  the  rocks  near  Arezzo,  may  be 
sufficient  answers  to  his  objection.  The  circumstance  of  the 
seal  of  Florence  having  been  from  time  immemorial  the  figure 
of  Hercules,  at  least  shows  that,  although  Mars  was  the  tutelar 
deity,  the  notion  of  that  hero  being  its  original  founder  is 
extremelv  old+. 

Without  presuming  to  enter  the  misty  regions  of  Etrurian 
aborigines,  or  pretending  to  decide  on  their  being  Pelasgians 
or  Phoenicians  (if  these  be  not  indeed  identical  ^j,  or  a  mix- 
ture of  several  races ;  or  whether  they  sprang  perfect  from 
the  soil,  as  Micali  and  Borghini  seem  disposed  to  believe  ;  wc 
can  reasonably  suppose  that  the  ancient  trading  nations  may 
have  pushed  their  small  craft  up  the  Arno  to  the  present  site 
of  Florence,  and  thus  have  gained  a  more  immediate  commu- 
nication with  the  flourishing  city  of  Fiesole,  than  they  could 
through  other  poits  of  Etruria,  from  whatever  race  its  people 
might  have  sprung  §.  Admitting  the  high  antiquity  of  Fiesole, 
the  imagined  work  of  Atlas,  and  the  tomb  of  his  celestial 
daughter,  we  may  easily  believe  that  a  market  was  from  verj- 
early  times  established  in  the  plain,  where  both  by  land  and 
water  the  rural  produce  could  be  brought  for  sale  without 
ascending  the  steep  on  which  that  city  stood  ||.  Such  arrange- 
ments would  naturally  result  from  the  common  com-se  of  events, 
and  a  more  convenient  spot  could  scarcely  be  found  than  the 

*  Borghini,  Discorsi  deir  Origine  delta  §   Micali,  vol.  vi.— Borghini,  Discor. 

citta  di  Firenze,  Parte  i%  p.  15.  delta  Toscana   e  sua  citta,  Parte  i% 

+  Toscano  Illustrata,  p.  286.  p.  342. 

t  The    Greeks  called  the  tatter  Pe-  ||   Lami,  Lezioni  d'  Antichita  Toscano, 

lasgii,  quasi  Pelagi,  from  their  mari-  Lez.  i*,  p.  25, 

time  habits. 


present  site  of  Florence,  to  which  the  Amo  is  still  navigable 
by  boats  from  its  mouth,  and  at  that  time  perhaps  by  two 
branches. 

This  suburb  was  likely  to  become  a  depository  of  national 
produce,  as  well  as  foreign  commodities  from  Pisa,  Elba  and 
especially  Populonia,  which,  after  the  supposed  colonisation 
of  Elba  by  Volterra,  became  the  seaport  of  this  last  city  and 
the  great  foundery  of  native  iron  ;  hence  a  lower  town^  may 
be  miagined  to  have  quickly  extended  towards  the  parent 
citV':=. 

Population  would  thus  augment  by  mere  public  convenience 
as  well  as  from  local  fertility,  milder  air  and  greater  abundance 
of  water,  and  an  extensive  town  arise  long  before  the  Etruscan 
confederation  sank  under  the  steadier  march  of  Romef.     This 
seems  also  to  be  the  opinion  of  Villani,  Macchiavelli,  Varchi 
and  Borglnni ;  partially  supported  by  ]\Ialespini  Dante,  and 
others  ;  but  all  depending  on  the  ancient  chronicles  consulted 
by  the  last  historian  both  at  Rome  and  Florence,  the  value  of 
which  cannot  now  be  appreciated,  for  the  fables  that  he   so 
gravely  relates  must  not  be  received  as  a  criterion  either  of 
them  or  him,  in  more  credible  events  of  subsequent  occurrence  : 
'*  There  were,"  says  Villani,  -  inhabitants  round  San  Giovanni 
because  the  people  of  Fiesole  held  their  market  there  one  day 
m  the  week,  and  it  was  called  the  Field  of  Mars,  the  ancient 
name  :  honever  it  ims  always  Jrom  the  first,  the  market  of  the 
Ftesolines,  ami  thus   it    was   called   before   Florence   existed  " 
And  again,   "  The  Praetor  Florinus,  with  a  Roman  army,  en- 
camped beyond  the  Arno  towards  Fiesole  and  had  two  small 

Nin^i'si'   ^Vv^J'  ^-i^-^'"^W  tine.  Lib.  ii.-Malespini,  Storia,  cap. 

Nine,  Stona  d  Elba,  p.  2.  xxviii.-Gio.  Villani,  Storia,  cap.  xxi , 

t  Richa       Notizie     Istonche      cklle  Lib.    ii«.- Benedetto    Varchi,     Storia 

thiese    Toscane,   vol.  iv.,   Parte    ii^,  Fiorentina,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  67.-  Borghini. 

VxTfl^i    M      ^.^      1,-  T       ....  I^ist^orsi.  Parte  Prima,  p.  47.— Dante, 

+  Miccolo  Macchiavetli,  Istorie  Fioren-     lufenio,  Canto  xv. 


13 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fsooK  I. 


villages  there,  one  called  Arnina,  the  other  Camarte,  or 
Campo,  or  Domus  Martis,  where  the  people  of  Fiesole 
one  day  in  the  week  held  a  general  market  with  the  neighbour- 
ing towns  and  villages.  And  it  was  decreed  by  the  Consul,  in 
concert  with  Florinus,  that  neither  bread,  nor  wine,  nor  warlike 
stores  should  be  bought  or  sold  in  any  place  except  his  camp." 
On  the  site  of  this  camp,  as  we  are  also  assured  by  Villani,  was 
erected  the  city  of  Florence,  after  the  capture  of  Fiesole 
by  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Martins;  but  Leonardo  Aretino, 
following  Malespini,  asserts  that  it  was  the  work  of  Syllas 
legions,  who  were  already  in  possession  of  Fiesole  '^.  Poliziano 
imagines  it  to  have  been  a  colony  of  the  Triumvirate,  and 
is  supported  by  Raffaello  Maffei  sumamed  II  Volterrano. 
But  the  variety  of  opinions  almost  equals  the  number  of 
authors,  wherefore  accuracy  is  here  impossible  and  of  little 
consequence  in  the  subsequent  history  f. 

There  are  reasons  nevertheless  for  belie\ing  that  Florence 
had  obtained  the  rank  and  privileges  of  a  Municipium  long 
before  these  last  conjectured  epochs  of  its  foundation,  for 
Lucius  Florus,  in  his  abridgment  of  Livy,  as  cited  by  Varchi 
and  Borghini,  while  describing  Sylla's  conduct  after  the  civil 
war,  says  that  four  splendid  Municipia,  namely  Spoletum, 
Spoleto  ;  Interamnium,  Temi ;  Pnenestcey  and  Florentia  were 
sold  by  public  auction.  Now  if  Florence  were  really  one  of 
these  '*  Municipin  Italia  splendidissima ,''  or  a  city  enjopng 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  Rome  in  addition  to  its  own, 
it  must  necessarily  have  flourished  long  before  the  time  of 
Sylla;  wherefore  the  above  statements  are  of  small  value, 
and    Lami's  opinion    of  its   Etruscan  source  and   the  con 


♦  Leon.  Aretino,  Stor.Fiorentina,  Vol-  +   Poliziano,    2n(l    Epistle   to    Piero 

garizzato  da  Donato  Acciaioli,  Lib.  i",  de'  MedicL — II  Volterrano,  Commen- 

(Edition  1494). — Gio.  Villani,  Storia,  tari  Urbani.    Both  cited  by  Varchi  and 

Lib.   i°,    cap.   xxxv.;    Lib.   ii"',   cap.  others,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  60. — Lami,  Lezionc 

xxi  viii. 


I 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


13 


This  passage  of  Florus  has,  however,  been  shaken  by  the 
iamous  Coluccio  Saluteti,  who  saw  a  ye.7  ancient  manuscript 
of  that  author,  m  which  the  name  was  written  Florentina, 
supposed  by  h„„  to  be  Ferentiru>,  but  not  so  much  from 
their  similanty  of  sound  as  from  the  situation  of  the  latter 
near  the  other  three  cities,  all  of  which  having  committed  the 
same  cnme  were  involved  in  the  same  condemnation!. 

Malespini,  and  Villani  who  copies  him,  amuse  us  with  many 
fables  about  the  origin  of  Florence,  and  all  in  that  simple 
unaffected  tongue,  ^ 

"  Che  pria  li  Padri  e  le  Madri  trastulla  J," 
but  we  have  no  reason  to  suspect  their  accumcy  in  describing 
local  particulanties,  or  any  events  that  occurred  within  their 
own  age  and  obser,'ation.     Yet,  notwithstanding  their  minute 
descnptions  of  Florence  and  the  remains  which  then  existed 
and  that  even  now  axe  not  entirely  effaced,  the  very  site  of 
this  ancient  city  has  been  doubted,  merely  because  Ptolemy,  or 
more  hkely  some  careless  scribe,  has  made  an  error  of  seven 
and  twenty  miles  in  the  difference  of  latitude  between  that 
town  and  Fiesole  §. 

From  all,  therefore,  that  has  been  written,  it  may  be  reasonably 
«>nc  uded  that  Florence,  springing  originally  from  Fiesole. 
finally  rose  to  the  ra^k  of  a  Roman  colony,  and  the  seat  of 
provincial  government;  a  miniature  of  Rome,  with  its  Campus 
Martius.  its  Capitol,  Foi-um,  temple  of  Mars,  aqueducts,  baths 


•  Lib.  ill.,  last  part,  cited  by  Borghini. 
Origine  di  Firenze,  p.  34— Varchi^ 
Stor.  Fioren.  Lib.  ix.,  p.  64. 
t  Lami,  Lezione  viii.— Paulo  Mini, 
Avvertimenti  e  digressioni  gopra 
u  Discorso  della  Nobilita  di  Firenze 
Avvert.  2«.  Digress.  1°.- Coluccio' 
Salutati,     as     cited      by     Borghini. 


(Origine  di  Firenze,)  and  others. 
X  Dante,  Paradiso,  Canto  xv. 
§  Borghini,  Discors.  Parte  i«,*  p.  107. 
— "  You  had  better  move  Fiesole,  it 
will  give  you  much  less  trouble;'  said 
a  friend  of  Borghini's  to  one  who  was 
wai-mly  insisting  on  Florence  not  being 
in  its  ancient  place. 


)4 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


(book 


CHAP.  1.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


r 


I 


theatre  aiid  amphitheatre,  all  erected  in  imitation  of  the 
"Eternal  City ;"  for  vestiges  of  all  these  are  still  existing  either 
in  name  or  substance*. 

The  name  of  Florence  is  as  dai'k  as  its  origin,  and  a  thousand 
derivations  have  confused  the  brains  of  antiquarians  and  their 
readers  without  much  enlightening  them,  while  the  beautiful 
Giaf/iolo  or  Iris,  the  city's  emblem,  still  clings  to  her  old  grey 
walls,  as  if  to  assert  its  right  to  be  considered  as  the  genuine 
source  of  her  poetic  appellation.  From  the  profusion  of 
those  flowers  that  formerly  decorated  the  meads  between  the 
rivers  Mugnone  and  Anio,  has  sprung  one  of  the  most 
popular  opinions  on  this  subject;  for  a  white  plant  of  the 
same  species  ha\nng  shown  itself  amongst  the  rising  fabrics 
the  incident  was  poetically  seized  upon  and  the  Lily  then  first 
assumed  its  station  in  the  crimson  banner  of  Florence  f. 

Stefiino  Menochio,  as  quoted  by  Francesco  Vettori,  explains 
the  word  Florentia  as  '' Flores  liliontm  in  candelabrisl,'' 
and  it  appears  from  other  quotations  in  tlie  same  work  that  the 
Lily  was  more  especially  designated  by  the  word  Florentia  : 
hence  the  meaning  of  Malespini  and  Mllani  in  deriving 
Florenza  from  lilies;  because  when  the  foraier  wrote,  the 
connection  of  these  names  must  have  been  universally  familiar 
from  the  comparatively  recent  decay  of  Latin  as  a  spoken 
language  and  its  then  continued  use  in  all  written  documents. 
The  site  of  Florence  at  the  confluence  of  two  rivers,  coupled 
with  an  expression  of  Pliny  in  the  eighth  chapter  and  third 
book  of  his  Natural  HistoiT,  where  he  speaks  of  the  Fluentini 
being  placed  on  the  Amo,  have  made  some  imaghie  that  the 


15 


•  Dom.  Manni,  Notizie  Istoriche 
intomo  al  Paragio  &c.  di.  Firenzo. 
— Pietro  Giannone,  Storia  Civile  di 
Napoli,  vol.  i",  p.  210. — Padre  Richa, 
Notizie  Istoriche  della  Chiese  Flo- 
rentine, vol.  iv.,  Parte  ii",  p.  44. 
■f  Marchionne  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Is- 
toria  Fiorentina,  Lib.  \'\   Rubrica  20. 


— The  Mugnone  then  flowed  across 
the  Piazza  di  San  Marco  and  that 
of  Madonna^  falling  into  the  Amo, 
near  the  Ponte  alia  Carraia ;  and  the 
Amo  is  supposed  to  have  originally 
swept  in  a  curve  towards  Fiesole  at 
that  part  outside  the  Porta  alia  Croce. 
X  Fiorino  d'  Oro,  lllustrato,  p.  20. 


onginal  na^e  ^ssFI,.e,nia;  other,  derive  it  from  Florinus, 
the  Roman  general  already  mentioned,  who  was  killed  by  the 
Fiesohnes  m  a  skirmish  near  the  camp;  and  others  a^ain 
because  it  y.ns  the  general  Mart  or  Forum,  have  calle^d  i; 
Forenm*.  It  has  also  been  suggested  tljat  there  was  an 
equivalent  Etruscan  name,  the  termination  "e„tla"  bein-r con- 
sidered ss  much  Etruscan  as  Roman ;  and,  .^  a  proof  of^this 
the  names  of  several  Etruscan  places  have  been  cited,  such 
as  the  nvers  Arentia  and  Anh-mia  and  the  goddess  Valentia  ■ 
which  last  was  also  conjectured  to  be  one  of  the  names  of 
Rome,  onginally  an  Etniscan  cityf. 

Lastly,  there  were  those  who  maintained  that  the  modem 
name  should  be   divided   into   three   syllables,   as   Fir-en-ze 
the  fii-st,  signifying  a y?o,f,r  i„  some  remote  eastern  dialect- 
the  second  graceful,  and  the  third  this;  or  a  graceful  flo„e:- 
thts;  and  again  from  the  word  Fhza  which  we  are  told  means 
a  town  without  walls.     But,  exclaims  Borghini,  what  is  the  use 
of  breaking  our  language  to  pieces  only  to  pick  out  a  Fir  a 
i'lrza,  or  some  such  nonsense,  and  then  flying  oft'  to  Mesopo- 
tamia to  hmit  for  a  meaning,  when  we  have  our  neighbours  the 
Romans,  close  at  hand,  who  called  it  in  their  language  Florentia 
which,  as  IS   usual  in  Italy,  has  since  been  coi-rupted  into 
ftrenze.    The  somewhat  poetical  derivation  of  the  name  from 
a  i.ily,  or  field  of  flowers,  may  therefore  remain  until  a  better 
be  produced,  and  that  of  the  city's  origin  be  fairly  referred  to 
i'lesolme  commerce  and  Roman  soldierej. 

•  Rastrelli,   Firenze    Antica   c   Mo-     J  Borghini,    Parte    Prima,    d     ■><{  ■ 
+  iL:     I     •  "  ,i'      .    .        '^f^nionis  nimm  omniiorum  aenere 


16 


FLOBENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY- 


17 


CHAPTER  II. 


FROM   A.D.  17    TO  A.D.  650. 


Etruria,  Tuscia,  and  Tyrrhenia,  were  ancient  names  of 
Tuscany ;  and  its  boundaries  the  Magra,  the  Tiber,  the 
Apennines  and  the  Tyrrhenian  or  Etruscan  Sea.  The  first 
river  divided  it  from  Liguria,  now  for  the  most  part  comprised 
in  the  Genoese  state,  and  the  second  from  Latium  and  Umbria, 
which  are  a  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical  dominions  :  this  was 
central  Etruria ;  but  the  Etruscans'  territor}-,  says  Li\7, 
extended  from  the  Alps  to  the  Sicilian  Sea  and  filled  all  Italy 
with  their  renown.  The  political  power  of  Etruria  was  based 
on  a  confederation  of  twelve  principal  cities  and  their  territories, 
each  governed  by  its  own  Liicumo  or  king ;  and,  though  various 
associations  existed  amongst  them,  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
nation  was  ever  stedfastly  united  by  any  supreme  government, 
like  that  of  the  United  States  of  America*. 

The  chief  Tuscan  river  is  the  Amo,  which,  like  the  Tiber,  has 
its  source  in  the  mountain  of  Falterona :  flowing  through  the 
Casentine  valleys,  and  passing  within  three  miles  of  Arezzo,  it 
descends  rapidly  into  the  upper  Val  d'Amo,  bathes  the  town 
and   fields   of  Florence ;  winds   between    Monte   Lupo   and 

*  By  the   Etruscan  Sea  was    under-  the    Chief    Tyrrenus    or    Tyrsenus, 

stood  all  the  waters  from  the  Amo's  who  by  some  is  supposed  to  have  led 

mouth  to  Sicilv,  and  sometimes  even  the  first  colonists  westwartF  from  Lvdia. 

all    those   that  encircled  Italy.     Tho  (Giuseppe  Ninci,  Storia  d'Elba,  Libro 

Tyrrhenian   Sea  took  its  name  from  i*>,  p.  4,  Note  A.) 


Capraia  ;  and  after  refreshing  and  fertilising  the  plains  of  Pisa 
Llhfsea't        ""■""'"'  '^'*  ""^"^^  ""^  ''^''  '^  ''^'^«»  ^''^'^^ 
Florence  is  placed  in  the  centre  of  Tuscany  hetween  the 
h.l  s  of  Montugh,.  Monte  Morello  and  Fiesole  to  the  north  • 
T^S  ""JZ^^  ^^-  «-8-  -d  Bellosgualt 

.1    ome  vlnte  and  rocky  mass  had  been  dashed  violently  do™ 
and  brealang  through  olive  groves  and  vineyards  had  promit 
euously  scattered  its  fragments  on  the  soil;  so  thick  areX 
villas  and  hamlets  that  stud  the  coimtry  round 

To   the   north-east   is   the   treble-peaked   Fiesole  ^^ith  its 
frownmg  convent  and   huge  Etruscan  walls :    the  valley  of 
Mugnone  a  p  aoe  made  classical  by  Boccaccio,  divides  it  from 
Monte  Morello  and  the  neighbouring  heights,  once  wooded 
now  brown  and  bare,  the  resort  of  herds  ami  herdsml    T 
he  north-west,  under  the  skirts  of  Monte  Morello,  lurks  the 
cUyofPrato  one  of  the  earliest  Florentine  conquest:  further 
westward     P.stoia,    the    "  Clt,   of  Fact,o„.  '  and   suppled 
memonal   of  Catihnes   defeat,  is   seen   in   dim   pe3  - 

Beti  T  n  f  '"''""''  '''''^''  ">'  "^  «-  renin,  eh  Ik 
Appuan  Alps  break  on  the  western  sky,  while  to  the  south- 
west  the  eye  ranges  over  a  succession  of  villa-studded  heights 

Except  the  quotation   from  Floms.   the  earliest  notice  of 
Florence  .s  by  Tacitus   who  at  the  end  of  his  fi.t  book  tel 
us  that   durtng  the  re.gn  of  Tiberi.ts,   in   order    to   control      ^ 
he   frequent  floods  of  the  Tiber,  a  question  arose   in   tTo 
senate  about  the  expediency  of  directing  its  tributary  streams 


VOL.  I. 


*  "  Un  fiumicel  che  nasce  in  Falterona 
*-  cento  miglia  di  corso  nol  sazia."— Dante, 
C 


IS 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   II.J 


A.D.  56. 


into  new  channels ;  and  tliat  in  an  audience  given  to  the 
Ambassadors  of  the  various  Municipia  and  Colonies,  those  of 
Florence  entreated  that  the  river  Chiana  might  not  be  turned 
into  the  Arno,  as  it  would  assuredly  ruin  their  city  by  the 
increased  volume  of  water  which  might  thus  be  rolled  down  on 
them  in  rainy  seasons.  This  vain  though  natural  apprehension 
was  first  shaken  by  the  scientific  spirit  of  the  Medici  and 
afterwards  dispelled  by  the  lights  of  modem  science,  which 
besides  arresting  those  devastating  floods  has  metamorphosed 
tlie  Chiana  swamps  into  rich  farms  with  a  healthy  population  ; 
and  the  poisonous  wastes  of  the  Maremma  now  promise  similar 
and  equally  beneficitU  consequences  *. 

It  is  believed  that  Christianity  was  first  secretly  taught  in 
Florence  about  Nero's  reign  by  Frontinus  and  Pauli- 
nus,  disciples  of  Saint  Peter ;  this  was  followed  by  a 
persecution  of  the  Christians  which  nearly  ceased  under  Ves- 
pasian and  Titus,  and  recommenced  under  Decius  in 
the  third  centur}'.  St.  Miniato  is  supposed  to  ha\ « 
then  suffered  decapitation  on  the  spot  where  the  Church  ot 
Santa  Candida  alia  Croce  a  Gorgo  was  afterwards  erected, 
bequeatliing  its  name  to  the  Present  Gate  of  La  Croce,  and 
his  body  was  inten-ed,  not  without  a  miracle,  on  the  opposite 
hill  which  still  bears  his  name  f . 

The  first  publicly  acknowledged  bishop  seems  to  have  been  i 
«-ertain  Felice  in  J313,  but  no  sure  indication  of  any  oth«  r 
appears  mitil  about  the  year  400,  when  St.  Zanobi  wa^ 
consecrated ;  a  man  reverenced  in  life  and  death  fur 
his  exemidarv'  conduct  and  miracles  ;  that  of  causing  a  decayed 
elm  to  spring  into  full  leaf  by  the  accidental  touch  of  his  body  on 
its  way  to  interment,  was  early  commemorated  by  the  erection 
of  a  marble  column  on  the  spot,  and  long  afterwards  produced 

*  Sagvrio  su    la  storia  dcUe  Colmate     his  head  in  Lis  hand. — M.  di  C.  Sto- 
dclla  Valle  di  Chiana.  fani,   Lib.  i«.  Rub.  23.— Gio.  Villani. 

t  lie   walked   over    the    Arno    with     Lib.  i ',  cap.  Ivii. 


A.D.  250. 


.VI).  400. 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


19 


GhttflT"  ''  ^'""'^  -*  ^--  *^  genius  of  Ridolfo 

bratedat  Florence  o„l     Xhltr  T*""^  ^'"'^^  "^"  '^'''■ 

festival  of  St  ReDaratrtr^         .       °^'  '"°"*' ''  '^^"g  the 
ui  ot.  iveparata,  to  whom  the  Church  of  St    c!,i     j 

which  occupied  the  place  of  the  present T!f.   /  ,  "''^ 

dedicated!.  Long  before  the  vear  M^n,        ,         "■"'  ''^  *^» 

wa3  first  weakened  brCotSnel  J  '  ""''™  ^""P'^^ 

in  preparation  all  southern  P„r„      i    ,  ™^  ^™^ 

effeminacy  and  corZt  .IT.  ^'^  ^"•^"'^'^  «"»k  into 
the  grand  infion"fv!  "  .  '^  '^'  "°'^**  ™^  '^'^  -hen 
ward'  a.  if  byTJ^e^Jeln  0/^"  "°°'  '"''"''  -"*" 
and  physical'equmbri;^:    ""  '  '"  "^*''"  '^^  '"°'"' 

From  Adrians  reign  the  seventeen  provinces  of  Tt„l 
rrx  '  Consuls.  Presidents,  and  LlT/co'    ^^'  ^"" 

unued,  with  the  exception  perhaps  of  Odoacers  r„lp    . 
Long,nus,  who  degmded  the  provincial  DntT  f  I       '       ■"  '° 
governors  of  cities  '     n,„  ..  ^  """"'''  """^^^  "^  Parses  to  mere 
cuies ,.    liut  the  Empire  still  mouldered  away,  and 


*   Jf-    di    Coppo    Stcfani,     Lib     i<> 
Rubnca  2G.--Bor,hini,  Dis^or.  Chiesa' 

Mecatti  Stona  Crouologica  Fioren- 
•*"-i,  (4to  ed.)  and  406  in  the  «vo  cd 


t   Muratori,   Annali.-Hceren's   Ma- 
nual   of    Ancient    Historv.-Denh  a 

Hevolut.d'ItaL,  Lib.iii.,-eap.  T"' 

Gibbon,  vol.  1.,  chap,  i.,  p.  6. 

§  Giannone,  Storia    di    Napoli     vol 

^^PP.65,201,210,21I,2'l6;22o; 
— Uibbon,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  37^  42. 


20 


FLORKNTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAF.  II.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


21 


A-U.  409. 
A.I).  452. 
A.I).  455. 
A.D.  475. 


its  division  by  Valentinian  the  First  was  of  no  more  avail 
than  a  change  of  the  western  government,  from  Home  to  the 
stronger  positions  of  Milan  and  llavenna,  by  Maximian  and 
Dioclesian  in  the  fourth  centurj'  *  :  Italy  soon  fell  a  prey  to 
these  northern  hordes,  who  pouring  in  countless  numbers  from 
their  gloomy  forests  and  icy  lakes,  revelled  in  the  milder  air 
of  the  more  fertile  Ausonia. 

The  ravages  of  the  Visigoths  under  Aluric,  of  the  Huns 
under  Attila,  and  the  Vandals  under  Genseric,  were 
so  many  destructive  storms  that  struck  the  land  with 
death  aiid  desolation  ;  but  the  Hendi  of  King  Odoacer 
changed  the  whole  mord  and  political  aspect  of  Italy: 
they  planted  a  new  and  a  freer  spirit  in  a  country  which 
thev  had  no  wish  to  abandon  for  the  less  brilliant  skies  of  their 
own  inclement  region.  After  defeating  Augustulus  and  Orestes 
on  the  plains  of  Pavia,  Odoacer  remained  for  seventeen  years 
the  master  of  Italy's  fairest  provinces,  but  >vithout  the  imperial 
title,  because  from  policy  or  habitual  veneration  for  the  majesty 
of  the  Csesars  it  is  even  doubted  whether  he  ever  assumed 
that  of  royalty,  being  content  as  it  seemed  with  the  simple 
di^iity  of  Patrician  or  imperial  Vicar.     The  sovereignty  of 
Home  thus   fell   into  the  hands  of  a  barbarian,  who  never 
theless  governed  well  and  wisely ;  who  was  tolerant  although 
an  x\rian;  who  respected  the   institutions  and  prejudices  of 
the  vanquished  although  a  conqueror ;  and  caused  Italy  to  be 
once  more  feared,  courted  and  respected  l»y  the  world  f. 

Five  centuries  later  the  Italian  Berenger  reigned ;  he  wa^ 
deposed,  and  saw  Otho  of  Saxony  seated  in  his  place  a> 
Emperor  of  the  West:  and  these  two  revolutions,  says 
Sismondi,  *'  in  one  of  which  the  name  of  Empire  was  changec* 
to  Monarchy,  and  in  the  other  that  of  Monarchy  to  Empire, 

•Gibbon,  vol.  i.,  chap,  xiii.,  p.  457,    —Gibbon,  vol.  iii.,  p.  498,  (4to  cd).-^ 
(4to  ed.)  Murdtori,   Annali,   vol.  vii.,    p.  '-o.>, 

t  Denina,    Lib.    v.,  cap.   i°,  p.    306.     (8vo  ed.) 


e 


s 


mark  the  long  course  of  adversity  that  tho  Ttai- 
compelled  to  endure  for  the  re    ven.  of  it!  ^'*^" ,"«" °"  ""^^ 
and  the  production  of  an  ener^  h  t^^nfrreT'^'^^^^^^^^ 
freedom*."     I„  Odo^oer's  daftT.Zel'v  '"'^^'''' 

h«-  day ;  mvaded  Italy  with  the  Emperor  Zeno  s  con     ^••'-  «' 
currence,  defeated  Odoacer  in  several  b,ttleT Vnf  ^^        , 
struggle  remained  master  of  that  SlgS^.h,  .t''  "  '"^' 
goven^ed  ,„  peace  and  justice  for  two-^^.d-th  rty  ;ea^     -»•  -■ 
He  put  Odoacer  to  death,  as  Odoacer  had  put  OreL   „,  ,  • 
h.s  atter  ,.ars  became  gloomy  and  even  fero   ousth  1  nl:' 
^ate  attendants;  and  the  execution  of  Boethius  and  Lm-rT dm, 
wU  ever  darken  his  memory  in  despite  of  subsequent  rli" 

fun.sh  ample  rn^n^ji^^^^^:^:?:^' 
tan's  pen.  Through  the  LuenL  :^C:^2rt^ 
tar>  to  both  h.m  and  Odoacer,  learning  was  never  sli^btpr^  ^ 

brated    philosophers  was  a   just  renroach     th.  i  , 

received  through  l.e  will   s^ill  r:^l  t^hi  ~  1  T 
J-tmian's  generuls,   Belisarius  and  Nar.es.   ulZ^Zt 

*  Sismondi,    Rep.,   vol.    ie     cin    ie      j.  nvL 

.  5;fr""T'.«.'-'^' Civile Ji N:;^ii.::  !»; Riv'^tr-Lt"- ""^'"-^'- 

*  ^'bbon,  vol.  iii.,  chap  Ivi  '  ^^'^  ^'^-  ^v  e^p.  v.,  vi. 

el 


i! 


22 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  f. 


CHAP.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


23 


m 


A.  I).  553. 


A.D.  568. 


dued  the  Ostrogoths  after  a  supremacy  of  sixty  years,  their  final 
struggles  being  the  battles  of  Nocera  and  Tagina,  where  Teias 
and  Totila  successively  fell,  quelled  by  the  mightier 
genius  of  an  old  neglected  general  and  a  mutilated 
courtier.     The  able,  vigorous,  but  unpopular  and  somewhat 
avaricious  rule  of  Narses  lasted  sixteen  years,  until  he  fell  by 
female   intrigues   and  adverse  machinations  accom- 
panied by  insults  so  bitter  as,  in  the  opinion  of  some 
writers,  to  cause  the  subsequent  invasion  of  Alboin  and  his 
Lombards  by  a  direct  invitation*.     The  fact  is  doubtful;  but 
the   Lombards,  after  forty  years,  abandoned  Pannonia  to  the 
fiercer  Huns,  and  with  numerous   Saxon  auxiliaries  rose  in 
arms  and  marched  to  Italy  breaking  through  every  barrier 
and  spreading  in  one  broad  flood  from  the  Alps  to  the  capital. 
The  Venetians  were  safe  in  their  Lagoons;    Rome   and  its 
immediate  territor>'  remained   faithful  to  the   emperor;    the 
southern  maritime  cities  were  defended  by  Greeks  ;  and  Zoton, 
an  adventurous  chief  of  the  Lombard  race,  had  established 
himself  from  the  year  561  in  the  heart  of  Italy  under  the  title 
of  Duke  of  Beneventumf:  his  independence  may  perhaps  be 
doubtful;  but  with  these  exceptions  the  realm  of  Lombardy 
included  all  the  peninsula,  Pavia  being  then  the  permanent 
seat  of  government. 

This  invasion  gave  fresh  energ}'  to  Italy,  and  tended  to 
rouse  her  from  that  state  of  drowsy  indifference  with  which 
she  was  still  oppressed  in  despite  of  northern  inroads  :  at  first 
the  Lombards'  rule  was  intolerably  fierce,  and  though  subse- 
quently modified  by  time  and  intercourse,  they  never 
thoroughly  mixed  with  the  Italians,  who  could  not  forget 
their  pristine  ferocity  even  after  that  monarchy  was  destroyed. 
In  conjunction  with  the  bitter  feeling  between  conquerors  and 
conquered,  diversity   of  manners     and    opinions    must  have 


^5 


♦  Muratori,     Annali.— Dcnina,    Lib.     +   Muratori,     Anno  571.— Giannone, 
▼ii.,  cap.  i.,  p.  402.  vol.  ii.,  p.  266. 


.3, 


occasioned  hatred   and  disgust  to   both,  and  the  despicable 
notion  that  the  barbarians  entertained  of  their  new  subjects  is 
forcibly  expressed  by  Luitprand,  Bishop  of  Cremona;  uttered, 
It  IS  true,  m  a  moment  of  anger,  but  not  on  that  account  the 
less  sincere.     "In  the  word  Roman,"  says  he,  -is  included 
all  that  IS  Ignoble,  timid,  avaricious,  lascivious,  and  false,  and 
every  vice  that  can  debase  the  dignity  of  man."     This  would 
have   astonished    Fabricius,  yet   agrees  with  the  opinions  in 
Salviam  s  "  Govemo  di  Dio-  quoted  by  Lami,  where  there  is  a 
disgustmg  picture  of  Roman  depraWty,   especially  at  public 
spectacles;    while  tlie  chastity  and  generally  moral,  thouah 
uncivilised  conduct  of  all  the  northern  tribes  except  the  Huns 
IS  acknowledged  *.    -  The  Goths"  are  described  as  -  perfidious 
but  chaste ;    the  Alani   not  chaste  but  less  perfidious ;    the 
Franks  liars,  bat  hospitable ;    the   Saxons  cruel  and  savage 
but  venerating  chastity."     In  fact  the  Goths  and  Lombards 
found  all  the  vices  that  they  most  abhorred  still  flourishing  in 
Italy,  but  in  peculiar  rankness  about   the   theatres,  amphi- 
theatres,   baths,  and  all   other  places    of  public    diversion ; 
they  were  therefore  destroyed;  not  from  wanton  barbarity  but 
honest  indignation;  and  though  Theodoric  through  policy  and 
general  love  of  the  arts,  repaired  the  Coliseum  and  granted 
public  games  at  the  repeated  petitions  of  the  Romans,  he  yet 
designates  them  as  "  exhibitions  contrary  to  the  gravity^  of 
manners,  evacuators  of  modesty,  fountains  of  strife,  and  the 
mockery  of  times  to  come."     The  courage  of  northern  spirits, 
ruthless  in  battle  but  not  wantonly  cruel,  revolted  from  the 
bloody  sports  of  Rome,  and  even  the  Italian  clergy  endeavoured 
unsuccessfully  to  prevent  them.     Nothing  however  was  gained 
before  the  reign  of  Odoacer  except  an  edict  against 
their  being  held  on  the  Sabbath,  and  this  was  not  ''''''  '''' 
long  attended  to;     nor   did   they   entirely  cease  until    the 


24 


FLOREXTTNE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


country  was  ruined  by  misfortunes  that  destroyed  the  power 
or  wish  for  such  amusements,  and  reduced  man  almost  to 
the  level  of  those  beasts  which  he  was  wont  to  hunt  for 
pastime*. 


CHAP.   III.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


Z  1 


Cotemporary  Monarebs  (hiring  the  period  embraced  in  this  cliapter  : — Roman 
and  Greek  Emperors,  from  Tiberius  to  Constantine,  Copnmimus  and  Ijco 
IV. — Popes,  from  St.  Peter  to  Adrian  I. — England  :  The  Romans  until  448. — 
Prince  Arthur,  supposed  from  50H  to  540. — Heptarchy  from  555  to  «27. — 
Fnince  :  Romans  until  481.— Then  the  Fnvnks  from  Cluvis  to  Chilperic 
III.  in  737. 

*  Ijami,  Leziono  v..  p.  124. 


CHAPTER  TIL 

FROM    A.D.    G50    TO    A.D.    805. 

« 

Centuries  of  historical  darkness  follow  the  foregoing  times, 
broken  only  by  tlie  meteor-like  course  of  Charlemagne  whose 
spirit,  apparently  destined  to  rouse  up  mankind,  soon  vanished 
from  the  scene  and  left  the  world  in   more   than   pristine 
obscurity.     His  exploits  were  chanted  in  romantic  numbers 
and  adorned  with  feiry  superstitions  by  groups  of  itinerants 
thence  called  Charlatans,  and  the  deeds  of  his  Paladins  still 
excite  the  youthful  si)irit  by  their  romantic  and  daring  chai'acter. 
It  is  only  from  the  reign  of  this  monarch  tliat  we  must  take 
the  still  slight  and  uncertain  clue  of  Florentine  histoiy,  after 
some  inquiry  hito  the  supposed  destruction  and  rebuilding  of 
the  city,  a  theme  almost  as  obscure  as  her  name  and  origin,  and 
the  cause  of  much  learned  investigation  amongst  Tuscan  anti- 
quai-ies.     Leonardo  Aretino  and  Scipione  Ammirato  altogether 
discard  the  commonly  received  notion  of  its  ruin  by  Totila ; 
and  the  labours  of  Vincenzo  Borghini  and  Giovanni  Lami  leave 
no  doubt  on  a  subject  which  anterior  writers  had  handled  so 
clumsily  as  to  confuse  this  chief  witli  the  barbarian  Att'ila,  who 
was  almost  a  century  earlier  and  never  crossed  the  Apennines*. 
But  as  in  modern  Italy  the  traveller  is  referred  to  French 
domination  for  the  source   of   all    moral  and    physical    evil, 
so   probably   in    those     gloomy    times    was    every    national 

*  Leon.     Aretino,     Lib.     i".— Scip.     p.  251.— Gio.  Lami,Lezione  vii.,  vol. 
Ammirato,  Storia  Fiorentina,  Lib.  i",     i«,  p,  240. 
J).  17. — Borghini,  Discorsi,  Parte  ii% 


26 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


27 


t' 


m 


A.D.  541. 


A.D.  642, 


misfortune  attrihuted  to  him  whose  exploits  then  most  fully 
occupied  the  public  attention. 

Totila  or  Baduilla,  the  supposed  destroyer  of  Florence,  was 
an  Italian  of  royal  blood  and  Gothic  race ;  who 
after  the  death  of  Erarico,  was  iinanimouslv  chosen 
king  of  that  nation  at  a  moment  when  it  ( quailed  under  the 
energy  of  lielisarius,  and  when  five  thousand  warriors  were 
the  scanty  remnant  of  all  its  veteran  bands.  The  absence 
of  that  renowned  captain  and  the  weakness  of  his  successor 
Alexander  were  soon  felt  by  l>oth  nations  and  proved  pecu- 
liarly favourable  to  Totila ;  for  more  intent  on  gain  and 
vexatious  prosecutions  than  the  charge  of  war,  Alexander  soon 
exhausted  the  courage  and  resources  of  a  sutrcring  nation-. 
A  defeat  of  the  imperialists  near  Verona  gave  Totila  complete 
command  of  that  country  bv  forcinj:t  them  back  in  five 
separate  columns  on  the  fenced  cities  of  Ilomagna  and 
Tuscany:  Justin  with  one  of  these  threw  himself  into  Florence, 
where  he  was  soon  followed  by  a  Gotliic  force  which,  after  a 
second  victory  near  Faenza,  was  sent  to  suqirise  him  ;  but  at  his 
earnest  entreaties  a  body  of  troops  assemlded  at  Ravenna,  and 
by  forced  marches  drove  Totila  s  army  into  the  Mugello,  leaving 
Florence  free.  Although  quarrelling  amongst  themselves  the 
imperial  generals  resolved  to  follow  up  their  blow  but  were 
totally  routed,  while  the  victor's  army  was  augmented  by  the 
enlistment  of  numerous  prisoners  f.  After  failing  in  this 
attempt  on  Florence,  Totila  renewed  tlie  campaign  in  543  by  a 
southward  march  through  Romagna,  reducing  Beneventum 
and  all  the  neighbouring  provinces  ;  even  Rome  fell ;  but  was 
subsequently  recaptured  by  Belisarius,  who  had  reassumed  the 
command  in  Italy:  yet  thus  for  ten  years  did  the  Lombard 
march  from  victory  to  victory,  securing  friends  and  conquer- 
ing foes  almost  by  the  glitter  of  his  arms. 

It  was  in  one  of  these  campaigns  that  he  added  Florence  to 

•  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  541,  &c     f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i",  p.  15,  &c. — 
— Borghini,  Discorsi,  Parte  ii*,  p.  259.     Muratori,  Anno  542. 


his   conquests   either   by   capitulation   or   the   people's   will 
Belisarius  was  gone ;  but  his  genius  reappeared  in  Xarses  • 
Victory  unfaithful  to  the  Gothic  standard  resumed  her  ancient 
post  amongst  the  Roman  Eagles,  and  Totila  after  a  lonrr  and 
bloody  resistance  died  at  the  battle  of  Tagina,  in  552.     ° 

The  place  is  now  unknown.  His  ordei-s  were  to  use  neither 
sword  nor  shaft  in  the  battle,  but  trust  to  pike  and  lance  alone 
for  victoiy ;  he  was  defeated  and  of  course  blamed,  for  the  issue 
was  unfortunate ;  but  we  know  nothing  of  the  circumstances 
m  which  he  acted,  the  nature  of  the  ground,  nor  the 
quality  or  equipment  of  the  adverse  legions ;  and  the  fire- 
side criticism  of  a  great  general's  actions  is  as  easy  as  it  is 
presumptuous. 

Totila  seems  to  have  been  just,  clement,  and  chaste ;  as 
well  as  prudent,  vigilant,  and  indefatigable;  his  virtues 
deserved  a  happier  fate  :  he  took  Rome,  but  spent  his  anger 
on  the  walls,  not  the  people ;  and  though  highly  exasperated, 
spared  that  city  at  the  remonstrance  of  Belisarius.  He  raised 
an  expiring  nation  to  the  pride  of  power,  bafHed  one  of  the 
greatest  generals  of  the  age,  and  dying  gloriously  though 
defeated,  has  been  slandered  both  by  religious  and  national 
enemies.  He  was  a  barbarian,  and  in  that  age  which  of  them 
was  not  ?  But  it  may  be  a  doubtful  question  whether  the 
rugged  northern  virtues  were  not  preferable  to  the  morbid 
civilisation  of  polished,  but  immoral  Greeks,  even  as  their 
own  writers  have  described  them  *. 

Procopius  does  not  even  mention  Florence  amongst  the 
cities  taken  by  Totila,  and  his  continuator  Agathus  savs  in  the 
first  book  of  the  (Gothic  war,  as  cited  by  Lami  and  Borghini, 
that  while  advancing  on  Florence,  Narses  was  met  by  the 
citizens,  who  being  assured  of  indemnity  in  property  and 
person,  freely  capitulated ;  this  not  only  proves  their  ability 
to   defend  themselves,  but   would  also  argue  that  they   had 

♦  Paulo    Giovio,    Vite    d'uomini    il-     —Dcnina,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  iv.,  v-Gib- 
lustn.— Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  552.     bon,  vol.  iv.,  p.  281,  (4to  ed.) 


2S 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  III.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


r 


voluntarily  submitted  to  Totila,  as  a  pardon  from  the  conqueror 
afterwards  became  necessary  for  their  safety.  It  follows  that 
the  Florentine  defences  must  have  been  then  untouched ;  that 
they  had  not  even  been  affected  by  Totila  s  humane  and  politic 
custom  of  destroyhig  the  walls  of  towns  in  order  to  save  the 
hardships  of  a  siege  and  hasten  the  termination  of  hostilities 
in  the  open  field.  If  Florence  were  ever  ruined,  it  probably 
was  irnder  the  Lombards,  and  less  from  wanton  destructive- 
ness  than  oppressive  government :  but  of  that  unhappy  age 
the  records  are  wanting,  and  we  only  know  that  perpetual 
and  unmitigated  war  raged  wildly  over  the  whole  Italian 
peninsula*. 

In  a  public  instrument  of  the  year  774,  Florence  is 
mentioned  rather  as  a  suburb  of  Fiesole,  than  an  independent 
city;  and  even  in  801  a  curious  document  given  in  Giovan- 
battista  Ubaldini's  histor\'  of  his  own  family,  (l)y  which  several 
of  them  are  made  Knights  of  the  Golden  Spur,)  de- 
scribes it  as  deserted  in  consequence  of  the  general  misery. 
This  expression  probably  related  to  what  then  remained 
of  the  city,  as  the  term  is  '*  derelict,'^  not  destroyed  f.  Neither 
was  it  the  custom  at  that  epoch  to  appoint  pastors  where  there 
was  no  flock  or  a  mere  remnant,  insufficient  to  justify  such 
nominations ;  and  yet  two  bishops  of  Florence  seem  to  have 
existed  during  the  time  of  Narses.  Moreover,  in  the  acts 
passed  at  Rome,  confinning  those  of  the  sixth  general  council 
held  at  Constantinople  in  681,  the  name  of  Keparato,  Bishop 
of  Florence  is,  according  to  Borghini,  to  be  seen.  It  is  true 
that  the  episcopal  title  and  functions  might  have  existed  after 
the  diocesan  capital  was  ruhied,  but  this  does  not  seem 
to  be  the  case,  because  Borghini  mentions  as  still  existing  in 
his  day  a  very  ancient  deed  of  gift  made  by  Spezioso,  Bishop 

*  Gibbon,  voL  iv.,  chap,  liii.,  p.  281.  made  in  1279  ;  in  consequence  of  its 

t  Historia     dcgli     UbaMini,     p.    8,  then  state  of  decay,  as  we  arc  told  bv 

(Firenze,  1588,)  where  may  be  found  the  author, 
a  translation  ofthe  original  instrument, 


29 


of  Florence  in  729,  of  the  '« Lands  of  Cintoia^  to  the  Canons  of 
the  Florentine  cathedral. 

All  this  tends  to  prove  that  Florence  so  far  from  havincr 
been  mmed,  >rith  the  exception  perhaps  of  her  theatre  and 
amphitheatre,  was  not  destroyed  at  all ;  and  therefore  the 
credibdity  of  its  reedification  by  Chariemagne  is  diminished  • 
nevertheless,  an  ancient  tradition  adopted  by  all  the  eariy 
writers  and  accompanied  by  various  details,  can  scarcely  have 
sprung  from  nothing  and  may  not  be  difficult  to  explain. 

The  Scythians  and  Germans,  according  to  Tacitus,  had  a 
strong  aversion  to  walled  towns,  which  thev  considered  as  a 
sort  of  prison,  and  under  this  impression  razed  the  defences  of 
every  captured   city  to   the  ground,  as    much   perhaps  from 
Fhcy  as  habit;  and  in  the  beginning  no  fortified  place  existed 
m  Lombardy  nor  were  any  afterwai'ds  allowed    without  the 
royal  permissioir:=.     Charters  thus  became  necessary  and  were 
at  first   rare,   but   multiplied  about  the   close  of  the  ninth 
century^  when  the  whole  country  was  suffering  under  Saracenic 
and  Hungarian  ravagers  f . 

Following  their  national  customs,  the  Lombards  probably 
levelled  the  walls  of  Florence  and  completed  the  ruin  of  all 
places    of    public    amusement:    this    would    naturally   have 
hastened  the  depopulation  of  a  place  about  the  welfare  of 
which  they  may  have  been  less  careful  from  their   holding 
Tuscany  more  as  a  tributary  state  than  a  national  settlement  ; 
and  an  impatience  of  their  hard  dominion  would,  on  the  other 
hand,  have  induced  many  Florentine  families  to  seek  a  life 
of    more   independence   in   the   country,  as  emigration  was 
strictly  forbidden  by  the  Lombard  law.     The  re-union  of  all 
these  families  by  Chariemagne,  coupled  with  a  restoration  of 
the  wsills  and  a  new  form  of  civil  government,  may  be  fairiv 
called  a  reedification  of  Florence ;  and  her  previously  imagined 

l^'^^"";*''''^'  '"  "^^P-  '''''  P*  2^^'     +  Muratori,    Antichiti  d'ltalia,   vol 
4to  ed.— Montesquieu,  Esprit  des  Lois,     ii",  pp.  467,  469.-Sismondi,  vol.  i"' 
Liv.  XVI.,  chap.  xxn.  chap,  vi.,  p.  247. 


30 


1-XORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHAP.  111.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORr. 


If 


fl 


condition  would  justify  the  expression  of  '* derelict"  in  the 
Ubaldiui  patent,  as  well  as  the  title  of  refounder  of  Florence 
for  that  emperor  *. 

The  Scotch  historian,  Leslie,  amongst  other  actions  of 
Charlemagne,  attributes  the  restoration  and  new-born  liberty 
of  Florence  to  the  influence  of  his  companion  William,  the 
King  of  Scotland's  brother ;  and  to  commemorate  it,  a  decree 
passed  ordering  that  a  certain  number  of  Lions,  as  emblematic 
of  their  patron,  should  ever  after  be  maintained  at  the  public 
expense  f .  Whatever  credit  may  be  due  to  tliis  legend,  there 
seems  little  doubt  of  Charlemagne's  having  encouraged  the 
visits  of  distinguished  foreigners  and  made  use  of  their 
services :  learned  men  from  Ireland,  where  it  would  appear 
that  most  of  the  western  erudition  was  then  concentrated, 
were  invited  to  aid  in  the  improvement  of  France ;  and  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign,  and  when  letters  had  little  or  no 
reputation  there,  two  Benedictines,  Clement  and  Alhinus, 
arrived  from  the  former  country,  both  deeply  versed  in  sacred 
and  profane  literature.  These  monks  tmversed  all  France, 
calling  on  the  people  to  listen  to  the  words  of  wisdom : 
Charlemagne  summoned  both  to  his  presence,  and  being  con- 
vinced of  their  talents  and  sincerity,  engaged  Clement  to  open 
a  school  for  people  of  every  rank  who  should  be  desirous  of 
literarj'  acquirements :  a  third  named  Dvufjal  followed,  who 
after  the  year  774  is  said  to  have  visited  Italy,  and  in  u 
monastery  of  Augustine  Friars  at  Pavia  under  the  auspices  of 
this  philosopher,  learning  was  also  revived  in  that  countrj^  and 
soon  spread  to  the  neighbourmg  states  of  Viceuza,  Verona, 
Ivrea,  Turin,  and  Femio  *. 


*  Denina,   Rivol.  d'ltalia,    Lib.    vii.,  Denina,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  lii. — But  for 

chap,  vii.,  p.  454.  further  notice  of  these  facts  ice  Moorcs 

+  Gio.     I^mi,   Ijezione. — G.    Ammi-  Hist,   of   Ireland,    vol.    i. ;    also   77/t 

rato.  Lib.  i". — Richa,  Notizie  Utoriche  Moiik  of  San  Gallo's  Life  of  C%xrlt- 

dellc  Chiese  Toscane,  vol.  iv.,  Parte  maijne,     apud      Dusche^tie,     Ann. 


3J 

Charlemagne's  arrival  in  Italy  is  an  event  too  closely  allied 
to  the  resuscitation  of  Florence  to  be  passed  in  silen  e  wW 
fore,  a  rapid  view  may  be  taken  of  thl  „  suence,  where- 

this  expedition.  *'  occurrences  that  led  to 

About  the  yeai-  751  Astolfo,  Kina  of  the  T  nn,l,„.  i 
of  annexing  thn  lt„r  "  -Lombards,  ambitious 

the  Roman  state,  then  really  .rovemed  bv  i,»  l   7 
ostensibly  i.,ed  by  an  mJ,l7:C  ^Tsl'^:i£''''^ 
tniee  was  made  with  Pope  Stephen  the  Seld  S  fo|^  3^^ 
bu    observed  only  for  four  months,  when  a  new  invlionT' 
turbed  the  pontiffs  tranquillity,  and  the  morJ  1!        ? 

from  Pepm.  as  they  had  from  his  father  Charles  MarteT^ 

rrrdrtiutT-'^"?"'^'  ''''''"^''-'  ^^ 

T^    1      1  dangerous   jouniey    through    thf^ 

Lombard  states    Stephen  accomplished    his   objec     cwwned 
-  patron  ••  King  of  the  Franks,"  made  him'p L^ Z"' 

last  dignity  would  probably  have  been  received  with "oiuemn! 
had  n  come  from  Constantinople;  but  emanating  ZX 
ame  authority  which  had  placed  the  diadem  on  liirhej^  th 
the  solemn  and  then  unusual  ceremony  of  anoin  ina  ^ 
accepted  as  a  pledge  of  amity  and  a  ma;:'of~:L;r 

^^ZofS:   "'"'   "'   ■■^>°"'  ™'-   -.  rP-  0-3,   67,   &c.-Mura.o., 


11' 


4.0. 


*  Muratori,     Annali,    Anno     781. — 


Franc,  tomo  ii.,  cited  by  Murato.*!, 


32 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


33 


the  Roman  senate  and  people,  because  tlie  Patrician's  jurisdic- 
tion, now  scarcely  understood,  is  supposed  to  have  then  com- 
prehended that  of  the  ancient  Exarchate,  which  embraced  all 
the  Italian  provinces  *. 

Astolfo  was  now  cai-nestly  entreated  to  restore  the  conquests, 
and  on  his  refusal  Pepin  with  a  powerl'ul  army  marched  to 
Italy  in  754,  defeated  that  monarch  and  besieged  Pavia, 
which  was  reduced  to  extremity ;  but  by  Stephen's  intercession 
Astolfo  was  afterwards  admitted  to  terms  on  the  resignation 
of  all  his  recent  acquisitions  f . 

In  the  following  year  this  unquiet  spirit  nv:is  ngain  active  : 
against  all  oaths  and  treaties  he  ravaged  the  country'  and 
invested  Rome,  but  was  once  more  vanquished  by  the 
Frankish  monarch.  These  events  were  not  unobsened  in  the 
East,  whence  ambassadors  soon  arrived  and  found  Pepin 
encamped  near  Pavia :  he  was  invited  by  them  to  restore  the 
Exarchate,  (for  the  pontit^^'s  ambition  became  apparent,  and  a 
temporal  ecclesiastical  power,  independent  of  Constantinople, 
was  known  to  be  its  object ;)  but  they  were  cUsmissed  with  few 
words, — *'  the  province  had  already  been  given  to  Saint  Peter, 
and  all  the  gold  of  Christendom  would  be  insufficient  to  annul 

the  decree."' 

The  dominions  thus  bestowed  were  those  formerly  under  the 
immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  Exarchs,  consisting  of  the  province 
of  Emilia,  or  modem  Romagna ;  the  marches  of  Ferrara  and 
Commacchio ;  five  maritime  cities,  extending  from  Rimini  to 
Ancona,  called  the  Pentapolis ;  and  a  second  inland  Pentapolis, 
between  the  Adriatic  and  the  Apennines.    Besides  these,  there 

were  the  three  subordinate  provinces  of  Venice,  Rome,  and 
Naples,  which  though  separated  by  hostile  lands  from  the  seat 
of  government,  still  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Ravenna. 

*   Muratori,    Anno  742. — Giannone,     xlix.,  p.  120,  &c. 

vol.  iii",  pp.  201,  204.— Denina,  Lib.     f  Muratori,  Annali,  vol.  x.,  p.  258, 

viii.,  cap.  ^^.,  p.  259. — Gibbon,  chap.     (8vo  ed.) 


The  Roman  Dutchy  included  all  Tuscan,  Sabine  and  Latin 
conquests  of  the  four  fi.t  centuries  of  anci;nt  Rome  bounS 
by  the  sea  from  Civita  Vecchia   to  Terracina.     The     t 
to^  of  Naples  was  bathed  by  the  wate.^  of  that  bay    aTd 

Amalfi    where  first  m  this  hemisphere  the  virtues  of  Lt 
myst^nous   key  .hich   has   since  unlocked  the  Jrid    w " 
apphed  to  European  navigation*.     So  munificent  a  riftZs 
formally  bestowed  by  offerin.^  tliP  l-o,.<,     <•    i  ^ 

cities  on  tl,«  cv.  •        T^  ^  ^^^  °^  '*''°"*  t^^enty  one 

Tonation  of  pf     !     ,  '""*  "'''"•  ''""^  ^"^^  '^'^  -^^tten 
Wesli  e:;.^"   '  ^"""^'''   ''-'  ^^-^--  -th  the 

eh^:  Ir^n    T  ""^"r  °"  '''"'^  "^  "''"P-^  dominion 
bemg  formally  bestowed  on  the   "Servant  of  Servants^'  an 

hierarchies    of   succeedmg    times.     Astolfo's    death    mised 

tus  b.othei  Raehis  who  had  once  filled  it  with  some  reputation 

ne  contested    the  crowi,  with    Disiderius   duke  of   Istri« 
and  pressed  him  so  hard   in    750   as   to  make  the   Popes 
assistance  necessary  to  the  latter,  which  was  seeded  bf  a 
prom.se  to  restore  all  that  remained  of  the  impe^XritoXl 

«2.    199,    &c.;    .ol     T'l^'so'.      ™S"-''?%''"""S   '"S  exile  a,   Paris, 

claim,  ordi;u^7,^'^'zz;  +  rt^r  m" '-  ''-r-- 

™  ..ow  generally  a.Imitte,i,  and  some  Jewo    Fano  cZ^^T"'^  ,^"°t'"'' 

liink  that  Mareo  Polo  first  l,rni„-l,t  plT     *"".°' ^"^f  "••'.  Smigaglia,  Jasi, 

it  thenee,  towards  the  eonrl,, J^n     f  *°''"T'"''' '^"'•''' ^''""'■teltro,  Ace- 

the  thirteenth  eenturv-T,/;,         !  '"S^"' *'»»'» -li  Lucaro,  Serra,  Castella 

have   been    in  Xmi  ^T.  at  T  ?,' f i™  "'"f" '  <^»  »'™"»  ^)  Bohio, 

vol..  I.  '  ^ 


34 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


35 


The  Pontiff's  influence,  seconded  by  certain  Roman  and 
French  auxiliaries,  insui-ed  success ;  and  the  --^l  7"^'  ^^ 
commanding  armies,  resigning  a  crown,  a^d  boldly  attemp  - 
in»  its  recovery,  sank  the  following  year  into  the  doubtful 
ca?m  and  certain  obscurity  of  a  cloister*.    Pope  Stephen 

II.  died  in  757,  without  reaping  the  fruit  of  1-  la  ours  for 

Disiderius,  and  was  replaced  ^^  P^V- ^^.Vl'^'s L^n 
this   question   and   enjoyed  a  tranqml  pontificate.     Stephen 

III.  succeeded,  and  Pepin's  decease  in  -0.  left  Uia  les 
and  Carloman  joint  heirs  of  his  dominions.  France  fell  o 
Charles,  who  in  768  sent  twelve  bishops  to  a  council  at 
Rome,  ;nd  amongst  them  Tilpin,  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  who 
after^vards  under  the  name  of  Turpin  acqmred  an  unfomided 
celebrity  as  the   supposed  author  of  the   ancient  romances 

of  those  times.  .  . 

■  Charles,  in  despite  of  the  Pope,  mamed  a  daugh  ei  of 
Disiderius  in  771,  whom  he  subsequently  repudiated,  but 
Carlonmn  dying  the  same  year,  he  reunited  the  empire;  and 
in  77-2  his  brothers  widow  and  her  two  children  took  refuge 

at  the  court  of  Lombardy. 

Adrian  the    First,   a    stem    ambitious    man,  succeeded 
Stephen :  he  was  one  of  those  whose  proud,  intolerant  spmt 
receives  the  praise  of  churclmien  for  its  condemnatoiy  standard 
of  religion  and  mischievous  bigotiy:  disputes  soon  arose  with 
King  Disiderius,  who  in  773  urged  him  to  declare  the  righte 
of  Cai-loman's  orphan  children;  but  there  was  more  bodi  to 
hope   and  fear  from   the  uncle's   power  than  the  nephews 
weakness,  and  the  priest  refused.      Disiderius  immediately 
invaded  the  Exai-chate,   menax:ed  Pujme,  and  demai.ded  a 
pei-sonal  interview :  Adrian  closed  his  gates,  prepared  for  war. 
and  threatened  his   adversary   with   excommunication:    the 
latter  succeeded,   for  spiritual  power  was  even  thus  early 

.  Giannone,  Storia,  vol.  iii ,  pp.  47-61,  98.-Muratori,  vol.  x.,  p.  267. 


80  formidable,  that  the  intimidated  prince  retired  awe-struck 
from  Viterbo*. 

Charles  was  appealed  to  by  the  Pontiff,  and  unsuccessfully 
remonstrated^  although  offering  to  make  a  pecuniary  compro 
m,se  mth   Disiderius :   he  then   crossed  the  Alps   and   laid 
siege  to  Pam,  where  the  Lombard  had  taken  refuge,  and  to 
Verona,  which  obeyed  his  son  Adelgiso.     Both  fell   within 
mght  months;   the  prince  escaping  to   Constantinople  while 
the  king  remained  a  captive  in  France,  where  he  ended  his 
existence.     The    Lombard    states    soon    yielded,   with    the 
exception  of  Beneventum,  an  independent  dukedom  compris- 
ing most  part  of  modern  Naples ;  and  Charies,  by  assuming 
he  title  of  King  of  Italy,  began  a  new  era  in  her  eventfd 
history  f. 

The  kingdom  thus  acquired  extended  from  Pavia.  as  a  centre 
m  radn  of  vanous  lengths  on  every  point  of  the  compass;  the 

Terra-firma  of  Venice;  the  Tyrol;  the  Milanese;  Pied- 
mont; the  coast  or  "  Biri.ra  "  of  Genoa ;  Mantua,  Parma,  and 
Modena  with  their  territories ;  the  present  Tuscany,  and  a 
great  ix>rtion  of  the  ecclesiastical  state  from  Perugia  to  the 
Adriatic  all  acknowledged  Chariemagne's  supremacy.  Beneven- 
tum subsequently  fell,  and  thus  in  subdmng  a  troublesome 
neighbour  the  Church  was  forced  to  bow  to  a  more  powerful 
though  friendly  master;. 

It  was  during  the  investment  of  Pavia  in  April  774  that 
Charlemagne  made  his  first  visit  to  Rome,  and  passing  through 
i^lorence  was  petitioned  by  the  inhabitants  to  rebuild  the 
walls  and  reestablish  their  ancient  freedom. 

He  was  only  once  at  Florence  afterwards,  when  marching 
to  invade  Beneventum  in  780,  followed  by  several  Tuscan 
Chiefs ;    amongst  others,  as  we   are  told,   by  sixty  mounted 

•  Giannone,  vol.  iii.,  p.    lOS.-Mu-    viii.,  cap.  iv.,  p.  .50.3. 

/  /-,  &c.— Dcmna,  Rivol.  d'ltal.  Lib.     +  Gibbon,  vol.  w.,  p.  445. 

D  3 


36 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  III.] 


knights  of  the  Ubaldini  family,  with  five  hundred  of  their 
vassals  from  the  ]\Iugello  province  ;  so  early  did  that  ancient 
and  troublesome  race  become  powerful  in  Tuscany.  Many 
privileges  were  probably  granted  during  this  visit,  and  Florence 
must  have  greatly  prospered  to  induce  the  emperor  to  hold  a 
royal  court  and  spend  a  Christmas  within  its  walls. 

When  Charlemagne  \isited  Rome  for  the  last  time  in  800, 
to  be  crowned  by  Leo  III.,  he  avoided  Florence  and  took  the 
Romagna  road  both  going  and  returning ;  it  is  therefore  an 
en'or  of  the  early  historians  to  assert  that  he  founded  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  in  801,  made  many  knights,  and 
held  the  Easter  of  805  in  that  city  ;  and  probably  a  still  greater 
in  supposing  that  it  was  repeopled  l)y  Roman  families  ;  for 
Rome  herself  had  sufiered  too  much  to  spare  any  of  her  popu- 
lation ;  nay,  wishing  about  this  time  to  restore  Ostia,  she  was 
even  obliged  to  imite  colonists  from  Sardinia  to  inhabit  it*. 

It  is  far  more  hkelv  that  during  this  intei-val  the  ancient 
Florentme  families  reassembled  and  possibly  erected  the  first 
modem  circuit  of  walls,  if  they  were  not  indeed  subsequently 
raised  in  common  with  many  other  places,  against  the  Huns 
and  Saracens,  who  became  the  ten-or  of  Italy  for  near  fifty 
years  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  f ;  and  to  such  an 
extent  did  this  mania  or  rather  necessity  for  defences  reach 
in  tliat  unhappy  time,  that  scarcely  a  town,  village,  or  convent 
was  wanting  in  walls  and  towers ;  if  not  already  defended  by 
a  connected  inclosure  of  lofty  houses  pierced  towards  the 
country  by  high  and  naiTow  ^vindows,  that  secured  the  public 
safety. 

These  long-continued  incursions  gradually  disciplined  the 
people  while  they  invested  the  citizen  with  a  new  and  important 

*   Malespini,  chap.  xlv. — Leon.  Arc-  ratori,Annali,  Anno  889;  also  Gibbon, 

tino.  Lib.  i.,  p.  xvi.  (Fol.  ed.),  1492.  vol.  v.,  chap.  Iv.,  p.  548  ;  and  vol.  iii., 

t  Between  889  and   938.     For  the  chap,  xxx.,  p.  161. 
character  of  these  barbarians,  see  Mu- 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


37 


chai-acter :   when  towns  were  open  and  secure,  few  people  took 
an  active  part  ui  public  matters,  and  were  generally  of  too 
htt  e  consequence  to  become  patriots ;   being  bound  together 
under  one  general  government,  and  ruled  immediately  and 
despotically  by  its  ministers,  there  was  little  room  for  local 
ambition   or  high  political  sentiment;    but   when  forced  to 
stand  smgly  on  the  defensive,  each  man  began  to  feel  his  own 
mdividual  importance  and  the  necessity  of  exertion  :    hence 
walls  arose,  militia  were  embodied,  and  a  freer  form  of  govern- 
ment began  :  the  peasantry  also  were  compelled  to  think  and 
act,  and  a  forward  movement  was  soon  imparted  to  the  popular 
mass,  the  harbinger  of  still  more  important  changes. 

Now  it  is  more  probable  that  the  Florentine  mmpaxts  were 
constructed  at  this  ruffling  period  than  at  the  moment  when  a 
young  and  powerful  conqueror  had  neariv  subdued  Italy  when 
no  external  enemy  existed,  and  therefore  when  both  expense 
and  necessity  were  against  them;  wherefore  Dante  was  pro- 
bably  correct  in  all  but  the  destroyer's  name  when  he,  without 
reference  to  Chariemagne,  tells  us  of 

"Que'  cittadini,  che  poi  la  rifondamo, 
Sopra  '1  cencr  che  d'  Attila  rimase." 

"Those  citizens  who  afterwards  re-founded  it 
Upon  the  ashes  that  remained  from  Attila." 

Inferno,  Canto  XIII. 


IrenrT'''''/^'"«?''!  ^-p^"^^^  Emperors,  from  Leo  IV.  to  the  Empress 

nH  ^v~^''''^    '•"  ^'^y'"  "•  '"  ^^^"  "I— England:  Heptarchv.-p/ance 
■iQd  Western  Empnc  :    Pepin  and  Charlemagne. 


3S 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


39 


CHAPTER   IV. 


FROM  801  TO  A.D.   lOlO. 


The  political  institutions  of  Germany,  from  whence  came 
the  conquerors  and  high    aristocracy   of   Italy,    exhibited   a 
monarch  with  limited  authority  in  peace  but  supreme  in  war : 
her  social  division  was  in  distinct  confederations  of  clans  called 
*'  Fares  "  under  chiefs  named  **  Farones:  "   hence  "  Varones,'' 
"  Baroncs  "  and  "  Baronsr    Several  of  these  Farca  constituted 
a  "  Gau  "  or  community  governed  by  a  "  Graf'  or  Count,  who 
with   a  council  of  assessors  under  the  name  of  '' Scahini,"' 
besides  other  officers,  dispensed  public  justice.      The  latter, 
named  "  Ceutenarii  "  or  "  Schuhe,''  and  "  Decani  "  or  Deacons, 
were  the  heads  of  a  hundred,  and  of  ten  families  respectively. 
The  community  of  lands  made  these  official  dignities  merely 
personal  and  migi-atorj^ ;  but  the  Italian  conquests  gave  per- 
manent property  to  the  victors  and  permanent  authority  to  the 
Graja  and  counsellors :    hence  their  judicial  power.     These 
dignities  were  in  thne  given  by  the  king  to  his  personal  friends 
and  supporters,  and  gradually  assuming  the  name  of  vassals 
were  first  revokeable  at  pleasure,  then  a  life-interest  became 
common   until    Charies   the  Bald   reluctantly  acknowledged 
them  hereditary.     Vassals  were  exempt  from  the  provincial 
Count's  jurisdiction,  and  amenable  only  to  that  of  the  palatial 
Count ;  consequently  the  authority  of  the  former  diminished  and 
an  order  of  rui'al  Counts  began.     Vassals  of  all  kinds  imitated 


the  crown  and  granted  sub-benefices  to  their  supporters  and 
these  agam  to  theirs  with  civil  and  militaiy  obligations,  so' that 
a  web  of  feudal  subordination  overspread  the  countiy  =:=. 

The  -Benefice''  was,  about  the  year  1000,  called  a  Fief, 
and  the  great  officers  of  government  were  given  possessions 
mstead  of  salaries  ;  Charlemagne  is  supposed  by  some  to  have 
created  the  dignity  of  Count,  but  for  life  only,  and  dependent 
on  the  crown ;  by  others  to  have  merely  diminished  the  power 
of  these  officers  by  multiplying  their  number  f . 

The  Counts  of  frontier  places  by  a  gradual  extension  of 
authority  over  several  Counts,  mounted  one  step  higher  and 
were  called  Marquises :  these  became  powerful  and  even  for- 
midable  in  the  ninth  centurJ^  mitil  the  Bishops  with  increased 
temporal  possessions  opposed  them,  being  independent  of  their 
power,  and  governed  only  by  tlie  Roman  Law :. 

The  Exarch  Longinus,  who  succeeded  'xarses,  havin^r 
abolished  the  ancient  Rectors  or  Dukes  of  Provinces,  substituted 
Dukes  of  Cities,  which  custom  was  continued  by  the  Lombards  • 
the  chief  of  these  was  the  Exarch  of  Ravenna,  a  title  assumed  in 
568,  by  command  of  the  Emperor  :  even  Rome  was  not  spared  • 
her  time-honoured  Senate  and  Consuls  were  supei-seded  by 
new  titles,  and  her  once  glorious  territory,  including  the 
^'Eternal  City,"  was  ovei-shadowed  by  the  fresher  honours  of  a 
modem  dukedom  §. 

There  is  also  reason  to  suppose  that  Tuscany,  under  the 
Lombards  and  Chariemagne,  was  governed  according  to  the 
system  of  Longinus,  in  departments  presided  over  by  a  Duke 
for  as  late  as  780  we  read  of  a  Reginald,  Duke  of  Chiusi,  and 
a  Guindibrand,  Duke  of  Florence ;  but  between  that  epoch  and 
«00,  the  date  of  Chariemagne  s  will,  Counts  were  probably 

*Cibrario,     Economia    Politico    del     Parte  ii%  p.  17 
Med,o  Evo,  capo  io  J  Cibrario^ap^  io. 

Marchesi  di  Toscana,   Parte  i%  p.  5 ; 


40 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


substituted  and  the  liigher  title  resen^d  for  the  general  Gover- 
nor of  Tuscany. 

Rejecting  therefore  the  mhmter  details  of  Malespini,  Villani, 
and  subsequent  writers,  the  substance  of  their  narratives  may 
still  create  a  reasonable  belief  that  the  ancient  families  of 
Roman  and  Fiesoline  extraction  were  encouraged  by  these  Prank- 
ish goveraors  to  reunite  in  Florence,  and  that  various  privileges 
with  a  certain  portion  of  civil  liberty  were  freely  gi'anted'by 
Charlemagne  ^i--.     Amongst    other   regulations   it   is   not   im- 
probable that  two  Consuls  and  a  Senate  were  substituted  at  this 
epoch  for  the  Lombard  Schuhe  or  "  Scahinl  "  as  Malespini 
asserts,  though  Ammirato  refers  them  to  a  much  later  period  f. 
Neither  should  Malespini's  testimony  be  lightly  rejected,  when 
he   enumerates  by  name   the  chiefs   of  many  distinguished 
families  who  were  created  Knights  by  that  monai'ch  for  their 
military  services ;   nor  should  we  disbelieve  that  the  church 
of  the  Apostles  was,  not  built,  but  restored  by  his  direction, 
although  perhaps  not  at  the  assigned  date  ;   for  he  kept  the 
Easter  of  805  at  ALx-la-chapelle  and  the  architectui'e  is  much 
too  pure  for  that  barbarous  period  |. 

An  exposition  of  the  various  troubles  that  afflicted  Italy 
from  Chariemagne's  death  in  814  until  the  coronation  of  Otho 
the  Great  in  902  is  unnecessary ;  Florence  shared  in  the 
general  misery ;  yet  in  this  universal  darkness  the  embiy^o 
republic  was  gradually  but  unconsciously  forming  and  preparing 
itself  for  coming  events.  Excepting  one  bright  gleam,  the 
reign  of  Louis  IL,  the  long  melancholy  gloom  of  Cariovmgian 
misgovemment  remained  unbroken  :  all  social  ties  were  rent 
asunder ;  nobles  fattened  on  the  prodigality  and  weakness  of 

*  Giannone,  vol.  ii.,  p.  240.— Mura-     Chicse  Fiorentini,  vol.  iv.,  Parte  ii», 

ton   Annah,  vol.  xi.,  pp.  17,  135.  p.  49.— Vasjiri,  Proemio  Vite  de  Pit- 

t  Malespini  cap.  xlv—Muratori,  vol.     tori,    Parte  i%  vol.  i.,   p.  224;   also 

J'*' PP-  ^ \}^^-.        ,  in  Vita  (li  Andrea  Tafi,  vol.  i.,  p.  292, 

+  Kicha,     Notizie      Istoriche     della     (Siena  cd.  8vo.) 


41 


monarchs,  and  the  vast  empire  of  Charlemagne  insensibly 
slipped  from  the  grasp  of  his  feeble  descendants.  Provinces 
became  the  property  of  their  Dukes ;  capitals  were  mastered 
by  belligerent  Prelates  ;  cities  yielded  to  the  power  of  aspiring 
Counts,  and  scarcely  a  town,  castle,  or  village  but  what  ac- 
knowledged any  master  but  the  Iving.  At  length  Charies  le 
Gros  the  last  of  Chariemagne's  dynasty  was  formally  deposed 
in  887,  and  dying  the  next  year  left  Italy  a  prey  to  the  ruth- 
less ambition  of  rival  princes.  The  miseries  of  a  long-continued 
civil  war  overspread  the  land ;  competitors  sprang  up  like 
noxious  weeds  in  a  ruined  garden,  and  the  country  was  soon 
bristling  with  hostUe  lances  *.  Guido,  Marquis  of  Spoleto,  and 
Berenger  of  Friuli  towered  far  above  the  rest  in  reckless 
struggles  for  the  vacant  throne  :  both  of  them  young,  powerM, 
and  aspiiing,  both  of  them  aUied  to  the  Cariovingian  race  ;  one 
a  Lombard,  the  other  a  Frank;  each  inflamed  by  public 
rivalry^  and  hating  each  other  from  private  persecution;  a 
dreary  prospect  opened  on  the  people  and  was  fatally  realised. 

For  sixty  years  war  rolled  on  in  blood  with  various  chance 
but  endless  fury :  victor  and  vanquished  by  turns,  each  alter- 
nately bought  the  support  of  clergy  and  nobles  by  fresh  spolia- 
tions of  royal  power,  the  defeated  candidate  being  ever  the  pre- 
sent favourite ;  for  he  promised  much  and  inspired  no  fear, 
while  the  victor  required  a  degree  of  obedience  which  the  nobles 
were  resolved  not  to  accord  to  either  f . 

Berenger  enjoyed  an  intenal  of  repose  by  Guido's  death 
in  894;  he  governed  through  a  wild  and  stormy  reign,  of 
thirty  years,  and  died  invested  with  the  imperial  dignity, 
which  was  then  conferred  on  all  the  Italian  kings  who 
marched  in  arms  to  Rome  J. 

Although  a  man  of  talent  and   corn-age,   and  not  devoid 


*  Gibbon,   vol.    v.,  chap,  xlix.— Sis- 

mondi,  Rep.  Italiennes,  vol.  i. 

t  Muratori,    Annali,    vol.    xii.— De- 


nina.  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xi.,  p.  566. 
t  Gibbon,  vol.  v.,  p.  148,  (4toed.) 


42 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


of  Virtues,  his  reign  was  a  period  of  the  greatest  disorder 
and  complete  disorganisation  of  society.  A  constant  state 
of  civil  war  with  the  everlasting  ravages  of  Hungarian 
and  Saracen  freebooters  tore  the  country  to  i>iecc8,  and  threw 
every  toNvn,  village,  and  feudal  chieftain,  nay,  almost  eveiy 
individual  upon  their  own  resources  fur  public  and  private 
safety,  and  the  maintenance  even  of  a  shadow  of  civil 
government  *. 

The  result  was,  that  after  the  second  Berenger's  deposition 
m  961,  when  Otho  the  First  in  the  following  year  became 
king  and  emperor,  he  found  no  such  luxurious  effemi- 
nate race  as  the  corruption  of  Ilome  had  left  to  attract 
without  the  power  of  repelling  his  northern  ancestors; 
advei-sity  had  well  kneaded,  re-moulded,  and  as  it  were 
stamped  with  pristine  energy  the  gi-eat  Italiuu  race;  a  model 
somewhat  mdely  blocked  perhaps,  but  with  bold  feature^ 
and  commanding  aspect  f. 

He  found  a  wariike,  fierce,  and  independent  nobility  that 
would  suffer  no  foreign  competitor  in  civil  or  military^  em- 
ploments ;  a  race  of  gentlemen  inferior  in  power  as  in* rank 
but  equally  determined  ;  chiefs  who  ruled  their  own  domains 
^th  absolute  authority,  and  were  continuallv  exercised  in  arms 
He  found  those  that  sternly  demanded  a  voice  in  the  national 
assemblies  ;  men  resolved  to  interfere  in  the  fonnation  of  those 
laws  which  they  were  required  to  obey,  and  who  refused  all 
taxation  but  what  they  themselves  imposed.  In  the  inferior 
citizens  he  found  similar  energy-,  congenial  spirit,  and  a  stron<r 
determination  to  be  free,  with  a  union  of  heart  and  hand  that 
finaUy  accomphshed  it.  He  found  also  the  cities  generally 
governed  by  Counts  who  were  often  prdaies,  and  being  all 
Italians,  not  well  affected  to  the  empire  J. 


43 


*  Giannone,  vol.  iv.,  p.  103. 

f  Sismondi,  vol.  i.,  chap,  i.,  p.  4.. 

Giannone,  vol.  iv.,  p.  UC 


t  Muratori,    Antirhita    Italiane,   vol. 
vii.,  Dlssertaziowe  xlvi.,  p.  228. 


To  their  lordly  independence  he  opposed  the  spirit  of  civic 
liberty,  and  urged  the  citizens  to  strengthen  their  own 
position  and  privileges  by  resisting  the  power  of  these 
ambitious  men ;  the  imperial  comitenance  made  this  an  easier 
task,  for  the  Counts  had  no  regular  troops,  and  either 
popular  authority  or  popular  favour  became  absolutely  neces- 
saiy  to  the  successful  issue  of  their  entei-prises.  Their 
revenue,  though  sometimes  increased  by  land,  consisted  of  a 
third  of  all  fines  on  criminals,  which  in  tlie  then  loose  condition 
of  society  when  punishments  were  in  general  pecuniary,  must 
have  been  considerable,  and  no  doubt  proved  as  fertile  a  source 
of  injustice  as  it  was  a  powerful  incentive  to  liberty-. 

The  Italian  cities  worked  smoothly  with  Otho,  and  by  selling 
every  favour  for  some  fresh  concession  from  the  Counts,  gra- 
dually moulded  their  several  constitutions ;  yet  while  any  of 
his  descendants  remained  they  were  tme  to  the  Saxon  rule, 
and  content  to  accumulate  materials  for  the  advent  of  general 
freedom. 

The  House  of  Saxony  finished  with  the  third  Otho  in  100*2, 

after  a  nominal  mle  of  forty  years  over  the  Italian  provinces, 

fifteen  only  having  l)een  really  passed  there  and  those  in  short 

interrupted  visits  ;    the  general  government  was  consequently 

weakened,  in  some  departments  paralysed  by  the  absence  of 

its  chief,  and  naturally  fell  back  on  the  great  feudal  barons 

and  larger  communities,  which  severally  absorbed  the  powers 

of  self-legislation  and  all  other  functions  of  royalty.  The  towns 

chose  their  own  consuls  and  senates ;  each  claimed  the  right 

of  government  and  self-defence,  and  every  citizen  necessarily 

became  a  soldier:  the  power  of  arms  was  not  only  used  against 

foreign  intruders  but  claimed  as  a  privilege  in  private  war,  a 

privilege  to  which  tliey  thought  themselves  as  much  entitled  as 

any  gi-eat  vassal  of  the  empire. 

*  L.  Cantini,  Saggi   Istorici  d'Antichita  Toscane,  vol.  i.,   p.   5.— Sismondi. 
vol.  1.,  chap,  vi. 


44 


FLORENTINE   HISTOBT. 


Ibook  I.     H    CHAP.  IV.] 


FLOEEXTIXE   HISTORY. 


Magistrates  were  elected  by  their  pee.^.  the  t^ixes  were  im- 
posed  by  genend  consent,  and  public  expenditure  confided  t„ 
a  particul,ir  council ;   thus  every  municipality  as  well  as  each 
feudal   chieftain   gradually  condensed  into   a  .epai-ate  state 
which  insulated   and   careful   only  of  its    own  welfare  soon 
lorgot  that  It  ever  formed  a  part  and  parcel  of  the  common 
countiy.     No   universal   tie  any  longer  united    them,    each 
sought  protection  in  itself,  and  only  within  this  limit  were 
tound  any  compatriots;    the   world  wthout  was  a  stran<Tcr 
often  an  enemy,  and  thence  one   source  of  those  division^ 
that  have  and  ever  will  prevent  Italy  from  taking  her  proper 
station  m  Europe,  and  which  still  e.xpose  her  to  the  most 
powerful  and  unscrupulous  invader*. 

Except  under  the  binding  dominion  of  Rome,  Italv 
never  yet  was  united ;  the  repulsion  of  discord  has  alwav'. 
been  active  and  national  gravity  powerless  wtliin  her;  j^t 
there  was  one,  whose  firm  though  despotic  pressure  woulJ 
have  compelled  her  to  unite  an,l  be  powerful :  the  times  were 
adverse,  his  means  unpopular,  and  his  name  is  therefore  too 
lightly  treated  by  those  whom  he  would  have  graduallv 
moulded  mto  the  form  of  a  solid  independent  nation  f 

By  Othos  coronation  in  062,  the  western  Empire  passed  tn 
the  kings  of  Germany,  or  more  correctly  speaking  returned  to 
the  Franks,  for  Germany  was  then  called  orienu.l,  as  Gaul 
was  occidental  France;  the  name  being  even  now  dimlv 
recognised  in  that  of  Francouia. 

Otho  was  son  to  Henry  the  Fowler,  and  a  descendant  of 
VVitikind  the  Saxon  proselyte  to  Charlemagne's  rough  no- 
tions  of  propagating  Christianity ;  at  the  head  of  a  victorious 
army  he  promptly  replied  to  the  call  of  It^dv  where  the 
second  Berenger  had  become  o.Uous;  rescued  the  Pope 
deposed  the  tyrant,  and  placed  the  empire  permanently  in  the 

•  Giannonc,  vol.  iv     pp.  U2-130._Sismondi,  vol.  i.,  chap.  vi. 

T  Uounennc,  Mcmoirct. 


45 

hands  of  his  cornitnmen.  This  important  event  established 
two  pomts  of  European  policy,  which,  bom  of  force  and  con- 
firmed by  time,  remained  stLU  untouched  until  the  course  of 
ages  brought  a  second  Charlemagne  to  begin  a  new  chapter 
m  the  history  of  nations :  these  were,  that  the  monarch  of 
Rome  should  be  chosen  by  the  German  Diet  and  Italian 
btates ;  but  that  he  could  not  legally  assume  the  titles  of 
Augustus  and  Emperor  until  formally  crowned  by  the  Roman 
Pontiff*. 

The  death  of  Otho  the  Third,  in  1002,  left  Italy  again 
free ;  her  engagements  and  gratitude  to  his  family  naturally 
ceased ;  the  wars  consequent  on  a  disputed  succession  gave 
the  young  communities  an  occasion  of  tiying  their  stren-nh 
aud  they  soon  proved  that,  while  united,  there  was  little 
need  of  the  self-interested  and  ever  doubtful  protection  of 
strangers. 

During  these  dark  times  we  have  but  meagre  accounts  of 
Florence :  Otho  I.  is  said  to  have  enlarged  its  territory  from 
three  miles  to  six  hi  the  year  ()(;2  ;  and  his  grandson  to  have 
appomted  Hugo,  Marquis  of  Tuscany,  his  Vicar  in  Italy,  about 
.•N3,  who  established  lus  court  at  Florence  aud  was  celebrated 
for  his  great  talents  but  extreme  licentiousness,  until  a 
vision  reformed  him.  This  vision  benefited  the  Church 
by  the  subsequent  erection  of  several  abbeys  as  the  most 
etfective  atonement,  amongst  others  that  of  Buonsolazzo  where 
It  occurred,  a  fact  mentioned  in  his  own  letter  of  thanks  to  the 
tbaldini  for  their  grant  of  that  place  to  build  the  convent f. 
His  mother  Willa,  daughter  of  Boniface,  Marquis  of  Spoleto 
and  wife  of  Hubert,  Marquis  of  Tuscany,  with  equal  devotion 

I*  ^'f.';""'  ™'-  ■'•;  f^'-V^-  s'i';-  and     cere  expression  of  his  belief  is  dated 
I'.-G,a„„o„e,  vol.  iv..  pp.  144,  149.     from  his  palace  at  Sima    Mwch  13 

;:.  tch"p,^";"3i""-'"'""'""'    r-  ""•"n    ''"^  ™i„n^s:™'lTo''hi^e 
t  This-  c„.?ou/-a!S-  evident,,   si.    li^h  ^^ifl Jph^,t Jf;r '" 


46 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I.     H    CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE  HISTORY. 


47 


in  993  founded  Santa  Maria  de'  Benedettini,  better  known  as 
the  "  Bad  in'  of  Florence,  and  the  early  seat  of  republican 
government  before  either  of  the  public  palaces  existed*. 

Sigonius  affirms  that  Florence  as  well  as  Pisa  and  Genoa 
began  to  make  a  figure  about  the  year  1003,  an  assertion  that 
IMuratori,  who  cites  him,  is  strongly  inclined  to  doubt,  though 
perhaps  without  sufficient  reason  f. 

Whether  Florence  was  or  was  not  so  distinguished,  is  un- 
certain; but  that  she  enjoyed  that  progressive  state  of 
prosperity  which  justifies  the  assertion  of  Sigonius  may  be 
inferred  from  subsequent  indications  of  national  independence, 
■while  improving  the  opportimity  afforded  to  all  the  infant 
States  for  the  achievement  of  their  liberty  during  the  wars 
of  Ardoino  of  Ivrea  and  Henr}%  Duke  of  Bavaria. 

No  sooner  had  the  last  Otho's  deatli  become  public  than 
the  Italian  nobles  and  prelates  met  at  Pavia  glad  at  their 
recovered  liberty ;  the  majority  being  adverse  to  foreign  rule 
resolved  to  elect  a  native  prince,  and  their  choice  fell  on 
Ardoino,  who  was  instantly  crowned  in  the  cathednxl  of  that 
city,  A.D.  100-2:  being  a  man  of  sagacity  and  enterprise  his 
first  act  was  to  confiim  every  ecclesiastical  privilege,  for  the 
clergy  could  not  then  be  safely  neglected  ;  but  a  formidable 
rival  soon  appeared  in  the  person  of  Henry  of  Baviiria,  who 
was  crowned  the  same  year  as  king  of  Germany  J. 

Although  the  Italians  considered  themselves  absolved  by 
Otho  s  decease  from  any  further  allegiance  to  Saxony,  the 
new  king,  who  was  also  a  descendant  of  Heniy  the  Fowler, 
differed  widely  from  this  notion,  asserting  that  obedience  was 
due  to  the  crown,  not  the  man,  and  moreover  resolving  to 

•  Tronci,    Annali   PisanL,    vol.  i.,  p.  X  He    was    Henry  II.    of  German}, 

16. — Storia   della   Ca8a   Ubaldini,  p.  answering  to  Henry  I.  of  the  Italian-^, 

18. — Galletti,      Ragionamcnto       dell  who  only  reckon   those  as  Emperors 

orijiine  della  Badia  Fiorentina.  who  were  crowned  by  the  Popes,  ami 

+  Sigonius,     Hist,    dc    Regno  Italic,  therefore  exclude  Henry  the  Fowler. 
Lib.  viiL,p.  187. — Muratori,  An.  1003. 


exact  it.  The  dissensions  of  Lombardy  favoured  him,  for 
Milan  and  Pavia  being  rivals,  whoever  was  elected  in  one  city 
was  sure  to  be  opposed  by  the  other. 

The  absence  of  Arnolpho,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  on  an 
embassy  to  Constantinople,  was  another  obstacle  to  Ardoino  : 
this  prelate  on  his  return  disputed  the  election  altogether, 
on  the  authority  of  a  papal  decree  which  he  said  had  made 
the  archbishops  of  Milan  arbiters  of  the  Italian  monarchy,  and 
rendered  any  election  invalid  where  he  and  his  suffragans  had 
not  assisted*.  A  Diet  was  therefore  convoked  at  Roncaglia, 
and  Arnolpho  succeeded  in  having  Henry  the  Second  also 
chosen  as  sovereign  of  Italy ;  he  crossed  the  Alps  in  1004, 
with  a  large  army,  and  baffling  Ardoino,  whose  followers 
gradually  left  him,  was  solemnly  crowned  by  the  Archbishop 
at  Pavia,  while  the  rival  monarch  waited  in  his  own  domains 
for  a  more  propitious  moment +.  It  was  not  long  in  coming, 
for  an  event  occurred  on  the  very  evening  of  Heniy  s  corona- 
tion that  bound  the  Pavians  more  strongly  to  their  own 
elected  monarch,  and  spread  a  general  horror  of  Germany 
throughout  the  Italian  Peninsula. 

Insults  offered  to  the  citizens,  wiio  were  perhaps  secretly 
incited  by  Ardoino's  agents,  first  commenced  the  agitation; 
tumults  soon  followed,  weapons  began  to  flash  and  eyes  to 
lighten.  Henry's  courtiers  reported  the  disturbance  much  in 
the  familiar  strain  we  still  occasionally  hear ;  they  described 
it  as  the  "  Funj  of  the  jwpulace' — "  An  explosion  of  the  arro- 
gance  of  slaves  that  must  be  repelled  by  force,''  and  similar 
expressions.  Force  was  accordingly  used,  but  the  citizens 
soon  got  possession  of  the  ramparts  ;  their  anger  and  numbers 
augmented,  and  the  monarch  was  finally  besieged  in  his  own 

*  Cosimo,  della  Rena  Duchi  e  Mar-  xiv.,  who  does  not  mention  the  Diet. 
fhesi  di  Toscana,  Parte  ii*,  p.  3. —  +  Fran.  Mario  Fiorentini,  Memoire 
Sismondijvol.  i.,  p.  70. — Muratori,  vol.     di  Matilda,  Lib.  x.,  p.  8. 


48 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I.  m  CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


49 


palace.  The  Archbishop  of  Cologne  appeared  at  a  window 
and  endeavoured  to  calm  them ;  he  was  silenced  by  showers 
of  missiles  and  retired  in  terror;  the  troops  then  in  the  city 
jomed  the  conflict,  which  lasted  throughout  the  night  and  even 
until  broad  daylight  glai'ed  on  the  furious  combatants.  Even 
street  was  bamcaded ;  stones,  arrows,  and  wooden  beams  fell 
thick  and  fast  from  roof  and  window  ;  fresh  forces  contmually 
poured  in  from  the  camp,  but  ineffectually  ;  at  last  there  issued 
an  imperial  order  to  fire  the  town ;  a  thousand  brands  soon 
flamed  through  the  air  and  were  tossed  from  house  to  house 
until  the  ancient  Pavia,  the  venerable  seat  of  Lombard 
dominion,  became  a  mass  of  blood  and  ashes  !  Henry  retired 
to  a  monaster}'  beyond  the  walls  and  left  the  miserable  in- 
habitants to  be  butchered  by  his  barbarian  followers  whil. 
he  hastened  away  from  a  people  so  cruelly  injured:  be 
arrived  at  ^lilan  and  soon  departed  for  Gennany  followed  l.y 
deep  curses  from  all  the  Italian  nation'^. 

Whether  Tuscany  acknowledged  Ardoino  at  this  period  i< 
somewhat  doubtful,  but  the  inhabitants  submitted  to  Henry 
and  were  apparently  without  a  governing  Marquis,  a  point  ct 
some  historical  interest,  as  it  bears  on  the  reputed  independenc. 
of  Florence  in  the  subsequent  war  and  capture  of  Fiesolef. 

Tuscany  which,  under  the  Romans,  consisted  of  the  two  pro 
vinces  of  "  SnlHrhicoria'  and  ''Annonaria,''  had  from  the  time 
of  Longinus  been  mled,  as  before  mentioned,  by  Dukes  and 
Marquises,  although  at  ceitain  periods  every  trace  of  them  a? 
general  governors  is  either  doubtful  or  entirely  obliterated 
The  first  Lombard  duke  of  whom  any  sure  record  remains,  is 
a  certain  *'  Alovishw'"  who  flourished  about  the  year  685  ;  anJ 
the  last,  though  of  more  doubtful  existence,  is  "  Tachiputo,''  in 
the   eighth  century,  when    Lucca  was  the  principal  seat  of 

*    Muratori,  Anno  1004.— Sismondi,     — Mazzarosa,  Storia  di  Lucca,  vol.  i- 
▼ol.  i.,  p.  71.  P-  32. 

+  Muratori,  Annali,  vol.  xiv.,  p.  174. 


government,  with  the  privilege  of  coining,  although  her  Counts 
were  not  always  Dukes  and  Marquises  of  Tuscany  *. 

About  the  year  800,  the  title  of  Duke  seems  to  have  changed 
to  that  of  Count,  and  although  both  are  afterwards  used  the 
latter  is  most  common  :  Muratori  says,  that  this  dignity  was 
in  813  enjoyed  by  a  certain  Boniface  whom  Sismondi  believes 
to  be  the  ancestor  of  Countess  Matilda ;  but  her  father,  the  son 
of  Tedaldo,  belonged  to  another  race  :  he  was  the  grandson  to 
Attone,  Azzo,  or  Adelberto  Count  of  Cannosa  the  imcle  and 
deliverer  of  the  Empress  Adelaide  from  captivity  in  a  castle 
on  the  lake  of  Gardaf.  The  line  of  Boniface  1.  finished  in 
1001  by  the  deatli  of  Hugo  the  Great,  already  mentioned, 
whom  Dante  calls  the 

"  Gran  baronc  il  cui  nome  e'l  cui  pregio, 
La  festa  di  Tommaso  rincomforta  J." 

After  liim,  on  account  of  the  civil  wai-s  between  Ardoino  and 
Heur)%  there  was  no  peimanent  Duke  mi  til  1014,  when  the 
latter  appointed  lianieri,  whom  Conrad  the  Salique  deposed  in 
1027,  making  room  for  Boniface  the  father  of  Countess 
Matilda  §. 

This  heroine  died  in  1115  after  a  reign  of  active  exertion 
for  herself  jmcl  the  Church  agamst  the  Emperors,  which 
generated  the  infiint  and  as  yet  nameless  factions  of  Guelph 
and  Ghibeline.  Matilda  endured  this  contest  with  all  the 
enthusiasm  and  constancy  of  a  woman  combined  with  a  manly 
courage  that  must  ever  render  her  name  respectable,  whether 
proceeding  from  the  bigotry  of  the  age  or  to  oppose  imperial 

*  Muratori,    Annali,    Anno     773. —  mondi,  vol.  i.,  p.  19,  (note). — Fioren- 

Mazzarosa,    Storia   di    Lucca,  vol.   i.,  tini.  Vita  di  Matilda,  Lib.  i.,    p.    8 ; 

|>.  19,  who  cites  a  MS.  of  the  year  Lib.  iii.,   p.    45. — Muratori,    Annali, 

<>86,  in  the  archives  of  the  archiepis-  Anni    951,   1001,    1003,    1004,  and 

I  f opal  palace  of  that  city.  1 027. 

f  Her  interesting  story  would  make  X  Parad.,  Canto  xvi. 

1^  good  subject  for  a  romance. — Sis-  §  Mazzarosa,  Stpria,  vol.  i,  p.  32. 

VOI,.    I.  E 


so 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


ambition  in  defence  of  her  own  defective  title.     According  to 
the  laws  of  that  time  she  could  not  as  a  female  mhent  her 
fathers  states,  for  even  male  heirs  required  a  royal  confirmation : 
Matilda  therefore  having  no  legal  right,  feared  the  Emperor 
and  clun«  to  the  Popes,  who  already  claimed  among  other 
prerogatives,  the  supreme  disposal  of  kingdoms  *    Both  rebgion 
and  policy  and  even  natunU  feeling  were  probably  combme. 
with  the  superstitious  detestation  of  what  was  generally  deemed 
the  impious  conduct  of  Henry  IV.  and  the  German  pnesthood^ 
From  earliest  vouth  Matilda  had  seen  nothmg  but  .mpena 
persecution  in  her  own  family,  her  father,  who  w^s  botii  feared 
a^d  envied  for  his  opulence,  hardly  escaped  the  emperors 
machinaUom ;  her  mother,  made  prisoner  by  treachery,  re- 
mained  a  hostage  until  the  death  of  H.nr.-  III.;  herstep-fath 
was  persecuted  by  that  monarch,  hi.  brother  forced  to  shie  d 
himself  under  the  monastic  habit  from  similar  i...,usUce,  and  the 
death  of  her  infant  brother  and  sister  was  supposed  to  l.e 
accelerated  by  these  misfortunes. 

The  Church  had  ever  come  forward  as  the  fnend  of  h,  r 
house  and  from  childhood  she  had  breathe,!  an  atmosphere  oi 
blind  and  devoted  submission  to  its  auth,.rity ;  even  when 
only  fifteen  she  had  appeared  in  arms  against  its  enemtes  and 
made  two  successful  expeditions  to  assist  Pope  Alexander  11 
durinff  her  mothers  lifetime +. 

No  wonder  then  that  in  a  superstitious  age  when  .nonarch- 
trembled  at  an  angrj-  voice  from  the  Lateran,  the  hab.ts  ,.1 
early  vouth  should  have  mingled  with  every  action  of  xMat.b  a- 
life,' and  spread  an  agreeable  mirage  over  the  prospect  of  her 
eternal  salvation :  the  power  ti.at  Umed  a  Henry- s  pnde,  a 
Barbarossa's  fierceness,  and  afterwards  withstood  the  va^ 
ability  of  a  Frederic,  might  without  slmme  have  been  reveren.o  i 
by  a  girl  whose  feelings  so  harmonised  witii  tiie  sacred  stnn.- 

*  Piirnotti,  Storia  ilclla  Tiwcina. 
+  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di  Mauld..-DeDii«,  Ub.  x.,  chap,  iv.,  p.  I  IB- 


CHAP.   IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


51 


of  ancient  tradition  and  priestly  dignity.  But  from  whatever 
motive,  the  result  was  a  continual  aggrandisement  of  eccle- 
siastics; in  prosperity  and  adversity;  during  life  and  after 
death;  from  the  lowliest  priest  to  the  proudest  pontiff. 

The  fearless  assertion  of  her  own  independence  by  successful 
struggles  with  the  Emperor  was  an  example  not  overlooked 
by  the  young  Italian  communities  under  Matilda's  rule,  who 
were  already  accused  by  imperial  legitimacy  of  political  inno- 
vation and  visionai'y  notions  of  government. 

These  seeds  of  liberty  began  fii-st  to  germinate  amongst  the 
Lombard  plains,  but  quickly  spreading  over  the  Apennines 
were  welcomed  throughout  Tuscany  :  increasing  numbers  gave 
confidence  to  new  opinions ;  connnerce  and  industry  were 
speedily  unchained ;  a  brilliant  light  broke  into  the  human 
mind,  and  the  march  of  independence  became  inconceivably 
rapid.  The  ancient  municipal  government  had  never  entii'ely 
ceased,  and  the  already-mentioned  magistrates  called  ''Schidze' 
or '' SchulthU'SS ,''  '' Ethevins  "  and  "•Scuvini  "  by  the  Lombai'ds, 
Franks,  and  Italians,  still  formed  the  council  of  the  Count  : 
they  were  a  popularly  elected  representation  of  the  citizens, 
and  under  Prankish  government  judged  all  common  pleas. 
Under  the  Othos  these  northern  forms  were  annulled,  and 
consuls  elected  by  public  suffrage  after  the  ancient  Roman 
manner  which,  in  defiance  of  conquest,  seems  to  have  still 
clung  to  the  Italian  lieart. 

The  functions  of  General  and  Judge  had  previously  been 
united  in  the  Count,  (whose  authority,  however,  ceased  in 
presence  of  tlie  Duke  or  Marquis,)  jmd  were  transferred  to  the 
consuls  on  the  suppression  of  that  office  :  his  powers  extended 
even  to  the  granting  of  life  to  condemned  criminals,  and  in 
the  royal  Prankish  instructions  it  is  ordered,  that  he  should 
"  make  himself  acquainted  with  the  laws  by  which  the  people 
are  to  be  judged;  that  he  love  justice  and  be  quick  in 
administering   it ;   that   he  hold  '  Malli '  (or  public    courts) 


y 


52 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHIP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


53 


every  mouth,  and  l)e  careful  to  have  a  particular  regard  to  the 
complaints  of  widows,  orphans,  minors,  and  the  poor;  aiid 
lastly,  that  the  court  should  sit  before  dinnerr  He  also  held 
•'  riaciti "  or  tribunals  for  private  actions,  assisted  by  the 
Scavini  and  minor  judges,  with  whose  aid  judgment  was  given  . 
All  causes  were  ordered  to  be  concluded  in  four  days,  and 
in  cases  of  appeal  six,  or  even  twelve  if  the  cause  were 
intricate;  after  which  it  was  carried  before  the  king:  m 
counsel  was  allowed,  as  every  man  was  considered  competent  to 
speak  of  what  he  knew,  and  truth  more  likely  to  be  elicited 
from  principals  than  advocates :  half  the  fines  in  general 
went  to  the  sutferer,  with  an  obligation  to  pardon  his  enemy, 
in  order  to  promote  peace  and  good  will. 

Their  form  of  process  was  dear  and  concise.  A  calls  B 
into  court,  and  shortly  prefers  his  charge.  B  denies  and 
justifies.  The  judge  says,  "  Prove  this  or  lose  thy  cause. 
Death  was  a  rare  punishment,  for  the  object  was  to  dissolve 
hatred,  and  stop  contention.  The  Lombards  were  also  ven 
humane  to  their  slaves,  who  were  not  capiudly  punished  even 
for  robbery  and  desertion :  torture  was  unknown :  a  culpnt 
deserving  death  was  deUvered  up  to  the  injured  person,  who 
was  allowed  to  pardon,  but  forbidden  to  use  any  cruelty  in 
executing  the  sentence  f. 

The  dignity  of  Count  was  very  distinguished,  and  as  an  Italian 
prince,  he  voted  amongst  Dukes,  Marquises,  and  Prelate. 
in  the  election  of  Italian  monarchst.  IVIost  of  his  authority 
afterwards  devolved  on  the  Consuls  who  presided  in  three 
different  assemblies,  namely,  the  "  Credenza'  or  privy  council. 
the  ''  Senate;'  and  the  general  assembly  of  the  people  or 
**  Parliamentr  The  first,  which  in  some  states  was  chosen 
from  the  "  Great  Council;'  managed  the  finances  and  foreign 

♦  Miimtori,   Antichita   luliane,   Dis-     capo  vii.  .     ,       .  .         , 

^rtnxione  32.  X  Cantini,    Saggi     htorici,    vol.    ■• 

f  Denina,  Rivol.  d'lulia,    Lib.  vii.,     p.  5. 


affiiirs,  and  served  as  a  check  on  the  consuls.  The  second, 
generally  composed  of  a  hundred  members,  under  the  various 
names  of  ''Senate"  ''Great  Council"  "Special  Council"  and 
''Council  of  the  People"  prepared  all  public  acts  previous  to 
their  being  offered  for  confirmation  to  the  parliament,  which 
however  commonly  required  the  sanction  of  the  Credenza. 

The  third  was  the  sovereign  power  of  the  nation ;  the 
people  assembled  at  the  somid  of  the  "  Campana  "  or  public 
bell,  and  discussed  all  national  questions  in  the  great  square 
of  the  palace,  whence  they  were  usually  addressed,  and  laws 
thence  offered  for  their  sanction.  Some  communities  in 
addition  to  their  Consuls,  elected  ministers  of  war,  justice  and 
public  economy ;  they  had  no  Senate,  but  only  the  "  Great 
Council"  composed  of  heads  of  families,  and  the  Credenza 
chosen  from  it*. 

Tliis  was  the  general  form  of  free  Italian  government  in  the 
eleventh  centur}-;  but  there  are  no  accurate  accounts  of  the 
precise  period  of  its  introduction  to  Florence,  although  as  we 
have  seen,  the  testimony  of  her  earliest  writers  refers  it,  and 
possibly  with  truth,  to  the  age  of  Charlemagne  f.  If  this  be 
correct.  Consuls  must  have  been  there  long  subordinate  to 
Counts,  and  therefore,  not  an  invariable  symbol  of  complete 
liberty,  as  Muratori  believes,  only  an  approximation  to  it, 
which  through  Charlemagne's  favour  might  have  been  obtained 
somewhat  earlier  in  Florence,  but  was  generally  acquired  in 
Italy  under  the  Saxon  Othos^. 

In  their  wars  with  each  other  the  young  republics  soon 
threw  off  every  restraint,  and  with  a  professed  obedience  to  the 
emperor's  person  no  longer  heeded  either  prince  or  minister. 

It  seems  probable  that  in  Tuscany,  towards  the  commence- 

*  Muratori,   Antichitk  d' Italia,  tomo  f  Maleepini    and     Villani. — Mar    di 

iv.,   Dissertaz'  45   and  46. — Annali,  Coppo  Stefani. — Boninsegni  and  others, 

vol.  XV.,  pp.  362,  365;  vol.  xvi.,  pp.  J  Muratori,   Anno   1107.— Sismondi, 

206,  258,  346,  8vo  ed.  vol.  i.,  p.  249. 


S4 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  i. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


55 


ment  of  the  twelfth  century,  the  Count's  authority  had  passed 
entirely  into  the  principal  communities,  leaving  that  of  th^ 
Marquis  as  yet  untouched ;  but  there  are  reasons  for  believin^^ 
that  the  Countess  Matilda  in  some  of  her  difficulties  was 
induced  to  sell  or  cede  a  portion  of  her  power,  and  probably  all 
that  of  the  Counts,  either  to  create  a  war-fund,  or  to  secure  a 
more  cordial  support  from  the  rising  communities.  As  aii 
example,  we  have  the  authentic  account  of  her  mother. 
Beatrice,  having  sold  in  1005  all  jurisdiction  over  the 
*  Castello  di  Porcari '  for  two  hmidred  pounds  weight  of  silver 
when  she  was  pressed  for  money  near  Pisa,  while  an  miwilling 
hostage  to  the  emperor  Henry  III.  * 

Altogether,  there  appears  little  reason  to  doubt  the  internal 

freedom  of  most  Tuscim   cities  veiy  early  in  the  eleventh 

centur\^ ;  when  no  efficient  governor  existed,  when  the  countr}' 

was  convulsed  by  civil  war,  and  when  each  town  consulting 

only  its  own  interests,  sided  with  either  monarch  and  extracted 

concessions  from  both.     The  war  between  Pisa  and  Lucca  in 

1002,  and  the  defeat  of  Lucca  at  Acqualmiga  in  1004,  coupled 

with  certain  expeditions  of  Pisa  against  the  Saracens  about  the 

same  epoch,  all  show  us  how  early  these  cities  began  to  fee^ 

their  strength,  although  not  yet  bold  enough  to  emancipate 

themselves  from  the  supreme  power  of  the  provincial  dukes 

Yet  the  latter  seem  to  have  allowed  these  private  wars  in  the 

heart  of  their  dominions,  either  says  Fiorentini,  because  it  was 

lawful  under  the  Counts  to  arm  in  their  own  defence,  saving 

the  emperor's  authority ;  as  may  be  gathered  from  the  laws  of  | 

those  days ;  or  because  the  exhaustion  of  their  treasur},  and  the 

vent  which   such  dissensions   opened  for  the  exhalation  ol 

turbulent  spirits  would  make  them  more  tolerant  of  that  yoke 

that  they  had  so  frequently  attempted  to  shake  off  in  the 

preceding  century,  and  which  the  distance  of  imperial  support 

•  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di  Matilda,  Lib.  i.,  p.  58. 


rendered  every  day  less  tenable  *.  But  this  anomalous  state 
may  be  accounted  for  by  what  has  already  been  narrated  about 
the  need  of  arming  against  the  Huns  and  Saracens  :  men  once 
accustomed  to  self-government  and  the  use  of  arms  are  not 
easily  subdued:  that  which  sprang  from  a  combination  of 
weakness  in  the  governors  with  strength  and  necessity  in  the 
governed,  would  naturally  stand  its  ground  long  after  both  the 
necessity  and  weakness  had  disappeared :  the  sweets  of  liberty 
overcome  its  bitters;  they  are  not  relinquished  without  a 
struggle ;  and  this  neither  dukes  nor  emperors  were  then  in  a 
condition  to  attempt. 

A  free  spirit  was  now  widely  spread  ;  nor  were  the  civilisa- 
tion and  industry  of  these  young  commonwealths  less  worthy 
of  praise  than  their  steady  pursuit  of  liberty,  if  we  may  trust 
the  account  of  Otho,  Bishop  of  Frisingen,  the  uncle  of  Frederic 
Barbarossa,  who  has  left  a  curious  and  instructive  passage  on 
both  these  points :  he  manelled  that  the  Italians  assembled  at 
Roncaglia  in  1 154  retained  none  of  the  barbarism  of  their  Lom- 
bard ancestors,  but  in  manners  and  language  possessed  much  of 
the  grace  and  polish  of  Rome.  So  much  were  they  attached  to 
liberty,  he  says,  that  they  would  not  be  governed  by  a  single 
person,  but  elected  Consuls  chosen  from  the  three  orders  of 
Captams,  Vavassours  and  Plebeians,  to  the  end  that  none 
of  these  orders  should  gain  the  ascendant.  They  were  also 
accustomed  to  change  their  consuls  every  year ;  and  in  order  to 
increase  the  civic  population  all  the  high  nobility  and  lesser 
barons  of  their  diocese,  although  independent  chieftains,  were 
compelled  to  submit  to  their  authority  and  reside  within  the 
city  walls :  "  they  admitted,"  continues  the  bishop  in  great 
admiration ;  *'  they  admitted  artisans  belonging  to  the  vilest 
and  most  mechanic  trades  into  their  militia  as  well  as  to  the 

*  Fiorentini,    Lib.    i.,  pp.    10,     11,     1001-2-4.— Denina,     Lib.   ix.,  chap, 
fee. — Tronci,  Annali  di  Pisa,  vol.  i.,     i.,  p.  104. 
p.  18. — Muratori,  Annali  d'ltaliu,  An. 


56 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


57 


highest  public  offices :"  and  he  then  acknowledges  that  Italian 
cities  far  outdid  all  others  in  power  and  riches  *. 


Cotemporary  Monarchs. — Emperors,  from  Charlemagne  to  Henry  11.,  in- 
cluding the  race  of  Carlovingian  kings,  the  numerous  competitors  for  the 
Italian  crown,  the  first  and  last  Berenger,  and  the  three  Othos. — Popes,  from 
I^o  III.  to  Sergius  IV.— England  :  The  Saxon  kings,  Egbert,  Alfred,  Edwar.l 
the  Elder,  Athelstane,  Edmond,  Edrcd,  Edwy,  Etlgar,  Ethelred.— France 
From  Charlemagne  and  hi«  race  to  Louis  the  Sluggard  in  989. — Then 
Hugh  Capet. 

*  Muratori,  Annali  d'ltalia,  Anno  1 154. 


CHAPTER  V. 


FROM    A.D.    1010   TO    A.  D.    10  8.5. 


We  now  come  to  the  first  great  event  in  early  Florentine 
history,  but  are  not  yet  sufficiently  advanced  to  see 
uur  way  clearly  out  of  the  ohscurity  that  involves  it; 
for  amongst  many  contradictory-  accounts  of  these  misty  times  the 
choice  is  difficult,  and  nothing  has  been  more  disputed  than  the 
capture  of  Fiesole.  Malespini,  who  could  hardly  have  been  bom 
later  than  1'2'20,  is  our  earliest  Florentine  guide  for  the  transac- 
tions in  and  near  his  own  times ;  the  recollection  of  some  must 
have  still  lingered  amongst  the  aged,  and  even  tradition  could 
not  liave  been  greatly  disfigured  as  to  the  main  fact  in  its  trans- 
mission through  three  or  four  generations.  We  may  fairly 
suppose  that  he  could  not  have  been  very  much  mistaken  in 
his  belief  of  the  tme  date  and  circumstances  of  this  transaction ; 
for  the  remembrance  of  such  a  conquest  was  milikely  to  fade, 
and  some  record  would  assuredly  have  been  preserved  in  both 
public  and  private  archives  at  Florence  as  well  as  by  oral 
tradition,  of  an  event  so  important  in  her  early  histoiy.  **  I 
have  written,"  says  Malespini,  "  many  things  which  I  saw  with 
mine  own  eyes  in  the  said  city  of  Florence,  and  of  Fiesole ;  and 
in  Rome  I  dwelt  from  the  second  day  of  August  of  the  year 
1  "200  *  until  the  eleventh  day  of  April  in  the  year .     And 

*  This  must  be  erroneous,  unless  to  1282,  and  he  scarcely  could  have 
Malespini  lived  to  above  100  years  of  begun  to  write  before  18  or  20  years 
age,  because  his  chronicle  is  continued     of  age. 


S3 


FLORFNTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


59 


when  I  returned  to  our  said  city  of  Florence,  I  searched  out 
many  writings  of  the  past  events  of  this  same  matter,  and  I 
found  many  writings  and  chronicles ;  and  in  the  manner  that 
I  did  find  them  so  have  I  written  them  and  mentioned  them ; 
and  for  the  time  to  come  I  will  wiite  more  at  laige  and  of  mv 
own  nation*.*' 

The  above  date  is  uncertain,  most  probably  erroneous,  and  the 
manuscripts  vary ;  but  his  nephew,  who  continued  the  histor}-, 
adds: — *'And  I  Giachetto  Malespini  continue  to  WTit€  the 
chronicle  begun  by  the  said  Ricordano  my  micle,  of  which  he 
had  a  part  from  Rome,  as  already  has  been  told,  and  a  part 
from  the  Abbey  of  Florence :  that  is  to  say,  jm.  it  iii  writings  of 
those  times  from  the  said  Abbey  that  were  in  the  said  Abbey, 
in  which  are  contained  many  pttst  events  of  the  cities  of 
Florence  and  of  Fiesole  f. " 

We  can  hardly  refuse  credit  to  this  plain  statement  as  re- 
gards the  main  fjict,  an  event  comparatively  so  recent  and  mo- 
mentous, and  which  he  so  simply  relates,  although  disgraceful 
to  his  country,  followed  too  as  he  is  by  all  the  principal  Floren- 
tine historians  *. 

We  learn  from  this  author  that  under  the  Emperor  Henrv 
II.  Florence  had  by  favour  of  the  Saxon  d\iiiistv  been  steadilv 
increasing  in  power  and  population,  and  Fiesole  proportion 
ably  decreasing  from  a  constant  emigration  to  the  plain  ;  but 
that  Florence,  thinking  such  a  neighbour  dangerous  and  con 
Tinced  of  the  impossibility  of  openly  reducing  the  Fiesolines. 
resolved  to  do  so  bv  stmta<:rem. 

For  this  purpose  a  truce  was  concluded  which  by  successive 
renewals  inspired  reciprocal  confidence  and  apparent  fiiendship 
the  gates  of  either  city  ceased  to  be  any  longer  guaided,  and 

♦  Vincen".  Follini,  Ed",  of  Malesi.ini,  t   Viz.     G.     Vilani.— M.    di     Coppo 

cap.  xli.,  Firenzc,  4to,  1816.  Stefan!.— noin".     Boninsogni.— Nic". 

t  Ricor.  Malespini,  Istor.  di  Firenze,  Macchiavelli. — S.  Aininirato. 
cap.  xli.  and  ccxiv. 


the  most  familiar  intercourse  existed  between  them;  but 
whether  from  previous  design  or  sudden  temptation,  a  plan 
was  finally  arranged  to  get  possession  of  Fiesole  on  the  festival 
of  Saint  Romulus.  A  body  of  young  Florentines  was  placed  in 
concealment  round  the  town  while  the  remaining  force  stood 
ready  in  the  plain  tq  act  at  a  given  signal.  Thus  posted  after 
nightfall,  they  continued  quiet  all  the  eve  of  Saint  Romulus, 
and  when  the  Fiesolines  hailed  the  morning  festival  of  their 
patron  Saint  a  number  of  the  enemy  with  concealed  arms  passed 
through  the  gates  as  they  had  been  accustomed,  without  awaken- 
ing any  suspicion.  Groups  of  treacherous  neighbours  thus 
crowded  tlie  Fiesoline  gateways,  assembled  in  various  quarters 
of  the  town,  spread  over  the  walls  and  towers,  and  thence  made 
signals  to  the  plain.  The  citizens  were  quietly  enjoying  their 
forenoon  repast  when  a  sudden  movement  amongst  the  rocks 
and  thickets  without,  followed  by  some  noise  at  the  gates 
began  to  alann  them,  although  mistaken  at  first  for  an  acci- 
dental affray  of  the  peasantry  who  crowded  every  street  in 
Fiesole.  Ere  long  the  shouts  of  Florentine  soldiers,  the  quick 
trampling  of  steeds  and  cries  of  wounded  men,  told  a  different 
tale  and  at  once  laid  bare  the  treason  and  its  successful  issue : 
defence  was  unavailing  ;  a  small  body  of  citizens  threw  them- 
selves into  the  citadel*  while  the  Florentines  scoured  the 
streets  with  shouts  and  menaces,  but  committed  no  outrage  nor 
harmed  any  who  offered  no  resistance.  The  citadel  made  a 
long  and  brave  defence,  but  Fiesole  was  lost :  the  \dctors 
spread  over  all  the  surrounding  district  and  reduced  every 
stronghold  but  the  "  Eocca'  or  citadel,  which  still  held  out 
when  the  towTi  was  evacuated. 

This  fortress  was  afterwards   partly   destroyed   by  mutual 
agreement;  and  the  cathedral,  and  some  other  churches,  perhaps 

*  Now  the  Franciscan  Convent,  at  the  west  end  of  Fiesole. 


60 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


61 


the  Bishop  9  Palace  with  the  ecclesiastical  residences,  alone 
remained  of  all  the  superior  buildings :  a  capitulation  followed 
by  which  Fiesoline  citizens  were  either  admitted  to  the  free- 
dom of  Florence  or  allowed  to  retire  elsewhere  with  their 
property.  Numbers  in  consequence  became  Florentines ; 
others  withdrew  to  their  countr}-  residences ;  many  probably 
remained  amongst  their  native  ruins  ;  but  multitudes  sullenlv 
retired  to  Pistoia  and  were  welcomed  as  a  valuable  accession 
to  its  growing  power  and  population.  Nevertheless  most  of 
the  Fiesolines  settled  in  Florence  and,  according  to  Ammirato. 
a  senate  and  consuls  were  then  tirst  created,  and  chosen  indis- 
criminately from  both  nations*.  Columns,  sculptures  and 
other  valuables  were  removed  to  Florence ;  amongst  them  a 
celebrated  rostrum  or  pulpit  of  carved  marble  called  the 
"  Ambona"  with  the  *'  Ruota  "  or  Wheel,  probably  some  piece 
of  antique  marble  sculpture,  which  was  attached  to  the  front  of 
San  Piero  Scheraggio  and  remained  there  until  the  church 
itself  was  demolished  by  the  ducal  Medici  to  make  room  for 
the  present  gallery  and  public  offices.  The  Ambona  served 
for  ages  as  the  pulpit  and  rostnim  of  that  edifice,  which  wa.s 
long  used  as  a  place  of  public  assembly  both  for  the  vindication 
of  general  liberty,  and  the  voice  of  faction  f. 

The  union  of  two  nations  in  such  circumstances,  althoush 
it  augmented  the  common  population  was  also  a  source  of 
discord  :  cordiality  could  scarcely  exist :  the  Fiesolines  were 
too  numerous  for  oppression ;  too  angry  to  forgive  ;  and  too 
ambitious   to    remain   inactive    spectators   of    public   events. 

*  S.  Ammirato,    Stor.     Fior,      Lib.  Lib.    i«.— Bon«.   Varchi,    Stor.  Fior.. 

L,   p.    33. — Dom.    Boninsegrii,    Stor.  Lib.  ix.,  p.  75. — G.  Sigonius,  de  Regno 

Fior.,  Lib.  i.,  p.  2L— M.  di  C.  Ste-  Italiae,  Lib.  viii.(Fol.  ed.),  Frankfort, 

fiuii.  Lib.   i.,    Rubr.    33.— Ric.   Ma-  1682. 

lespini,  cap.  xl. — Gio.  Vilani,  Lib.  iv.,  +   Malespini,    cap.    liv. — Osservatore, 

cap.  ▼. — Mic.    Ango.    Salvi,  Hist,  di  Fiorentino,  vol.  v.,  p.  210. 
Pistoia  e  Fazione  d'  Italia,  Parte  ii% 


Wherefore  the  first  seeds  of  Florentine  troubles  are  said  to 
have  sprung  from  this  unnatural  infusion,  and  the  poet's 
exclamation  may  be  fairly  echoed  by  history  *  : 

"  Scmpre  la  confusion  dellc  persone 
Principio  fu  del  mal  della  Citade"+. 

In  order  more  effectually  to  amalgamate  the  two  races  a 
new  national  standard  was  foimed  of  the  united  arms  of 
Florence  and  Fiesole :  those  of  the  latter  were  an  azure 
crescent  on  an  argent  field :  the  former,  which  the  Florentines 
prided  themselves  on  having  borne  since  the  times  of  ancient 
Rome,  was  a  white  lily  on  a  field  of  red  ;  but  now  both  lily 
and  crescent  were  removed,  and  the  fields  alone,  divided 
vertically,  remamed  as  the  union  standard  of  the  new  republic.  | 
This  influx  of  fresh  citizens  rendered  an  extension  of  the  city 
necessaiy,  wherefore  a  stockade  was  driven  round  the  line  of 
recent  dwellings  beyond  the  walls,  which  sLxty-eight  years  after- 
wards was  changed  into  ramparts  of  solid  masonry  and  called 
the  ''second  ci'^cuit^''.  A  few  more  words  are  now  necessaiy 
on  the  much  disputed  point  of  this  capture  of  Fiesole. 

♦  Benedet«.  Varchi,  Stor.    Fior.,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  75. — Gio.  Villani,  Stor.  Fior., 

Lib.  iv.,  cap.  vi. 

t  Dante,  Paradiso,  Canto  xvi, ;  and  in  Canto  xv.  of  the  Inferno,  he  says  : — 

"  Faccian  Ic  bestie  Fiesolane  strame, 
Di  lor  semente,  e  non  guastin  la  pianta, 
S'alcuna  surge  ancor  nel  lor  letame, 
In  cui  ruina  la  scmenta  santa 
Di  quei  Roman,  che  vi  rimaser,  quando 
Fu  tatto  il  nido  di  malizia  taiita." 

"  The  herd  of  Fiesole 
May  of  themselves  make  litter,  not  touch  the  plant, 
If  any  such  yet  spring  ou  their  rank  bed. 
In  which  the  holy  seed  revives,  transmitted 
From  those  tnie  Romans,  who  still  there  remained, 
When  it  was  made  the  nest  of  so  much  ill." 

Gary's  Dante. 

t  Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Istor.  Fior.,    but  the  line  of  primitive  or  Roman 
Ijib.  i..  Rub.  33.  Walls  is  now  a  mere  antiquarian  guess, 

§  This  was  really  the  third  Circuit ;     which  supposes  them  to  have  included 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


BOOK  I. 


CHAP,  r.] 


FLORENTINE  HISTORY. 


63 


Muratori  is  very  suspicious  of  any  documents  that  would 
exhibit  Florence  as  a  free  city  so  early  as  the  eleventh  century. 


the  Baths  The.itre,  and  Amphitheatre, 
of  which  last  some  tnice«  still  remain. 
The  first  Circuit,  or  that  commonly 
ascribed  to  Charlemasnie,  was  pierced 
by  four  principal  Gates  and  several 
Posterns,  the  names  of  five  being 
still  preserNcd.  The  East  Gate  called 
Porta  San  Piero  stood  at  a  ]K>int  an- 
ciently named  Canto  del  Papa  from 
a  family  of  that  name ;  now  Canto 
cfe*  Pazzi^  at  the  end  of  the  present 
jBorifO  degli  Albizziy  whose  former 
appellation  like  that  of  the  gate  was 
taken  from  the  Church  of  San  Piero 
now  in  ruins.  From  this  point  the 
wall  ran  along  the  pre!*ent  Via  de'  Iki- 
lefttrieri,  passing  the  small  Church  of 
Samta  Maria  in  Canipoy  the  (/mo- 
dagni  Palace^  and  the  "  Opera"*  of  the 
Duomo;  then  continuing  to  the  Via 
de*  Serviy  anciently  Blstb/mini,  where 
a  Postern  stood,  called  by  the  latter 
name.  Turning  towards  the  Baptistrj' 
it  had  a  second  Postern  at  the  end  of 
Via  de*  Martelli,  anciently  degli 
Spadaty  or  di  BaHa ;  and  still  fur- 
ther on  at  the  Canto  alia  Paglia  and 
entrance  of  Borgo  San  LortnzOy  stood 
the  Porta  del  I}uonio,  or  del  Vetcovo, 
which  was  the  second  great  entrance. 
From  this  spot  the  line  continued  in 
the  same  direction  to  the  Church  of 
Santa  Maria  Maggiore  ;  then  turn- 
ing by  the  Canto  de"  Camesecchi 
towards  San  Michele  Bi-rtelde^  or 
fiegli  Antinoriy  generally  called  San 
Gaetano,  it  rearhed  in  a  straight  line 
the  housesand  Loggiade*  Tomaf/uinci, 
now  Palazzo  Corsi,  in  Via  Tomabuoni 
(the  second  and  political  name  of  the 
Tomaquinci  family)  where  the  great 
Western  Gate  called  Porta  San 
Pa)icrazio  once  stood  and  probably 
filled  the  space  between  that  palace 
and  the  Strozzi  near  the  still  existing 


Church  of  San  Pancrado,  standing 
in  a  suburb  of  that  name  a  little 
beyond  the  ancient  walls.  After  pass- 
ing the  end  of  Via  Porta  Bossa,  so 
called  from  a  third  Postern,  the  ram- 
parts took  a  more  easterly  course  near 
the  present  Casa  Buondelmont(\ 
(which  anciently  belonged  to  the 
ScaJi  family)  and  with  a  slight  curve 
in  the  sjKice  between  the  Via  dc* 
Termi  and  Borgo  Santi  Apostoli 
reached  the  lower  and  houses  of  the 
Baldovinetti  at  the  ea*itern  extremitv 
of  that  suburb  then  situated  bevond 

• 

the  city.  From  this  spot  called  Via 
Porsanmaria  where  stood  the  great 
South  Gate  of  that  name  opposite  the 
Ponte  Vecchio,  the  wall  continued 
through  the  present  site  of  the  Church 
of  San  Stefano  to  the  Palazzo  de' 
Cofftdlaniy  anciently  the  Castle  of 
A  Hafrontej  and  thence  cut  sharp  away 
from  the  river  and  passing  behind  the 
Royal  Gallery  and  through  the  spare 
now  occupied  by  the  Palazzo  Verchio, 
rejoined  the  eastern  gate  of  San  Piero. 
It  was  however  broken  by  two  pos- 
terns; one  at  the  entrance  of  Via 
del  GarhOy  now  Via  Cf/ndotta,  ami 
another  named  after  the  ancient  family 
of  Peruzzi  whom  Dante  calls  "  Qini 
della  Pera**  from  their  armorial  bear- 
ings, and  thus  mentions  them  and  the 
entrance. 

"  Nel    picciol    cerrhio    s'entrava    pi  r 

porta 
Che  si  nomava  da  quci  della  Pera." 

This  Postern  prob;ibly  terminated  tlie 
present  Borgo  de*  Greet  next  to  tin 
Church  of  San  Firenze.  The  Chun  !i 
of  San  Piero  Sc/ieraggio,  now  dis 
placed  by  the  north  end  of  the  Royal 
Gallery ;  the  Badiaj  and  part  of  the 


and  leaving  it  to  his  readers  to  believe  what  they  please  of  the 
tale  is  himself  doubtful  of  such  boldness  in  times  when  the 
Italian  cities  had  neither  the  habit  nor  the  power  of  making 
war  on  their  own  account  or  of  thus  destropng  each  other  *. 

Few  authorities  on  Italian  antiquities  and  history  should  be 
received  with  more  deference  than  Muratori,  yet  this  opinion 
is  in  direct  opposition  to  his  own  account  of  the  Pisan 
expedition  against  the  Saracens  of  Calabria  in  1006,  and  the 
battle  of  Acqualunga  in  1004,  which  last  he  cites  as  the  first 
example  of  a  private  war  between  two  Italian  cities  ;  and  also 
to  the  war  between  these  states  in  1002,  of  which  the  above 
battle  was  a  consequence  according  to  most  of  the  ancient 
chroniclers,  supported  by  such  antiquarians  as  Cosimo  della 
Rena  and  especially  Fiorentini,  on  whom  Muratori  himself 
bestows  the  epithet  of  "  accuratissimo  f ". 

But  besides  these  examples  Milan  and  Pavia  were  about  the 
same  period  engaged  in  hostilities  arising  from  their  own  local 
disputes  ;  though  nominally  for  the  rival  princes  whose  cause 
became  an  excuse  for  many  republics  to  exercise  their  incipient 
liberty  m  private  war.    Both  cities  and  nobles  indeed  used  this 


space  now  occupied  by  the  Palazzo 
Vecchio  were  all  within  the  walls : 
but  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria 
Sopra  Porta,  after  which  that  gate  was 
named  no  longer  exists,  although 
part  of  its  walls  are  said  to  be  incor- 
porated in  the  present  Church  of  Sail 
Biagio.  Such  was  the  circumference 
of  the  primitive  City  of  Florence 
including  a  diameter  of  about  eight 
hundred  Florentine  ]ym:c8  of  three Bra^- 
cia,  or  five  English  feet  and  three 
quarters  each  ;  one  thousand  of  which 
make  a  Tuscan    mile.     The   present 


Tuscan  "Braccio""  is  supposed  from  its 
coincidence  with  the  measurement  of 
ancient  buildings  to  be  exactly  two 
Roman  feet :  the  "  Passo"''  or  Pace, 
was  afterwards  shortened  to  2^  Brac- 
cia.  At  least  this  is  the  measure 
used  by  //  Triholo  in  his  survey  of 
Florence  in  the  16th  century.  {Vide 
Benedetto  Varchi,  Stor.  Fior.^  Libro 
ix.,  pp.  74  and  99  *.) 
*  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1010. 
+  Cosimo,  della  Rena  Duchi  e  Mar- 
chesi,  Parte  ii*,  p.  7. 


"  Borghini,  Discorsi. — Lami,  Le- 
zioni  d'  Antichita  Tosc*. — D.  Manni 
del  Parlagio  e  delle  Terme. — Richia, 
Notiz.  Istor.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  248.— Villani, 


Lib.  iii.,  cap.  ii. — Rastrelli,  Firenze 
Antica  e  Moderna  illustrata,  vol.  i., 
p.  89. 


64 


FLORENTIXE   HISTORY. 


[book  t. 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


65 


self-assumed  privilege  until  the  Diet  of  Roncaglia  in  1 158,  when 
they  were  deprived  of  it  by  Frederic  Barbarossa,  who  thus 
aimed  a  sharp  blow  at  civic  independence  ;  but  the  many  evils 
that  sprang  from  private  war  amongst  the  nobility  prevented 
a  single  Lombard  voice  being  raised  against  the  ordinance  *. 
With  respect  to  Fiesole  it  has  been  urged  that  no  sovereign 
prince  would  allow  two  cities  under  his  dominion  to  make  war 
for  mutual  destruction;  but  it  has  also  been  shown  in  the 
example  of  Lucca  and  Pisa  tliat  this  custom  not  onlv  did  exist 
but  was  sanctioned,  no  matter  whether  from  policy,  necessity. 
or  law  :  and  if  sutfered  at  Lucca,  the  ducal  residence  and  pro- 
bably the  proWncial  capital,  how  much  more  likely  in  places 
further  removed  from  the  seat  of  goveniment  f . 

It  has  been  already  remarked  that  no  notice  exists  about 
any  permanent  Mai-quis  or  Duke  of  Tuscany  from  the  death  of 
Hugo  the  Great  in  1001  until  the  appointment  of  Ranieri  in 
1014,  for  during  this  epoch  there  was  no  steady  government ; 
and  precisely  at  this  time  the  al)ove  mentioned  wars  took  place 
The  tide  of  fortune  ebbed  and  flowed  ;  the  province  was  con- 
>'ulsed  and  alteniately  possessed  by  each  contending  monarcli : 
the  vicissitudes  of  war  were  continual ;  dukes  and  marquise- 
were  rapidly  appointed  and  as  raj)idly  expelled:  the  peopK 
avoided  both  the  contending  princes,  and  neither  the  names  of 
Henry  nor  Ardoino  are  mentioned,  as  we  are  told,  in  any  act  of 
the  time.  Hence  the  young  conmiunities,  like  suckers  from  a 
severed  trunk,  sprouted  with  freshening  vigour  and  offered 
peace,  war,  or  obedience,  accorduig  as  their  passions  or  interest 
dictated :  nor  were  the  rival  kings  much  displeased  at  their 
tjuarrels  or  neutrality,  for  each  feared  to  see  them  in  the  hostile 
ranks,  and  it  was  precisely  during  this  disturbed  epoch  that 
Florence  attacked  and  captured  Fiesole  J.     Neither  could  the 


*  Sismundi,  vol.  i.,  cap.  ix.,  p.  340. 
f  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di    Matilda,   Lib. 
iii.,  p.  8. — Mazzarosa,  Storia  di  Luccu. 


X  Cosimo,  della  Reiia,  Parte  ii*,  p.  4. 
— Mazzarosa,  vol.  i.,  p.  32. 


city  have  then  been  far  from  independence  if,  as  Borghiui 
thinks,  she  had  previously  exercised  the  sovereign  right  of 
coinage ;  but  like  other  Tuscan  states  her  lords  paramount 
were  Boniface,  Beatrice,  Godfrey  of  Lorraine,  and  the  Countess 
Matilda  :  like  them  too  she  was  internally  free  and  in  diunial 
progress  towards  complete  emancipation^:-. 

It  would  be  useless  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  other  trifling 
antiquarian  objections  to  the  authenticity  of  this  expedition; 
they  are  fully  discussed  by  Laini ;  but  Sahi  (who  cites  the 
historians  Paudolfo  Arferoli  and  Giovanni  Niccolo  Dolleni) 
asserts  that  the  Florentines  having  greatly  increased  hi  force 
did  with  the  aid  of  Pistoia  attack  Fiesole  in  1004,  this 
was  probably  what  convinced  Florence  of  the  impossibility  of 
taking  that  city  by  open  siege,  and  occasioned  the  truce  recorded 
by  Malespini.  But  in  the  year  1010,  he  adds,  "the  city  of 
Pistoia  was  much  augmented  in  population  by  the  many  fugi- 
tives from  Fiesole  which  the  Florentines  had  nearly  destroyed 
the  year  before r  This  slight  disagreement  of  dates  does  not 
annul  but  rather  confirms  the  main  fact  of  Florentme  inde- 
pendence, which  is  the  only  real  point  for  decision. 

It  is  clear  that  Fiesole  was  not  entirely  desolated  in  the 
year  1010:  the  citadel  remained  uninjured;  the 
walls  were  partially  destroyed ;  the  greater  houses 
ruined;  and  their  materials  removed  to  Florence;  but  the 
inferior  classes  who  were  not  feared,  and  to  whom  the  honours 
of  citizenship  were  probably  never  offered,  were  permitted  to 
remain  and  along  with  the  clergy  still  preserved  that  city's 
ancient  denomination.  Marchionne  di  Coppo  Stefani  says  that 
the  belligerents  agreed  by  treaty  tO^estroy  all  but  the  churches, 
to  remove  the  materials  necessar}'  for  reconstructing  each  citi- 
zen s  dwelling  in  Florence  at  the  public  charge,  and  to  give  a 

*  Borghini,  Discor.,  Parte  ii.,  p.  157,  della  Moneta  Fiorentina.— Frano.  Vet- 
ton,  Fiorino  d'Oro  Illustrato. 

VOL.    T.  p 


A. D.  1010. 


66 


FLORENTINE    HISTOHY. 


[book  r. 


CHAP.   V.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


e? 


premium  of  ten  per  cent,  to  all  who  settled  in  this  city  or  its 
suburbs*. 

After  such  a  blow  the  Fiesoline  population  would  naturally 
dechne,  but  it  needs  many  days  to  tear  a  whole  people  from 
their  fathers*  graves,  their  ancient  temples,  and  the  earlier 
scenes  of  childhood;  wherefore  we  find  on  record  another 
attack  of  this  city  in  11*25;  not  as  would  appear  by  a 
public  decree  of  the  Florentines  in  which  the  Fiesoline 
population  must  have  concurred  ;  but  the  private  aggression  of 
a  part  only,  and  probably  the  Florentine  portion  of  the  republic: 
for  this  the  citizens  were  not  only  reprimanded  but  punished 
by  Pope  Honorius  the  Second.  Atto  Abbot  of  Vallombrosa 
intercedes  for  them  in  a  letter  quoted  by  Lami,  assuring  the 
pontiff  that  it  was  the  "  sudden,  capricious,  and  inconsiderate 
resolution  of  a  few,*'  who  nevertheless  (according  to  an  old 
chronicle  cited  by  the  same  author)  scoured  the  whole  countn 
and  managed  to  besiege  the  citadel  of  Fiesole  for  three  months. 
It  was  ultimately  taken  by  famine ;  and  this  long  siege  proves 
either  secret  connivance  at  the  act  or  extreme  weakness  in  the 
government  f . 

According  to  Malespini  the  citadel  was  occupied  by  certain 
Cattani  or  chiefs  of  Fiesoline  race,  who  trusting  to  its  strength 
plundered  the  whole  neighbourhood;  they  had  probably 
repaired  it,  for  a  law  was  immediately  passed  to  forbid  the 
reestablishment  of  any  ruined  fortress  without  public  leave  \ 
After  this  the  town  gradually  melted  away,  and  the  removal 
of  Bishop  Hildebrand  to  Florence  in  l'2-2.^  left  only  the 
name  and  shadow  of  a  city  i^  probably  about  its  present 
population  §. 

The  importance  of  this  event  may  not  justify  so  long  a  dis- 
A.D.ioio.   cussiou  ;   yet  where  an  author's  account  of  disputed 


•    Storia    Fiorcnt*,     Lib.     i«,     Ru- 

brica  33. 

+  Giov.  Lami,  Lezione  viii. 


X  Malespini,  cap.  Ixxvii. 
§  Giov.  Lami,  Lezione  viii. 


points  can  be  fairly  reconciled  with  facts  his  authority 
is  strengthened  in  other  matters,  and  the  value  of  his  nar- 
ration proportionally  increased.  Those  who  doubt  have  taken 
no  notice  of  the  important  circumstance  before  mentioned, 
namely  that  Tuscany  was  without  a  general  governor  and  in  a  state 
of  complete  municipal  independence  for  thirteen  years  :  Lami 
nevertheless  asserts  that  a  certain  Duke  Boniface  (not  Matilda's 
father)  governed  during  this  period ;  but  tliere  is  strong  ground 
for  believing  that  no  Boniface  regularly  or  permanently  ruled 
Tuscany  from  the  ninth  century  until  the  year  1027  when 
Countess  Matilda's  father  became  Duke  *. 

After  every  research  we  still  find  Malespini's  details  of  this 
expedition  sufficiently  perplexing ;  he  may  have  exaggerated 
its  consequences  by  confusing  them  with  subsequent  events 
and  the  wasting  influence  of  time,  seen  only  in  its  effects ;  but 
modem  writers  reject  the  whole  without  sufficient  reason. 
Many  authorities  have  been  here  cited  to  confirm  it,  not  to 
accumulate  evidence ;  for  except  Salvi  almost  all  must  have 
drawn  from  the  same  source,  namely  the  chronicle  of  Malespini ; 
merely  to  show  how  generally  the  story  has  been  received. 

That  Florence  was  a  town  of  comparative  importance  in  the 
eleventh  centur}^  (about  the  year  1055)  is  evident  not  only  from 
Its  having  been  the  favourite  place  of  residence  and  election  of 
several  Pontiffs,  but  also  because  a  General  Council  was  then 
held  there  by  Pope  Victor  the  Second  and  Henry  III.  of  Ger- 
many ;  the  latter  at  the  same  time  exercising  some  acts  of  high 
authority  agamst  Godfrey  of  Lorraine  and  his  wife  Beatrice, 
who  was  a  hostage  at  his  court;  and  the  former  unfrocking 
many  Bishops  for  simony  and  unchastity  f . 

In  1063  a  quarrel  arose  between  Bishop  Pietro  supported 

*  Lami,  Lezione  viii.— Cosimo  della  Papi.— S.  Ammirato,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib. 

Kena,  Duca  Bonifazio,  Parte  ii»,  p.  1 1.  i.,  pp.  38— 40.— Muratori,  Annali,  An- 

T  Malespini,   cap.  Ixiv.— G.  Villani,  no  1055.— Mecatti,  Stor.  Cronologica 

l^»b.  IV.,  cap.  XV.— Platina,  Vita  de'  di  Firenzc,  vol.  i.,  p.  29. 

F  -2 


6h 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


09 


A.D.  1063. 


by  Godfrey  and  Beatrice ;  and  the  monks  of  Florence  under 
the  auspices  of  Giovanni  Gualberto  founder  of  the  Vallam- 
brosan  convent,  in  which  the  whole  population  took  a  part  and 
filled  the  city  with  tumult.  This  prelate  charged  with  the 
crime  of  simony,  fell  in  the  public  estimation  and  was  finally 
overcome  by  a  furious  adverse  faction  and  more  furious  monks. 
Pope  Alexander  II.  then  residing  at  Lucca  displeased  witli 
this  violence  endeavoured  to  restore  tranquillity  but 
in  vain  ;  the  citizens  became  still  more  disorderly : 
swarms  of  turbulent  friars  poured  from  the  cloisters  and  by 
accumulated  evidence  so  cleai'ly  proved  the  crime  that  they 
not  only  accused  the  Bishop  before  the  Roman  Council,  but 
bold  in  superstition  or  in  cunning,  offered  to  substantiate  their 
charge  by  the  fien^  ordeal.  The  Pope  and  Council  wisely 
declined  this  tribunal,  but  the  Florentines  with  truer  faith 
instantly  accepted  the  trial  and  shouted  for  faggots.  Tli< 
monks  unable  or  unwilling  to  retreat  chose  Peter  a  Vallam 
brosan  of  exemplary  virtue  as  their  champion :  he  fearlessly 
advanced  and  passed  uninjured  through  the  fiames. 

The  Pontifi"  received  immediate  notice  of  this  by  •'  a  special 
letter  of  the  Florentine  people,''  and  the  Bishop  thus  con- 
victed was  at  once  deposed ;  while  the  bold  and  lucky  friar 
(ever  afterwards  knowTi  as  Pietro  Ljiieo)  became  successive!} 
Abbot  of  Fucecchio,  a  Bishop,  and  Cardinal  of  Albano*. 

Besides  this  example  of  priestly  arts  and  influence  on  super 
stitious  credulitv,  the  incident  strenfrthens  our  notions  of  Flo 
rentine  independence  lx)th  as  regards  the  direct  communication 
with  Pope  Alexander  in  free  community,  and  the  Duke  of 
Tuscany's  feeble  power,  wliich  even  witli  the  Pontiff's  aid 
could  neither  preserve  order  amongst  the  citizens ;  protect  the 
faction  which  he  favoured ;  nor  save  the  Bishop  from  persecu- 
tion.    Yet  with  so  early  an  independence  as  respected  both 

*   Denina,  Riv.  d'  Ital.,  Lib.  x.,  capo     tilda,   Lib.  \'\  p.  76,  Anno  1063.— 
V. — Fran.  M.  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di  Ma-     S.  Ammirato,  Lib,  i",  p.  40. 


A.D.  1074. 


external  relations  and  internal  government  Florence  still 
acknowledged  the  imperial  supremacy  and  nominally  that  of 
the  provincial  chief  as  its  legitimate  representative. 

The  crime  of  simony  which  bore  so  dark  a  character  in  this 
age  became  more  hateful  from  the  fact  that  ecclesias- 
tical benefices  were  conferred  by  temporal  sovereigns 
and  thus  interfered  too  much  with  church  patronage  to  be 
tamely  endured :  it  was  not  so  much  the  crime  itself  as  the 
recipients  of  its  offerings  that  was  condemned,  and  the  practice 
was  accordingly  denounced  with  far  more  virulence  in  propor- 
tion to  its  distance  from  the  great  treasuiy  of  Christian  piety  and 
devotion.  When  therefore  the  monk  Hildebrand  under  the 
name  of  Gregory  VII.  assumed  the  Popedom  a  council  was 
convened  at  Rome  from  whence  denunciations  issued  against 
all  that  should  be  convicted  of  this  sin  as  well  as  against 
maiTied  priests,  who  were  degraded  without  mercy;  and  this  was 
accompanied  by  a  politic,  sagacious,  and  long-sighted  decree 
forbidding  the  future  admission  of  any  person  to  Holy  Orders  that 
would  not  make  a  vow  of  chastity.  These  blows  were  parti- 
cularly aimed  at  the  Emperor,  Henry  IV.  and  the  German 
priesthood,  who  sinned  openly  in  l)oth  points,  and  their  publi- 
cation carried  dismay  and  confusion  throughout  the  imperial 
states.  An  absolute  prohibition  of  priestly  marriages  was  well 
calculated  to  strengthen  ecclesiastical  power;  yet  the  priests 
rose  in  a  mass,  refused  to  abandon  their  wives,  and  would  not 
even  allow  the  papal  decrees  to  be  promulgated.  Gregoiy  never- 
theless repeated  his  anathemas  in  the  following 
spring  against  all  recusants,  and  accompanied  by  new 
decrees  prohibiting  under  pain  of  excommunication  the  inves- 
titure of  Abbacies  and  Bishoprics  to  all  those  ecclesiastics 
whom  the  King  of  Germany  had  nominated  by  his  own  autho- 
rity, and  condemning  the  practice  as  a  novelty  and  a  source  of 
simony  and  disunion. 

The  ancient   custom   of  electmg   Bishops   by  the   united 


70 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I.     I    CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


buifrages  of  clergy  and  people  had  not  fallen  completely  iniu 
disuse  during  the  minority  of  Henry  IV.  but  his  tutors  never- 
theless took  advantage  of  their  power  to  nominate  incumbeut^ 
to  the  richest  Abbeys  and  Bishoprics.  Henry  on  coming  of 
age  continued  this  lucrative  practice:  because  in  presenting 
the  prelates  with  the  Staff  and  Crosier,  which  was  called  the 
*'  InvestUurey"  valuable  presents  were  expected  according  to 
the  worth  of  the  benefice ;  but  the  Pope  who  participated  in 
these  elections  without  sharing  the  spcjil  bninded  such  proceed- 
ings, perhaps  justly,  with  the  epithetof  Simony, notwithstanding 
that  the  ceremonial  part  was  of  long  st<anding  in  Germany*. 

Another  cause  of  dispute  between  these  two  potentates  was 
the  election  of  Pope  Alexander  II.  by  means  of  Hildebrand, 
without  reference  either  to  the  Empress  Regent  or  the  young 
King  of  Germany  whose  predecessors  from  the  times  of  the 
Othos  had  always  interfered  in  papal  elections ;  yet  as 
Gregory  applied  for  the  Emperor's  consent  to  his  own  election 
no  opportunity  for  an  open  rupture  presented  itself  until  the 
year  1076  when  the  above  decrees  were  followed  by  haughty 
letters  with  threatenings  of  church  censure  in  case  of 

A  II    107R 

disobedience.  His  orders,  his  menaces,  and  hi- 
Legates  were  treated  with  Cijual  sconi,  and  the  indignant 
monarch  at  once  convoked  a  Diet  at  Worms  where  with  the 
concurrence  of  all  his  discontented  prehites  he  met  the  papal 
denunciations  by  a  decree  that  declared  Gregory  illegitimate 
and  excommimicate.  This  was  accompanied  by  an  order  from 
the  angry  monarch  as  Patrician  of  Rome  commanding  that 
Pontitf  s  instant  abdication  of  the  papal  dignity  and  its  deliver} 
into  the  hands  of  a  holier  man :  Rowland  a  priest  of  Parma 
was  despatched  on  this  perilous  embassy  and  delivered  liis 
message  l)oldly  nay  even  audaciously  to  tlie  Pope  in  full  council 
at  the  Lateral! :  he  first  called  \rith  a  loud  voice  on  Gregon- 

*  Denina,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  v. 


U)  descend  from  the  pontifical  chair;  then  turning  to  the 
astonished  prelates  summoned  them  to  appear  before  the 
Emperor  and  receive  a  tme  pontiff  at  his  hands  for  he  before 
whom  they  then  stood  was  nothing  but  a  wolf.  Gregory  had 
the  good  nature  to  save  this  audacious  messenger  from  the 
weapons  of  his  guard,  and  sure  of  Beatrice  and  Matilda's  aid 
with  the  favour  of  many  German  princes,  he  calmly  rose  and 
with  all  the  decision  of  bis  character  pronounced  in  a  stem 
voice  the  long-menaced  anathema ;  he  declared  Henry  to  be 
excommunicated  and  deposed,  and  his  subjects  absolved  from 
ever}^  oath  they  had  taken  in  his  service*. 

The  assembly  were  awed  and  even  astounded  by  this  act 
for  it  was  the  first  instance  of  a  pope's  having  exercised  so 
tremendous  a  power,  and  Gregorj^  himself,  bold  and  resolute 
as  he  was,  only  attempted  to  justify  it  by  the  perilous  con- 
juncture :  he  nevertheless  felt  secure  in  his  position,  which  the 
Emperor  did  not;  the  malediction  proved  omnipotent;  its 
effects  instantaneous,  loyalty  shrank  trembling  from  the  cursed 
king ;  chiefs  and  princes  abandoned  him,  and  he  was  stript 
like  a  lofty  oak  by  the  winter's  blast. 

Amongst  the  first  who  left  him  was  Guelph  Duke  of 
Bavaria,  son  of  Albert  Marquis  of  Este  a  prince  strongly 
attached  to  the  Holy  See,  and  Henry  was  forced  unaided  to 
bend  before  the  storm :  his  pride  soon  yielded  to  expediency, 
he  had  rashly  seized  a  position  that  he  could  not  maintain, 
and  in  the  depth  of  one  of  the  severest  wmters  ever  ^^  ^^^^ 
known  in  Italy  crossed  the  Alps  with  his  wife  and 
child  and  appeared  as  a  suppliant  under  the  treble-walled 
castle  of  Cannosa.  Matilda  was  already  there  as  a  mediatrix  ; 
Gregory  as  an  implacable  priest  to  trample  on  the  pride  of 

disobedient  royalty. 
A  train  of  penitent  ecclesiastics  followed  their  king  and 

*  Fran.  M.  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di  Matilda,  Lib.  ii«,  pp.  154,  160.— Muratori, 
Annali,  Anno  1074,  &c. 


7a 


FLORENTINE    HISTORT. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


73 


wandered  like  spirits  round  the  frowning  towers :  the  Pontiff 
was  long  inflexible  ;  but  finally  yielding  to  their  prayers  vouch- 
safed an  ungracious  and  tardy  absolution.  Not  so  with  the 
Emperor.  All  the  unbending  rigour  of  Gregor}^  was  now 
stemlv  manifested  :  neither  Matilda's  influence  nor  the  earnest 
entreaties  of  all  those  princes  who  had  flocked  around  him 
were  of  any  avail :  the  haughty  monk  still  frowned  on  the 
degraded  king,  and  when  he  at  last  vouchsafed  to  pardon,  the 
terms  were  so  humiliatuig  that  the  imagination  can  scarcely 
conceive  a  man  of  Henrj's  character  ever  deigning  mider  any 
circumst^ances  to  accept  them  as  the  price  of  his  reconciliation. 
Yet  when  he  thus  acted  who  shall  justly  accuse  Matilda  of 
superstitious  weakness,  for  devotion  to  that  church  which  had 
ever  protected  her,  even  in  the  moments  of  its  greatest  neces- 
sity? To  merit  tliis  disgraceful  pardon,  all  manly  spirit,  and 
royalty  even  to  its  very  robes,  were  sacriiiced;  then,  but 
not  until  then,  the  Emperor  was  contemptuously  received 
within  the  second  circuit  of  the  castle  walls  where  covered 
only  by  a  woollen  shirt,  shivering  with  bare  extremities  in  the 
cold  of  a  rigorous  winter  and  the  gi'ound  black  ^^•ith  frost,  did 
this  humbled  image  of  the  lioman  Cajsars  remain  for  three 
successive  davs,  and  denied  all  sustenance  until  the  evening 
shades  periodically  released  him  from  his  sufferings ! 

On  the  foui-th  day  prostrate  at  the  Pontiff^s  feet  he  implored 
a  wretched  pardon  for  his  imputed  sins ;  while  the  haughty 
priest  took  otf  the  malediction  and  then  proudly  gathering 
up  his  robes  moved  on  to  Pieggio  leaving  Henry's  restoration 
to  the  judgment  of  a  German  Diet*  ! 

Such  was  the  ominous  commencement  of  fierce  disputes  between 
Church  and  Empire :  bora  of  avarice  and  ambition,  nourished 
by  scorn  and  defiance  and  matured  by  solid  acts  of  shame  and 

♦  Giannone,  Stor.  Civile,  voL  v.,  Lib.  Fiorcn.,  Lib.  i",  accresciuto,  p.  43. 
X.,  chap.  v.,p.  210.— Muratori,  Annali,  — Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital.,  vol.  i.,  cap.  iii., 
Anno     1077. — S.  Ammirato,     Stor.     ]>.  1*25. 


A.D.  1078. 


injuiy;  they  generated  a  long  succession  of  misfortunes  and 
retarded  human  civilisation.  There  were  indeed  some  casual 
intervals  of  repose ;  and  though  the  particular  dispute  about 
investitm-es  was  terminated  in  11-^1  by  mutual  concessions 
from  Henry  V.  and  Calistus  II.  causes  of  quarrel  still  smoul- 
dered with  many  outbui-sts  until  a  general  conflagration  blazed 
wildly   forth   between   the   mighty    factions   of  Guelph   and 

Ghibeline  -•-. 

Florence  imbued  with  Matilda's  politics  became  essentially 
attached  to  her  cause  and  followed  all  her  fortunes ; 
tlie  citizens  did  not  for  a  moment  suppose  that 
Henry  would  jiassively  submit  to  such  contumely ;  wherefore, 
comparing  the  prospect  of  immediate  war  with  the  unguarded 
position  of  their  suburbs,  they  determined  to  inclose  the  whole 
town  with  new  walls  and  in  lOTS  began  the  ''second  circuit:' 
The  city  was  divided  into  six  parts  called  '' Sesti:'  five  of 
which  occupied  the  north  or  right  bank  of  the  Arno,  each 
named  after  its  own  particular  gate ;  three  small  suburbs  on 
the  left  l)auk  formed  the  sixth  division,  both  these  portions 
being  linked  together  by  the  "  Ponte  Vecchio  "  then  the  only 
bridge  of  Florence  f. 


*  Dcnina,  Rivol.  (rital.,  Lib.  x.,cap.  ix. 
t  Beginning  at  the  eastern  eiul  of 
Borfjo  degli  Albiz:i,  the  new  walls 
inclosed  the  now  ruined  Church  ot 
San  Pier  Maggiore  passing  behind  its 
altar,  near  which  a  gate  of  that  name 
stood;  then  turning  a  little  towards 
the  north  it  foraieti  an  elbow  where  a 
postern  was  situated,  railed  "  Jkra- 
mtir  or  "  AlbcnindlT  from  a  family 
of  that  name,  and  probably  corre- 
sponded to  the  second  street  after  pass- 
ing San  Pietro,  or  that  which  goes 
straight  towards  Via  ddl"  Orivolo  and 
Santo  Eg^idio,  and  is  now  called   Via 


dello  Sprone,  (perhaps  from  its  facing 
the  acute  angle  formed  by  these  two 
streets)  and  this  I  suspect  is  the  ancient 
and  original  Porta  Pinti  mentioned, 
though  rarely,  in  the  old  Chronicles*. 
From  this  place  the  wall  must  have 
turned  sharp  to  the  north  towards  the 
Hospital  of  Santa  Maria  Nuova, 
taking  the  line  of  Via  Santo  Egidio, 
Via  de'  Cresciy  Via  de  Cald^rai,  and 
Via  de"  PiLCci,  including  the  Church 
of  San  Mlchde  de'  Vlsdomini,  until 
it  came  to  the  side  door  of  the  present 
Cliurch  of  San  Lorenzo;  or  more 
probably  at  the  Via  de'  Ginori  where 


»  Lami,  Lczione  xi.,  p.  353. 


74 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I, 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


70 


Though  many  years  were   expended   in   perfecting   these 
defences  yet  so  extensive  a  work,  originating  entirely  with  the 


a  gate  once  stood.  Thence  continu- 
ing to  the  Canto  de*  Ntlli,  or  Canto 
de*  Chri,  the  wall  then  turnetl  towards 
the  Piazza  di  Madonna  where  near 
the  entrance  of  Via  dcUa  Stipa  there 
was  a  postern  called  Porta  di  Mug- 
none  which  river  anciently  piisscd 
this  spot,  but  has  been  gradually 
repelled  by  the  exptinding  city*. 
From  the  Piazza  di  Madonna,  for- 
merly Campo  Corbolini,  the  wall 
continued  to  Canto  del  Mandraf/one, 
and  thence  directly  to  La  Croce  al 
Trehbio,  pierced  however  by  a  postern 
(probably  at  the  Via  degli  Accnni) 
called  Porta  liaschiera.  Continuing 
towards  the  junction  of  Via  del  fa 
Spada  and  Via  de*  Fossi  it  was 
broken  by  another  gate  called  Porta 
di  San  Paulo  and  then  the  Via  del 
Moro,  (probably  Muro)  indicates  its 
direction  to  Pontc  alia  Carraia 
which  did  not  then  exist,  but  where 
a  gate  of  that  name  stood  ^.  From 
this  corner  a  lower  wall  led  along  the 
river  to  Ponte  Vecrhio  where  it  pro- 
bably joined  the  first  circuit  at  the 
Porta  Santa  Maria,  and  thence  to 
the  present  Palazzo  de*  Giudici  di 
Jtuota^  or  Castellani.  The  rampart 
now  quitting  the  river  left  a  street 
outside  into  which  opened  two  jkis- 
terns;  and  near  the  present  Alberti 
Palace  was  Porta  de*  Bum,  after- 
wards Porta  de'  Ruggieri  da  Quona, 
called  so  from  the  neichbouring  houses 
of  that  family^  This  part' of  the 
wall  followed  the  line  of  Via  dt* 
Tintori  or  Saponai,  and  Via  de* 
Vageilai,  where  an  angle  of  it  still 
seems  to  exist  in  the  form  of  a 
cobbler's  shop;  and  near  this  is  ano- 


ther Via  del  Moro  or  Muro,  of  the 
first  circle.  From  the  last-mentioned 
gate  Mhich  opened  near  the  present 
bridge  of  Le  Orazie  or  Ruhacontc 
the  wall  ran  about  north-east  to  its 
rrj unction  with  the  gate  of  San  Piero 
Maggiore,  but  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  Church  of  San  Jacopo  in  Via 
de"  Bend  formed  part  of  the  rampart ; 
its  back,  now  the  front,  8t;inding  over 
the  ditch  and  hence  called  San 
Jacobo  tra  Fossi  or  between  the  first 
and  second  ditch,  which  name  it  still 
ret;iin8.  The  still  existing  wall  of 
the  old  prisons  called  the  Stinche  in 
Via  del  Diluvio^  now  about  to  be 
demolished,  is  supposed  to  be  a  rem- 
nant of  the  second  circuit.  It  is 
curious  that  a  butcher's  shop  still 
exists  at  the  comer  of  Borgo  de' 
Greci  in  Piazza  Santa  Croci  which 
was  mentioned  us  a  mark  for  indi- 
cating the  old  walls  by  Scipione  Am- 
niirato  nearly  three  hundred  years 
ago!  So  long  does  the  "custom  of  a 
shop"  continue  in  Florence,  nor  is 
this  a  solitary  instance.  Beyond  the 
Amo  were  three  suburbs  all  Wginning 
at  the  head  of  Ponte  Vecchio.  One 
was  called  Borgo  Pidiglioso  from  its 
low  and  dirty  population :  at  its 
southern  extremity  was  a  gate  called 
Porta  Romohn  situated  at  the  end 
of  the  pres-nii  Via  de*  Bardi  near 
Santa  Lucia  de*  Magnoli  or  as 
it  is  now  called  (from  an  acci- 
dent in  the  sixteenth  ecntury)  ddh 
Rovinate  on  the  hill-side.  The 
second  was  that  of  Santa  Felicita, 
calle<l  Borgo  di  Piazza,  which  had  a 
gate  at  Santa  Felice  called  as  is  reason- 
ably supposed.  Porta  a  Piazza,  a  name 


citizens,  proves  the  independence  and  prosperity  of  Florence 
and  its  confidence  in  native  energy  and  resources  alone  for 
safety  :  they  were,  as  the  Florentines  anticipated,  soon  destined 
to  be  proved ;  for  the  Emperor  ashamed  of  his  late  humiliation 
became  again  the  Pontiff's  declared  enemy  and  was  moreover 
compelled  to  defend  his  o^vn  crown  against  Rodolph  Duke  of 
Swabia  who  had  been  elected  king  by  a  new  Diet  of  the  dis- 
contented princes.     A  war  of  three  years  which  began  in  1077 
and  a  battle  lost  by  Heniy  in  1080  determined  the  Pope  to 
acknowledge  Rodolph,  redouble  his  curses  on  the  king,  and 
anathematise  the  Archbishops  of  Milan  and  Ravenna  who  had 
steadily  adhered  to  his  cause.      A  golden  diadem  with  the 
legend  ''Petra  dedit  Pitro,  Petrus  Diadema  Rodul-   ^^  ^^g^^ 
;)Ao'<s"  was  on  this  occasion  sent  to  Henry's  antagonist, 
wliich  so  moved  the  Emperor  that  he  assembled  about  thirty 
schismatic  prelates  besides  a  numerous  following  of  German 
and  Italian  barons,  and  at  Brixen  m  the  Tyrol  was  again  rash 
enough  to  declare  Gregory  deposed,  and  to  elect  the  many- 
times  excommunicated  Archbishop  of  Ravenna  in  his  plax^e  under 
the  name  of  Clement  III.  a  man,  say  his  enemies  "  whose  first 
thought  was  ambition,  and  his  last  the  fear  of  God  f." 


*  Lami,  Lezioni,  xcviii.  b  i^i^   ^cvii. 

•^  Ben   Varchi,  Storia  Fioren.,  Lib.  ix. 


afterwards  changed  to  that  of  Porta 
Romana   and  opening  on   the  Siena 
road.     The  third  was  then  and  is  still 
called  Borgo  San  Jacopo  with  a  gate 
at,  or  near  the  Piazza  de*  Frescobaldi 
leading   to   the    Pisan   road.      There 
was  no  defence  for  these  suburbs,  ex- 
cept the  backs  of  the  houses  which 
looked    upon    giirdens    and    orchards, 
until  after  the  Emperor  Henry   IV. 
besieged  Florence,  when  a  wall  was 
carried  up   from  the    Porta  Romana 
along  the  hill-side  (behind  Santa  Fe- 
licita) and  part  of  the  Boboli  Gardens ; 
then  crossing  by  the  present  church  of 
Santa  Felice  it  ran  directly  to  Via  de' 
Serragle.  probably  following  the  line 
of  Via  SanV  ^</os<irto  where  it  turned 


sharp  and  terminated  at  the  Piazza  de* 
Sodcrini  opposite  to  the  present  bridge 
and  ancient  Porta  alia  Carraia  on  the 
other  bank  of  the  Amo,  already  men- 
tioned. {See  Rastrctli,  Firenzc  Antica 
€  Modcnia  lUustrata,  vol.  i.,  pp.  90, 
94  kc. — Lami,  Lezioni  i.,  p.  6 ;  Lez. 
xi.,  p.  ^oi.^Borghini,  Discorsi,— 
Malespini,  cap.  Ivi. — Gio.   Villaniy 
Lib.  iv.,  cap.  \\\.—Scip.   Ammirato, 
Lib.  i.,  p.   U.—Ben£detto     Varchiy 
vol.  iii.,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  78. 
*  "  The    Stone     (Christ)     gave    the 
Diadem  to  Peter  and  Peter  gives  it  to 
Rodolph." 

flNIessia,   Vite  di   tutti    gl'  Impera- 
dori,  Tradotti  da  Dolci,  p.  270. 


76 


FLORENTINE    lIISTunV. 


[book  t. 


CHAP.  T.] 


FLOKENilNl".    IIISTORV. 


77 


This  event,  which  occurred  in  June  lOSO,  was  followed  after 
u  few  months  hv  a  fourth  pitched  hattlo  in  which  riodoljth  was 
killed  and  his  army  totally  defeate<l,  whik-  on  the  same  day  at 
a  place  called  Vtilta  in  the  Mantuan  States,  Matildas  aniiy 
wa.>  routed  in  attempting  to  expel  the  Antipope,  and  all 
Lomhardy  declared  for  the  Emperor. 

Henn-  elated  bv  this  success  marched  to  liavenna  and  with 
words  of  peace  on  his  li]>s  determined  to  crown  the 

A.D.  1081.       .       .  *       -^  ,  .  ,  ,  ,  AT    *M  1 

Antipope  at  Koine:  but  neither  (.ivgoiy  nor  Matilda 
were  disheartened  ;  he  relied  on  Robert  (iuiscard  the  Norman, 
who  had  been  freed  from  ecclesiasticid  censure  for  the  occasion 
and  ruled  the  Xeaix)litan  States  :  and  she,  ct»iitident  of  lier  own 
coui*age  and  resources,  was  true  to  the  cause  in  which  both  her 
heart  and  conscience  were  engaged. 

Florence  attached  by  habit  to  the  Church  was  steady  and 
determined,  for  while  the  Emperor  marched  in  triumph  through 
northern  Italy  she  seems  to  have  stood  furwiud  almost  alone, 
and  resolutely  closed  her  gates  against  the  conqueror.  Accord- 
ing to  her  own  writers,  who  however  arc  imt  too  impartial,  the 
Emperor  indignant  at  such  resistance  from  a  single  town  had 
no  choice  but  aims,  and  with  Senese  assistance  began  the 
siege  believing  that  nothing  could  withstand  him.  Approach- 
ing Florence  from  the  northward  he  encamped  at  a  place  then 
called  Cafaffffio  (now  occupied  principally  by  the  Church  and 
Convent  of  the  Santissima  Annunziata)  and  extending  his  left 
wing  to  the  Anio,  commenced  operations  in  the  month  of 
April  lOsi. 

•*  There  is  no  wall,"  says  Ammirato,  "however  strong  it 
may  be,  so  difiBcult  to  surmount  as  Union ;  "  and  the  Floren- 
tines moved  by  tliis  spirit  not  only  dared  the  imperialists  but 
harassed  them  so  sharply  by  repeated  sallies  that  after  a 
while  Henry  being  fearful  of  Matilda's  daily  increasing  num- 
bers, raised  the  siege  and  made  a  disorderly  retreat  with 
considerable  loss  of  baggage. 


Authors   disagree    about  the   precise    date   of  this   siege: 
Ammirato,  apparently  after  Malespii.i,  continues  it  from  the 
beghming  of  April  to  the  twcnty-iirst  of  June ;  l)Ut  Villani  in 
asserting^ that  it  linishcd  on  the  twcnity-first  of  April  agrees 
better  with  Muratoris  statement  that  Henry  and  the  Antipope 
were  before  Kome  in  ^May  of  the  saiiie  ye'ar,  where  meeting  with 
unexpected  resistance  and  no  friends,  he  retired  without  accom- 
plishing  his  puqiose ;    nor  was  it  until  after  a  succession  of 
annual  sieges  that  by  dint  of  bribery  he  mastered   ^^  ^^^^ 
that  capital  in  10H4.     Clement   was   then  crowned 
and   Heniy    received  the   inii)erial   dia<lem  in   return,  while 
Gregory  was  closely  besieged  in  the  castle  of  Saint  Angelo. 
Guiscard  soon  advanced  to  the  rescue  with  a  powerful  army 
augmented  by  a  body  of  Saracens  who  either  drove  or  frigliitened 
the  Emperor  away  and  restored  the  Christian  Pontiff  to  liberty. 
Some   authors   aver   that   he  retreated  three  days  before 
Guiscard's    appearance   although    favoured    by   the    citizens 
whose   support  he   had   bought  witli  the  golden  byzants  of 
Alexius  the  father  of  Anna  Commena :  it  is  certain  that  the 
Romans  rose  tumultuously,  attacked  the  Pope's  deliverers,  and 
fought  with  vigour  until  the  Norman  calling  fiercely  for  torches 
Rome  was  straightway  in  tlames  from  the    CoUseum  to  the 
Lateran^^     Soon  after  this  l)arbarous  feat  Guiscard  and  his 
mmnidons  quitted  the  scene  of  desolation  with  multitudes  of 
prisoners,  and  accompanied  l>y   Gregoiy  who  under   ^^^^^ 
that  rough  protector  retired  to  Salerno  where  he  ex- 
pired the  following  year ;  still  invokhig  Heaven's  vengeance  on 
the  schismatic  emperor  and  his  wicked  adherents  f. 

This  conflagration  was  the  real  and  phcenix-like  death  of 
ancient   Pvome''  and   the   birth   of  the   modem   city   on   the 

•  Dante  alludes  to  the  Wood  shod  by  j,.  44.-Muntori,  Vnnalu  Anni  1081 

Guiscard  in  Italv  in  his  tine-  opening  -10H4.-Mc^sia  \  ite  Henenco  H-. 

to  the  28th  Canto  of  the  Inferno.  — Orlan.  M  alia  volt  i,^tona  di  biena, 

1  Malespini,  cap.  Ixviii.— G.  Villani.  Lib.  in.,  Parte  i%  p.  15. 
Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxii. — Ammii-ato,  Lib.i", 


78 


FLORENTINE    UISTOEY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FT.ORENTINE    HISTORY. 


79 


Campus  Martius,  for  before  this  her  antique  splendour  had  been 
scarcely  injured*.  The  Emperor's  attempt  on  Florence  too,  as 
Villain  avers,  kindled  a  flame  amongst  the  citizens  which 
produced  those  fatal  quarrels  between  the  chm'ch  and  impeiial 
factions  which,  thus  early  engendered,  soon  found  in  this  stormy 
region  a  congenial  habitation  and  a  name 

Florence  l)eing  angry  with  Siena  for  asbibUng  Henry,  moved 
with  all  her  force  against  it  and  carrying  devastation  to  the  veiy 
gates  ;  but  the  Senese  suddenly  issuing  with  six  thousand  men 
defeated  them  at  Leceto  on  the  Florentine  road ;  and  on  this 
occasion,  to  recompense  the  services  of  the  Ineontrati  family, 
a  lofty  tower  was  erected  at  the  public  expense  near  their 
houses  as  a  mark  of  honour :  these  buildings  were  at  first 
uninhabitable  like  the  round  towers  of  Ireland,  but  many  were 
afterwards  adapted  to  and  used  for  defence,  as  in  Florence,  Pisa, 
and  other  parts  of  Italyf. 


Cotemporary  Monanhs. — Emperors  and  Kings  of  Germany,  Henry  II., 
III.,  and  IV. — Popes,  from  Sorgius  IV.  to  Victor  III. — England:  Danisli 
Kings,Sueno  and  Canute,  Harefoot  and  Ilardiknute;  Saxons,  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor and  Harold,  then  William  the  Nomian  (lOO'G). — France  :  Robert  tlu- 
Pious  (1031),  Henrv  I.,  Philip  I. — Greek  Emperors,  IJasil  II.,  Constantino  IX. 
(1028),  Romanus  111.,  Michael  IV.  (1034),  Michael  V.(1041),  Zoe  and  Theo- 
dora (1042),  Constantine  X.  (1054),  Michael  VI.  (105G),  Isaac  Comnenus 
(1057),  Consuntine  XI.  (1050),  Eudocia  (10«7),  Romanus  III.,  Michael  VII., 
Andronicus  I.,  Constantine  XII.  (1071  to  1081),  Alexius  Comnenus  (1081). 


*  Muratori,    Annali,    Anni    1081 — 
1084. — Si!«mondi,  vol.  i.,  p.  128. 
fOio.  Villani,  Lib.   iv.,  cap.   xxii. — 


Orlando  Mulavolti,  Storia  di  Siena,  Lib. 
i".  Parte  i%  p.  25,  \o. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


FROM  A.l).    1005   TO    A.D.    1170. 


Although  strong  presumptive  proof  has  been  given  of  the 
independence  of  Florence  during  nearly  all  the  ^j^^^^o 
eleventh  centur}%  still  no  tangible  document,  no  act  of 
sovereign  authority  performed  in  lier  own  name,  is  extant 
before  the  twelfth,  and  her  history  during  the  whole  of  this 
period  is  merged  in  that  of  Italy ;  bemg  at  best  but  a  doubtful 
patchwork  of  insulated  uncertainties. 

Matilda  as  Marchioness  of  Tuscany  exercised  her  powers  of 
public  jurisdiction  up  to  the  yeai'  1100,  and  while  she  Uved 
probably   enjoyed    the    honours    and    authority   if    not    the 
emoluments  of  Florentine   royalty ;   but  after  that  year  her 
name  is  no  longer  heard  of  withui  the  walls.     An  attempt  has 
been  already   made    to   explain   the    somewhat    paradoxical 
connexion  between  the  free  cities  and  the  crown  of  Italy ;  but 
for  greater  perspicuity  and  as  an  introduction  to  the  account 
of  Florentine  government  it  may  not  here   be  irrelevant  to 
quote  the  historian  Sigonius   as  well  as  some  extracts  from 
records  of  an  older  date  adduced  by  Cosimo  della  Rena :  they 
describe  a  state  of  things  that  existed  even  to  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century,  somewhat  differing,  it  is  true,  from  our  present 
notions  of  civil  liberty,  but  which  like  all  great  and  contmued 
e^-ils  finally  roused  the  angry  spirit  of  freedom  awakened  the 
slumbering  dignity  of  man,  and  burst  those  ties  that  bomid  the 
Italian  cities  to  aristocratic  privilege  and  impenal  supremacy^'. 

*  Duchi  c  Marchcsi  di  Toscana,  Parte  ii'. 


30 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


81 


This  produced  a  most  wholesome  movement  throughout  all 
northern  Italv  which  in  its  day  was  accused  of  turbulence, 
visionar\"  projects  of  political  improv«  lueiit,  and  restless 
democratic  mnovation.  Innovation  !  Time,  says  Bacon,  is  the 
great  innovator :  the  elements  are  unstable  ;  all  is  mutability, 
even  the  very  races  of  created  beings  that  once  inhabited  the 
crust  of  this  changing  planet  have,  been  successively  blotted 
from  its  surface ;  that  surface  no  longer  the  same,  and  the 
present  race  of  man  perhaps  destined  t(j  be  in  its  turn 
extinguished  before  some  higher  creation.  And  shall  we  then 
still  continue  to  stigmatise  those  who,  in  their  endeavours  to 
enlighten  mankind,  would  alter  the  effete  institutions  of 
other  times  to  suit  the  wants  intelligence  and  habits  of 
their  own,  with  the  crime  of  restless  and  wanton  innovation? 
But  let  us  contemplate  for  a  while  the  good  old  times  of 
Italian  senitude  under  Frankish  and  German  nders ;  let  us 
examine  privilege  and  scan  the  admired  prerogatives  of  legiti- 
macy, and  we  shall  no  longer  mai'vel  that  the  inalienable  rights 
of  man  were  sternly  asserted  and  intrepidly  maintained. 

*'It  was  an  ancient  custom,"  say  these  records,  "after  the 
lloman  empire  had  passed  to  the  Franks,  and  still  practised  in 
our  own  days,  that  whenever  the  kings  of  Italy  intended  to  go 
into  tliat  province  they  sent  forward  some  of  their  most 
experienced  people  to  visit  all  the  cities  and  castles  in  order 
tx>  receive  the  contributions  due  under  the  name  of  ' Foderum.' 
The  result  was  that  many  cities,  towns  and  castles  where  the 
payment  of  this  tax  had  been  altogether  resisted  or  only  a 
portion  of  it  acknowledged,  were  punished  for  their  audacity 
and  razed  to  the  ground."  "There  is  a  tradition  that  from 
ancient  custom  is  derived  this  kind  of  justice ;  by  virtue  of 
which  on  the  king's  aiTival  in  Italy  it  is  undtjrbtood  that  all 
dignities  and  magistracies  immediately  cease  and  are  re- 
disposable  at  the  sovereigns  pleasure  according  to  legal 
provisions  and  the  opinion  of  jurists.     It  is  moreover  asserted 


that  the  judges  of  the  land  acknowledge  so  ample  an  authority 
in  the  kings  person,  and  that  they  believe  the  people  are 
]>omid  to  furnish  for  the  use  of  the  court  and  army  everything 
usually  produced  by  the  earth,  both  of  the  necessaries  and 
delicacies  of  life,  according  as  they  are  demanded;  scarcely 
even  excepting  the  oxen  that  till  the  gromid  or  the  seed  for 
the  next  years  crop." 

From  this  plenary  power  arose  the  various  exemptions  and 

j)rivileges  conceded  by  the  monarchs  of  those  times  with  such 

benefit  to  their  exchequers ;  and  those  lords  distinguished  by 

feudal  holdings  repaid  tliemselves  by  forced  contril)utions  from 

their  serfs  and  vassals  to  most  of  whom  they  left  no  more  than 

what  was  requisite  for  their  daily  sustenance^:-.     Sigonius  at  a 

later  day  gives  us  a  similar  picture  but  deriving  his  information 

partly  from  the  same  source:  in  the  year  973  he  says,  "The 

emperor  Otho  after  conquering  the  rest  of  Italy  left  the  greater 

number  of  Italian  cities  in  liberty  but  all  tributary,  he  having 

iu  some  created  marquises  and  counts  to  govern  them  yet 

always  resenmg  to  himself  the  rights  of  sovereignty.     He 

reduced  the  freedom  of  cities  to  this,  namely,  that  they  might 

have  their  own  laws,  customs,  jmisdiction,  and  magistracies 

with  the  power  of  imposing  local  taxes  at  their  pleasure  after 

having  sworn  allegiance  to  their  sovereign  the  kmg  of  Italy. 

Following  this  system  part  of  the  executive  government  was 

nominated  by  the  king  to  represent  his  person  and  part  was 

elected   by    the   community:  those   elected   by   the   king  to 

administer  justice  in   the  provinces  were   called  ''Messr  or 

messengers;    in   other   words   Eiiroijs,    Nuncios,  Legates,  or 

Imperial  Ambassadors.     The  magistrates  elected  by  the  people 

were   called    Consuls,   and   their   nmnber   was   two  or  more 

according  to  the  ancient  usage  of  the  Roman  commonwealth. 

These  took  a  yeariy  oath  of  allegiance  in  presence  of  the  bishop 

♦  Cosinio  (lellaRena,Duchi  c  Marches!  di  Toscana,  Pai-te  ii«,  p.  12. 
VOL.    I.  ^ 


62 


FI.ORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.    VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


83 


or   roval    Nuncio;    and   even   before   the    time   of   Frederic 
Harbarossa  foreij^i  presidents  were  nominated  un<lcr  the  title 
of  "Pfx/r.s^i."     Hence  it  is  that  Otho  bish«ip  of  Fresingen  a 
lOtenipiniuT  and  relation  of  that  emperor  justly  writes  that 
in    their    civic    institutions    and    the    conser\ation    of  their 
republics  the  people  of  Lombardy  imitated  ili(>  Nvariuess  of  the 
Romans :  :uid  in  order  to  avoid  the  rij^id  iniptn'ial  government 
thev   preferred    tlie   rule   of  consuls   to   the   autluuity  of  a 
podesta  =."     For  a  clearer  explanation  it  may  be  necessaiy  to 
sjiv    tlu\t    at    the    diet    of    Koncaglia    in     11")^    Frederic    1. 
dexterously  imposed   a   magistnue   and   master   of  his   own 
creation  on  every  town  of  the  Lombard  kingdom  under  the 
specious  and  perhaps  to  a  certain  point  roil  pretext  of  justice 
A  pn^^digious  number  of  causes  having  been  brought  before 
him    he  declared  that  a  whole  life  would  be  insutiicient  to 
determine  them,  and  therefore  gave  full  authority  to  a  class  of 
imperial  officers,  called  by  the  appropriate  title  of  Podesta  with 
the  condition  that  they  should  always  be  strangers  living  at  a 
considerable  disuxnce  from  the  place  they  were  to  govern  and 
entirely  unconnected  with  it.     The  consequences  were  soon 
felt :    for  the   new  podestas   being  nominated   solely  by  the 
crown  and  taken  from  nobles  or  civilians  devoted  to  it,  found 
themselves  in  direct  opposition  to  the  consuls  who  were  freely 
.^ho>en  bv  the  people  ;  hence  quarrels  became  so  frequent  that 
the  Emperor  in  an  angry  mood  determmed  to  abolish 
the  consulate.  Words  soon  changed  to  blows  and  though 
the  people  everywhere  succeeded  in  preserving  their  magistrates 
they  could  not  entirely  throw  off  the  podesJLaship,  which  had 
in  fact  much  to  recommend  it,  so  retained  the  functionary  but 
reserved  his  nomination  to  themselves.     In  the  course  of  time 
this  minister  superseded  the  consuls  and  by  introducing  the 
habit   of  looking  to   one  chief  for  the  settlement  of  publi« 

*  Carlo  Sigoniut,  de  Regno  Italac,  Lib.  viii. 


justice  and  private  disputes  paved  the  way  in  several  instances, 
says  Sisnioiidi,  for  tlie  retreat  of  liberty  and  the  advance  of 
absolute  autlioritv  '. 

•'The    Kinperor   or    King  of   Itjily,"   continues  Sigonius, 
"  maintaiiit'd  the  l^'raiikisli  trilmtes,  whicli  were  the  *  Foderum,' 
the  '  Panthi,'  and  tlio  '  Mnndoiuiticum.'    The  Foderum  was 
a  tax  l)y  wliich  the  Italians  were  obliged  to  furnish  entertain- 
ment for  the  king  wlieiiovcr  he  visited  the  j)rovince,   or  else 
j>ay  many  times  its  estimate   in   money.     The  Parata  were 
intended  f()r  rcjtairs  of  }^^i<lg^'^  and  roads  in  the  sovereign's 
passage  ;  and  the  IMansionaticnni  for  the  maintenance  of  his 
house  and  quartei-s :  under  this  name  were  comprised  all  the 
contributions  that  the  country  furnished  for  the  royal  army, 
and  so  amply  and  rigorously  enforced  was  the  king's  power, 
that  every  necessary  of  life,  every  production  of  the  land,  the 
seed  and  labouring  oxen  only  excepted,  belonged  to  the  service 
of   the  court  and   the    soldiers'  daily   consumption."      Otho 
having  thus  disposed  of  the  cities  did  not  neglect  the  oppor- 
tunity of  securing  the  good-will    of    private   indi^-iduals    by 
especial  favours,  not  only  for  liis  own  immediate  advantage 
but  to  increase  the   splendour  of  his   court :    following  the 
Franks'  example  he  invited  the  most  valorous  and  distinguished 
to  join  his  armies  and  rewarded  those  liy  whom  he  was  well 
and  faithfully  served.     "  His  rewards  consisted  principally  of 
dignities  and  the  possession  of  some  peculiar  prix-ileges  occa- 
sionally conceded  to  his  favourites.    The  dignities  were  titles  of 
Duke,  Marquis,  Count,  Captain.  Vavassour,  and  Vavassini. 
The  privileges  were  the  right  of  imposing  duties  and  tolls  of 
divers  natures ;  such  as  coining  money,  grazing  cattle,  erecting 
mills,  making  salt,  and  using  rivers  and  streams  ui  every  way 

*  Repub.  Italieiines,  vol.  i.,  chap.  ix..     aUo  "  Cattanl^''  for  Capitani  or  Cap- 
pp  3-10-370-4-2H.  laius. 


t  "  FttZi'tworo,"  and  "  Valvustno,' 


Ci 


•) 


84 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY.    ^ 


85 


that  might  turn  them  to  most  advantage."  "  A  Duke  was  he 
who  obtiiined  a  duchy  ;  a  :\Iarquis,  a  marquisate  ;  a  Count,  a 
contado,  contea,  or  county,  under  a  feudal  t(  nure. 

*'The  'Captains'  were  those  empowered  l»y  the  sovereign 
or  some  of  the  al)Ove-mentioned  dignitaries  to  nde  either  a 
portion  or  all  the  lower  classes  of  the  people.  Tlie  '  Vara- 
sonrs'  were  ministers  sulM^rdinate  to  the  Captains,  and  the 
^Varasins'  to  the  Vavasoui-s.  The  three  Ih^t  wne  called 
•  Kinifs  Captains,'  and  the  «)thers  gi'eater  or  lesser  \'avasours. 
with  inferior  ranks  besides."  By  this  a  new  niilility  was  in- 
troduced into  Italy,  those  alone  being  considered  noble  who 
either  personally  or  thr.>ugh  their  ancestors  liad  been  dignified 
by  such  titles  and  privileges.  This  hcnv.  v.  i  .lid  not  genemlly 
apply  to  the  ciWc  nobility  :  those  of  Venice  for  instance  arose 
out  of  a  p'lre  and  primitive  democn\cy  gradually  (oiidensed 
into  a  nucleus  of  privileged  nobles,  around  which  a  new  popu- 
lation of  foreign  emigrants,  unentitled  to  civic  privileges,  had 
insensibly  formed  and  became  the  Venetian  pcv.ple  of  after 
times.  The  Genoese  nobles  derived  tiieir  title  from  the  office 
of  principal  magistrate  or  from  having  been  one  of  th. 
podestas  council  an  office  which  only  began  in  the  twelftli 
century;  and  in  general  high  civic  office  conferred  a  dignitv 
equal  in  fact  if  not  in  name  to  high  nobility  --. 

Otho's  system  subsequently  acquired  strenjifth  and  l)ecarae 
a  fertile  source  of  military  rewards  and  distinctions  all  intended 
to  gaui  tlie  affection  and  se»ure  the  fidelity  of  those  by  whose 
means  the  country  was  govenied,  under  the  various  names  ot 
Feudatories,  Vassals,  Vomini,  imd  Fedeli  ;  and  the  Feiido,  tb. 
Vassallaggio,  the  Ominio  and  the  Omaiff/io,  or  Uomafje,  wer. 
ritrhts  of  the  crown,  by  virtue  of  which  th«»se  who  obtained 
dignities  or  the  possession  of  lands  were  obliged  \\\t\\  then- 
p)sterity  to  acknowledge  the  king  for  their  master  l)y  taking 

*  I'bcrto  Foglictta,  DcUc  Cose  di  Genoa,  p.  28,  Ed.  1575. 


the  oath  of  allegiance  and  being  always  ready  to  expose  both 
life  and  fortune  in  his  service-. 

Three  sorts  of  dominion  therefore  existed  :  the  superior,  the 
middJi',  and  the  inferior:  the  first  was  that  of  the  emperor; 
the  second,  of  the  duke  count  or  marquis  ;  and  the  third 
that  of  private  individuals  over  their  own  allodial  property,  for 
which  was  due  neither  rent  nor  service.  Hereditary  succession 
to  the  greater  fiefs  gradually  diminished  the  royal  authority 
and  they  soon  began  to  assume  the  fonn  and  character  of 
independent  states:  but  wlnle  their  lords  exercised  certain 
acts  of  jurisdiction  \rithin  the  towns,  these  last  during  the 
eleventh  century  enjoyed  municipal  freedom,  and  up  to  a 
certain  period  remained  unshackled  in  all  their  external  opera- 
tions;  therefore  if  antiquarians  be  correct  in  assigning  the 
sovereign  prerogative  of  coining  to  Florence  so  early  as  the 
year  1000  it  will  go  far  to  prove  that  she  also  was  well  advanced 
in  the  road  to  independence  f. 

The  relation  l»etween  Italian  kings  and  civic  communities 
during  the  Saxon  dynasty,  as  well  as  the  connexion  of  these 
last  with  the  provincial  dukes  after  tliat  office  became  here- 
ditary, (the  power  of  making  war  excepted)  was  not  unlike  the 
present  relationship  between  Great  Britain  and  some  of  her 
colonies :  the  latter  enjoy,  or  are  said  to  enjoy  a  free  internal 
legislature  on  popular  princijdes  under  a  representative  of  the 
crown ;  and  as  the  ludiau  cities  rejected  even  this  semblance 
of  superiority  the  moment  they  were  able,  so  probably  >\t11  the 
British  colonies  assert  their  freedom  whenever  their  native 
vigour  and  independence  abate  the  necessity  of  support. 

It  does  not  appear  how  or  when  Florence  became  indepen- 
dent, but  one  of  Matilda's  last  acts  there  exists  in  the  archives 

*  Giannone,  Stor.  Civ.  di  Napoli,  vol.  i«,  p.  3.-Denina  Rivol.  d'  Ital.  Lib. 

iii.,  p.  175.— C.  Sigonius,  De  Regno  vii.,  capo  vi.,  p.  44»,  eVc. 

lU  J,  Lib.  viii.   Cited  at  length  by  t  Bonzhini,  Dis.  della  Moneta  Fiorcn- 

Cosimo  della  Rena,  Parte  ii%  p.  13.—  tina,  Parte  ii%  p.  15/ . 

Lorenzo  Conlini,  Saggi  Istoiici,    vol. 


86 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  t. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


87 


A.D.  1101. 


of  the  archiepiscopal  palace  or  •'  Capitolo  Finrmtino"  and  is 
given  at  length  by  Cantini  in  his  Historical  l.-  >^  on  Tuscan 
Antiquities.  It  is  an  investiture  made  of  the  court  and  lands 
of  Campiano  by  Count  Guido  in  her  presence  on  the  1st  of 
March  1 100  to  the  canons  of  Saint  lleparjita  of  Florence  :  also 
another  exercise  of  roval  authority  in  the  fidlowinj?  June  in 
favour  of  the  Valloiubrosan  monks  as  qu(>ted  by  I'ioreiitini : 
after  this  no  more  is  heard  of  her  jurisdiction  having  been 
actively  employed  \\'ithin  the  city  although  she  visited  Florence 
as  late  as  1105,  and  in  1103  granted  some  new  favours  to  the 
above-named  convent*. 

The  next  document  in  proof  of  the  complete  emancipation 
of  Florence  is  its  first  authenticated  act  of  indepen- 
dent power,  namely  a  contmct  ^^•ith  the  castle  and 
town  of  Pogna  in  the  Val  d'Elsa  in  IHU  where  the  two  con- 
suls are  named  as  representatives  of  the  Florentine  people,  who 
on  their  part  promise  to  defend  those  of  Pogna  against  all 
enemies  except  the  Emperor  or  his  Nuncios,  without  allusion  to 
Matilda  or  any  other  superior  f . 

If  the  dates  of  these  instmments  are  correct,  for  Borghini 
seems  doubtful  of  the  latter,  they  mark  witli  great  precision 
the  setting  of  regal  jxjwer  an<l  the  early  dawn  of  popular  n\\v 
in  Florence ;  wherefore  its  independence  may  be  with  some 
confidence  dated  from  the  year  1100,  but  whether  thi>  liberty 
were  a  boon  from  Matilda,  or  whether  it  had  gradually  fed  and 
fattened  on  times  and  circumstances  until  too  strong  for  regal 
control  there  are  no  documents  to  prove.  It  is  however 
scarcely  credible  that  Florence  could  liave  suddcidy  broken 
from  Matilda's  grasp,  fcr  she  was  not  wont  to  suffer  any 
opposition  to  royal  power  as  may  be  judged  from  the  whole 

*  Cantini,  vol.  i.,  cap.  iii. — Fiorcntini,  the    oripnal   being   in    the    Archivio 

Mem.  di  Matilda,  Lib.  ii",  p.  282  and  delle  Riformagioni  at  Florence.  (St  t 

290. — Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1103.  also  S.  Amiuirato,  Stor.  Fior.  Lib.  i". 

+  Cantini,  iS'av^/  f/Mw/zVA/Vo,  pp.  70,  p.  46.) 
74,  75,  who  gives  a  copy  of  the  treaty, 


tenor  of  her  reign;    and   the  siege  of  Prato  in   1107  for  a 
revolt  against  Florence,   (which  from  this  would   appear   to 
have  been  under  her  especid  protection)  is  an  instance  in 
point.     She  also  assembled  a  large  army  about  the  same  time 
to  punish  Ferrara  which  had  rebelled  when  she  was  in  dis- 
tress ;  and  moreover  exercised  several  acts  of  authority  in  the 
neighboiu'hood  of  Prato  the  same  year,  and  in  the  Mugelloiu 
1105  ;  all  tending  to  prove  that  her  power  was  still  howering 
around  Florence  but  never  after  settled  within  its  walls.     Yet 
at  this  veiy  time  the  Countess  Matilda  was  almost  Queen  of 
Italy ;  her  dominions  not  only  extended  over  a  great  part  of 
Lombardy  including  Mantua  and  ]\Iilan,  but  also  V)eyond  the 
Alps  where  she  inherited  great  possessions  from  her  mother : 
all  lier  acts  show  clearly  enough  how  jealous  she  was  of  the 
royal  authority  but  the  wars  of  Pisa  and  Lucca  prove  that 
either  force  or  inclination  were  sometimes  wanting  to  exert  it*. 
These  acts  of  private  hostility  between  rival  cities  may  have 
been  exercised  by  virtue  of  an  original  imperial  grant  with  which 
it  became  dangerous  for  provincial  lords  to  meddle,  except  as 
mediators ;    and  in  fact  the  right  of  an  appeal  to  anns  was 
fully  recognised  by  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  age ;  it  was 
considered  as  tlie  voice  of  God,  and  therefore  acknowledged 
universally  from  the  private  gentleman  to  the  independent 
city,  from  duels  to  national  contests.     Matilda  was  in  conti- 
nual movement  through  her  stiites;    constantly  occupied  in 
public    works,    administering   justice,    l)estowing    favours   or 
granting  privileges  ;  but  especially  in  the  aggrandisement  of 
convents  and  churches  witli  the  idea  of  reenforcing  religion,  or 
what  she  believed  to  be  such,  by  the  addition  of  great  temporal 
power,  while  she  simultaneously  worked  out  her  own  salvation  f. 
Amongst  her  numerous  acts  of  grace  more  especially  towards 

♦   Denina,  Lib.  X.,  cap.  viii.,  pp.  167,     Fiorentini,    Lib.  ii«,    pp.  282,  2S4, 
170.  286. 

t  Ibid.,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  i%  p.  104. — 


88 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


those  who  had  always  remained  faithful,  the  unflinching  loyalty 
of  Florence  was  perhaps  rewarded  by  complete  emancipation  : 
but  that  no  documents  now  exist  of  these  conjectured  acts  is 
not  surprising,  because  all  the  public  and  private  archives  of 
the  city  were  consumed  in  the  successive  conHagi-ations  of  11 1 5 
and  1117  which  nuned  mo^t  part  of  the  town  leaving  only 
obscure  and  detached  notices  of  anterior  histon'. 

The  foregoing  evidence  being  deemed  sufficient  to  prove  that 
Florentine  independence  existed  at  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
centuiT  if  not  long  before,  a  rapid  sketch  will  now  be  made  of 
the  particular  fonn  of  civil  government  adopted  by  this  infant 
state,  and  thus  spare  some  inteniiptions  in  the  general  stor^-  of 
a  city  against  which  her  great  poet  saraistically  exclaims — 

**  Atcne  e  Lacedcmona  che  fenno 
L'an tithe  Icgtri  e  furon  si  civili, 
Fecero  al  vivcr  licnc  un  picciol  cennii 

Verso  di  te  che  fai  tanto  sotlili 
Provedimenti  ch'a  mezzo  Novcuihre 
Non  giunge  quel  che  tu  di'  Ottobre  fili.'*'^ 

The  general  outline  of  that  fonn  of  govennnent  chosen  by  the 
free  Italian  cities  during  the  Saxon  (h-nasty  has  already  been 
traced  ;  also  the  supposed  institution  of  a  senate  and  consuls  at 
Florence  according  to  the  conflicting  accounts  of  Malespini  and 
.\mmirato ;  the  former  refeiTing  this  institution  to  the  days  of 
Charlemagne ;  the  latter  to  those  of  the  Fies(.Iine  conquest ; 
while  the  first  authentic  proof  of  their  existence  is  in  the  above- 
mentioned  treaty  with  Pogna  in  1101.  Their  number  was 
originally  two ;  afterwards  one  for  each  quarter  of  the  city ; 
and  finally  a  consul  for  each  "  Sesto''  or  sixth— when  the  towni 
was   thus   diN-idedf.      The   Duke  of  Bavaria's  occupation   of 


*  Dante,Purgatorio,  Canto  vi. — In  this 
beautiful  and  bitter  pass.igc  we  may 
still  recognise  much  of  the  present  Flo- 
rentine character ;  now  however  almost 
as  much  lowered  in  general  force  and 
intensity  as  might  naturally  be  ex- 
pected in  a  nation  that  has  fallen 
from    the    high-tempered    encrgj-   of 


republican  institutions  through  various 
stages  to  the  mild  but  leaden  languor 
of  despotism.  For  the  translation  of 
this  {xissage  see  Appendix, 
f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i",  p.  .35. — 
Poirgio  Bi-acciolini,  Lib.  i",  p.  tJ. — 
Ric.  Malespini,  cap.  xcviii. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


89 


Florence  along  with  all  the  rest  of  Tuscany  in  1135  or  1137 
l)roV)ably  cmshed  the  consular  autliority  while  he  remained,  as 
no  record  appears  of  any  [)erson  having  held  that  office  during 
three  subsequent  years  from  the  former  date*.  In  1138 
Bucello  and  Florenzetto  were  consuls  ;  after  which,  documents 
are  wanting  up  to  117*2  when  Foreze  Forteguerra  and  Arlotto 
filled  that  station  :  in  11^4  there  seems  to  have  been  no  less 
than  eight,  and  ufterwanls  more  ;  thus  lluctuating  from  two  to 
twelve  over  a  period  of  about  ninety  years.  They  probably 
augmented  with  the  augmentation  of  people  and  increase  of 
public  laisiness  for  magistrates  like  laws  are  multiplied  by 
civilisation.  The  number  was  finally  reduced  to  one  for  each 
"  Art''  or  Trade  who  not  only  presided  over  those  of  his  own 
calling,  l)ut  was  also  a  member  of  the  supreme  government, 
one  consul  t<iking  the  foreign,  another  the  civil,  and  a  third  the 
criminal  department  of  state,  as  was  the  custom  about  the  same 
epoch  in  Genoa  f .  It  is  believed  that  when  two  consuls  only 
existed,  one  administered  the  politicid  one  the  civil  affairs  :  but 
in  1181  another  consul  was  added  with  the  title  of  "  Ordinary 
Judge  "  apparently  unconnected  with  trade  or  politics ;  and 
also  tliree  "  Cotisuls  of  Ju-^ticc"  wlio  seem  to  have  fomied  a 
court  of  appeal  from  bis  decisions  ^. 

In  an  old  treaty  with  (iuido  di  Ridolfino  and  other  lords  of 
Trebbio  in  111)3,  the  first  sure  indication  of  a  change  in  the 
forai  of  government  occurs  by  the  mention  of  a  Podestd  and 
his  council,  as  well  as  of  another  magistracy  composed  of  seven 
citizens  called  ''Rectors  of  the  Arts  I.''  The  spirit  and  forais 
of  liberty  seem  even  tlius  early  to  have  penetrated  hito  the 
smallest  fiefs  and  curbed  feudal  despotism  ;  for  the  lords  of 


*  Muratori,  Anno  1137. — Annalista  — Mui-atori,  Antichita  Italianet,  tonio 

Sassone,  cited  by  Cantini,  vol.  i.,  cap.  vii.,  p.  '226,  Dissertazioue  46. 

iii.,  p.  85.  §  Cuntini  (vol,  i",  p.  123)  copies  the 

f  Foglictta,    Delle    Cose   di   Genoa,  treaty  at  length  from  Lib.  xxvi.  de* 

J).  28.  Capitoli,  nell'   Archivio  delle  Rifor- 

t  Cantini,  Saggi,  vol.  i",  cap.  iii.,  p.  84.  magioni  at  Florence. 


90 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


Trebbio  "  alonff  tcith  the  consul  of  that  placi"  promise  lo 
receive  a  Florentine  gamson  and  consider  themselves  under  the 
jurisdirtion  of  that  goveniment,  making  peace  or  war  at  its 
bidiUng  :  for  every  new  castle  built  they  engage  to  oft'er  at  the 
Baptist's  shrine  in  Florence  a  large  waxen  torcli  :  and  to  the 
municipality  one  silver  mark  ;  while  the  Podesta  promises  on 
the  part  of  his  countiTmcn  that  no  pei-son  shall  le  Mitfered  to 
molest  the  Trebbians,  who  are  to  be  considered  in  all  respects 
as  Florentines-"'. 

The  ''Rectors  of  the  Arts"  were  in  1'204  called  ''Priors,^' 
and  afterwards  *'Consuh:"'  thev  seem  to  have  f(.niied  a 
cliamber  of  commerce  and  manufactures  besides  exercising  the 
functions  of  judicial  magistrates  in  their  respe<-tive  trades  and 
the  higher  duties  of  genend  administration.  Ammirato  asserts 
that  the  government  at  this  time  consisted  of  eleven  "  Consuls 
of  the  Arts ; "  two  *'  Military  Consuls ;  "  three  **  Vriori<  of  the 
Arts\;^'  9. ''Senator  of  the  City  T  9.'*  General  Ccuncif  :"'  a 
"Special  Council;''  and  lastly  ten  "  lhtonionii}ti'"  or  ''Good- 
men'  from  each  "  Sesto,"'  besides  one  officer  for  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  whose  title  does  not  appear  t- 

How  all  these  were  elected  and  the  exact  nature  of  their 
duties  are  points  not  well  ascertained  and  embrace  too  wide  a 
field  for  present  discussion  ;  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
they  collectively  formed  the  General  Council  at  which  the 
consuls  presided,  one  being  commonly  distinguished  by  the 
name  of  "Rector.''  Whether  this  was  a  fluctuating  title  of 
honour  or  a  permanent  dignity  with  superior  jiower  is  not  clear : 


91 


•  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i",  Accresciuto, 
p.  62. 

+  Amongst  the  "  J»-#«"  or  Trades  of 
this  period  are  mentioned  those  of  the 
Judges  and  Notaries;  liankers;  "(7«//- 
»*«/«"  (or  Trade  in  Transalpine  and 
other  foreign  cloths)  Merchants  of  the 
City;  Wool-Trade;  and  Silk-Trade. 
The  latter  showing  either  a  domestic 


advancement  in  luxuiy  and  rcHnement 
or  extensive  foreign  commerce.  The 
mention  of  Priors  of  the  Arts  at  this 
epwh  proves  that  tlie  ofiice  was  not 
new  at  the  time  of  its  more  permanent 
institution  in  \'2li'2. 
X  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i",  Accresciuto, 
p.  67. 


.1 


but  probably  the  latter,  as  it  was  always  given  to  the  Podesta, 
of  whose  office  a  more  explicit  notice  becomes  necessary. 

There  are  no  accounts  of  the  exact  time  when  this  magis- 
trate fii-st  appeared  in  Florence  nor  of  her  Ijemg  immediately 
affected  by  the  institution  or  revival  of  that  office  in  1158 
at  the  Diet  of  Pioncaglia :  it  seems  probable  that  all  the  cities 
of  Lombardy  and  Tuscany  were  included  in  the  same  decree 
for  none  could  fairly  avoid  so  apparently  just  an  act  of  regal 
power  based  as  it  seemed  to  be  on  a  rigid  sense  of  justice. 
As  there  are  indications  of  such  a  functionary  in  1184,  and  the 
certainty  of  one  in  111);],  we  have  additional  reasons  f'^r 
believing  tbit  Florence  was  also  compelled  to  receive  these 
governors  but  perhaps,  without  much  interruption  of  the 
ancient  consular  authority,  for  it  is  not  until  the  year  1207 
that  the  liepublic  seems  to  have  been  really  governed  by  such 
magistrates-.  "Hitherto,"  says  Malespini,  "the  city  had 
been  ruled  by  a  seignory  of  Consuls  selected  from  the  most 
distinguished  citizens  of  the  Senatorial  Council  of  a  Hundred 
Buoniomini ;  and  these  consuls  directed  the  republic  in  all 
things  and  administered  civil  and  criminal  justice  :  their  office 
lasted  one  year,  and  their  number  was  four  while  the  city 
was  divided  into  quarters,  and  afterwards  six  when  changed 
into  Seatus ;  but  our  ancestors  only  mention  one  of  them  who 
was  of  the  greatest  consequence,  or  at  most  two. 

"  The  city  increasing  hi  numbers  and  in  vice,  and  e^^l  offices 
becoming  frequent  amongst  the  citizens ;  in  order  to  improve 
the  condition  of  society  and  to  save  the  inliabitants  from  the 
hateful  necessity  of  punishing  malefactors ;  or  by  prayers,  or 
relationship,  intimidation,  necessity,  enmity;  or  any  other 
reason  whatever,  that  justice  should  be  defeated ;  it  was  re- 
solved to  invest  a  foreign  gentleman  with  the  authority  of 
Podesta  for  one  year;  that  he  should  preside  in  their  civil 
courts  TN-itli  his  Judges ;  that  he  should  administer  criminal 

*  S.  Ammii-ato,  Lib.  i.,  p.  62. — Lor.  Cantini,  Saggi,  vol.  i,,  cap.  iii. 


93 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


justice,  piiss  sentence  on  those  convicted  of  capital  crimes,  order 
coqioral  punisliments,  and  carrj-  into  execution  all  the  orders 
of  the  communitv '*. 

The  first  podesta  was  Gmdfredotto  of  ^lilan  who  inhal>ited 
the  Bishop  s  palace :  nevertheless  the  consuls  were  not  discon- 
tinued but  still  retained  the  adniinistnition  of  eveiy   other 

affair. 

From  the  podestaship  of  Gherardo  Capponsacchi  in  1 1 03 
to  the  year  1100  there  is  no  notice  of  that  office,  but  in  the 
arast-mentioned  yeai-  Pagnnello  de'  Porcari,  or  Porticari,  of  Lucca 
filled  this  station,  and  so  much  to  the  public  satisfaction  that 
he  was  contmued  until  1*^01,  or  double  the  usual  period. 
The  office  was  however,  at  this  epoch,  of  inferior  power  and 
dignity  to  that  of  1*^07;  and  if  Porticari  wore  invrsted  ^ith 
more  than  common  authority,  it  was  jirobably  either  as  an 
experiment  or  from  some  peculiar  ephemeral  circumsUmce,  for 
he  is  not  quoted  by  any  of  the  early  historians  as  the  first 
regular  podesta;  and  in  his  time  as  we  have  seen  this  new 
magistracy  had  not  quite  obscured  the  consular  dignity!. 

Paganello's  name  is  to  be  found  in  seveml  public  acts  while 
he  held  office ;  but  the  verj-  year  of  its  expiration  no  less  than 
twelve  consuls  signed  a  charter  of  liberties  granted  to  some 
of  the  inhabitants  of  San  Donato  in  Poci  for  assistance  given 
to  Florence  hi  the  Semifoutine  War.  The  Podesta  of  1*207 
should  therefore  be  considered  in  conformity  \rith  IVIalespini 
and  Villani's  account,  as  a  new  state-officer  with  increased 
lowers ;  and  not  as  the  mere  successor  of  former  magistrates 
under  the  same  title.  His  power  was  very  extensive  ;  because 
independent  of  the  administration  of  civil  and  criminal  justice 
he  interfered  in  all  foreign  aftaii-s,  commanded  in  war,  and 
seems  to  have   assembled  and  directed  the  general  council, 


•  Maleepini,  rap.  xcviii. — S.  Ammi- 
rato,  Stor.,  Lib.  i.,  Accres",  p.  68. 
t  Capitoli   del  Archivio  dcUe   Rifor- 


mac:ioni,  Libri  xxvi.  to  xxix,  cited  by 
Cantini,  vol.  i..  p.  51. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTOIIY. 


93 


besides  holding  a  separate  one  called  the  *'  Council  of  the 
Podesta : "  there  is  however  much  obscurity  about  these  early 
fluctuating  forms  of  Florentine  government ;  it  seems  indeed  to 
have  been  a  mere  chain  of  expedients  forged  link  by  link  from 
existing  circumstances,  rather  than  any  regularly  digested 
system,  a  natural  consequence  of  the  lightened  pressure  or 
rather  totiil  removal  of  the  fixed  weight  of  royal  authority 
from  a  people  not  yet  sufficiently  steadied  by  self-government*. 
During  the  Ghibeline  ascendancy  in  1-250,  the  citizens 
tumultuously  suppressed  this  office  and  substituted  a  "  Ccqjta'ui 
of  the  People  "  to  watch  over  their  rights,  besides  other  changes. 
it  was  re-established  the  following  year  in  all  its  pristine 
authority  which  afterwards  became  considerably  extended ;  but 
whether  by  the  natural  expansion  and  encroachment  of  power 
or  by  jmblic  decrees,  is  now  ver}^  difficult  to  deternmie,  for 
the  Florentines  were  continually  pecking  with  almost  capri- 
cious jealousy  at  tlieir  institutions,  or  recklessly  increasing 
power  at  the  nod  of  f\iction  and  expense  of  freedom.  In  1270 
thev  limited  the  term  of  office  to  six  months,  but  the  Captain 
of  the  People  still  continued  conjointly  with  this  and  a  new 
council  of  twelve  citizens  called    '' Anziani''  or  elders,  who 

superseded  the  consuls. 

The  ''Capitnno  del  PopoW  when  first  appointed  was 
intended  as  the  people's  advocate  and  protector,  an  office 
somewhat  analogous  to  the  Eoman  tribmies ;  but  it  soon  lost 
this  character  and  became  a  part  of  the  regular  executive  govern- 
ment, the  prevailing  features  of  which  for  a  long  period  were 
mutability  and  the  frequent  exposure  of  public  liberty  in  times 
of  external  danger.  In  such  times  the  Republic  was  wont  to 
implore  the  protection  of  some  foreign  potentate  with  dictatorial 
authority,  and  was  ever  rewarded  by  his  shameless  and  un- 
measured rapacity :  the  Romans  with  a  finer  spirit  trusted 
their  safety  and  freedom  to   a  fellow-citizen  and  their  own 

*  Muratori,  Antichila  ItaUaiic,  vol.  vii.,  pp.  233—236,  Dissert"^  46. 


94 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


native  courage,  and  were  never  disappointed.  Haply  the 
Florentines  preser\'ed  their  independence;  but  these  pro- 
tectors, or  their  vicars,  governed  with  mercenary,  selfish,  and 
almost  absolute  sway,  and  often  with  tyranny ;  and  the  only 
wonder  is  that  they  did  not  take  permanent  possession  of  the 
state  When  their  power  ended,  the  regular  constitutional 
goverament  resumed  its  functions  and  continued  in  activity 
until  150-2,  when  the  podesta's  authonty  wa^  .M.iitlded  to  a 
Council  of  Justice  Ciilled  the  *' Ruota  "  or  Wheel,  Wvmse  each 
individual  like  each  spoke  became  in  his  turn  uppermost  and 
presided  with  all  the  potency  and  attributes  of  Podesta.  Such 
is  the  general  outline  of  Florentine  institutions,  tlie  various 
piirts  of  which  we  shall  make  an  attempt  to  fill  up  in  the 
course  of  this  History. 

The  Florentines  increasing  in  riches  and  strength,  and  all 
the  ambitious  confidence  of  a  rising  nation,  were  no  longer 
content  ^rith  a  domain,  limited  and  chequered  l)y  the  posses- 
sions of  proud  and  i)owei-ful  biirons,  who  with  a  nominal 
friendship  scorned  the  dominion  of  ignoble  citizens  and  even 
rendered  but  an  imeasy  obedience  to  imperial  vicars. 
Wherefore  indidging  the  natural  propensity  of  strength  to 
command  weakness,  and  hiding  incipient  ambition  under  the 
cloak  of  compassion  and  justice,  Florence  covertly  intimated  to 
the  mral  poj.ulation  and  small  commiuiities,  that  behind  the 
republican  jegis  shelter  would  be  found  against  feudal  oppres- 
sion ;  and  even  the  chiefs  themselves  were  invited  to  acquiesce  in 
Florentine  supremacy.  Those  who  hearkened  were  received 
joyfully  and  acquired  the  rights  of  citizenship ;  those  that 
resiste«l  were  reduced  by  force  and  their  castles  demolished  or 
occupied  as  best  suited  the  victors'  convenience. 

The  first  enterprise  was  against  Monte  Orlando  where  some 

A.D.  1107.  ^^  ^^®  principal  citizens  governing  under  the  title  of 

"  Cattani "  refused  the  proflfered  hand  of  Florence  : 

an  ai-my  was  instantly  assembled ;  the  place  assaulted  carried 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


95 


and  levelled  to  the  ground  without  any  hesitation  or  delay. 
The  siege  of  Prato,  then  in  its  infency,  was  the  next  ex- 
pedition :  its  inhabitiints  had  previously  occupied  a  hill  called 
Chiavello  between  the  site  of  their  present  town  and  Pistoia, 
and  not  far  from  Monte  Murlo  ;  but  they  afterwards  purchased 
land  from  Count  Guido  and  moved  do\Nii  to  a  phiin  at  the  foot 
of  Monte  Morello  where  they  hoped  under  his  auspices  to 
escape  from  Florentine  ambition  and  gave  to  their  new  settle- 
ment the  appropriate  name  oiPrato--.  On  refusing  obedience 
to  Florence  preparations  were  made  to  reduce  them,  and 
under  the  conduct  of  Countess  Maltida  in  person,  who  took 
the  place,  they  were  taught  an  early  lesson  of  prudence. 

Matilda "s  presence  has  led  some  to  believe  that  as  yet  the 
Florentines  were  unable  single-handed  to  reduce  so  insignifi- 
cant a  town  the  siege  of  which  had  been  commenced  a  long 
time  before  her  arrived :  and  the  fiict  of  her  co-operation  is 
siugu]"^  _„ough,  because  it  would  seem  as  if  Florentine 
aggressions  were  not  only  tolerated  but  seconded  by  that 
princess  f.  A  denser  mist  is  thus  cast  over  all  these  early 
transactions ;  but  the  Comits  Guido  who  then  protected  Prato 
were  powerful  chiefs  with  strong  mountain  territory,  and  gave 
Florence  much  trouble  even  in  her  better  days ;  they  might 
possibly  have  embraced  the  iuiperitd  cause  nay  were  likely  to 
do  so,  and  Matilda  was  as  milikely  to  peiinit  the  example  of  a 
petty  town  renouncing  its  allegiance  to  a  foiiliful  adherent 
only  to  increase  the  power  of  and  gain  protection  from  an 
enemy;  for  it  was  discontent  at  the  Florentine  government 
that  first  made  them  quit  Chiavello  and  seek  peace  and  favour 
from  those  potent  cliief tains. 

The  star  of  Matilda  was  now  in  the  ascendant ;  her  Italian 
influence  was  paramount,  and  her  great  enemy  Henry  IV. 

*  Malespini,  Stor.  Fior.  cap.  Ixx.,  t  Fran.  M.  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di  Ma- 
Ixxi.— Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  i.,  tilda,  Lib.  ii.,  pp.  297, 299.— Muratori, 
Rub.  38.  Annali,  Anno  1107. 


96 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


97 


A.D.  1110. 


after  having  been  defeated  and  imprisoned  l)y  his  own  sou, 
had  died  of  stanation  in  1 100  while  vainlv  soliciting  the  humhle 
office  of  clerk  to  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Mrgin  at  Spires 
which  he  had  himself  erected  and  endowed  *  ! 

This  miscreant  Son  had  made  liis  father  a  prisoner  by  strata- 
gem; threats  of  death  forced  liim  to  resign  the  then  royal  insi^niia 
of  the  Holy  Lance,  the  Cross,  and  the  Imperial  Sceptre  ;  and 
Pasqual  11.  at  whose   unchristian   incitements  so  umiatmal  a 
war  wascliiefly  begmi.  soon  felt  the  evil  conse(iueiices  ol   his 
conduct.     Henry  V.  descended  into   Italy  at  the  head  of  a 
large  anny,  and  after  an  honouiable    rece[)tion   at 
Florence  proceeded  with  overilowing  protestations  nf 
duty  and  reverence  to  be  crowned  at  Rome:  Imt  iiu  »uuiier 
was  he  there  than  the  old  dispute  about  iuvoiituiv^   with 
many  other  grievances  revived  with  augmented  bittenios  until 
AD  nil  ^^^    impetuous   monarch    broke    into   open    a(  t>    of 
violence.     He  imprisoned  both  Pope  and  Cardinals, 
made  Pasqual  swear  not  to  visit  him  with  ec«l<'siastical  cen- 
sure ;  demanded  for  his  father's  body,  which  had  remanied  years 
unburied,  the  rights  of  sepidture ;   and  insisted  on  liis  o\ra 
instant  coronation  f . 

These  acts  soon  convmced  the  world  tliat  the  dethroiur  and 
murderer  of  his  own  father  was  not  the  man  to  regard  wiad  or 
oath  ;  or  bow  to  the  dictates,  or  brook  the  ambitious  pride  of 
grasping  churchmen.  After  visiting  Matilda  ht  returned  to 
Germany  leaving  a  deep  impression  of  his  power  in  the  Italian 
mind :  yet  Florence,  ever  faithful  to  the  church  frcjiu  whidi 
no  dimger  to  public  liberty  was  feared,  disdained  to  conciliate 
that  church's  enemy  and  therefore  tUrected  her  arms  more 
particularly  against  the  neighbouring  barons  of  the  imperial 
faction  *. 

•  Denina,  Rivol.  d'  Italia,  Lib.    x.,     J  Messia,  Vitc  degli  luijicratori.  Vita 
capo  v-iii.,  p.  1 73.  Henry  V.  p.  380.~Fiorentini,  Lib.  ii., 

t  Sismondi,  vol.  i. — Muratori,  Annali,     p.  306. 

Addo  nil. 


A.D.  1112. 


1 


The  Emperor  s  Vicar  who  then  resided  at  the  town  or  castello 
of  San  Miniato  del  Tedesco  *,  seeing  the  hostile  con- 
duet  of  Florence  towards  all  who  really  were,  or  pre- 
tended for  protection  to  be  his  master's  friends,  immediately 
took  the  field,  captured  Monte  Casole,  and  even  menaced  the 
capital;  but  the  citizens   who  resolved  to  answer  words  l>v 
deeds  instantly  maix'hed  to  the  place,  and  after  some  hard 
blows,  exasperating  language,  and  the  Vicar's  death,  the  town 
was  recaptured   and    destroyed  f.      This   short   decisive    war 
against  the  imperial  representative  himself,  who  had  actually 
Iteen  provoked  to  hostilities,  and  wa^jfed  with  such 
vigour    under    the    eves   of   Matilda,    exhibits   the 
growing  audacity  of  Florence ;  and  she,  then  amusing  herself 
by  supeiintending  the  constiuction  of  the  Pisan  baths,  could 
scarcely  have  been  displeased  at  any  successful  opposition  t(/ 
the  imperial  arms  in  Tuscany  |. 

Scarcely  two  years  from  the  date  of  this  event,  being  then  at 
a  place  called  3Ionte  Baroncione  and  m  her  sixty-ninth  year, 
this  celebrated  woman  breathed  her  last  after  a  long 
and  glorious  reign  of  incessant  activity,  during  which 
she  displayed  a  wisdom,  vigom*,  and  determination  of  character 
rarely  seen  even  in  men  :  she  bequeathed  to  the  Chm-ch  all 
those  patrimonial  estates  of  which  she  had  previously  disposed 
[  by  an  act  of  gift  to  Gregoiy  VII.  ^rithout  however  any  imme- 
diate royal  power  over  the  cities  and  other  possessions  thus 
given,  as  her  will  expresses  it,  "for  the  good  of  her  soul  and 
the  souls  of  her  jiarents  §  ". 

Whatever  may  now  be  thought  of  her  chivalrous  support, 

*  Hence  its  name.     This  town  is  the  X  Fiorentini,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  312. 

ancient  residence  of  the  Buonaparte  §  Domenico  di  Guido  Mellini  Fatti 

family,  whose   sepulchre    still   exists  di  Matilda,  Parte  ii«,  p.  107. — Fran. 

there ;  but  that  name  is  now  identified  M.  Fiorentini,  Mem.  di  Matilda,  Lib. 

with  the  world's  history.  ii.,  pp.   180— 319.— Sismondi,  vi.,  p. 

t  Male8pini,cap.  Ixxiv. — S.  Ammirato,  139.— Denina,    Lib.  x.,  capo   iv.,  p. 

Lib.  i.,  p.  48.  118. 

VOL.  I.  H 


98 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


99 


her  bold  defence,  and  her  deep  devotion  to  the  Church,  it  \v;i^ 
in  perfect  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  that  age  and  has  formed 
one  of  her  chief  merits  witli  many  even  in  the  present.  Her 
unflinching  adherence  to  the  cause  she  had  so  conscientiously 
embraced  was  far  more  noble  than  the  emperor  Heniy's  conduct: 
swuijnnu  between  the  extremes  of  mimeasured  insolence  and 
abject  humiliation,  he  died  a  victim  to  papal  influence  over 
superstitious  minds ;  an  mfluence  wliich  amongst  other  debas 
ing  lessons,  then  taught  the  world  tliat  a  breach  of  the  most 
sacred  ties  and  dearest  affections  of  human  nature  was  one 
means  of  gaining  the  approbation  of  a  Being  who  is  all  trutli 
and  beneficence. 

Matilda's  object  was  to  strengthen  the  cliief  spiritual  against 
the  chief  tempoi-al  power,  but  reserving  her  own  indepeuden(  e ; 
a  policy  subsequently  pur^ucd,  at  least  in  spirit,  by  tli< 
Guelpliic  states  of  ItiUy  :  she  therefore  protected  subordinate 
members  of  the  Church  against  feudal  chieftains,  and  its  head 
against  the  feudal  emperor.  True  to  her  religious  and  warlike 
chamcter  she  died  between  tlie  sword  and  the  cmcilix,  and  tw.' 
of  her  last  acts  even  when  the  hand  of  death  was  already  cold 
on  her  brow,  were  the  chastisement  of  revolted  Mantua  and  tbe 
midnight  celebration  of  Clurist's  nativity  in  the  depth  of  a  freez 
ing  and  unusually  mclement  winter  *. 

Only  indistinct  accounts  are  extant  of  these  early  transai 
tions  of  Florentine  Histoiy  ;  the  original  records  as  alreadv 
remarked,  having  perished  in  a  fire  which  this  year  did  greai 
mischief,  and  was  followed  two  years  afterwards  ly 
another  much  more  destructive  that  not  only  devoured 
houses  and  pidaces  as  yet  scarcely  rebuilt,  but  multitudes  of 
those  tliat  had  escaped  the  former  calamity.  In  these  tv\o 
conflagrations  it  is  supposed  tliat  tdmost  all  the  public  and 
private  archives  were  consumed,  an  irreparable  loss,  which  by 

*  SiiTonius,    Hist,    de    Regno    Italisp,     «li  Matil.,  Lib.    ii.,  p.  316. — Mcllin:, 
Lib.   X.,  p.   250. — Fiorentini,    Mctu.     Fatti  d'  Matilda,  Parte  ii*,  p.  104. 


A.D.  1117. 


etfax?ing  the  vivid  memorials  of  past  ages  has  left  nothing  but 
obscurity  and  dim  shadows  to  evade  the  inquiries  and  satisfy 
the  wants  of  the  historian. 

Such  misfortunes  were  attributed  to  divine  wmth,  the  cor- 
mption  of  manners,  and  heretical  doctrines :  the  latter  were 
then  extremely  common  in  Florence,  and  religious  opinions  so 
strong  and  various  that  theology  was  often  forced  to  decide 
its  arguments  by  the  sword.  These  disputes  were  main- 
tained up  to  the  time  of  Saint  Francis  and  Saint  Dominic 
before  complete  tranquillity  was  restored;  and  even  the 
disciples  of  these  honest  })igots  subsequently  quaiTelled 
on  an  absurd  point  of  doctrine  that  was  first  mooted  in  this 
century  *. 

The  Florentine  Epicureans  are  particularly  blamed  for  gluttony 
laseiviousness  and  other  vices,  which  were  quite  enough,  says 
Midespini,  to  account  for  every  calamity.     But  whatever  may 


*  The  celebrated  Paul  Sarj»i  of  Venice 
in  his  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
tells  us  that  towards  the  year  113G, 
the  Canons  of  Lyon  having  dared  to 
introduce  the  feast  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception     into     the     ecclesiastical 
offices.  Saint  Bernard  who  passed  for 
the  most  able  and  pious  theologian  of 
his  century  and  who  in  a  strong  com- 
mendation  of  the  Virgin   called   her 
the  throat  of  the  Church  by  which 
channel   all    influences   and    mercies 
passed  from  the  head  to  the  members, 
wrote  a  sharp  rebuke  to  tlie  Lyonese 
Canons  for  having  introduced  a  dan- 
gerous  novelty    which    was    Milliout 
reason  or  example  in  antiquity  :   he 
told  them  that  there  was  a  sutliciency 
of  real  \-irtues  to  praise  in  the  Virgin, 
«Iio  could  never  be  pleased  by  a  pre- 
sumptuous  novelty,  the    mother    of 
rashness,   the   sister   of    superstition, 
n^nd  the  daughter  of  lightness.     John 
Scott  in  later  times  asserted  that  the 
Immaculate  Conception  was  probable. 


and  the  Franciscan  Order  to  which  he 
belonged  argued  warmly  for  the  ex- 
emption of  the  Virgin  from  original 
sin.      The  Dominicans  on    the  con- 
trary took  the  other  side,  and  disputes 
ran  high  between  them  until  Sixtus 
IV.,  himself  a  Franciscan,  confirmed 
the  doctrine  by    two  Bulls  in  1476 
and   1483.     But  the  contention   be- 
tween these  orders   lasted  until  the 
council    of  Trent,  where  after  warm 
debates  it  was  adjusted  at  the  Pope's 
earnest  request  by  the  exertions  of  his 
Legates  (without  however  coming  to 
any  agreement  in  opinion)  in  order  to 
unite  the  whole  force  of  the  Church 
against    the     Lutheran    heresy.— See 
clxxivth  Eplfstie  of  Saint  Bernard, 
page  74,  Edition  of  Giunti,  Venice, 
15y6;  also,  Histoire  du  Concile  de 
T rente,  vol.    i.,  Livre    ii.,  page  323, 
^th  Edition,  Basle,  \7'd8,  translated 
Ijl  P.  F.  U  Courayer,  DJ).  of  Ox- 
ford University. 


II  '2 


100 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


101 


liave  been  their  private  immorality  the  Florentines  as  a  peo- 
ple seem  at  this  time  not  only  to  have  had  the  confidence  of 
their  neighbours  but  to  have  deserved  it  also :  the  Pisaus, 
who  were  then  in  the  full  tide  of  militaiy  and  commercial 
glor}-,  on  sending  an  expedition  agidnst  the  Sai*acens  oi" 
Majorca  requested  them  to  protect  Pisa  from  an  apprehended 
attack  of  the  Lucchese  its  bitterest  enemies.  Tlie  Florentines 
accepted  this  charge  ^^•ithout  hesitation,  equipped  a  strong  force, 
occupied  a  position  two  miles  from  that  city  and  prohibited  on 
pain  of  death  the  entrance  of  any  Florentine  into  the  to^vn : 
the  old  men  ^vith  the  VNives  and  daughters  of  their  allies  alone 
remained  there,  and  the  object  was  to  prevent  a  shadow  of  sus- 
picion from  tlai'kening  the  minds  of  al)sent  citizens  which 
might  tarnish  the  reputation  of  their  women  or  reflect  on  the 
honour  of  Florence.  In  despite  of  this  penalty  one  soldier 
had  the  audacity  to  enter  the  forbidden  place  and  was  instantly 
condemned  to  death  :  the  aged  Pisaii>  vainly  petitioned  for  hi^ 
pardon,  and  to  save  him  forbade  the  execution  of  any  sentence 
on  their  territory.  The  Florentuie  general  in  conformity  with 
his  instructions  bowed  to  their  commands,  but  detenniniiig 
neither  to  suffer  a  breach  of  disci])line  nor  encoui*age  the  repe- 
tition of  a  crime  which  might  dishonour  liis  country,  lie  pur- 
chased a  field  from  one  of  the  neighbouiing  peasantr}-  in  the 
name  of  Florence,  and  hanged  the  culprit  there  in  despite 
of  every  supplication  from  the  Pisans. 

In  due  time  the  Florentines  being  relieved,  were  offered 
as  a  mark  of  gratitude,  the  choice  between  a  pair  of 
metal  gates  or  two  tmncated  columns  of  highly  polished  por- 
phyr)',  the  spoils  of  their  late  expedition.  The  latter  were 
selected  and  afterwards  sent,  adorned  with  scarlet  cloth,  in 
grand  pomp  to  the  people  who  had  so  honourably  served 
the  Republic,  and  are  still  to  be  seen  attached  by  massive 
chains,  which  tell  a  difi'erent  tale,  to  the  brazen  gates  of  the 
Florentine  Baptistn.',  a  lasting  memorial  of  the  high  spirit. 


A.D.  1125. 


discipline,  and  honesty  of  that  nation.  "  In  the  polishod  sk^- 
face  of  these  magic  columns,"  said  the  Saracen  slaves  tha^ 
accompanied  them  to  Pisa,  "  are  to  be  seen  all  treasons  or 
machinations  against  that  state  which  possesses  them :"  but 
histor}^  further  records  that  the  Pisaus  hearing  and  believing 
this,  yet  unwilling  to  recede  from  their  offer,  passed  them 
through  a  furnace,  and  at  once  destroyed  their  lustre  and 
dangerous  enchantment  *. 

We  have  alrea<ly  said  tliat  the  Piocca  or  citadel  of  Fiesole 
was  still  st^mding  in  the  year  11-25  as  a  stronghold 
for  the  Cattani  a  set  of  predu-eous  chiefs  who 
harassed  the  whole  ni^ighbouj-hood  l>y  levpng  contributions  on 
travellers  and  merchants  :  such  employment  was  then  far  from 
rare  or  even  dishonourable,  but  far  too  stinging  to  be  long  suffered 
by  a  mercantile  people;  it  was  therefore  reduced  by  famine, 
but  this  act  drew  down  strong  ecclesiastical  censures  on 
Florence  f.  The  why  is  not  easy  now  to  explain  except  by 
supposing  that  its  feudal  Lord  the  Bishop,  in  his  anxiety 
to  presen-e  that  town  intenvove  tempond  and  spiritual  interests 
so  closely  in  complaining  of  the  outrage  as  to  interest  the 
Pontiff  in  his  quarrel :  nor  is  it  unlikely  that  the  disputes 
which  arose  nearly  a  century  later  without  any  assigned  cause 
between  the  Florentines  and  Hildebrand  Bishop  of  Fiesole, 
might  have  arisen  from  ihe  churchman  s  efforts  to  attract  a 
[•opulation  round  his  episcopal  residence  in  direct  opposition 
to  their  policy,  which  was  always  jealous  of  any  attempt  to 
repeople  that  city :  it  was  moreover  a  political  maxim  of  all 
free  Italian  communities  that  their  Bishops  should  be  divested 

*  Miilespini,  cap  Ixxvi. — M.  <li  Coppo     it,  "  Inferno,"  Canto  xv. : — 
Stefani,  Lib.  i«.  Rubric  41. — S.  Ammi-     ,,  tt     ,  .     r  ,  ,    ,.    ,  . 

nito,  Stor.  Libro  i",  Accrcs".,  p.  49—        ^^^c/im/am«  rutl  immdo  h  chiama 

Tronci  Annali  Pisani,  vol.  i",  p.  «9.—  ^  ^'*"*  •'  ....  ,    ,. 

It  was  in  consequence  of  this  decep-  ^'''^'  «''«''«'  ^'^'^^diosa  e  mperha^ 

tion  that  the  Florentines,  as  is  said,  f  Malespini,cap.  Ixxvii. — S.Ammirato, 

were  called  blind.    Dante  alludes  to  Lib.  i°,  p.  50. 


"I'^H^F**!" 


102 


FLORENTINE    UISTORY. 


[book 


CHA 


P.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


103 


of  feudal  power  as  being  utterly  inconsistent  with  their  sacred 
duties,  and  that  they  should  be  compelled  to  live  under  civil 
jurisdiction.  This  was  a  probable  cause  of  quarrel;  and  in 
fact  the  dispute  after  lasting  several  years  became  so  ^'iolellt 
as  to  make  Pope  Honorius  III.  stop  tliem  by  giving  Hildc- 
brand  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  in  C'anipo  as  his  residence 
and  commanding  his  permanent  removal  to  Florence*. 

When  once  the  Republic  began  to  feol  its  power  and  had 
determined  to  allow  of  no  independent  ( liitls  in  its  dominion. 
the  haughty  nobles  who  though  attached  Uj  the  Emperuv 
scarcely  vouchsafed  obedience  to  his  \lcai-s,  clearly  foresaw 
their  own  dowiifal  in  its  increasinj]j  and  uncontrolled  authority  + 
Thev  were  not  likely  therefore  to  fall  tamely  mider  the  shadow 
of  her  flag  or  smrender  a  jot  of  feudal  independence  without  a 
struggle,  and  hence  continmil  disputes  arose  between  them,  to 
which  the  contention  of  Popes  and  Emperors  was  ever  adding 
new  bitteiTiess.  But  in  these  conflicts  the  Clergy  although 
rich  and  powerful,  were  generally  left  untouched,  and  the  Bishop 
of  Florence  was  allowed  to  enjoy  liis  vast  possessions  in  tran- 
quillity;  for  by  adhering  to  the  party  of  Matilda  and  the 
Republic,  the  Bishop  and  Clergy  ner.^sarily  ranked  among>t 
its  firmest  allies  and  their  disputes  were  iKisdual  or  local,  nut 
political*. 

The  nobles  on  the  contraiy  were  almost  all  inq»erialists,  vtt 
unable  to  resist  the  march  of  rei)ublican  greatness  suc- 
cessively fell  beneath  it.  The  Figiovanni,  Firidolii,  and 
Figliineldi  lost  their  domains  in  tlie  ^lugello,  Valdanio,  and 
other  places-  the  ancient  Pazzi  of  Uppei'  A'al  d'Anio  sur- 
rendered many  a  castle:  the  Buontlelmonti  of  Monte  Buono 
were  compelled  to  follow  and  become  Florentine  citizens :  tlu 
Ubertini  shared  a  similar  fate  :  the  Lamberti  of  Monte  GhiM' 

•  Lami,  Lezione  viii«. — Dcnina,  Lib.  t  Rastivlli,  Fir.  tizc  Antica  e  Modcina 
ii°,  cap.  vi.,  p.  -257  Ilhistiaa.  u>l.  i". 

f  Mui-atori,  Aimo  1137. 


and  Calenzano  were  not  more  fortunate  :  the  Ravignani  in  the 
Mugello,  and  the  Catellini,  Guigni,  and  Buonaguisi  of  Monte 
Morello,  with  the  Galli,  the  Abati,  the  Guidi  and  Ferrantini 
who  dwelt  about  Pratolino,  Montile  and  the  flanks  of  Monte 
Morello,  all  successively  sunk  under  republican  fiscendancy. 
The  Agolanti  of  Veglia ;  the  Capponsacchi,  Arrigucci,  and 
Corbizzi  of  the  Fiesoliiie  liills  :  the  Greci,  Bisdomini,  Tosinghi, 
Delia  Pressa,  Xerli,  Pulei,  Franzesi,  Ricasoli,  and  a  host  of 
others  all  sue*  t-^^ively  yielded  and  augmented  the  population, 
fame,  and  riches  of  Florence*.     Hence  Dante  exclaims, 

"  To  \n(li  ^li  Uglii  c  vidi  i  Catellini, 
Pliilippi,  Greci,  Ormaiini,  e  Alberichi 
Gia  nel  calare  illustri  Cittadiui. "  &.C.+ 

The  emperor  Henry  V.  dying  at  this  time  without  issue  a 
Diet  assembled  at  ]\Ientz  and  was  long  divided  in  its  choice 
between  the  rival  houses  of  Bavaria  and  Franconia,  but  at  the 
Bishops'  suggestion  Duke  Lothario  of  Saxony  was  elected 
Iving  of  Germany.  As  an  enemy  of  Franconia  he  attached 
himself  to  the  rival  party  by  marrying  his  daughter  to 
Heniy  IV.  Duke  of  Bavaria,  with  the  Duchy  of  Saxony  as 
her  portion;  but  on  this  both  Franconia  and  Suabia  flew  to 
arms,  and  Coinad  chief  of  tlie  former  state  returning  from 
Palestine  joined  his  brother  Frederic  of  Suabia  J.  Assuming 
the  title  of  King  lie  }tassed  into  Italy  and  endeavoured  to 
conciliate  the  Lombards;  the  ]\lilanese,  probably  by  a  pre- 
vious agreement,  received  him  with  open  arms ;  '  he  was 
crowned  at  IMonza,  and  afterwards  by  Archbishop 
Anselmo  at  IMilan  as  legitimate  King  of  Italy,  and 
was  acknowledged  by  nearly  all  Lombardy  and  Tuscany.  The 
Pope,  a  formidable  enemy  in  those  times  espoused  the  party 
of  Lothario;  many  Lombard  cities  followed  this  exanq^le ;  and 
the  Papal  malediction,  mercilessly  launched  against  Prince  and 

*  Malespini,  cap.  Ix.  f  Paradiso,  Canto  xvi,    X  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1126. 


A.D.  1128. 


104 


FI.ORENTINF    TIT'^TORY. 


[book  I. 


CITAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


105 


Bishop,  scattered  most  of  his  adhereuts  and  reduced  him  to  the 
last  extremity.  He  wa.s  nevertheless  enabled  to  hold  some 
ground  in  Italy  until  li:V2,  ^.hen  fearing  the  presence  of 
Lothario  he  escaped  secretly  into  Gennany  ^vhile  his  adversaiy 
pushed  on  to  Rome  and  was  cro>Mied  l»y  Innocent  11  ^ 

As  the  two  famous  names  of  Guelph  and  ( .hiheline  ,>nginate.l 
in  these  rival  houses  of  Bavana  and  I 'raiuunia,  and  by 
A-D.  1132.   ^j^^.^  peniicious  influence  destroyed  Italian  prosperity 
and  happiness,  a  short  account  of  them  will  not  h.ie  be  irrelevant, 
especially  as  thev  were  the  principal  thou-h  remote  source  ot 
that  mveterate  disunion  which  has  left  tlie  Penmsula  a  con- 
stant prev  to  transalpine   ambition.     For   many  ages  thes. 
factions  prowled  over  Italy  like  lions  seeking  whom  tliey  could 
devour ;  they  divided  city  from  city,  house  from  house,  family 
from  family:  they  tore  asunder  all  domestic  ties,  uuderminn 
the   dearest   atVections,  and   scattered    duty,   obligations   and 
humanity  to  the  winds.    But  these  fatal  appellations  were  ongin- 
allv  nothing  more  than  the  distinctive  nam.  >  ni  two  prinrely 
Oemi^m  families  whose  chiefs  were  rival>  in  i^  i-nual  ambitiuu 
and  feudal  pwer.     The  enmity  of   one  to    tlu'   Popes   w:.> 
reason  sufficient  for  the  other's  determined  adiierem  o  to  tl. 
Holy  See;    an.l  though  mere  leaders  of  a  i>etty   tend,  then- 
names  became,  from  circumstaiio-,  the  rallying  cry   of  t^vo 
crreat  opinions  which  penetrating  with  the  u<.nted  subtilty  .t 
religious  and  plitical  rancour  into  tbe  >m.lb<t  branches  ol 
national  life,  atfected  Italy  and  (iermany  to  the  .iiuek. 

When  C(mrad  III.  was  crowned  King  "f  Italy,  the  last  loiu 
emperors  had  been  chosen  from  the  llous.^  of  Francomn 
family  that  received  its  name  from  the  Castle  of  U  mhlnuia,  ci 
Gneihelbujn  situated  amongst  the  Heitfeld  ^bamtanis  in  tlu 
diocese  of  Augsburg  and  whieh  was  railed  indiMrnninately 
-  Salique  "  or  *'  Gueibelinfi^r     The  rival  Iiou>.'.  ongmally  ul 

•  Muratori,  Anno  1 128— 1132.-«.    Amminito,  Lib.  i'.,  p.  51.-Sismon.ii. 
▼ol.  i.,  p.  288. 


A.D.  1135. 


Altdorf,  at  this  period  governed  Bavaria,  and  in  consequence 
of  several  of  its  princes  being  named  ''Guelpho  "  or  "  Welph,'' 
both  the  family  and  its  partisans  received  that  appellation. 
The  two  last  Heiirvs  of  the  (Uiibeline  House  of  Franconia 
had  long  contests  with  tlie  Church,  as  already  related,  while 
the  Bavarian  Guelphs  on  the  contrary  always  declared  them- 
selves its  i)rotectors  from  the  days  of  Guelph  IV.  son  of 
Albert  Azzo  lord  of  Este  in  1 0 7  0 .  From  this  bmnch  is  descended 
in  a  direct  line  tlie  royal  family  of  Endand  and  from  his 
l)rother  Folco  the  aiuient  Manpiises  of  Este,  Dukes  of  Fer- 
rara,  Modena  and  Reggio-'^. 

These  things,  springing  as  tliey  did  from  rivalry  and  dis- 
appointment, shai-pened  hereditary  feuds  while  the 
Pontitf  s  sujiport  of  Lothario  augmented  the  Ghibe- 
lines"  (mmitv  to  holy  Church :  these  names  were  not  however 
permanently  attached  to  the  two  factions  until  P210  when 
Innocent  III.  drove  tlie  fourth  Otho  fr(jm  the  imperial  throne 
and  took  yoiuig  I'rederic  of  Sicily  under  his  charge.  The 
Pope  was  then  supported  by  the  Ghibelines;  but  when  the 
same  Frederic  turned  to  rend  the  Church  the  Guelphic  banner 
again  waved  over  it  and  there  continued  until  the  final 
•lissolution  of  these  adveise  factions,  long  after  the  original 
cause  of  tlieir  (piarrels  liad  melted  entirely  awayf. 

Ten  years  of  peace  made  the  Florentines  impatient  of  repose 
and  the  lUiondelmonti  of  ]\Ionte  Buono  became  their  first 
victims  :  this  family,  so  famous  and  so  fatal  to  Ilorentine  hap- 
piness, po^>essed  a  simdl  castle  about  five  miles  distant  from 
the  town  which  commanding  the  Siena  road  enabled  them  to 
impose  a  toll  on  all  merchandise  in  its  passage.  Florence 
complained  of    this    imposition    and   being    refused   redress 

*  Sisraondi,  Rep.  Ttal.  tori  Antichit^  d'  Italia  Dissertazione 

t  Poggio   Bracciolini,    Storia   di    Fi-  51. — Deiiina,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  i". — Mura- 

ronza,   Lib.   i",   p.  9,   (Ed.   15J)J{.) —  tori    Annali,    Anni   1076  and   1152, 

Sisniondi,  vol.  i.,  })agc  287. — Maz/a-  who  cites  Otho  of  Fresingen  at  length 

rosa,  Stor.  di  Lucca,  vol.  i". — Mum-  on  this  subject. 


106 


FLORENTINE    I!TSTOnY. 


[book  I 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


107 


destroyed  their  castle,  ol)lij?iiig  thoiii  Nviihoui  fartlier  spoluitiun 
to  become  Florentine  i-itizons  =:=  :  others  foUi.wod  :  and  sothty 
continued  addhig  bit  after  bit  to  their  possession^,  by  money. 
conquest,  or  pei-smision.  but  still  maintaininrr  a  clos.^  alliaim 
with  Pisa  which  at  this  ix'riod  dthou^h  the  most  eonmicreiul 
and  militiiry-  nation  of  Tuscany  %vas  nvalled  by  Florence  iii 
ambiuou    aaid    warlike    propensities   if    not    m   power    and 

celebritv. 

In  the  year  1144  all  Tuscany  was  in  arms,  partly  on  acciniiit 
of  these  republics  but  more  from  those  dissensions 
^'^•"**'  that  spring  from  mutual  jealousy  in  rising  stat.- 
commencing  the  race  of  ambition  and  of  bluod.  who  leasnio  tm 
war  as  a  pastime,  and  reg:ird  tlu-  butehery  of  their  fellow- 
creatures  as  legitimate  amusement.  Lueea  and  Pisa  w(iv  m 
constant  collision,  and  the  friendship  of  the  fornKr  with  Si<  un. 
of  the  latter  with  Florence,  occasionod  a  quadmple  war  between 
those  states,  each  je^dous  of  the  other  >  n^.  endancy  :  the  nee.- 
sities  of  commerce,  imtouched  as  yet  bv  its  rivaliy.kopt  ].ear. 
between  Pisa  and  Florence  ;  and  the  (U>tance  of  the  ..iher  u^^' 
diminished   their    pomts  of  contact   and   consequently  tli.  u 

chances  of  quarrel. 

Ulric,  Marquis  or  >ice-Marquis  of  Tuscany  and  imperutl 
Vicar,  commanded  the  Florentuie  army  with  whi.h  he  ad- 
vanced to  the  gates  of  Siena  and  bunied  a  suburb  ;  the  Sen.  - 
demanded  assistance  from  Lucca,  wh,.  answered  by  deelariii'4 
war  on  Florence,  not  only  to  draw  the  enemy  from  her  ally,  but 
also  in  aid  of  Count  Guido  Guerra  of  :\lodijtli;ma  a  Ghibelin. 
chief  and  confederate  of  Siena,  who  had  already  sutfered  froiu 
Florentine  aggression.  Pisa  on  the  other  hand  took  the  fiel  1 
at  the  request  of  the  Florentmes  and  Count  Guide's  poss.-. 


*  To  reach  Florence  from  Monte 
Buono  it  i»  nocwtwry  to  cross  the 
£wM  river;  hence  Dante's  nieaning 
when  he  addresses  Buondelmonte  : — 


**  Molti  Nircbber  licti,  che  son  tristi. 
Se  Dio  t'  :lV(■^-^o  conceduto  ad  Ema 
La  prima  volui  cW  a  citta  vcnisti." 
ParadUo,  Canto  xvi. 


sions  were  devastated  by  these  combined  forces  while  the 
Sdiese,  covertly  advancing  on  Florence,  fell  into  an  am})uscade 
and  were  nearly  all  made  prisoners.  More  bitter  was  the 
stmggle  between  Pisa  and  Lucea  where  no  exchange  of  pri- 
soners took  place,  no  ransom  was  accepted,  and  where  a  strong 
personal  feeling  of  hatred  pervaded  every  class:  perpetual 
lueareeration  w^as  with  them  tlie  consequence  of  defeat,  and  we 
are  told  by  the  Pishop  of  Fresingen  that  sevend  years  after- 
ward he  saw  "  the  Lucchese  officers,  wasted  squalid  and  miser- 
able in  the  dungeons  of  Pisa  drawing  tears  of  compassion  from 
eveiy  passing  stranger  "  ^'. 

At  this  i)eriod  however  not  Tuscany  alone  but  all  northern 
Italy  seems  to  liave  been  in  similar  confusion  from  similar 
causes  ;  from  jealousy,  faction,  and  that  ever  boisterous  passage 
lictween  comparative  bondage  and  complete  independence,  for 
Conrad  \nth  fidl  emplovment  in  (iermanv  was  forced  to  leave 
Italy  uncontrolled,  a  prey  to  angry  passions,  unsettled  institu- 
tions and  political  anarchy  f .  The  particular  causes  of  discord 
between  the  Tuscan  cities  are  now  difficult  to  trace  ;  vicinity, 
by  midtiplying  the  points  of  contact  increased  the  chances  and 
was  always  a  source  of  dissension  ;  but  the  pecuHar  enmity 
between  Siena  and  Florence,  aecordhig  to  the  Senese  historians 
originated  in  the  assistance  given  to  Henry  IV.  durmg  the  siege 
of  1081  ;  an  injuiy  in  itself  not  easily  forgiven,  but  fostered  as 
it  was  by  national  enndation  lasted  until  long  after  the  ruin  of 
both  republics,  and  even  now  is  scarcely  obliterated  J. 

Elated  by  success  and  jealous  of  the  Counts  Guidi  by  whose 
possessions    she   was    nearly   suiTounded,    Florence 

A.D.  1146. 

assembled  an  army  in  February  1146  and  besieged 

Monte  Croce,  a  Castello   about   nine    miles    distant   which 

*Makspini,cap.lxxviii. — M.diC.Ste-  f  Muratori,    Annali,  Anno    1143. — 

tani.  Lib.  i»,  Rub.  4*2. — S.  Anniiinvto,  S.  Animinito,  Lib.  i",  p.  5*2. 

Lib.  i«.,    p.  51,    who  cites  Olho  of  t    Orl".    jMallavolti,  Stor.  di    Siciia, 

Fresingen.  Parle  i",  pp.  24,  25. 


VH 


FT.ORENTINF    HI-^TOKY. 


f  nooK 


riup.  VI.] 


fi,()iu:nti\i;  jhstouy. 


109 


iH^lonjtoa  toth:it  family:  but  a>iitiarn.  <'  in  snp.Mi.^rilv  of  f.uv, 
oreHted  carolt^siioss  of  oonaiu-t,  ana  c  ount  (iuulo  ai.h.l  by  ili,. 
|ieople  of  Arez/.o  ilofoatoa  thorn  with  great  loss,  i'or  a  Uuu 
thev  wore  quioto.l  hy  thi>  sliarp  military  lesson,  aii.l 
^'^  "*"■  ji  cms;ulo  the  following  year  nn^ler  tlu'  i^mperor  C(»nr:i.) 
III.  carried  otT  s<nne  of  their  nion>  (  nt(  ipriMtig  and  devout 
spirits  to  Palestine:  amongst  them  Dtmle  sanet  >uu  C  */(rm//j//./'/ 
who  after  having  Kvn  knighted  hy  Tonrad.  tVll  in  hattlo  agaiii>i 

the  Intidels*. 

After  the  snhmission  of  this  Conrad  and  Frederie  of  Suahi:i. 
the  emperor  Lotlmrio  made  one  visit  to  his  Italian  pnnin. . 
and   died   in   the   mountains   near  Trent  on  hi>    n  turn   i- 
Gemi;uiy  in  lUU.     Connid  who  had  ah.-a.ly  been  crown,  d  ;it 
Mihin  in  ll'.iS  and  ahdieated  in  I  !:>'•  -luvveded  him.  hnt  wa^ 
for  a  while  opi^wd  hy  Uonry  ealled  afterwards  "  the  Vroml 
duke  of  Saxony  and  l^ivaria.  manpiis  <.f   ruseany,  and  son-in- 
law  to  the  deivased  emi>eror.     Hau5.'luint  >-  xo  the  German 
prinees  cost  him  the  throne  mid  m-idr  way  for  (..nnid  III. 
who  in  1 1:^>^  was  crowned  King  of  «  m  rnuny  at  Aix-la-Chapell.-: 
but  l»eing  oppi>sed  by  the   German  Guelphs.  he  beoanu   i 
much  oixnipied  to  interfere  with  Italian  i>olitics  or  even  o\h 
visit  Italv  for  his  coronation,  and  died  on  his  return  from  the 

Holy  Land  while  aKmt  to  hold  a  Diet  at  Bimibi 
A.D.  1152.  ^^  j\^  especial  wish  Frederic  of  Suabia,  suniamed  I^ar 
baroesa  from  the  colour  of  his  Ward,  was  eUn. d  instead  .f 
Conrad's  own  son  bv  all  the  (.Terman  pnnce^  and  many  of  tlu 
Italian  nobilitv  wh<»  met  at  BamWrg  for  that  puq^osel.  Besid- 
avoiding  the  evil,  of  a  long  minority  it  >eems  to  have  b. 
Conrad^s   wish   thus   to   terminate    all    existing    dlssensioi^ 
between  the  united  GhiWline  houses  of  Suabia  and  Franconiii 
on  the  one  hand,  of  which  Barbarossa  was  the  chief;  and  th^ 

•J|.diC.Strfimi,Lib.  i".   Rub.  4.3.     +   Muratnri    Annali     Anno  1152.- 
JS^  Amminuo.    Ub.   ^   p.   53.—     JSmuondi,  vol.  r,  pp.  2!»,-301. 


A.D.  1154. 


(ineli>hs  of   Saxony    jnid    Bavaria   on    the   other,   who  were 
rrpresontcMl  by  tluir  dukes  llonry  llio  Lion  and  (iuelph  V'l. 

Barl>ai"nss;i  was  the  son  (»)"  I'rrdcric  <,f  Sujibia  and  Judith 
(liuighter  (»f  Henry  th<'  lilaek,  duke  of  l»avaria  (of  tlio  Guelphs 
of  Kste)  father  of  the  altovi -njuiK'd  Guolj)h  VM.  who  was  his 
maternal  uncle;  and  1  lonry  the  Lion  duk(^  of  Saxony  his  cousin, 
luiting  in  this  way  the;  interests  of  botli  factions  all  party 
(jiinrnds  ceased  during  his  and  the  succeeding  reign,  and  the 
united  jxjwers  of  (iennany  were  amicably  arrayed  beneath  the 
imperial  standard;  but  concord  terniinated  with  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.  ;  the;  knot  was  then  severed,  families  once  more 
divided,  former  enmities  returned  with  conflicting  interests, 
the  old  poison  sprejid  througliout  both  naticms,  and  centuries  of 
blood  scarcely  sufTiced  to  satiate  the  demon  of  Italian  discord. 

The  Florentines  mortilied  liy  the  check  they  had  received 
at  Monte  di  Croce  resolved  to  recover  their  reputation 
by  a  new  attiick,  but  as  the  place  was  strong  and  well 
defended  several  unsuccessful  attempts  were  made  ere  they 
succeeded  in  taking  the  town  e\  en  by  stratagem,  and  razed  it  to 
the  ground.  This  deep(^ne<l  the  hatred  of  Counts  Guidi  which 
Listed  with  little  intermission,  except  in  the  Battifolle  bi-anch, 
uutil  their  ultimate  spoliation  in  1 440 :  they  were  lords  of 
many  castles  in  the  provinces  of  Casentino  and  Upper 
Val  d'  Anio  and  are  too  closely  connected  with  Florentine 
histoiy  to  render  any  apology  necessaiy  for  giving  a  short 
account  of  them*. 

Spning,  like  most  of  the  Italian  Barons,  from  German  blood, 
they  are  supposed  to  have  accompanied  Otho  I.  into  ludy  and 
received  the  lordship  of  jNIodigliana  in  Iiomagna  where  they 
settled,  and  in  time  acquired  the  seignoiT  of  a  consideralde 
portion  of  that  province,  Ravenna  being  the  seat  of  government 
Their  tyranny  and  licentiousness  ultimately  produced  insmree- 
tiou  and  all  the  familv  were  murdered  but  one  child  then 

*  Mar.  di  Coppo  Stcfaui,  Lib.  i",  Kub.  43. — S.  Ammirato,  Stor.  Lib.  i-^*,  p.  o4. 


m^'W'f 


no 


n.ORF.NTlNK    inST«"mY. 


I  nt>oi 


k    I 


nnr.  vi.] 


rr.DKKN'TINK    lirSTORY. 


Ill 


nursing  at  ^Sloaigli.nia.  who  was  cixWod  '*  (luiao  Bosan.unii^  ni 
oommomoration  of  the  hU^U  »\\tastn>plu\  Tins  ,'lnof.  or  liw 
j^m  who  was  ralloac\MnU  (iuiao  Vm^iio.  ivti  ivc^l  lar^i^  i::r:niis 
of  land  in  the  r.-isontino  fivm  OiholV.  an.i  ninrnca  (;unl»lr:i.l;i 
daughn-r  of  IMlincion  IVrti  do'  Kavij^niani.  ouo  of  iho  n»os| 
distnignishod  Flon^itinof^.  all  of  vnIiom^  po-.^^-ion^  tmnllv 
rentemi  in  tlio  i\nints  liuidi.  Wo  lt*ani  in  tait  tVom  \hiu\v 
thai  in  a  oeitani  .juartor  of  Floronoo 

-  F.r»no  i  Ra\  ignani  on«r  c  iM»c«» 
11  C«>ntc  C»uido  c  qujili»n<\uc  ticl  uomc 
IVU*  aito  WcllincJono  ha  |xi«ck  preta"*. 

Amongst  all  tbo  Flon^ntino  ladies  who  had  ass(  lublod  to  ,1 
him  honour  on  his  arrival.  (Mialdrada  Uerti  most  attraotod  tli. 
Emi^n^r  Othos  attention  l\v  hor  o\tromo  hoauty  ami  peculiar 
iiKHiestT  of  demeanour.      His   admiration   seems  howev(  r 
have  been  at  first  miaccmnivinied  by  due  ro>p(  1 1  :  an  imiHuUm 
attempt  to  kiss  her  at  a  festival  in  the  caibedna  chureli,  m. 
as  some  say,  her  fathers  offer  to  allow  of  more  questional] 
intercv^urse,  was  met  by  an  indignant  repulse,  with  a  spirit 
deokration  that  -no    man  shoubl    take  that   liberty  exeepi 
her  husband."     The  Emi>eror  appmiated  imd  applauded  tlu^ 
conducl,  and  l»y  his  adnce  Count  Guido  married  her  within; 
a  dovry  notwithstamiuig  the  difference  of  rank*. 

From  their  five  sons  all  the  Counts  (^niidi  were  descendt 
fine  died  soon  after  his  failier,  leaving  the  Comits  Guidi 
Poppi  his  heirs :  the  eldest  sunivor  duglielmo  was  f^ithe: 
Gnido  Novello  and  Simone,  Wii  originally  ( iliibelines,  but 

♦  P»r»di»o.  CahU)  rri.  Quarto  Edition,  Fireme^  1755,  ; 

t  Bccfhi&i  n<iirul«  this  storr  by  t  That  many  fable«  and  romances 

of    dates,    and   jAatrt   it  adopted  hf  the   early    chronirlci- 

••  poetical  fictions  of  the  historical  hieU  is  most  true,  ami 

.:    for,    iaTt    be.    Count  mav  be  one;    but    Dante,   who   w 

,^,^„^  "pvwn  up' tons  in   1202  bora  in  1265,  alludes  to  the  "  Buo* 

\i%  GtaUnda,  and  certainly  Otho  IV.  iJwiUirada^'   and   Villani,  no  mt- 

B^er  estered    Italy  befoir  12l»*j:—  authority,  relates  it  historically. 
Tide  DitBvrm  dtW  vrigmt  iU  F'/nnu. 


cimscijiioncc  of  n  (piMiTfl.  llic  \\\\\v\\  vvlio  w>is  anrriHtor  (.f  flif; 
(ollllts  of  l>;illirull.«,  joiiird  (lie  I'loifrif  iiH!  dllf;]p|is.  AMotlicr 
sou  llu<^Mrii  was  fjilhri-  (.f  Count,  (.uid*.  duorni  -  aiifl  Ssilvntiro, 
bolli  of  the  (.lU'lpliir  lartion  ;  from  the  third  (iiiido  wore 
ilrsccndcd  tlio  Counts  of  lloiii<ii!i  a  fjunily  divided  between 
JHtth  |»artieH;  ntid  fioiii  tlir  loiirtli,  'IVgrimo  and  the  Counts  of 
INin'ijiiio  who  were  jdw.'iys  ( ihihclinrs  I. 

With  I'istnins  jis,^i^i;inr<:  and  the  siihsoqnent  protection  of 
I'lorcnco  Praln  had  incn-ascd  lier  strfrif^'th  and  riches;  and 
I'ilhcr  volunlnrily  or  u(  thr  latttrs  insti^'ation  was  ungrateful 
nion<,'h  to  claim  tlio  rastlo  of  (  annagnano,  then  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  Pistoia,  as  her  i)r())Mrty,and  immediately  attacked 
it  with  an  Muxihary  forces  of  i'lonntine  troops.  The  Pistoians 
iudij^nant  at  sucli  ingratitude  not  (»n]y  repelled  this  assnulthut 
witli  some  aid  Irom  Siena  routed  the  allies  while  the  amhassa- 
Joi*s  of  that  state  remonstrated  with  Florence  on  her  injustice, 
declaring  their  ohiigation  to  assist  Pistoia  according  to  treaty 
and  reminding  her  how  much  ejusier  it  was  to  begin  a  war 
than  to  linisli  it^.  Hostilities  recommenced  in  the  following 
year  when  after  an  obstinate  engagement  the  confederates 
were  defeated  and  the  revolted  castle  of  Carmagnano  recovered : 
Prato  was  in  its  turn  besieged,  and  the  combined 
forces  of  Florence  and  Pisa  were  completely  routed 
at  Monternurlo  in  a  vain  attempt  to  relieve  it ;  their  loss 
was  considerable,  and  as  Fiesoliue  auxiliaines  are  mentioned 
amongst   the    Florentine  troops,   that   city   must   still    have 

*  Dante  places  tills  chief  in  the  >oventh  circle  of  hell  with  Brunette  Latini  and 
otlars  of  that  6tauij>. 

*'  Questi,  r  onnc  di  lui  pestar  mi  vedi, 

Tutto  che  nvulo  e  dipcluto  vada, 

Fu  di  grado  luafriiior  rhe  tu  non  credi. 

Nepote  fu  della  buona  Gualdrada  : 

Guidoguorra  chbi  iionic,  et  in  sua  vita 

Fcce  col  seiino  assai  e  ton  la  !*pada." — {In/irno,  CantQ  xri. 

fGiov.  Villani,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  i";  Lib.     +  Orlando  Malavolti,  Stor.  Sen.  Lib. 
v.,  cap.  37.  viii.,  Parte  i%  p.  '2lK 


A.D.  1155. 


Ill 


KLORFNTINI.    HISTORY. 


[lUK»K 


HUP.  VI. J 


FLORENTIM';    HISTORY. 


U3 


Wen  111  a  comparativi'lv  llounslun«»  htntr  iiotAvitlistmiaing  ii> 
subjugation.  According  to  Uie  Pistoian  chronicles  a  rou 
tinued  course  of  hostilities  seems  to  liuv.-  he.  n  folloNved  l.v 
Trato  in  1150  with  iHvasiomil  aid  tivni  Florence  and 
sevenil  battles  were  fought  :  hut  l^isinia  to  i.unish  tl..- 
Pisans  for  their  interference  in  these  waiN  made  a  c1on( 
alliance  with  Lucca  by  whiih  she  was  ti>  scud  the  latter  a 
hundred  and  fifty  hor^e,  two  lunulred  toi^t,  and  two  hundr.a 
erosslH)wmen,  for  one  month  in  v:wh  vcar ;  also  a  certain 
numWr  of  cavalr>'  and  hifantry  fortw.iity  day>  when  needed  ^ 
This  treaty  was  renewed  in  1  UU  and  117  1.  and  the  IMsans  an.l 
Florentines  ha>nttg  been  defeateil  in  1  lO'i  Pistoia  lost  no 
opportunity  of  making  llie  I'ornicr  feel  all  the  fonv 

AD.  1157.       y.     .         ^    . 

of  their  enmity. 
The  English  Pope  Adrian  IV.  died  in  ll.V'.  twenty-throe 
Cardinals  out  of  twenty-eight  united  in  choosing  Rolando  de 
Paperoni   as  his  successor:   he  was  a   natiye  of  Siena  and 
became  afterwards  celebrated  under  the  n;unc  nf  Alextuidcr 
111.    but    the   remainder   lixed    their   election    on    Cardinal 
Octayian   of   Rome  who   was  called  \'ictor  IV.  and  Barha 
rossa  by  promptly  acknowledging  him  avowed  his  enmity  t  • 
Alexander  in    the  most  decided  manner.      When  the  latter 
was  Adrian's  legate  at  the  imperiid  court  they  had  quarrelled 
on  diyers  ix)ints  of  diplomacy,  but  especially  because  he  luid 
been  mainW  instrumental  in  persuading  Adrian  to  crown  tlu 
Norman  William  II.  king  of  Sicily  against  Frederic's  will  wh-. 
himself  aspired  to  that  throne ;  and  thus  more  fuel  was  added 
to  the  flames  of  faction  f.      Alexander  after  a  variety 
A.D.  1163.   ^^  fortune  sought  refuge  in  Fnmee  from  the  power 
and   persecution  of   Baibarossa  who  boasted   that  he  would 

•  Male«pini,  cap.  Ixxviii.— S.  Ammi-  f  Dal  Borgo  Dissertazione iv.  dell  I^u- 

rato.  Lib.  i^  p.  54.— M.  di  C.  Su-fani,  ria  Pi^na,  vol.  i.,  Parte  Pnma, p  1  ol 

Lib'i*,  Rub.  44.  p.  62.— Mic.  Ang.  — Orlando Malavolti, Parte  i".,Ub.ii: 

Solvi  Hist,  di  Pistoia,  vol.  i",  Parte  p.  38. 
u%  Lib.  ii«,  pp.  «8,  91,  i)7. 


put  all  Italy  in  order:  hut  instead  of  this  he  found  his 
authority  disputed  and  carried  death  and  destmction  through- 
out the  northern  provinces.  In  116-2  he  laid  Milan  waste 
without  remorse,  and  exasperated  the  whole  country  by  a  series 
of  bari)arities  so  great  that  tliey  roused  a  spirit  which  being 
embodied  in  the  famous  League  of  Lombardy  baffled  all  his 
power,  cruelty,  and  ambition  h=  .  Four  successive  Antipopes  thus 
ix)werfully  supported  maintained  a  long  schism  in  the  Church 
which  shook  pontifical  infallibility,  disturbed  consciences,  and 
augmented  the  bitterest  feelings  of  the  Italian  community: 
all  this  at  a  moment  too  when  Gueli)h  and  Ghibeline  humours 
were  i-apidly  fermenting  under  a  more  definite  form  and 
character ;  and  when  another  source  of  dissension  had  been 
reopened  between  the  Church  and  Empire  about  their  conflict- 
ing didms  to  Matilda's  patrimony f. 

Excepting  some  hostilities  with   Pistoia  unnoticed  by  the 
historians  of  Florence  in  which  the  latter  seems  to  have  been 
worsted,  little  is  said  of  her  affairs  for  fifteen  years 
after  the  war  of  Prato ;  it  may  therefore  be  supposed   ^'^'  "^*' 
that  the  repubhc  enjoyed  an  interval  of  peace,  for  it  is  a 
favourable  augury  when  the  transactions  of  civilised  coimtries 
offer  no   exciting   subject   for   the  historian.     War,    tumult, 
ambition,    victoiy,    misused   powers,    and  all   tlie   desolating 
consequences  of  unregidated  passion  and   misapphed  talent, 
are  generally   the   most  prominent,   and   if  rightly   studied 
perhaps  amongst  the  most  instructive  materials  for  historv' ; 
while  silent  unobtrusive  ameliorating  institutions  hide  their 
less  brilhant  heads,  and  though  failing  to  excite  so  deep  and 
universal  an  interest,  are  steadily  working  on  the  spirit  of  the 
age  and  softening  the  general  character  of  man. 

IL^^'^'^J.J^^*^   ^^g^i    Imperadori.—     97.-S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  i'\  p. 
illani.  Lib.  v.,  c.  io.— Platina,  Vite     55.-0.    Malavolti,    Parte   i«,  Libro 

U^':  ill",  p.  30. 

I T  M.  A.  Salvi,  Lib.  ii«,  Parte  ii",  p. 

VOL.  I.  I 


114 


FLORENTINT.    HISTORY. 


[book 


Cotemporan-  Monarchs.-Empcrors,  Henry  IV.  and  V.,  Lothario,  Connul 
III  Frederic'l.,  (Barbaroesa).— Popes,  from  Pasqual  II.  to  Alexander  HI. 
Antipope,  Victor  IV.-England  :  Henry  I.,  Stephen,  Henry  11.  (The Jir>t 
Plan^genet.)-Fn.nce:  Philip  I.,  Louis  VI.  (^  37)  Louis  \  II.  (  80  .-- 
Greek  Emperors,  Alexius  Comnenus,  John  Comnenus  (1118),  Manuel  (114,.) 
-Scotland:  Alexander  L  (U06),  David  L  (1124),  Malcomb  IV.  (1153), 
William  the  Lion  (1166). 


CHAP.  YII.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


115 


CHAPTER  VII. 

FROM     A.D.    1170    TO    A.D.    1300. 


A.D.  1170. 


Amongst  tlie  Italians  of  tliis  age  and  for  centuries  after, 
private  offence  was  never  forgotten  until  revenged, 
and  generally  involved  a  succession  of  mutual  in- 
juries;  vengeance  was  not  only  considered  lawful  and  just, 
but  a  positive  duty  dishonourable  to  omit*;  and,  as  may  be 
learned  from  ancient  private  journals,  it  was  sometimes  al- 
lowed to  sleep  for  five-and-thirty  years,  and  then  suddenly 
struck  a  victim  who  perhaps  had  not  yet  seen  the  light  when 
the  original  injury  was  inflicted  f.  With  a  combination  of 
such  individual  feelings  it  was  unlikely  that  Florence  as  a 
community  would  forget  the  unprovoked  attack  of  Arezzo  in 
aid  of  Comit  Guido;  or  that  Count  Guido  would  easily  for- 
give  the  destruction  of  Monte  Croce;  his  frequent  inroads 
on  the   Florentine  territory-  quickened  this  feeling   and   an 


I  Even  Dante,  who  was  heyond  his  age 
p  liberality  of  sentiment  proves  this  in 

^anto  xxix.  of  his  Inferno  where  spcak- 
fng  of  his  kinsman  Geri  del  Bello's 

nolent  death  he  exclaims  to  Virgil, 

'  0  duca  mio,  la  violento  moHe, 
|(%€  nongli  e  vendkato  ancor,  diss'io, 
^  (dcun,  che  dcWonta  ski  coiisorte, 
n2ce  lui  disdegnoso :  ond*  ei  seii^gto 
^nzaparlai-mi,  si  com'  to  stimo  : 
^t  in  cib  m'ha  e'  fatto  a  sepiujjio." 


The  time  may  come  when  duelling 
will  be  as  much  execrated  by  our 
posterity  as  the  vengeance  of  the 
middle  ages  is  now  by  ourselves.  Again 
in  one  of  his  Canzoui  Dante  exclaims 
"Che  hello  Jmtor  shicquista  in  far 
rmdettar  (  Ved»  di  Fratecelliy  p.  21 , 
tomo  i^,  Parte  u.) 
t  Cronica  di  Donato  Velluti,  pp.  4, 5, 
&c. 


116 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FrX)RENTINE    HISTORY. 


117 


alliance  of  these  two  powers  caused  war  to  be  declared  against 

Arezzo. 

A  body  of  troops  immediately  marched  on  that  town  whose 
citizens  disdaining  the  shelter  of  their  walls  at  once  offered 
battle :  fortune  was  unfavourable  and  they  were  beaten  witli 
great  loss  both  in  killed  and  prisoners :  to  ransom  these  a 
truce  was  requested,  and  granted  by  the  victors  on  condition 
that  they  renounced  Count  Guidos  alliance  and  maintained 
the  peace  with  Florence. 

The  cordial  assistance  given  to  Tistoia  in  the  Prato  war 
although  just,  had  disturlKjd  the  recent  harmony  between  Siena 
and  Florence,  and  no  friendly  feeling  returned  until  the 
publication  of  Barbarossa's  intention  to  be  crowned  at  Rome 
arrested  their  hostilities,  and  made  them  join  the  Tuscan 
states  in  preparing  against  this  enteqmse*. 

According  to  the  chronicle  of  Pistoia  as  quoted  by  Salvi,  two 
separate  leagues  were  then  formed  by  the  Tuscan  states  ti. 
defend  themselves  against  German  insolcuix  and  rapacity :  in 
one  was  comprised  the  cities  of  Lucca,  Florence. 
Prato,  and  the  lords  of  Garfagna:  in  the  other; 
Pisa,    Pistoia,    Siena,   Arezzo,    and    the    Counts    Guidi   of 

Modigliana. 

The  love  of  liberty  and  national  independence  was  mw 
vigorous  and  enthusiastic;  it  glowed  in  separate  and  often 
adverse  breasts  upon  the  Tuscan  soil ;  but  throughout  there 
was  a  strong  national  feeling  which  gave  life  and  nourishment 
to  the  mass  and  for  a  whUe  united  it  against  ever>'  foreign 
intruder:  private  dissensions  were  wisely  dropped  on  llit 
appearance  of  public  danger;  and  those  primitive  times  ot 
liberty  gave  an  example  of  political  union  that  if  it  had  been 
subsequently  followed  might  have  clianged  not  only  the  laic 
and  character  of  Italy  but  the  whole  histor)^  of  Europe. 

•  Malavolti,  Parte  \\  Lib.  iii°,  p.  29.— M.  A.  Salvi,  Parte  ii%  Lib.  ii.,  pp 
91,97. 


A.D.  1170. 


The  close  alliance  between  Lucca  and  Pistoia  convinced 
Pisa  of  the  advantages  likely  to  accrue  from  her  own 
connexion  with  Florence  which  was  now  confirmed  by  ^'^'  "^^* 
stricter  ties,  and  engagements  were  made  to  protect  Florentine 
subjects  in  person  and  property  throughout  the  Pisan  territory 
for  a  term  of  forty  years ;  to  grant  them  a  permanent  residence 
within  the  city  for  the  pursuit  of  commerce ;  and  to  freight 
Pisan  merchant  vessels  with  Florentine  goods  and  persons  at 
the  same  rate  of  duty  as  was  charged  to  native  citizens.  They 
also  engaged  to  assist  them  with  a  body  of  four  hundred  horse 
in  any  Tuscan  war  except  against  the  Bishop  of  Volterra  Count 
Ildebrandino  and  Count  Alberto ;  and  in  case  of  an  invasion 
of  the  Florentine  territory  all  their  military  force  was  to  take 
the  field  within  eight-and-twenty  days  after  the  first  requisition. 
They  moreover  bound  themselves  not  to  make  peace  with 
Lucca  or  any  enemy  of  Florence  without  her  sanction  and  to 
renew  this  treaty  every  ten  years,  but  reserving  their  allegiance 
to  the  Emperor*. 

All  the  Italian  cities  even  the  most  determined  of  the 
Lombard  league  were  willing  to  respect  what  they  deemed  liis 
legitimate  prerogatives  and  only  withstood  encroachments  :  in 
doing  so  they  exhibited  a  bold  and  proud  independence  worthy 
of  admiration  from  freemen  of  every  age  and  country ;  as  an 
instance,  it  may  be  here  mentioned  that  the  very  next  year 
after  this  loyal  reservation  of  the  Pisan  commonwealth,  when 
Barbarossa  dispatched  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz  to 
reduce  and  tranquillize  Tuscany,  all  the  deputies 
assembled  at  San  Genisio,  or  Siena,  were  willing  to  aecept  his 
arbitration  except  those  of  Pisa  and  Florence,  who  declared 
themselves  both  able  and  determined  to  govern  without 
imperial  interference  f .    For  this  audacity  both  were  imprisoned, 

*  Dal  Borgo,  Diplomi  Pisani,  p.  307.  laborious  work  "  Bizionario,  Geogra- 
--S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i"»,  pp.  55,  56.  fico,  Fisico  Storico  delta  Tuscana,'' 
t  Repetti  in   his  very  valuable  and    places  this  meeting  in  1160. 


A.D.  1172. 


118 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


119 


A.D.  1174. 


but  not  without  war  on  the  imperial  vicar  which  was  carried 
on  until  he  \nelded,  even  with  the  force  of  Lucca  at  his  side. 
to  the  energy-  of  these  infant  republics,  by  releasing  their  am- 
bassadors unconditionally*. 

In  the  year  1170,  according  to  the  old  chronicles,  but 
Ammirato  savs  in  1 174,  a  war  broke  out  between  Florence  and 
Siena  the  immediate  and  nominal  cause  of  which  was 
a  dispute  about  the  petty  cnstle  of  Staggia  on  the 
Siena  road,  but  really  the  increasing  power  and  ambition  of 
both  commonwetdths ;  while  it  was  y.  t  peace  Siena  alarmed 
Florence  by  suddenly  investing  the  t  ity  of  Montepulciaiiu 
which  the  Florentines  succoured  with  a  well-protected  convoy 
of  provisions;  these  troops  were  fiercely  though  unskilfully 
attacked  at  Asciano  on  their  return  Init  repulsed  the  enemy 
with  great  loss.  The  victors  continued  their  march  until  tliey 
arrived  at  the  Bonjo  di  Marti  or  Marturi  a  small  frontier 
town  where  a  Florentine  s  ill-usage  of  one  of  their  women 
caused  a  furious  attack  by  the  people  wlio  killed  many  ut 
the  former,  and  feeling  insecure  against  Florentine  ven- 
geance prepared  to  shift  their  abode.  Tlie  latter  pursued 
their  march  but  the  Martuiini  united  with  eight  of  the  neigh- 
bouring communities  and  for  greater  saiety  all  agieed  te 
demolish  their  villages  and  concentnite  in  one  community 
on  an  adjacent  hill  belonging  to  a  neighbour  called  Bonizzo, 
and  this  from  its  original  appellation  of  "  PoifU^'^  Bonizzo 
received  the  present  name  of  Potjfjihonzi  although  its  site  was 
subsequently  changed  f. 

One  street  of  the  new  settlement  was  appropriated  to  tlie 
inhabitants  of  each  village  with  their  parish  church  ;  the  place 

*  Repetti,  Dizionario  Topografica    tli  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1172— Dal 

ToBcana. — Muratori,AntichitaItaliane,  Borgo,  p.  308. 

tomo  vii.,  p.  218,  Dissert""'  4.5.— S.  +  Malcspini,  cap.  Ixxx.— G.  Villain, 

Ammirato,   Lib.  i",  p.    56.— Tronci,  Lib.  v.,  capi    vi.  and  viii.— O.  Mala- 

Annali    Pisani,    torn.   ii»,    p.   20.—  voUi,  Parte  i»,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  30. 


was  defended  by  walls  and  towers,  and  the  general  detestation 
of  Florence  signalised  by  an  immediate  alliance  with  Siena 
and  ceaseless  molestation. 

In  tliis  account  of  Poggibonzi  s  origin  Villani  differs  from 
the  Senese  liistorian  Malavolti  who  refers  it  to  a  much  earlier 
though  uncei-tain  date  by  speaking  of  that  town  as  a  strong- 
hold of  long  standing  in  1148,  without  mentioning  his 
authority ;  but  the  anecdote  is  interesting  as  an  example  of  the 
rise  of  small  Italian  communities  :  it  shows  how  men  were 
forced  to  quit  the  plain  and  congregate  in  small  towns  on 
strong  positions,  a  necessity  which  may  have  produced  that 
inai-ked  difference  of  character  now  so  conspicuous  between 
the  stillness  of  Italian  landscape  and  the  bustling  animation 
of  om*  own,  where  no  such  need  existed-. 

Seeing  what  a  nest  of  hornets  their  own  licentiousness  had 
engendered  the  Florentines  miited  with  two  of  those  fenced 
towns  called  '' Castelir'  situated  in  the  Val  di  Pesa,  and 
joining  their  population  to  that  of  some  neighbouring  villages, 
founded  the  present  city  of  Colle  in  Val  d'  Elsa,  and  it  is  a 
curious  trait  of  then  existing  maimers,  that  the  lime  of  the 
foundation-stone  was  slaked  with  blood  from  the  arms  of  two 
Florentine  commissioners  who  superintended  the  work,  as  a 
mark  of  perpetual  amity  between  the  republics  1. 

On  the  mmour  of  Barbarossa's  fourth  visit  to  Italy  Florence 
and  Siena  once  more  abjured  all  private  differences 
at  the  altar  of  Tuscan  hidependence  by  a  truce 
wliich  afterwards  ripened  into  a  solid  peace,  with  engagements 
for  mutual  support :  half  of  Poggibonzi  was  now 
ceded  to  Florence,  Siena  still  keeping  the  church  of 
Saint  Agnes  which  along  with  the  town  belonged  to  her,  though 
not  to  the  diocese,  by  the  donation  of  a  Count  Guide ;  and  this 

*  0.  Malavolti, Parte  i».  Lib. iii«,  p.  29.     46.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i«,  p.  56.— 
t  M.  del  Stefani,  Stor.,  Lib.  i«.,  Rub.     Giov.  Villani,  Libro.  v. 


AD.  1175 


A.D.  1176. 


wm^rw 


120 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1177. 


circumstance  would  seem  to  prove  the  existence  of  Poggibonzi 
before  the  date  assigned  by  Villani*. 

Peace  was  scarcely  re-established  when  divers  calamities  in 
succession  disturbed  the  current  of  public  happiness,  and  were 
followed  by  domestic  quarrels  the  harbingers  of  long  enduring 
miser)'.  Twice  in  the  year  1177  did  the  town  become 
a  prey  to  fire  :  in  tlie  month  of  August  all  between 
the  old  bridge  and  Mercato  Vecchio  was  consumed,  and  only  a 
few  days  aft€»  the  whole  mass  of  buildings,  then  principally  of 
wood,  between  the  present  Strozzi  palace,  San  Martino  del 
Vescovo,  the  cathedral  and  the  royal  gallery  became  one  vast 
mound  of  smoking  ashes.  Scarcely  was  this  ruin  cleared  and 
men  were  beginning  to  look  cheerful  when  winter  brought 
additional  misfortunes:  the  Amo  swolu  witli  mountain  rains 
rushed  down  on  Florence  in  a  heavy  tlood,  drove  wildly  through 
the  town,  destroved  the  Ponte  Vecchio  with  a  fearful  crash 
and  rolled  its  beams  and  timbers  to  the  sea.  This  was 
the  only  bridge  and  its  loss  completed  the  general  dismay; 
the  public  mind  already  weakened  by  previous  calamities,  be- 
came gloomy  and  superstitious  and  these  events  were  believed 
to  be  palpable  manifestations  of  divine  anger  and  precui*sors 
of  greater  evil. 

The  unavoidable  accidents  of  nature  although  productive 
of  extreme  momentary  and  partial  suffering  are  soon  repaired 
by  the  mental  elasticity  and  energ}'  of  man;  but  when 
misfortunes  spring  from  the  mind  itself ;  when  they 
originate  in  morbid  feelings,  oppression,  or  uncontrolled 
passions,  then  misery  assumes  a  more  fearful  and  decided 
aspect  and  with  the  peace  of  individuals  destroys  the  pea<  e 
of  nations. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  Florence,  which  hitherto  as  her  great 
poet  tells  us  had  remained  undisturbed. 

♦  Orlando  Malavolti,  Parte  i»,  Lib.  iii»,  pp.  42,  43. 


CHAP.  VII.]  FLORENTINE    HISTORY.  121 

"  Con  queste  genti,  e  con  altre  con  esse, 
Vid'  io  Fiorenza  in  si  fatto  riposo, 
Che  non  avea  cagione,  onde  piangesse. 
Con  queste  genti  vid'  io  glorioso 
E  giusto  1  popol  suo  tanto,  die  1  giglio 
Non  era  ad  asta  mai  posto  a  ritroso, 
Ne  per  division  fiitto  vermiglio*." 

The  commentary  will  soon  be  manifest :  "  These  misfor- 
tuues,"  says  Malespini,  "were  a  judgment  of  God;  for  the 
Florentines  had  become  very  proud  from  their  success ;  and 
full  of  sins,  dishonest  practices,  and  ingratitude  amongst 
themselves,  and  full  of  dissensions  that  ever  after  continued, 
the  sad  consequences  of  riches  luxury  and  repose." 

At  the  annual  election  of  consuls  on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
McU-eh  which  commenced  the  Florentine  year,  the  potent 
family  of  Uberti  which  had  been  hitherto  accustomed  to 
govern  these  nominations,  found  itself  for  the  fii-st  time  in  a 
minority  from  the  unlocked  for  opposition  of  otlier  powerful 
citizens  who  would  no  longer  submit  to  such  dictation.  Angry 
at  defeat  and  resolved  to  recover  their  influence,  the  legality  of 
this  election  was  impugned  by  the  Uberti,  while  their  antago- 
nists on  the  contrar)^  maintained  it  to  have  been  in  strict 
conformity  with  ancient  custom  and  would  therefore  be  sup- 
ported. Passions  ran  high ;  resolution  and  anger  soon  led  on 
to  blows;  each  faction  armed,  all  Florence  joined  in  the 
conflict  and  the  battle  raged  long  and  fiercely  for  many  days. 
The  Uberti  at  length  yielded  and  retreating  to  their  towers 
prepared  for  new  struggles  :  their  rivals  were  no  less  deter- 
mined ;  they  declared  it  shameful  for  a  free  people  to  be  thus 

Dante,  Paradiso,  Canto  xvi. — 

With  these  old  denizens  and  such  as  these 

I  saw  our  Florence  in  such  calm  repose 

That  no  occasion  offered  for  her  tears. 
With  these  old  denizens  I  also  saw 

Her  ancient  people,  glorious,  free,  and  just, 

So  that  her  lily  flag  was  ne'er  reversed, 
Nor  yet  by  civil  discord  changed  to  red. 


122 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


123 


niled  by  the  obstinate  ambition  of  a  few  private  individuals,  to 
the  detriment  of  a  whole  community :  the  fonner  still  main- 
tained it  to  be  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  their  constitution  tliat 
under  the  specious  names  of  liberty  and  the  people,  an  oli- 
garchy should  wantonly  domineer  over  the  Florentme  Republic: 
neither  paily  woidd  give  way  luid  both  prepared  for  a  storm 
which  hke  the  first  eniption  of  Vesuvius  bui'st  in  ten'or  and 
desolation  over  a  peaceful  country. 

It  was  not  the  simple  movement  of  one  gi'eat  body  against 
another;  not  the  force  of  a  government  in  opposition  to  the 
people  ;  not  the  stniggle  of  privilege  and  democracy,  of  poverty 
and  riches,  or  stanatiou  and  repletion  ;  l)Ut  one  univei*sal 
burst  of  mmiitigated  anarchy.  In  the  streets,  lanes,  and 
squares  ;  in  the  courts  of  palaces  and  humbler  dwellings,  were 
heard  the  clang  of  arms,  the  screams  of  victims  and  tlie  gush 
of  blood :  the  bow  of  the  bridegroom  launched  its  arrows  into 
the  very  chambers  of  his  young  bride's  parents  imd  relations. 
and  the  bleeding  son,  the  murdered  brother,  or  the  dying 
husband  were  the  evening  visitors  of  Florentine  maids  and 
matrons,  and  aged  citizens.  Every  ait  was  practised  to  seduce 
and  deceive,  and  none  felt  secure  even  of  their  nearest  and 
dearest  relatives.  In  the  moniing  a  son  left  liis  patenial  roof 
with  untUminished  love,  and  returned  at  evening  a  corpse  or 
the  most  bitter  enemy  !  Terror  and  death  were  triumphant : 
there  was  no  relaxation,  no  peace  by  day  or  night :  the 
crash  of  the  stone,  the  twang  of  the  bow,  the  whizzing 
shaft,  the  jar  of  the  trembling  mangoiul  from  tower  and 
turret  *,  were  the  cUsmal  music  of  Florence  not  onlv  for 
hours  and  davs,  but  months  and  vears.     Doni^,  windows,  the 


*  "  Manrfoni  "  and  "  Mangoiielll " 
were  machines  for  casting  stones  and 
generally  used  by  and  against  besieged 
towns,  but  in  Florentine  tumults 
they  were  mounted  on  the  towers  and 
played   against   each   other.     For  an 


account  of  these  and  other  machines 
of  war,  see  "  Oiulio  Ferrario,  Storia 
cd  AnalUi  degli  Antichi  romanzi 
di  Cavalanay  <£-c."  The  Milancst 
edition.  And  also  "  MiscdlaMOUi 
Chapters"  of  this  History. 


jutting  galleries  and  roofs,  were  all  defended  and  yet  all  unsafe : 
no  spot  was  sacred,  no  tenement  secure :  in  the  dead  of  night, 
the  most  secret  chambers ;  the  very  hangings,  even  the 
nuptial  bed  itself  were  of  ten  known  to  conceal  an  enemy. 

Florence  in  those  days  was  studded  with  lofty  towers  :  most 
of  the  noble  families  possessed  one  or  more,  at  least  two 
himdred  feet  in  height,  and  many  of  them  far  above  that 
altitude  *.  These  were  their  pride,  their  family  citadels  ;  and 
jealously  guarded ;  glittering  with  arms  and  men,  and  instru- 
ments of  war.  Every  connecting  balcony  was  alive  with 
soldiers,  the  battle  raged  above  and  below  \rithin  and  without ; 
stones  rahied  in  showers,  arrows  flew  thick  and  fast  on  every 
^ide ;  the  "  aerafflj'  or  barricades  were  attacked  and  defended  by 
chosen  bands  anned  with  lances  and  boar-spears :  foes  were  in 
ambush  at  every  comer  watching  the  bold  or  heedless  enemy ; 
confusion  was  everj'wliere  triumphjint,  a  demon  seemed  to 
possess  the  community  and  the  public  mind  reeling  with 
hatred  was  steady  only  in  the  pursuit  of  Idood.  Yet  so  accus- 
tomed did  they  at  last  become  to  this  tiendish  life,  that  one  day 
they  fought,  the  next  caroused  together  in  drunken  gambols, 
foe  with  foe,  boasting  of  their  mutual  prowess ;  nor  was  it  until 
after  nearly  five  years  of  reciprocal  destruction,  that  from  mere 
lassitude  they  finally  ceased  thus  to  mangle  each  other  and, 
as  it  were  for  relaxation,  turned  their  fury  on  the  neighbouring 
states. 

Faction  for  a  season  was  exhausted,  but  the  ambitious  Uberti 
failed  in  recovering  their  former  influence,  and  the  consular 
government  remained  in  full  vigour  and  purity;  but  "  these 


*  The  Lordship  of  the  Tower  and 
hoggia  (or  Portico)  was  in  those  days 
a  distinctive  mark  of  ancient  nobility, 
particularly  the  pure  blood  ofthejlrst 
<^rcl€  of  walls,  beyond  which,  excei)t 
a  few  at  the  south  end  of  Ponte 
U'cchio,  and  its   immediate  vicinity 


I  believe  none  are  now  to  be  found. 
Within  "  La  cerchia  antica,^*  says 
Dante,  the  ancient  Civic  blood  ^^Pura 
vedeasi  nell  ultima  artista^''  was 
pure  even  in  the  veins  of  the  lowest 
tradesman.  {ParadisOj  Cantos  xv. 
and  xvi). 


124 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


125 


disturbances,'  says  Malespini,  **  were  the  cradle  of  those  curseil 
factions  that  aftenrards  arose  in  F/op/'r/*." 

Why  Nerli,  Macchinvelli,  and  other  writers,  leave  siicli 
events  unnoticed  and  fix  upon  Buondelmonte's  death  as  the 
beginning  of  Florentine  troubles  is  not  easy  to  guess  except  as 
a  more  romantic  opening  to  Florentine  histor}-.  Malespini  was 
almost  a  contemporar}*  and  might  easily  have  known  some  of  the 
actors  even  in  his  own  family ;  and  his  transcriber  and  continu- 
ator  Villani  could,  if  ftdse  ;  have  corrected  him  ;  for  tlu  >r 
occurrences   in  his  yomiger    days   were  probably  familiar  t 

ever}'  one. 

That  the  death  of  Buondelmonte  was  the  spark  which  fired  up 
two  adverse  factions  then  for  the  first  time  assuming  the  party 
names  of  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  in  Florence,  may  without 
hesitation  be  admitted;  for  faction  must  have  a  name,  imd 
these  had  long  been  used  in  Italy:  even  as  early  as  1174 
Gughelmo  Adehmli  was  Guelphic  chief  at  Ferrara  ;  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  had  yet  openly  infused  their  venom  into 
Florence  although  the  church  and  imj>erial  factions  had  already 
divided  public  opinion  there. 

The  Italian  nobles  were  generally  imperialists  for  the  sake 
of  their  feudal  independence,  which  had  originally  been  exempt 
from  civic  dominion :  the  citizens  on  the  contrar}-  in  achieving 
their  own  liV»ertv  also  determined  to  reduce  those  places  whi.li 
had  formerlv  belonged  to  the  ancient  Counts' jurisdiction ;  and  ly 
thus  forcing  the  rural  nobility  to  obey,  indirectly  opposed  them 
selves  to  the  Emj^ror  from  whom  all  baronial  exemptions  and 
privileges  were  derived.  At  first  the  Counts' juiisdiction  was  in 
general  coincident  with  the  diocese,  even  where  the  bishop  and 
that  oflacer  were  not  identical ;  hut  portions  of  the  county  haJ 
been  from  time  to  time  separated  and  bestowed  by  imperial 

•  S.    Ammirato,    Storia,    Libro    i«,     Tosa,    Cronica.— Dom«.    Boninsegsi. 
p,    58.— Malespini,    cap.   Ixxxi.— CJ.     Storia  Fiorentina,  Lib.  i",  p.  31. 
Villani,  Lib.  v.,  c.  ix.— -Simone  della 


grants  on  certain  gentlemen  with  the  title  and  privileges  of 
Counts,  and  commonly  called  '^ Rural  Counts''  to  distinguish 
them  from  the  governors  of  cities.  Many  of  those  small  fortified 
toNMis  and  communities  already  mentioned  under  the  name  of 
-eastern  "  acquired  either  by  grant  or  force  a  certain  degree  of 
internal  Hberty ,  and  elected  then-  own  consuls ;  in  many  instances 
without  renouncing  the  paramount  authority  of  their  Counts  ; 
so  that  the  contado  of  eveiy  great  city  was  chequered  with 
independent  jurisdictions  which  it  became  expedient  for  any 
dominant  state  to  reduce  to  a  general  level  of  obedience  ^^ 

In  Florence  the  Uberti  were  Ghibelines  from  the  natural 
affinity  between  nobility  and  royalty,  from  their  German 
descent,  as  mral  counts ;  and  finally  from  their  own  am- 
bition, which  led  them  to  oppose  a  government  tliat  they 
liad  no  longer  strength  to  control,  and  which  had  ever  been 
thorouglily  attached  to  the  cliurcli :  for ;  says  Malespini  in 
speaking  of  Buondelmonte's  death;  "Long  ere  this  there 
were  sects  amongst  the  said  parties  on  account  of  the  said 
I  quarrels  and  questions  between  the  Church  and  the  Empire." 

The  general  condition  of  Italy  was  this  year  improved  by 

j  the  reconciliation  l>etween  Alexander  III.  and  Frederic  Bai*- 

barossa  at  Venice;  if  that  can  be  called  so  wliich  makes  a 

stem  and  haughty  monarch  bend  before  the  angiy  countenance 

of  a  prouder  priest,  and  ofier  his  head  as  a  footstool  to  the 

Konian  bishop!     "I  uill  tread  upon  the  asjnc  and  hasaliskr 

said  the  pontiff  as  he  placed   his  foot  upon  the  emperor's 

heck,  "  and  the  lion  and  the  dragon  will  I  trample  beneath  my 

mr     ^'Non  tibi  sed  Petrol'  repHed  the  prince.     '' Et  mihi 

U  Petrol'  haughtily  returned  the  priest  while  he  pressed  more 

jfirmly  on  the  humbled  monarchf.     Alexander  had  the  singular 

I    •^V'^i«"'Annali,Anni  1185,1197.  sana,  p.  153.-Daru  in  his  Venetian 

I    Al8oAntichitaItahane,Di8scrtM7.  History  gives  this  storv  on  the    au- 

jTMuratori,    Anno    I177.-Dcnina,  thority  of  Andrea  Dandolo ;  Sabellico 

l^it>.  IX.,  cap.  v.,  p.  233.— Dal  Borgo,  and  other  writers  also  affirm  it-  Fra 

pissertazione  iv.,  Sopra  la  Storia  Pi-  Luigi  Vulcani,  {^^^Cronica  etHikona 


116 


FI.ORENTTNi:    lUSloKY. 


[  BOOK 


lUAP.  VII, J 


T'KOUFNTINi;    friSTORY. 


127 


fortune  to  sunnvo  two  Antiropos  aiul  toive  a  third,  altn 
humblv  n^pung  all  hi.  honours,  io  U.  prostrato,  ni  oonipany 
^th  a  ix»voiiiil  otnpon>r.  at  his  tot  t  :  and  nioroovor  to  ox:. . 
that  empt^rors  renumiation  of  ;Ul  th.'  throe. 

In  1179  for  the  better  rejxulation  of  papal  oUvtious  and  tl 

prevention  of  i^pular  tumult.s  vrhioh  left  onlv  a  nonunal  tro 

dom  of  ehoiee.  he  aK>lishe<l  the  turbulent  votnig  ot  the  .Iri-v 

and  ixH.ple  and  restricted  the  right  of  ehvtion  to  the  (  oll,.v 

of  Caniiuals.  which  consisting  of  bishops,  priests,  and  dc>acou^ 

aiid   l^eing  chosen  fr.nn  all  nations    was    hi  a    manner   tho 

represenUitive  K>dv  of  the  catholic  church  and  the  supreui. 

ixumtical  council.   ^Two-thirds  of  thc<c  v,>te.  w.iv  made  luc..- 

san-  for  a  papil  election  ;  .uid.  a.  no  -  (  o,uhin     then  cxistrd. 

,1  was  often  delaved  by  private  interests  or  political  enmity  to 

an  indetinite  in^riod.     A  vacancy  of  three  yeais  preceded  tlie 

election  of  Gregor%'  X.  in  1-^70.  and  mduced  hun  to  issue  a 

bull  which  not  without  some  opposition  tinally  estiiblished  the 

-  Conchive  "     Bv  this  nine  davs  are  allowed  for  the  arnval  .1 

absent  eardhials*:  on  the  tenth  they  arc  locked  up  (and  hence 

the  appellation  of   Conclave)    with  one  attendant  eaeh  ma 

conunon  apartment  having  one  window  for  the  supply  of  tluir 

wants  and  guarded  by  the  city  magistrates  :  after  three  days 

thev  are   reduced   to   a  single  dish  at   dinner  and 

^^  "^    supper,  and  beyond  the  eighth  to  bread  and  ^nne  :idJ 

water  alone.    During  the  vacancy  most  plitical  functions  wert 


dtUa  CiUadi  AapoZi,"  M.  S.,  p.  159), 
adopts  it  Denina  ridicules  it,  and 
bkin«  Lanffur  {Hist.  <U  la  Bejmb. 
de  Venim)  for  believing  it  on  Sabel- 
lioo's  iiuccxii»te  authority  .  Muratori, 
%  host  in  bim*elf,  denies  it ;  and 
neiiLer  Platina  nor  Me»ia  notice  it 
The  f  tory  is  however  very  old,  though 
Bot  more  true,  perhapa,  for  it»  an- 
tiquity, beemae  liei  as  well  a«  truth 
endure  long  and  men  become  tenacious 
of  the  koMttr  of  a  falgthoud   that 


thev  have  once  believed  and  long  «if^ 
fended.     Barbarossa  kissed  the  pojr'f 
foot,   as    was    usual,    in    a    kntt 
attitude,   and    received    the    ap(»> 
benediction;  hut  whether  the  poni: 
seized  this  occasion  thus  to  insult  In 
by  the  above  quotation,  or  not,  ms 
rest  on  the  conflicting   testimonv  o: 
older  writers  and  the  credit  that   :; 
peculiar    disposition    of    the    reatitiM 
mind  chooses  to  give  to  it. 


"     '  '"  '"•'^"■"^  -^•""••.  and  tho  practice  of  s.cr.t 

v..tiiif;|)iTs,.nvsK.'i,rnil  i,rl«i„iivs. 
After  thus  d,.p,.ivi„^  ,1„.  |;,„„„„  „f  j,,^,  , . 

'■l--"g  .l..'n-  mv„  ,„.i,„..  n„,|  bisl,,,,,,  Alexand.^r  II        " 
exp>r...l  ,,,  MS,,  „„,  „,  ,,„„„,  ,^  ^        ^^_..^^  ^^         •  ^,,,„,. 

Iiles,  .suiroriiiK's,  iiml  llnal  victory. 

In Florcn,.,.,  where  nu\  ,„m„.s,s  had  continued  from  a  point 
of  honour  after  the  ,-e„era!  hatred  was  exhausted,  the        ^ 
people    wake,,,, I     as    fr,„„    a„    u„easy   dream    and    ^•"- "*'• 

Zion '''',  '"■'"  u" '   '•"''''">'-'"^-  — g«t  which  the 

cuou  -n  """'"""'■;■'"  P—  -as  not  the  least  con- 
sp.cuou  Ihe  p,,,,,h.  „,•  Monte  Grossol,  i„  Val  di  Clu^nti 
«ere  sp.nted  enough  t.  wish  for  liberty  and  reject  Fl  "en 

necks .    Emj„d.,   from  force,  mtirai,lation,  or  perliaps  reallv 
des™.  the  protection  of  Florence,  next  aciw leL   £ 
^endencj-^  engaged  to  assist   in  every  war  except  Igai. 
Count  Gmdo,  and  offer  annually  a  wa.ven  torch  at  the      ^ 
Uaptists  shrme  gre,iter  in  value  than  that  presented   ""-""^ 

IrircLrtr:! ''''''  °^ '°""™°  ^'^  ^-^  ^-  ^- 

llii?'  "'/ir'"'  """'  *''''"'^"^''  '""'  ''"""g   ""s  period  the 

te  1  ^'r""."""'^'  '^'"^^'^  *"  '^-^  the 'emainL. 
Nuuds  of  end  war ;  but  exte,-nal  hostilities  were  still 

contmued,  and  the  eaptiue  of  ('astello  ,li  Pofjua  added   ■'""**• 
ouut  Albert  of  Prato    held   nn.nerous  fiefs  of  the  empi;e 
jo'^-..  w,th  a  danng  and  restless  pop,da.ion  which  infested  all 

•  Gibbon,  vol.  viii.,  8vo  cd.,  diaii.  [xix.,  p.  291. 


128 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VII.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


129 


the  district  between  the  rivers  Elsa  and  Pesa :  even  m  th. 
Florentine  territon'  both  merchants  and  traveUers  were  plun- 
dered while  the  thieves  found  shelter  withm  its  waUs.     As 
complaints  were  useless  tlie  Florentines  assembled  a  strong 
force  and  suddenlv  invested  Pogna  which  bemg  desUtute  o 
food    after  a  short  blockade    surrendered  at  discretion,  and 
the   Count  who  happened  to  be  there  was   also  made    pri. 
soner.     To  destroy  the  walls  of  Pogna  with  the   exception 
of  his  own  fortified  palace,  to  lower  the  towers  of  Certaldo, 
Semifonte,  and   other  strongholds,  and  never  make  war  on 
Florence,  was  the  price  of  his  ransom ;  besides  which  a  secret 
assurance  was  given  that  he  would  sell  liis  jurisdiction  over 
the  town  of  Semifonte  and  its  district,  and  thus  Florence  pre- 
pared for  an  extension  of  her  power  on  the  north-west  frontier 
of  Siena,  whose  jealousy  they  had  already  awakened  m  that 

"^"^^addition  to  the  above   stipulations,  Count  Albert,  hi^ 

Countess  Tabemaria,  along  with  tlieir  sons  Guido  and  Maanardo 

obliged   themselves   to  protect  all   Florentine    sul^ects  and 

deliver  one  of  the  towei-s  of  Capraia  into  the  liands  of  that 

commmiity  for  the  purpose  of  retention  or  destruction  as  l^est 

suited   them  :    thev   also   submitted  to  the  imix)sition  ot  a 

new  tax  upon   all  their  possessions  between   the  Amo  and 

Elsa,   possibly   without   much    reluctance   as    a  moiety  >vas 

for  their  owti  benefit  without  the  odium  of  its   imposition 

they  further  engaged  to  pay  four  hmidied  lire  of  "  good  I iso,^ 

money  r   to  make  war  or  peace  at  the  pleasure  of  Florence. 

with  the  obhgation  of  annually  residing  there  for  two  month. 

in  time  of  war  and  one  during  peace. 

Pisa  and  Lucca  biving  concluded  a  long  course  of  hosUli 
ties  a  treaty  was  also  signed  by  the  latter  with  Florence  lu 
which  Lucca  engaged  to  protect  the  persons  and  property  oi 

•  Pace  di  Certaldo,  Guerra  di  Semifonte,  p.  10. 


Florentines  \nthin  their  state ;  that  no  debtors  of  either  people 
should  be  arrested  until  after  two  months'  wannng  were  given 
to  their  own  government,  and  even  then  the  imprisonment  was 
to  be  effected  in  a  manner  best  suited  to  spare  the  honour  and 
sensibilities  of  the  unfortunate  :  that  for  twenty  years  Lucca 
would  bind  itself  to  assist  the  Republic  in  any  war  within  the 
dioceses  of  Fiesole  and  Florence,  especially  against  Pistoia, 
their  contingent  of  troops  being  bound  to  keep  the  field  for 
twenty  days  ;  and  in  every  other  wai-  at  the  simple  request  of 
the  consuls,  podestu,  or  other  rector  of  Florence,  a  hundred 
and  fifty  horse  ^rith  five  hundred  foot  and  crossbow-men  were 
to  he  furnished  at  tlie  latter  s  expense,  without  whose  permis- 
sion the  Lucchese  were  to  make  no  separate  peace.     Lucca 
further  engaged  not  to  give  any  assistance,  even  by  advice,  in 
the  rebuilding  of  strongholds  within  the  Florentine  diocese, 
more  especially  between  the  Elsa  and  that  city,  witliin  which 
limits  the  Lucchese  were  to  make  no  acquisitions,  but  on  the 
mMmry  restore  those  they  had  already  made,  even  though 
they  belonged  to  the  church.     They  further  promised  not  to 
prevent  foreigners  from  proceecUng  to  Florence,  unless  enemies 
of  their  owni  people  ;  and  after  excepting  everything  from  the 
treaty  tending  to  endanger  the  peace  with  Pisa  or^Genoa,  or 
interfere  with  the  imperial  rights,  it  was  sworn  to  by  sLx  hun- 
dred citizens  of  Lucca  and  its  renewal  everj^  five  years  agreed 
to  hy  both  parties*. 

Count  Alberts  recent  humiliation  probably  induced  the 
mhahitants  of  Mangone  to  place  all  the  external  affairs  of  their 
community  in  the  hands  of  Florence,  and  acknowledge  all 
their  possessions  to  be  held  of  that  state,  besides  promising 
the  yearly  tribute  of  a  i)ound  of  silver,  a  waxen  torch  at  the 
Baptist's  shrine,  and  the  maintenance  of  a  permanent  dwelling 
in  their  town  for  the  Florentine  consuls.  This  treaty  was  con- 
finned  by  Alberto  and  his  family,  as  regarded  peace  and  war 


VOL.    I. 


♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i",  p.  59. 


190 


FLORENTINE    HISTORT. 


[book 


CHAP.  Til.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


131 


with  a  further  engagement  that  its  provisions  should  be  rigidly 
observed  as  well  by  Mangoue  as  by  the  people  of  Veniio  and 

Ugnano*. 

These  contracts  have  been  minutely  stated  not  only  bocaiiso 
they  afford  a  glimpse  of  national  customs  in  that  remote  ago. 
but*  also  l>ecause  they  partly  unfold  the  nature  of  Florentine 
poUcy,  which  leaving  the  vanquished  in  full  enjoyment  ..i 
dieir  own  la^vs,  and  not  unfrequently  xvith  additional  pnvilegos. 
endeavoured  to  secure  their  fidelity  by  a  light  and  almost 
nominal  subjection.  These  m^quisitions  became  in  fact  mtegnil 
parts  of  the  dominant  state  which  thus  increased  its  force  and 
reputation  wliile  the  subdued  barons  being  compelled  to  main- 
tarn  an  establishment  in  the  capital  with  all  the  duties  as  well  as 
the  power  and  honours  of  citizenship,  augmented  the  national 
gi^atness  bv  the  re-annexion  of  pn>perty  fonnerly  alienated  for 
the  pei^omd  aggrandisement  of  themselves  or  their  forefathers  I. 

This  svstem  was  not  confined  to  places  acquired  by  capitu- 
lation; its  principles  were  also  applied  to  those  t;ilven  by  stonu 
or  purchased,  as  ^ill  l>e  seen  hereafter  in  the  war  of  Semifoute. 
By  steadily  pursuing  tliis  ambitious  coui-se  Florence,  in  less 
than  eightv  vears  had  conquered  the  ciuidel  of  Fiesole,  con- 
firmed her  nde  over  Prato.  taken  ^Monte  Orlandi,  Moute 
Cassolh.  Monte  Buoni,  Monte  di  Croce,  Monte  Grossoli  and 
Pogna  ^-ith  their  respective  territories  and  dependencies  :  slie 
had  vanquished  the  Senese  armies,  received  many  towns  und^r 
her  protection  such  as  Empoli,  Pontonno  and  Mangone ;  de- 
feated the  Aretines,  and  brought  Arezzo  to  her  o^ii  condition., 
made  advantageous  tre^ities  ^ith  Pisa  and  Lucca  and  bd 
rapidlv  advanced  to  a  degree  of  power  that  filled  her  neigh- 
bours'with  jealous  apprehension  and  its  attendant  hate.  H^ 
latter  saw  that  no  moral  consideration  would  restrain  the  am 
bition  of  a  repubhc  which  by  conquest  or  intimidation  ^^^ts 

•  S.  Ammirato,  pp.  59,  60. 
+  Murtiori,  AntichiU  luliautr,  Dissert.  47,  p.  260,  vol.  vu. 


rapidly  absorbing  all  the  lesser  states  and  lordships,  destroying 
those  towns  it  deemed  impolitic  to  retain,  and  as  it  were  steadily 
kiiejiding  pLuje  after  i)lace  into  its  own  accumulating 
mass.    Wherefore  in  a  secert  meeting  of  the  feudJ   ^'^'  "^• 
chiefs  and  communities  it  was  decreed  that  ambassadors  should 
be  dispatched  to    the    emperor,  then  on  his  march  towards 
Naples,  \^ith  a  strong  memorial  of  their  fears  and  grievances 
aiid  a  prayer  for  redress.    iVederic  soon  after  arrived  at  Flo- 
rence, which  lie  disliked  for  its  Guelphic  principles,  and  gave  a 
public  audience  to  these  complainants.     The  deputies  led  by 
those  of  Siena,  dwelt  on  the  alarming  increase  of  Florentine 
power,  and  declared  that  the  object  of  that  ambitious  people 
was  no  less  than  a  complete  subjugation  of  Tuscany.     That 
they  were  moreover  determined  enemies  of  the  empire  and 
had  proved  it  by  their  unrelenting  persecution  of  the  Guidi,  a 
charge  that  Count  Guido  Guerra,  then  present  in  the  imperial 
service,  could  amply  corroborate  by  his  own  indindual  suffer- 
ings :  that  one  of  their  proudest  boasts  was  the  repulse  of  the 
emperor's  predecessor  with  dishonour  from  their  walls ;   and 
finally,  that  pride  so  overbearing  required  a  prompt  rebuke 
from  impend  power  while  a  strong  lesson  of  obedience  should 
be  enforced,  ere  they  became  bold  enough  as  they  soon  would, 
to  fling  a  gamitlet  in  the  face  of  the  emperor  himself.     ''It 
"  was  not,"  they  significantly  added,  "  It  was  not  the  bright  and 
"  cheerful  blaze  of  the  great  hall  fire,  to  which  the  whole  house- 
"  hold  looked,  but  the  little  hidden  and  neglected  spark  that 
yet  the  mansion  in  aflame;  and  if  to  the  acuteness  of  Floren- 
"  tine  mtellect  were  added  extensive  power,  militaiy  reputa- 
"  tion,  dominion,  and  a  close  alliance  with  the  church^f^,  the 
"  northern  Caesars  might  at  once  bid  adieu  to  all  their  Tuscan 

•  Hante  embodies   this  arpumcnt  verj'    concisely  in  three  lines  with  a 
general  application  (Inferno,  Canto  xx\i.) 

"  Che  dove  rargomcnto  della  mente         For  where  the  intellect 
»  agfiunge  al  mal  volcre,  ct  alia  possa,     Is  joined  to  evil  wishes  and  to  power 
^essun  riparo  vi  pud  far  la  gcufe."         There  is  no  shelter.  ' 

k2 


132 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


133 


•influence  and  abandon  that  proviuce  to  the  Florentines. 
The  truth  of  this  reasoning  was  apparent  even  to  an  unpre 
judiced  mind  and  it  struck  l^'ith  peculiar  force  on  the  billing 
ears  of  Frederic  who  without  hesitation  convicted  Florence  of 
having  presumed  to  usurp  imperial  rights  and  seize  on  other 
l)eoples  possessions  without  the  imperial  sanction.  She  w:i> 
accordmgly  deprived  of  all  her  .jurisdiction  and  everj^  foot  of 
teiTitory  beyond  the  walls ;  an  imperial  ^^car  administered  the 
general'  government  within  the  city,  and  mdividual  justice 
throughout  the  district. 

The  patriotic  union  of  1170  no  longer  existed,  for  patriotism 
was  nearly  melted  in  the  heats  of  faction,  therefore  Florence 
was  not  the  only  sufferer  on  this  occasion:  all  the  Guelphic 
rities  of  Tuscanv  fell  more  or  less  under  the  imperial  lash;  ana 
Siena  herself  although  then  essentially  Ghil>eline  excited 
Frederic  s  indignation  by  refusing  to  admit  liim  or  his  trooi»s 
within  her  walls.  The  result  was  a  siege,  and  Heniy  Kinj?  of 
the  Romans  who  remjiined  to  conduct  it.  having  failed  in  his 
attacks  relinquished  the  entei-prise  and  rej.)ined  his  l\itlier  at 
Viterbo  :  but  the  Senese  on  making  a  slight  apolog}'  were,  tw 
years  after,  readmitted  to  imperial  favour. 

While  Barbarossa  was  yet  in  Florence  the  Senese  deinities 
informed  him  of  a  report  that  Count  Albert  intende.l  to 
r-ede  the  town  of  Semifonte  to  that  state,  and  procured  m 
imperial  mandate  agamst  the  purchase;  also  alarmed  at  siuha 
nei«thl>our  thev  endeavoured  to  secure  themselves  by  excitm? 
Semifonte  to  revolt  and  independence*. 

Tlie  death  of  Pope  Lucius  III.  successor  to  Alexander  ma.le 
nK>m  for  Frban  III.  between  wliom  and  the  emperor  disputr 
arose  about  the  inheritance  of  Countess  ]Matilda  :  or  as  it  ^a^ 
commonly  called  the  Patrimony  of  Smut  Peter,  which  Freddie 

*M.    di    Coppo     Stefani,     Lik    i",  Lib- iii-,  P- 35.-Mui^tori,  An   An^ 

Rub.  52.-Mal.spini,  c.  Ixxxii.,  Giov.  1 1«5.-Malespini  ^  .Ham  and  > 

Villani,  Lib.  V.  cap.  xii.-S.  Ammirato,  volti  place  thc^  events  a  jear  earlier.| 

Lib.  i«,  p.  60.— O.  Malavolti,  Parte  i",  but  I  follow  Muraton. 


Still  retained.  Other  ecclesiastical  grievances  fostered  this 
quai-rel ;  but  Urban  s  anger  principally  rested  on  a  contract  of 
marriage  which  Frederic  nfter  great  difficulty  had  concluded 
between  his  son  Henry  and  Constance,  daughter  of  Roger 
King  of  Sicily  whose  grandson  Wdliam  II.  was  then  reigning. 
Constance  was  at  this  time  about  one  and  thirty  yeai's  of  age 
iiiid  presumptive  heiress  of  both  the  SicUies  ;  she  had  long 
resided  in  a  convent  without  having  taken  the  veil  although  for 
party  purposes  called  a  nun*.  The  kingdom  of  Sicily,  ultimately 
to  be  her  dower,  was  a  prize  worth  Barbarossa's  ambition  and 
the  pope's  resentment ;  it  consisted,  besides  that  island ;  of 
Ccdabria,  Naples,  La  Pugha,  and  the  principality  of  Capua, 
and  Urban  regarded  with  an  evil  eye  this  ecclesiastical  Fief 
slip  quietly  into  the  hands  of  a  race  of  Ghibeline  emperors 
even  without  his  having  been  consulted  on  the  subject f;  hence 
uew  aliment  for  existing  faction  and  future  war,  as  from  these, 
''unhohj  nuptials''  sprang  the  Emperor  Frederic  II.  a  more 
able  and  more  bitter  enemy  than  his  grandfather  to  super- 
stition priestcraft  and  the  See  of  Rome,  of  which  he  was  at 
first  the  child  and  champion  J. 

Pope  Urban  died  in  1187  of  grief,  as  we  are  told  at  the  fall 
of  Jerusiilem  and  genend  success  of  the  Infidels  :  he 
I  was  replaced  by  Gregoiy  VIII.  who  instantly  began  '^•^•"^^• 
to  rouse  up  all  1  tidy  to  the  rescue;  but  death  overtook  him 


'  Dante  considered  her  a  Nun. 

''Qwest'  e  'la  luce  delta  gran  Gostanza, 
Ck  del  secondo  veuto  di  Soavc 
Genero'  7  terzOy  e  I" ultima  possanza:" 
I  Cant.  iii«.  Paradiso  and  again  Cant.  iv. 
*Epol  potesti  da  Picarda  udire, 
Che  I  'affezion  del  vel  Chstanza  tenne. 
Si  chella  par  qui  meco  contraddire." 

tPlatina  (Vite  de'  Papi)  places  this 
marriage  after  the  death  of  Frederic 
and  in  the  pontificate  of  Celcstine 
IH.  but  the  testimony  of  Godfrey  of 
♦iterbo  who  was  present  at  the  nup- 


tials, (as  cited  by  Muratoir  and  Messia, 
and  who  makes  Constance  only  20  years 
old)  is  not  to  be  doubted.  Deniua 
seems  to  believe  that  she  had  taken 
the  veil,  perhaps  the  white  one ;  but 
it  is  very  unlikely  that  the  presump- 
tive heiress  of  a  large  kingdom  should 
have  done  so. 

J  Giannone,  vol.  vii.,  pp.  70,  71,  133 
and  151 — 158,  Libri  xiii.  and  xiv. — 
Messia,  Vite  degli  Iraperadori  (Dolci.) 
— Muratori,  Annali,  Anni  1185, 
1186,1189. 


134 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fBOOK  I. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


135 


too  scarcely  two  months  after  his  elevation  while  personally 
superintenduig  the  equipment  of  an  armament  at 
A.D.  1188.  p.^^  against  the  Saracens.  Gregory-  was  succeeded 
by  Clement  III.  who  zealously  following  up  the  views  of  his 
predecessor  made  peace  between  Pisa  and  Genoa  and  preached 
a  third  crusade  in  Christendom.  He  wa>  well  answered  by  the 
religious  and  restless  spirit  of  the  time,  and  Florence  roused 
by  the  Bishop  of  Ravenna's  eloquence  poured  forth  her  enthu- 
siastic sons  with  an  ardour  worthy  of  more  rational  and  lej^nti- 
mate  objects  although  then  considered  one  of  the  most  sincere 
demonstrations  of  pure  religious  feeling  *. 

Pleased  at  this  devotion  Clement  immediately  induced 
Barbarossa  to  enlarge  the  forfeited  Contado  to  a  distance  of 
ten  miles  from  Florence ;  and  that  emperor  himself,  old,  expe- 
rienced, and  sagacious  as  he  was  ;  he  who  had  bearded  priest- 
craft in  its  den  and  laughed  at  the  infallihility  of  popes;  he 
also  caught  up  the  burning  spirit  of  the  age,  assumed  the 
cross,  and  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ful 
lowers  marched  to  Palestine. 

Fifty  two  Pisan  galleys  under  Bishop  Lanfranco  joined  the  i 
Venetians  and  sailed  for  SjTia ;  neither  was  Genoa  backward 
in  the  race,  and  legions  after  legions  followed  from  ever\'  state 
of  Christendom ;  lastly  tlie  English  llichard  and  Philip 
A.D.  1189.  -^^^g^j^^^jj,  of  France  with  their  numerous  and  hardy 
followers  augmented  this  roaring  torrent  of  catholic  devotiou. 

The  emperor  never  returned;  he  was  either  drowned  m 
Arminia,  or  died  from  the  effects  of  checked  perspiration  by 
plunging  suddenly  into  the  chilling  waters  of  the  Saleph :  the 
whole  movement  was  disastrous;  much  blood  was  s\n\v.\ 
infinite  and  long-enduring  misery  desolated  Asia  auil 
A.D.  1190.  £^j.^p^, .  fg^  pilgrims  returned  with  the  tale  of  their 
misfortunes  ;  the  east  was  ruined  and  the  west  impoverished ;  | 

♦  Gio.  Viliani,  Lib.  ▼.,  c»p.  xiii. 


neither  religion  nor  morals  were  immediately  improved,  but  a 
new  and  ameliorating  intercourse  was  opened  between  man 
and  man,  remote  nations  became  acquainted,  and  in  a  manner 
united  by  commercial  intercourse,  which,  with  its  full  share 
of  crime,  promoted  general  civilisation,  and  is  still  workuig 
beneficially  for  the  world  *. 

Frederic  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Henry  VI.  who  had 
more  than  his  father's  ferocity  without  his  talents,  and  when 
Barbarossa's  death  became  known  the  electors  at  once  advanced 
him  to  the  throne  of  Germany  where  he  made  preparations  for 
an  immediate  coronation  at  Piome. 

It  would  have  been  difficult,  says  Ammirato  for  the  most 
valuable  gift  to  produce  such  joy  in  Florence  as  the  restoration 
of  her  territory ;  yet  that  whi.h  was  shown  about  the  same 
period  on  receiving  the  arm  of  Saint  Philip  the  Apostle  was 
immeasurably  greater.  This  precious  relic  was  procured  by 
the  exertions  of  Monaco  Patriarch  of  Jemsalem,  and  received 
by  the  whole  Florentine  population  in  solemn  procession  with 
deep  reverential  awe ;  but  such  devotion  produced  the  Cmsades 
and  excuses  many  of  the  extravagancies  of  that  age  f. 

Pope  Clement  III.  died  in  1191  and  was  succeeded  by 
Celestine  III.  the  sixth  pontiff  within  ten  years :  he 
postponed  his  own  inauguration  on  purpose  to  retard 
the  coronation  of  Henrj^  who  with  Queen  Constance  was  on 
liis  way  to  Rome ;  but  after  the  settlement  of  ceitain  impor- 
tant conditions  connected  with  the  Sicilian  succession  it  was 
allowed  to  take  place. 

Tusculum,  then  a  town  of  some  consequence,  was  given  by 
agreement  to  the  Germans  and  they  with  C destine 's  conni- 
vance afterwards  abandoned  it  to  the  Romans  by  whom  this 
ancient  city  was  destroyed  in  one  of  those  frantic  outbursts  of 

*  Malespini,  c.  Ixxxiii.—G. Viliani,  Lib.     51.— Muratori,  Anno  1 1 90. 

v.,  c.  iii. — Tronci,  Annali,  vol.  i",  p.  51.     f  S.  Ammirato  Stori,,  Lib.  i",  p.  62. 

— S.  Ammirato,  Sto.  Fioren.,Lib.  i",p.     — Giov.  Viliani,  Libro  v.,  cap.  xiv. 


A.D.  1191 


136 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  TII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


137 


popular  passion  that  mark  the  age  and  country  and  to  which 
Rome  alcove  all  other  Italian  cities  was  peculiarly  subject. 
The  miserable  inhabitants  constructed  temporary  huts  in  the 
neighbourhood  with  "  Frasche  "  or  bmnches  of  trees,  which 
subsequently  became  permanent  dwellings,  and  gave  their 
name  to  the  still  existing  to\Mi  of  Frascati  -'-, 

From  Rome  Henry  proceeded  to  occupy  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily  in  right  of  Constance  the  heiress  of  her  nephew  Wil 
Uam  II.  deceased  in  11  HO,  but  Tancred  Count  of  Leece  the 
dlegitimate  son  of  Roger  Duke  of  Puglia,  a  man  of  gieat 
talent  and  virtue,  was  with  Celestine's  concurrence  placed  on 
that  throne  by  the  Sicilian  Barons  who  indignantly  refused  to 
let  their  country  be  degraded  to  a  Gennan  province  f . 

Tancred  was  well  worthy  of  their  choice  and  defended  his 
kingdom  ^vitli  various  fortune  but  alwavs  with  valour  and 
ability:  Henry  after  a  while  retired  by  (lenoa  uito  Gennanv 
leaving  Constance  in  charge  of  the  Salemians  by  whose 
treachery  she  became  a  prisoner  to  Tancred  but  was  gene 
rously  treated  and  finally  released  without  a  ransom. 

This  prince  died  in  1194  of  a  broken  heart  for  tlie  loss  uf 
his  eldest  son  Roger,  who  ex[>ired  m  1103,  lea\ing 
his  widow  Sibilla  and  her  infant  boy  fui  easy  prey  to 
the  arts  and  treachery  of  Henry.  The  latter  had  just  received 
from  Leopold  of  Austria  one  third  of  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion  s 
almost  incredible  ransom  of  a  hundred  thousand  marks,  wliiili 
enabled  him  to  pursue  the  Sicilian  conquest :  with  the  aid  of 
a  Genoese  fleet  he  besieged  Gaeta,  took  Naples,  captured 
Ischia,  and  destroyed  Salerno  mth  such  barbarity  that  it 
never  afterwards  recovered :  pusliing  rapidly  on  through  both 
Calabrias  he  passed  the  Faro  intimidated  Messina  and  lodged 
himself  without  resistance  in  that  cityt- 

•  Platina,  Vita  de'  Papi,  p.  295.— Meg-     t  Oiannone,  Storia  Cirle  di  Napoli, 
sia,  Vite  degli  Impcradori,  p.  412.  torn,  vii.,  pp.  119 — 144. 

t  Gibbon,  ch.  Ixix. — Muratori,  Annali. 


A.D.  1194. 


0 


When  this  was  known  at  Palermo  Sibilla  fortified  herself  in 
the  royal  palace  and  sent  her  son  to  the  strong  castle  of  Calata- 
hillotta,  but  was  soon  beguiled  by  Henry's  artful  promises  to 
give  him  the  county  of  Lecce  and  the  principality  of  Tarento. 
Mother  and  son  surrendered  on  tliis  condition  and  the  emperor 
was  crowned  King  of  Sicily,  wliere  his  treachery  rapacity  and 
tyranny  soon  became  proverbial:  friends  and  foes  suffered 
eqiudly;  from  his  allies  the  Genoese  to  the  unhappy  Queen;  her 
child  and  the  Sicilian  [)eople. 

About  this  time  also  the  Empress  Constance  was  delivered 
of  a  son  who  afterwards  beSni>  ho  celebrated  under  the  name 
.f  Frederic  II.  the  cherished  pupil  of  Holy  Church  and  succes- 
sively her  tool,  her  champion  and  her  bitterest  enemy*. 

When  Heniy  had  partly  satiated  his  veugeance  on  Tancred's 
Sicilian  adherents  he  passed  into  Italy  and  held  a  pai-liament 
iu  Puglia  where  amongst  other  occurrences  his 
brother  Philip  was  married  to  Irene  the  widow  of  '^•^•"^^• 
Tancred's  son,  and  daughter  of  the  Greek  Emperor,  Pliilip 
being  simultaneously  created  Duke  of  Tuscany  and  invested 
^•ith  all  the  Countess  Matilda's  estates  in  that  province. 
Loaded  with  the  plunder  and  ruin  of  thousands  the  rapacious 
emperor  then  returned  to  Germany  accompanied  by  Queen 
Sibilla  her  son  and  three  daughtei-s  all  of  whom  he  kept  closely 
ooutined  until  his  death  at  3Iessma  in  1197  or  1198  f. 

This  shght  and  general  sketch  of  mixed  German  and  Italian 
[•oUtics  is  requisite  to  a  clearer  view  of  Tuscan  affairs  of  which 
pohtical  mutability  and  domestic  troubles  were  the  strongest 
characteristics. 

In  1186  the  Florentines  were  governed  by  three  Consuls 
^th  the  title  of  "  Messere'  given  as  Ammiiuto  conjectures 
either  from  their  havmg  been  Judges  or  Knights,  or  because 


*  Muratori,  Ann.,  Anni  11«);}_1194. 

Oiannone,  Storia  di  Napoli. 

t  Muratori,  Anni    1193-4-5-6-7.— 


Mcssia,  Vite,  who  makes  his  death  occur 
in  1198. 


^:fm 


us 


KI.ORENTINK    UlSTOrvY. 


[book 


CtlAP.  VII.] 


FT.OriEN'nNK    HTSTORY. 


139 


that  appoUiition  mijjbt  have  been  conooded  to  tli«^  ofluo  of  su 
prome  magistnito  itsolf,  as  ^^Wohlc"  ami  i\ftcrMm\s  -M<i!jniji,u' 
v-as  in  Genoa,  aeoonhiig  to  Vherto  I'oj^lietta-.  Neither  c.-m 
the  fonuer  mmute  ami  indefati'iahU' hist  oriim  assipi  ameertiiin 
cause  for  that  coiuiniuil  ihietuation  in  th<>  numluT  of  froverniii},' 
Consul-  almuk  mentioned,  who  within  two  v«>:irs  (Hminislitd 
from  twelve  to  three,  the  year  1  P.»:i  havin«,^  luvn  renmrkaMo 
for  the  eessiUion  i^f  this  otheeand  the  substitiiti.ni  .>f  a  Ptxlestn; 
hut  the  ver>'  next  year  the  <\insular  3Ia«jislnites  a«,min  assmu. 
their  station,  and  Jis  already  remarkeil  were  prohahly  the  »^\p.  - 
rimenii,  of  a  young,  unsettled,  and  tiow  ^(^mewhat  tumultuous 
community,  hi*  whieh  the  most  etheieni  lonu  i.f  rivil  j^ovemmcut 
^-a>  ill  unsolved  prohlem :  tV.r  a  long  time  must  jtonerally 

elapse  Wfon^  the  ahseuee  of  restraint,  wliieh  is  not  liherty,  can 
sul^side  into  the  solvr  retility  oi  manly  freedom.    ^^  e  have  tho 
example  l^fore  us  of  jdmost  all  the  Smith  American  IiepuMi.< 
in  a  similar  state  of  uneasine»  and   vai  illation,  but  entinlv 
from  the  virulence  of  faction  which  will  neither  allow  foreigneis 
or  uatives  to  rejH^se  iu  safety.      *' Self-t.>rnuiit<Ml"  says  Tie- 
sident  Jackson.  '*  by  domestic  tUssensions,  revolution  succeeeU 
revolution :  injuries  are  committed  upon  foreigners  engaged  iu 
lawful  pursuits:  much  lime  elapses  before  a  govennnent  sut^ 
cientlv   stable   is  erected   to   ju^tlly  expectaiion   of  redrov 
Ministers  are  sent  and  received,  and  l^efore  the  discussions  of  | 
j)ast  injuries  are  fairly  Wgun  fresh  troubles  arise  :  but  too  fre 
quently  new  hijuries  are  added  to  the  old  to  l.€  discussed  togr 
ther  ^th   the   existing  government,  after  it  has  proved  it. 
abilitv   to   sustain   the  assaults    made  upon  it ;    or   with  it^ 
soccttsor  if    overthrown  +. '     But  the  subsequent  histor}-  -:: 
Florence   will  furnish  stronger  resemblances  to  ilii* 
^^'  "^'   melancholy  picture  of  a  state  of  society  that  makr 
the  enemies  of  liberty  rejoice,  and  its  friends  blush  for  the  naiiit 


fSee 


•  lib.  L  p.  29,  Delle  co«e  di  Genoa. 

t  W  III  g   to  tlie  U.  S.  Congnm  of  1835. 


A.D.  1198. 


The  death  of  Ileury  VI.  ofTered  an  orrasion  for  tho  recovery 
(.f  lost  in(Ie|K'ndenco  ri(»t   to    h(.  mulcted  by  Tuscany  :   while 
cnunped  and   toniicntr.I    tlMinsolvos  by  tliehard  rapacity   of 
iiui)orial   Vicars  and   provincial    Dukos,  tho  Tuscan  Republics 
saw  I.oml)ardy  ojijeyiu^r   uiimolcstc.l  liberty  without  even  the 
shadow  of  ;i  trans-Alpine  tyrant  to  cool  its  ardour:  they  had 
l.ccn    succossfidly   outraged    by   Frederic,    by   jjonr}-,    and  by 
Phdip:  but   (he   last  brin<(  ni)w  called  away  to  contend  with 
Otho  ..f  Sax.Miy  for  tho  (ioriiiaii  M^i.tro,  they  were  loft  compa- 
ratively free.      I'lncoumgrd  by  this  protracted  stnigglo  and  the 
support  of  Innocent  1 1 1,  who  had  just  succrodod  to  the  papacy, 
a -League "or  -Comjunn/''  of  all  the  TuM-an  states 
was  foi-med  under  his  auspic-s,  and  signed  at  I^orgo 
San  Genesio  near  San  ^Vliniato  Ted.s.o  then  in  the  Lucchese 
territory;    from  its  central  position   tho   usual   place  of  pub- 
lic meeting  to    discuss   tho    affairs    of   Tuscany  =:.     The  two 
Cardinal   Legates    li.'inardo,     and    Pandolfo    (the    same   who 
played  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  King  Jolm  of  England's  reign) 
were  witnesses  on  the  part  of  Innocent  to  the  foi-mation  of  this 
company  which  included  Florence,  Lucca,  Siena,  Prato,  San 
j\Iiniato,  and  the  Bishoj)  of  Volterra  as  temporal  lord  of  that 
city  by  the  donation  of  Countess  Matilda ;  at  the  same  time 
|resen'ing   places   for   Pisa,   Pistoia,   Poggibonzi,  the    Counts 
Guidi  and  Alberti,  and  otlier  Tuscan  Barons.      It  was  agreed 
that  each  of  the  confed<'rates  should  appoint  a  deputy  called 
r  Captain''  or    '' Pwctor,''    and   these  a>>enibling   every  four 
mouths  were  to  elect  a  President  under  the  title  of  ''Prior  of 
me  Company'  whom   all  were   to  obey.      They  reciprocally 
engaged  to  acknowledge  no  emperor,  king,   prince,  duke,  or 
marquis  without  the  pope's  approbation,  who  moreover  was  to 
be  succoured  whenever  he  demanded  aid  from  them.   Two  davs 

I*  San  Genesio  which  now  no  longer  25  miles  -west  of  Florence    on  the 

lexists  was  the  parent  of  San  Miniato.  Pisan  road.      The    Samniniatesi  de- 

j  It  was  anciently  named  VicoWallariy  stroved    it   in    1248.       V,     Repetli. 

I  of  Lombard  origin,  and  was  situated  IHzionOeograf.Fis,St<^r.diTosama, 


140 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ,.    I   ^"^P-  ^"J 


FLORENTINE  HISTORY. 


after  its  signature  the  league  was  sworn  to  at  Florence  in  tli. 
church  of  San  Martino  del  Vescovo  liy  si\t»><'n  consuls  of  tlic 
confederate  cities ;  l>ut  the  Pisans  who  with  Pistoia  enjoyed 
many  privileges  under  iini)erial  favour  and  had  escaped  Par 
harossa's  persecution  refused  to  associate  with  a  confederacy  ^o 
purely  Guelpliic. 

This  in  fact  may  l)e  called  the  liuelpliic  League  of  Tus- 
cany, for  the  names  of  Guelph  and  <ihil»c]ine  had  now  becoiiu- 
general  and  a  Iwiundar}'  wjis  clearly  marked  hetwctu  those 
who  adhered  to  the  church  for  th<  >ake  of  civil  liberty  an<l 
politic*al  independence,  and  those  who  with  narrower  vie\v> 
attached  themselves  to  the  emperor*.  Count  Guido  Guerra. 
then  called  Comit  of  Tuscanv,  and  Count  Allien  of  Prato  soon 
after  subscribed  to  the  confedemcy ;  Pistoia  j)robably  followed 
the  steps  of  Pisa  but  there  appears  to  be  no  notice  of  aiiv 
further  adhesions  and  Coimt  Guido  Guerni's  reasons  for  >^u 
unusual  a  junction  are  not  recorded  f. 

Florence  wliich  was  considered  the  leader  of  this  confede- 
racy being  now  relieved  from  imperial  Miljection  began  once 
more  to  look  alnjut  her,  and  had  already  passed  a  law^  whieh 
authorised  any  conunmiity  to  sell  itself  to  the  Kepuldic 
although  actutdly  subdued  and  occupied  l>y  her  arms.  Tliis  left 
no  excuse  for  subsequent  revolt,  and  in  1107  Monte  Grossuli 
which  Barbarossa's  decree  had  probably  set  at  hberty,  seems  to 
have  been  the  first  acquisition  under  so  prudent  and  wise  a 
regulation  for  the  j>eaceful  holding  of  conquered  lands*.  The 
Castle  of  Figlini  was  afterwards  reduced  either  by  force  ur 
persuasion,  under  an  engagement  to  niiike  peace  or  war  at  the 


•    Ammirato   dates  this    League  in  Dissert.  I V.^  p.  159.) 

Noveml>er  1197,  but  I  have  followed  f  S.  Auimirato,  Stor.  Libro  i",  p.  G3. 

Muratori    who    agrees    with     Tronci,  — Muratori,  Annali,   Anno     llfJiJ.— 

Repetti  and  others.      For  the  privi-  Tronci,  Annali  Pisani,  vol  ii",  p.  7". 

leges  granted    to    Pisa   see   Fhiminio  — Denina,  Lib.  xi.  cap.  vii. 

del  Borgo    "  Dissertazioni  sopra    la  t  M.  di  Cop.  Stefani,  Libro  i",  Rub. 

Sturia  Puajia"  {tomo  i",  Parte  i%  25. 


141 

connnand  of  Florence  and  pay  an  annual  tax  of  twenty-sLx 
.nan  for  evetyhearth,  but  those  of  priests  aM  soldiers,  in  tie 
-.  and  district:  to  surrender  half  their  tolls  and  market> 
aues  and  obey  all  orders  f^.„.  Florence  except  such  as  mill 
require  he  destruction  of  any  pottion  of  their  to...  CertJdo 
soon  lollo..d  the  example  as  regarded  peace  and  war  besides 
an  annud  tribute  at  the  Baptists'  slmne,  and  renouncing  eve^ 
tlie  pontilFs  power  tn  nhsolvH  Iip.-  f>.„„,  .1  •  ° 

tl./r«stl^   ;,f  V     r  '  ''"™  ^^^  engagement;  but 

the  Castle   oi   iro,hf.l,,n,o  not  being  disposed    to  resi<m  its 
...  ependenoe  .as  besieged  and  totally  dLtroyed:  and  ma^^ 
othe,-s  a.  we  are  gravely  assured,  "continued  v  ry  obstinate  b 
-slnng  to   preserve  their  freedom  n.„witbstanling 
these  examples  of  rigour  and  clemen,T*."    Amon^s^  '^•"•*^- 

aciirit '"lir;  °*'  '?■''"":  ^^■•"^■'''  '>-  ^'^^  -•*«  «^ «-- 1-^ 

.   msu,.  r.  i     ;■;  7'  ""  "''"'^  *""•'""«'''  some  authors 
.  unsu,oessful    atf.ek   was   made    this   year    bv  Florence- 

.be  people  0  San  Genesio  retired  in  ^Aai-n,  to  the  adio^nW 
«ro„ghold  of  San  Miniato  destronng  the  former  place  XS 
«ordn,g  o  Malespini  had  been  rebuilt  onlv  two  rears  hehre 
a..d  rebudding  what  they  had  already  de.nolished  of  the 
upper  town  :  "  thus,"  he  adds,  "committing  two  creat  follies 
m  a  small  timef."  °         °         °^^^ 

oiJt  ?""T  "^  ^'^rf''  '™'  ^"^"'^  S^'^"'"^  if  it  ever 
occurred,  only  produced   more   formidable  prepara- 

Uous  for  the  conquest  of  that  st^ite  and  the  firet  step   ^'^^  ''"»• 

was  an  endeavour  to  seduce  their  nearest  friends  and  neidi- 

l^urs :    Hddebrand  Bishop  of  Volten^,  the  well  wisher  and 

advocate  of  Semifonte.  was  pe.-suaded  to  unite  with  Florence 

a..d  not  only  renounce  its  alliance,  but  in  case  of  war  to  join 

^  h  her  or  fifteen  day.  or  longer  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  Z 

a..(l.two  hundred  hoi-se,  n.  any  expedition  between  Elsa  and 

tS.mone   Jellu    Tosa,    An„ali.-S.     '!""'' "P"' ■■-"■ 


142 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHIP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE  HISTORY. 


the  capital ;  Siena  and  other  specified  places  heing  excepts. I 
Count  Albert  was  a  willing  coadjutor  in  the  subjugation  of  his 
revolted  subjects  ;  he  invited  every  remaining  adherent  to 
quit  the  place  and  relinquished  the  town  and  territory  to 
Florence  who  engaged  to  assist  him  in  any  war  except  agaiust 
an  ally  of  the  republic. 

This  ceaseless  romid  of  quarrel,  war,  and  conquest  was  now 
agreeably  broken  by  a  treaty  purely  commercial,  or  at  least  a 
treaty  the  object  of  which  was  to  protect  trade  alone,  and  there- 
fore shows  the  rising  prosperity  of  Florence.  In  the  ''Murfclh  = " 
and  other  districts  on  the  line  of  commercial  intercourse  with 
Lombardy  Venice  and  Bologna,  the  trade  had  been  mu.li 
interrupted ;  but  by  this  convention  certain  chieftains  of  the 
Greci  and  Ubaldini  clans  to  whom  most  of  the  province  he- 
longed,  agreed  \Nith  Stoldo  di  Musetto  and  lianieri  della 
Bella,  consuls  of  the  merchants'  company  of  Florence,  to  obey 
the  commands  of  the  Podesta  Pagano  de'  Porcari  and  the 
counsellors  or  priors;  to  protect  the  Florentines  and  their 
merchandise  throughout  all  this  feudal  territory,  and  consider 
any  damage  received  by  the  traders  while  within  their  juris(hc- 
tion  as  an  injury  offered  to  themselves  :  also  to  supply  them 
with  intelligent  and  trusty  guides,  and  finally  to  make  all 
their  vassals  swear  to  these  ol)li  gat  ions.  Thus  were  lawless 
mountain  clans  tamed  down  by  the  magic  of  a  beueficitd  com- 
merce to  the  level  of  surrounding  civilisation.  Peace,  friendly 
intercourse  and  general  refinement  wliich  commerce  breeds 
and  feeds  on,  are  its  essence  ;  war  its  bane ;  yet  commerce  is 
often  taunted  as  the  cause  of  war !  It  is  so,  like  otlier  rights: 
when  violated :  it  is  so,  as  Christianity  has  been  and  is  still 


to  the  confluence  of  the  torrent  Dico-    gra/".) 
mamo  and  Sieve.     It  is  supposed  to 


143 


the  cause  of  wo !     But  neither  Christianity  nor  commerce  are 
blameable. 


Cotemporary  Monarchs.-Empcrors :  Frederick  I,  Henry  VI .  Emnire 
vacant  during  the  ayil  wai.  between  Otho  and  Philip  thJ  rival  lan^Tf 
Germany.— Greek  Emperors:  Alexius  TT  niftm  a  a  '^."''^^^^"gs  ot 
ni83^  IsaArTI  n^RK\  iT  '  TIT  T,A^*  ('^*^")»  Andronicus  Comn  nus 
(110.J;,  Isa^cH.  (1185),  Alexius  III.  (1195).— Popes:  From  Alexander  III 

i  r  a\  !  is'^'^:-,^:^"^-.^--  ^:""  (I-  Jeune,  frL  1137  to  l\i 


rom 
180), 


Philip  (Auguste).-Scotland  •  WiTlkm    VCl  J      ""  '''*^  ^°  ^^"^>' 

ho4f  rJ  ScoLa  hy  :he  -^7  ^Z  '^  iTniz^h- h 

Richard  Cffiur  de  Lion  afterwards  renounces.  '        ^ 


144 


tXORENTIN'E   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


CHAPTER  VIIl. 


FROM    A.D.  1200    TO  A.D.  12(•.^ 


Xo  periotl  could  have  been  more  propitious  for  the  coiisuni- 
mation  of  ItaHjin  liberty  than  the  interregiunn  following  Hfun 
the  Sixth's  death:  the  two  factions  of  (i.  nnany  were 


A.D.  1200. 


neutmlizeJ  in  the  person  and  ability  of  Barbarussi 
and  gave  little  trouble  during  his  long  occupation  of  tlit 
throne.  Henry  with  equal  vidour,  more  ferocity,  and  l»'s- 
talent,  was  popular  with  his  count nmen  and  maintained  tk 
peace  of  Germany ;  but  he  was  scarcely  cold  when  the  nor- 
thern princes  forgetting  both  his  child  and  their  own  promise? 
of  fidelity  commenced  a  civil  war  bevond  the  Alps. 

The  principal  competitors  for  Germany  were  Philip  iHilie 
of  Suabia  and  Tuscany,  the  eldest  of  Henri's  brothers,  aiul 
Otho  then  Duke  of  Aqiiitaine,  son  of  Heniy  the  Lion  Duke 
of  Saxony  and  I^avana :  Philip  Augustus  of  France  suppuiietl 
his  namesake,  while  Richard  of  England  almost  as  a  matter  of 
course  espoused  the  cause  of  Otho :  Philip  represented 
the  house  of  Ghibeline,  Otho  that  of  Guelph  and  there- 
fore had  the  pontiff's  assistance:  the  former  had  l>een 
recalled  from  Tuscany  to  carry  his  nephew  into  Gem:iDy 
but  was  stopped  by  the  news  of  that  monarch's  death: 
turning  back  from  Montefiascoue  he  suddenly  crossed  the 
Alps  followed  by  the  cui-ses  of  Italy :  but  often  with  ui-re 
serious  marks  of  jjei-sonal  hatred,  and  the  death  of  seveml 


145 

attendants ;  so  deep  and  general  was  the  detestation  of  liim 
and  his  two  predecessors.  The  rivals  were  enthroned  by  their 
friends  ;  a  long  and  bloody  war  Ijegan  ;  enmity  refreshed  by 
long  repose,  broke  forth  m(»re  wildly;  both  parties  believed 
their  chief  to  be  (iod's  anointed  and  his  competitor  neces- 
saiily  a  rebel,  and  therefore  added  the  false  and  flattering,  but 
convenient  ciy  and  sometimes  even  the  spirit  of  loyalty,  to  all 
the  vindence  of  faction  ^'. 

This  left  the   Italian  provinces  at  liberty  and  Pope  Inno- 
cent III.  took  immediate  advju.tage  of  these  transalpme  storms 
to  shelter  Italy  by  the  exrlusive  labour  of  her  own  children : 
young,  able,  daring,  ambiti-.us,  and  accomplished  in  all  the 
learning  of  his  age,  he  seized  the  lucky  moment,  made  a  bold 
push  for  ecclesiastical  supremacy,  and  completely  succeeded. 
Except  in  the  Campagna  no  jurisdiction  remained  at  tliis  time 
to  the  popes,  and  even  there  a  mere  echo  of  the  imperial  name 
earned  more  real  weiglit  than  their  own  innnediate  influence : 
Innocent   resolved   to   alter   tliis,  hut   his   first   efl^orts  were 
•iirected  to  the  internal  government  of  Rome  where  until  his 
predecessor's  reign  the  Senate's  authority  had  not  been  per- 
feetly  acknowledged  or  its  constitution  exactly  fixed,  although 
estahlished  in  1144  l)y  the  eloquence  of  Abelard's  disciple  the 
celehrated  and  patriotic  Arnold  of  Brescia. 

The  Romans  of  that  day,  an  unstiible  race,  soon  after 
became  tired  of  what  they  liad  so  vehemently  struggled  for, 
and  following  the  genenil  example  of  Italy  chose  a  foreign 
governor  or  Podestti  while  they  concentrated  the  senatorial 
power  in  a  single  functionary  with  tlie  title  of  Senator,  esta- 
blished him  in  the  public  j.alace  on  the  Capitoline  hill,  and 
invested  him  with  sufiicient  authority  to  curb  the  insolence  of 
a  haughty  and  turi)ulent  nobility f.  But  so  variable  was  the 
Pioman  mind  that  when  Innocent   became  pope   this   office 

*  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1198. 
T  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  &c.,  vol.  vi.,  pp.  534,  539,  (4to  ed.) 
^'or^-  I.  L 


146 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1.    H   CHIP,  vni,] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


147 


II 


had  also  lost  its  charms  and  a  certain  feeling  of  jealousy  existed 
at  the  sovereignty  of  a  stninger. 

According  to  ancient  customs  the  people  claimed  a  largess 
at  each  pontiff's  inaugumtion  as  the  price  of  their  allegiance 
to  Saint  Peter:    this  was  instantly  dislmrsod  \^-ith  unusunl 
promptness  and  libemlity  hut  the  obligations  uf  obedience  were 
more  cautiously  and  rigorously  worded  than  ever,  and  while 
the  citizens  were  still  loud  in  extolling  the  pontiff's  generosity 
one    of    his    creatures   was    easily  made   Senator   of    Koine. 
Homage  was  then  exacted  fr.mi  tlic  imperial  prefect  who  was 
also  compelled  to  receive  a  fresh  investiture  from  the  pope: 
all    the   popularly   elected   civil    judges  and  Podestas   were 
expelled   from    the    patrimony    and    replaced  by    Innocent. 
friends ;    two  cardinals  proceeded  to  reduce  La  Miu-ca ;  t^v  > 
other  prelates  to  bring  the  Duchy  of  Spoleto  to  submission, 
which  was  claimed  as  a  part  of  king  Pepin's  original  gi'ani 
contirmed  bv  Charlemagne:    and  these  provinces  oppresseJ 
and  exaspenued  by  transalpine  rule  most  eagerly  and  generally 
revolted.     Eight  cities  and  to^v^ls  in  the  former  and  nine  m 
the  latter  spo'iitaneously  acknowledged    the   i>opes   authority 
but  without  changing  their  free  system  of  municipal  govern 

ment  *.  .  .   , 

With  the  more  powerful  and  independent  Tuscan  cities 
greater  caution  became  necessiiry,  and  feeling  that  it  would  k\ 
easier  to  make  them  allies  than  subjects  Innocent  III.  wisely 
offered  to  become  the  protector  of  their  confederacy  instead  ii 
their  sovereign,  cluirging  the  Carduials  Paiidolfo  and  Bernurilo 
with  the  negotiation  as  above  related. 

It  has  been  already  shown  that  such  leagues  were  not  ne»| 
in  Tuscany  and  according  to  Malavulti  a  sort  of  federal  um.r 
had  very  eai'ly  existed :  the  general  government  was  commuiil 
administered  by  an  imperial  vicar  whose  usuiJ  residence  vasl 
at   San    Miniato    Tedesco  ;    he  gave  judgment   in  appeukj 

*  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1198.— Sismondi,  vol.  ii.,  p.  43. 


received  tolls  and  taxes  of  various  kinds  then  comprehended 
under  the  general  name  of  -  liegaUar  and  when  absent  his 
duties  were  executed  by  Nuncios  who  with  the  title  of  count 
distributed  justice  in  each  city  and  its  territory.     But  quite 
independent  of  these  there  was  a  purely  national  assembly  of 
-Rectors-  from  eacli  city,  expressly  chosen  by  it  and  presided 
by  a  prior,  with  the  duty  of  superintending  the  general  wel- 
fare and  tranquillity   of    Tuscany.      When   a  quarrel    arose 
between  any  two  places,  of  whatever  faction,  these  deputies 
settled  It  at  once  if  possible  :  if  the  disputants  insisted  on  war 
the  assembly  was  not  dissolved  nor  its  integrity  diminished 
but  still  continued  its  exertions  to  restore  tranquillity.   For  this 
pui-pose,  and  to  determine  public  appeals  and  arrange  the  new 
elections,  it  assembled  at  stilted  periods  in  various  parts  of  the 
province,  but  as  the  rectors  either  collectively  or  individually 
bad  no  local  authority  in  any  state,  public  liberty  was  never 
endangered  by  such  associations.     One  of  these  meetings  at 
hvhifh  the  Bishop  of  Volterra  presided  as  prior  of  the  company 
settled  a  dispute  which  arose  in  l-^05  about  Siena's  claim  ^ 
the  lordship  of  Montepulciano  as  being  within  the  ancient 
county  jurisdiction  of  that  city  :  this  was  decided  in  her  favour, 
and  though  of  a  later  date  than  the  present  transactions  would 
Jinduce  a  belief  that  the  recent  company  was  mther  an  exten- 
Ision  of  its  existing  powers,  to  foreign  matters  than  the  creation 
of  an  entirely  new  institution  *. 

The  independence  of  Tuscany  being  thus  provisionally  se- 
cured and  little  danger  apprehended  from  Germany,  no  time 
pould  be  more  favourable  for  a  resumption  of  the  ambitious 
-chemes  of  Florence  if  discreetly  managed ;  wherefore,  still 
bolding  to  their  designs  on  Semifonte,  the  Floren- 
Imes  made  an  alliance  with  Siena  by  which  amongst  ^'^'  ^^^^' 
ptber  conditions  the  latter  was  to  be  assisted  with  a  thousand 
Iniantr}'  and  a  hundred  horse  for  one  month  against  Montal- 

*  O.  Malavolti,  Parle  i%  lib.  iv.,  pp.  43,  44. 

l2 


148 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


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CHAP.  VIII.  J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


ciuo  :  and  Colle  of  the  Val-d'Elsa  pledged  hei-self  not  to 
succour  Semifonte  in  the  event  of  war.  Tuniing  tctwm-ds  tli.- 
Mugello  they  then  m vested  a  Castello  called  Cainbiate  on  tlie 
Marina  river  whose  chiefs  refiised  obedience  and  after  its 
reduction  prepared  for  a  final  rupture  with  the  petty  but 
energetic  republic  of  Semifonte  ■'. 

On  the  summit  of  a  small  hill  betwetn  lAicardo  and  Vico  in 
the  vale  of  Elsa  and  the  neighbourhood  of  Smt 
Gemlgnano  •*  delle  belle  Torri  *  once  stood  tin 
Castello  of  Semifonte  y^'wh  even  in  the  twelfth  centmy 
was  considered  extremely  ancient  but  when  or  by  whom 
founded  is  unknown.  According  to  the  old  rec(»rd  of  its  mi- 
fortunes  Semifonte  was  adonied  with  a  degree  of  magniiiceiK  e 
and  taste  that  might  lead  the  imagination  to  suppos*^  it  a  Uoinaii 
town  which  having  escaped  Lombard  barbarity  still  preserved 
some  traces  of  former  refinement  f. 

It  was  inhabited  bv  nuuiv  wealthv  <3»ntlemen  of  high  family 
and  ancient  race  and  by  many  knights  of  the  Golden  Spur. 
a  dignity  as  old  perhaps  as  Charlemagne,  then  indicative  d 
power  and  riches  as  well  as  of  the  most  distinguished  honour. 
At  an  earlier  epoch  it  belonged  to  the  family  of  Viscoiitt^ 
whose  last  male  descendant  tluurished  during  the  reign  <'f 
Barbaross:i  and  followed  his  banner  in  the  Italian  wars  ;  lie 
died  in  anns  under  the  imperial  standard  at  the  siege  of 
Rome  in  1107,  leaving  his  daughter  Emilia  sole  heiress  of 
Semifonte  and  all  its  temton-.  A  mari-iage  was  soon  con- 
cluded between  the  young  countess  and  Albert  Lord  of  Pniio 
and  Certaldo,  already  mentioned  as  the  Seignior  of  ro:iiia. 
who  wedded  her  in  117(»  with  all  the  family  possessions  us « 
dower  ^ 

•  O.  Malavolti,  Stor.  di  Siena,  Parte  Donate    Vtlhiti,    ]\  2.— Storia  (k'Hi 

i*,  Lib .  iv.,  p.  40.— S.  Ammirato,  St«»r.  Faniiglia  «legli  I'baldini. 

di  Firenze,  Lib.  i",  p.  65.  t  Pace  di  Certaldo,  Guerradi  Scnii- 

+  Pace  da  Certaldo,  Storia  della  Guer-  fonte. 

ra  di  Semifonte,  p.   8. —  Crouaca   di 


149 


Semifonte  being  the  finest  and  strongest  to\vn  in  his 
dominions,  was  Count  Albert  s  ordinary  residence  until  he  was 
made  prisoner  at  Pogna  in  11 S4,  when  Florence  insisted  on 
the  partial  or  total  destruction  of  all  his  defences,  and  amongst 
them  the  towei-s  of  Semifonte.  At  this  time  says  the  Chronicle, 
"  Florence  enjoying  riches  and  prosperity  and  despising  the 
power  of  its  neighbours,  to  increase  its  conquests  sought  out 
with  wonderful  industiy  every  pretence  for  dispute  and  omitted 
no  opportunity  of  extending  its  territory  whenever  and  wherever 
it  occuiTed." 

Siena  alarmed  at  this,  and  uneasy  at  the  apparent  fate  of 
Semifonte  while  avoiding  any  open  demonstration  of  her  feel- 
ings, by  the  aid  of  San  Geniignano  and  other  places  excited 
the  inhabitants  to  revolt.     The  Seniifontines  were  continually 
taunted  with  tamely  allowing  their  towers  to  be  demolished 
I  and  they  themselves  remaining  quietly  to  be  sold  as  slaves 
by  an  imperious  master  and  his  insolent  sons.     Already  dis- 
satisfied with  their  chiefs  conduct  and  mortified  at  the  ruin  of 
I  their  towers,  which  touched  both  their  pride  and  safety,  the 
Seinifontines  became  indignant  at  the  idea  of  being  sold  to 
a  people  whom  they  had  long  detested;  so  that  moved  by  the 
intrigues  of  Siena,  nettled  by  the  taunts  of  San  Gemignano,  and 
encouraged  by  the  example  of  successful  resistance  in  several 
of  Count  Alberts  dependencies;  but  above  all,  tmsting  to  the 
strength  of  their  town  and  their  native  courage,  liberty  became 
the  absorbing   thought    of    every   class   in   the   commmiity. 
Revolt  was  fii-st  cautiously  whispered  amongst  friends,  then 
Imore  openly  discussed,  and  tintilly  became  the  prevailing  topic 
of  discourse  in  all  public  places  ;  at  length  by  the  management 
jof  Accorso  Pitti,  a  man  of  high  rank  and  influence,  the  deter- 
Imiuation  to  renounce  their  allegiance  was  boldly  avowed  and 
jas  rapidly  executed.     Accoi-so  Pitti  whose  family  became  so 
conspicuous  in  the  subsequent  history  of  Florence,  was  cousin 
|to  the  heiress  of  Visconte  and  perhaps  himself  not  averse  to 


ISO 


FLORFNTTNE    HISTORY. 


fBOOK 


CHAP.   ▼III.  J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


131 


become  lord  of  his  native  city :  he  is  described  as  a  person  of 
graceful  engaging  mannt^rs ;  bold,  \rise,  and  more  than  com- 
monly eloquent;  fit  for  any  enterprise,  and  both  from  exaltod 
rank  and  individual  character  had  the  confidence  and  respect 
of  his  fellow  citizens*. 

When  the  public  mind  was  thought  to  be  sufficiently  imbued 
with  discontent  and  ripe  for  change,  this  leader  and  a  number 
of  chosen  adherents  one  moniing  suddenly  drew  their  swords 
in  a  pretended  fmy,  and  followed  by  a  crowd  scoured  all  the 
streets  shouting  the  name  of  Liberty.     Ere  long  the  market 
place  overflowed  ^vith  people  of  every  age   and  rank ;    tk 
suburbs  poured  in  their  more  numerous  population,  and  even 
the  neighbouring  peasantry'  caught  this  spirit  nnd  participated 
in  the  general  agitation.     The  armed  citizens  nislied  with  one 
impulsive    movement   on    the    palare.   dragged    forth   Count 
Albert's  vicar,  occupied  liis  place,  and  would  have  pitched  liiiii 
headlong  from  the  window  if  some  ecclesiastics  had  not  oppor- 
tunely interfered  to  prevent  it.    The  revolution  thus  completed, 
Messer  Berlingheri   a  man  of  great  wisdom  and   eloquence 
harangued  the  crowd  who,  after  proclaiming  themselves  in- 
dependent, by  his  advice  nominated  a  "  Balia  "  or  supreme 
governing  council,  composed  of  twelve    **  Buouimnini  "  \viili 
unlimited  powers  to  form  a  constitution.     Not  a  moment  was 
lost  in  useless  debate,  for  they  were  continually  intemipted 
bv  the  citizens'  jealous  apprehensions,  and  clamorous  demands 
for  periodical  reports  of  their  progress  :  -•  •  that  all  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Vavassours  was  scarcely  sufficient  to  calm  their 
restless  suspicions  and  allow  time    for   the   formation  of  a 
constitution.    At  length  the  result  wfi^  announced,  and  gene- 
rally approved.     A  seignior  or  "  Captain  of  the  People  "  with 
two  ''Anziani''  or  elders,  as  councilloi-s,  were  to  be  annualK 
ciiosen  by  a  general  assemVdy :    they  were  to  reside  in  the 
public  palace  with   a  foreign  judge,  secretar}',  and  all  the 

♦  Cronaca  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  p.  2. 


various  officers  of  a  regular  govemment,  and  were  bound  to 
administer  justice  even  in  the  most  trifling  affairs  of  private 
individuals,  as  well  as  to  conduct  the  weightier  business  of 
state.  Fifty  Buoniomlnl  under  tlie  title  oi  Hectors  were  to  be 
chosen  from  the  popular  mass  as  an  assistant  council  in 
the  latter  duties,  and  wlieii  a  more  extended  opinion  became 
necessary  one  man  Irum  efuh  hearth  or  house  of  both  town 
and  district  repaired  to  the  palace  whenever  the  "  Cam- 
pmia  "  the  great  bell  of  the  Lion  Tower,  toDed  for  a  public 
assembly.  ]\Iany  otiier  arrangements  were  subsequently  made 
iuid  Accorso  Pitti  was  el.vtcd  by  acclamation  as  tirst  "  Capi- 
huin  (If/  Popolo  "  of  tlie  Semifontine  Piepublic.  He  began  by 
dismissing  the  assembled  people,  advising  them  to  lay  aside 
their  arms,  [md  sunmioning  them  to  a  general  meeting  on 
the  morrow  to  nominate  the  various  public  functionaries,  all 
which  was  completed  to  the  univeisal  satisfaction.  The  two 
Auziani  were  ordered  to  take  the  title  of  consuls,  and  a  foreign 
judge  was  chosen  from  San  Gemignano;  the  "Parliament" 
appointed  a  certain  number  of  Gonfaloniei*s  under  whom 
the  2^eople  were  to  assend)le  in  arms  l>y  companies  for  public 
ser\'ice  ;  and  after  the  su}>reme  authority  was  solemnly  confided 
to  the  discretion  of  the  seignior  and  consuls,  the  citizens  re- 
tired to  their  dwellings  with  a  newly  awakened  and  proud 
feeling  of  independence. 

Thus  in  a  few  hours  did  this  little  town,  full  of  various 
ranks  and  conditions,  and  accustomed  to  arl>itraiy  government, 
rise  as  a  single  man  and  proclaim  its  liberty :  it  accomplished 
a  revolution  without  bhxtdslied,  and  completed  a  simple  form 
of  constitutional  government  adapted  to  times  and  manners, 
which  lasted  until  overthrown  by  another  republic  of  equal 
freedom  and  superior  force.  "And  thus  we  see"  says  the 
chronicler  **  what  great  strength  may  be  given  to  men  although 
rude  and  unpolished,  by  the  desire  of  vengeance  against  those 
who  have  ruled  them  with  rapacious  tyranny." 


152 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


FLORENTINE    UISTORY. 


153 


Liberty  in  tnitb  luis  need  of  tyraniiv  to  make  her  Messiniis 
kiiowii ;  she  seeks  for  virtuous  and  general  devotion  ;  for  tho^e 
dweUings  where  self-interest  is  sacritioed  to  public  good,  and 
makes  her  permanent  abode  only  wIi^to  much  previous  sufli  r- 
ing  has  already  prepared  her  a  lumit- :  ^be  must  bave  many 
disinterested  friends  to  gi*eei  her  coming,  and  will  neitber  be 
easily  moved  by  the  generous  zeal  of  the  few,  allured  bv  tlie 
unstable  heat  of  the  many,  nor  yet  be  propitiated  by  the  blood 
of  any  single  individual  however  exalted  in  station  or  tynui- 
nical  in  conduct.  An  essentially  immoral  nation  may  long 
preserve  the  forms  without  the  substance  of  freedom  ;  amongst 
such  a  people  self-interest  must  ever  out-biUance  public  service, 
which  will  always  be  considered  bv  them  as  a  mere  source  of 
personal  aggrandisement :  such  governments  will  rather  dis- 
courage than  support,  or  even  applaud  the  few  honest  men 
whose  sincerity  prompts  them  to  strike  at  coiTuption  through 
superior  authorities. 

The  revolution  of  Semifonte  not  only  shows  how  ^viddy 
spread  and  how  well  undei*stood  were  the  spirit  and  forais  of 
liberty  according  to  the  notions  of  that  age,  but  also  with  what 
extreme  moderation  and  absence  uf  all  violence  such  a  chiuige 
of  condition  was  accomplished  even  in  an  obscure  provincial 
town  of  Tuscany. 

Count  Albert  lost  no  time  in  secretly  assembling  troops  to 
recover  the  place  but  his  advei*saries  were  acute,  suspicious,  and 
well  prepared ;  the  manners  of  the  time  accustomed  them  to 
arms,  and  the  leaders  took  good  care  to  inculpate  even 
indi^idual  citizen  in  the  revolt  so  as  to  insm'e  unanimity  in  their 
subsequent  tnmsactions,  for  where  many  otfend,  they  said,  nout 
are  punished ;  and  Albert,  who  had  already  commenced  his 
march,  on  hearing  their  state  of  defence  retired  disappointed 
to  Certaldo. 

From  a  close  application  to  the  conduct  <>f  its  own  affair> 
Semifonte  soon  increased  in  riches   strcugth   and  industiy; 


but  the  people  became  restless  from  ease  and  prosperity  which 
at  first  sit  ill  on  active  minds  :  alike  regiii'dless  of  pmdence 
and  justice  they  made  incursions  on  the  lands  of  their  ancient 
chief,  hanied  the  neighbouring  communities,  trespassed  on 
the  Florentine  and  lionian  states,  molested  ptissengers,  plun- 
dered merchants,  and  even  presumed  to  levy  feudal  tributes 
on  the  people  as  if  they  themselves  were  lords  of  the  soil.  The 
well-fomided  complaints  of  Count  Albert  and  the  Florentines 
were  treated  with  eijual  scora,  for  secretly  backed  by  San 
Uemignano  and  Siena  whose  object  was  to  repel  the  advance  of 
Florence,  and  confiding  in  their  town  their  citadel  and  them- 
selves, they  still  continuc.l  this  predaceous  warfare.  Count 
Albert  was  too  feeble,  and  Florence  then  too  much  occupied  to 
undertiike  the  innucdiate  reduction  of  so  stubborn  an  enemy, 
so  that  they  were  allowed  to  continue  their  aggressions  until 
the  diminished  excitement  of  incipient  liberty  combined  with 
increasing  opulence  redu(XMl  them  to  comparative  tranquillity 
and  permitted  their  neighbours  to  repose. 

This  tranquillity  was  brief,  for  in  llDs  or  1101)  a  man  called 
Vallentre  Berardi  of  Pogna  became  Chief  of  the  Common- 
wealth and  being  of  an  unquiet  warlike  disposition  with  a 
certtun  love  of  liberty,  bad  already  made  the  inhabitants  of 
Pogna  revolt  and  acknowledge  the  supremacy  and  protector- 
ship of  Semifonte.  Under  his  ausj>ices  an  miquiet  spirit  was 
again  awakened  and  l»y  renewed  aggressions  roused  the  anger 

I  of  Florence  :  tm  expedition  in  conjunction  with  Count  Albert 
was  therefore  <lecreed,  while  he  tmnsfen-ed  to  that  state  by 

I  a  public   instrument   of  sale,   then   aristocmtically  called   a 
''Donation,^'  all  his  prop«  ity  jind  rights  in  Semifonte,  besides 

I  engaging  to  join  ihe  expedition  against  it.     This  transaction 

I  took  place   in  February  111)1»  in   presence  of  Paganello  da 
Porcari  the  Podesta  of  llurence  and  several  other  \ritnesses ; 

I  amongst  them  Hildebrand  Bishop  of  Volterra  a  prelate  of  great 

temporal  power  and  amiable  qualities. 


154 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  :. 


CHAP.  VIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


153 


The  P'lorentines  being  now  doubly  justified  by  their  own 
injuries  and  a  legal  right  to  Semifonte  lost  no  time  in  movina 
troops  toNvards  their  intended  conquest,  while  the  Seinifontiius 
rather  prepared  for  a  desperate  resistance  than  any  acknow- 
ledgment of  Florentine  supremacy.  It  was  probably  at  this 
period  that  the  unsuccessful  e.xpedition  mentioned  l»y  Aiiinii- 
rato  and  Simone  della  Tosa  took  place,  between  which  ainl 
the  year  I'^O'Z  another  expedition  seems  to  have  been  prepared 
but  was  rendered  useless  by  the  friendly  mediation  of  Bislmp 
Hildebrand  who  reduced  the  Semifontines  to  reason  and  snl- 
inission  procured  them  an  amnesty  for  past  errors,  and  induced 
them  even  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  receive  a  Floren- 
tine governor. 

Such  peace  was  soon  broken,  for  Siena,  still  more  alarmed. 
renewed  her  foniier  intrigues  so  artfully  as  to  cause  a  lu  w 
revolt  and  the  Florentine  rector's  expulsion  ;  after  which  fresh 
aggressions  commenced  and  finally  brought  down  vengeance 
from  the  more  powerful  state. 

One  of  the  political  maxims  of  Semifonte  was  put  into 
rhyme  for  tlie  purpose  of  imprebhing  more  strongly  on  the 
public  mind  the  im|x>rtance  of  an  unrelaxing  opposition  to  the 
Florentine  people  *.  That  Florence  sliould  be  repelled  and 
allow  Semifonte  to  prosper  was  perhaps  sound  policy  but  more 
easily  proclaimed  than  enforced,  and  less  likely  to  remain 
unanswered  than  acquiesced  in  l)y  Florence. 

Chiarito  Pigli  Consul  of  the  Merchants  Company  was  imme- 
diately invested  with  full  powers  to  reduce  the  insurgents,  and 
Hildebrand  havuig  aban<loned  them,  there  remained  no  furtlier 
impediment  to  immediate  hostilities.  Meanwhile  the  Semi- 
fontines were  not  idle:  preparations  for  defence  were  redoulded: 
the  '' Rocca  "or  CiUidel,  called  the  '^  Cnpo  del  Baffnoh" 
was  given  in  charge  to  Daniel  of  Bagnano  a  man  of  faith  and 


"  Fiorenza  fatti  in  la' 
Che  Semifonte  si  fa  citta.* 


Florence,  standi  back 

That  Semifonte  may  become  a  city. 


bravery,  well  worthy  of  a  post  which  commanded  the  town  and 
all  its  defences. 

The  position  of  Semifonte  was  on  the  ridge  of  a  small  cres- 
cent-shaped hill  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  circumference,  one 
horn  of  which  pointed  towards  Lucardo  and  the  other  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Vico  ;  the  town  nearly  followed  its  outline 
but  was  of  an  oval  form  inclosed  by  massive  and  lofty 
ramparts  thickly  studded  ^vith  loopholed  and  machicolated 
towers. 

Two  great  gates  and  a  small  posteni  were  its  only  outlets, 
one  of  them  surmounted  by  a  noble  tower,  looked  on  Lucardo 
and  was  called  "  Porta  alia  Fonte  "  from  a  spring  of  pure 
water  that  gushed  out  of  the  rock  below,  but  more  frequently 
*'  Porta  al  Batjuano  "  after  a  place  of  that  name  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. The  postern  led  towards  Vico  and  was  named  after 
die  adjoining  chapel  of  Saint  Nicholas  :  near  this  point  the 
line  of  walls  was  broken  by  the  citadel's  solid  ground-work 
spreading  outwards  under  the  weight  of  a  high  embattled  tower 
like  the  base  of  a  pyramid  and  was  pierced  by  the  low  arch  of 
a  salh-port  through  which  supplies  were  received  in  war.  On 
the  other  extremitv  of  this  defensive  line  stood  a  corres- 
ponding  tower,  and  at  its  angle  of  junction  with  the  rampart 
issued  another  stream  from  a  spring  within  the  palace  which 
flowed  through  the  public  streets  and  after  suppl}ing  seve- 
ral fountains  burst  through  the  solid  masonry  and  tlowing 
beside  the  public  road  was  celebrated  alike  for  the  clear- 
ness of  its  waters  and  the  beautiful  marbles  that  contained 
them. 

Hard  by  this  stream  stood  the  splendid  Porta  Romana  or 
as  more  generally  denominated,  "  Porta  Grande  "  from  its 
conspicuous  size  and  beauty ;  it  was  the  principal  gate,  and 
is  described  as  having  been  composed  entirely  of  cut  stone 
surmounted  by  a  finely  proportioned  tower  two  hundred  and 
thirty  feet  high  and  wreathed  \nth  light  graceful  galleries  of 


156 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


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CHAP.      HI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


157 


marble  columns  ;  the  whole  crowned  bv  a  colossal  lion  in  j*rev 
*'  Macigno  "  grasping  the  standard  of  Seniifonte :  this  wa^ 
considered  as  the  national  guardian  and  gave  its  name  to  tli. 
Tower*. 

Continuing  from  Portii  Grande,  tlio  rampart,  occasionallv 
flanked  by  other  turreted  projections,  was  linally  reunited  h> 
the  Porta  al  Bagnimo.  On  a  ctiitral  sjtot  of  the  m(l^t 
elevated  ground  rose  in  solid  strength  the  *'  Encca "  or 
Citadel  of  Seniifonte  :  it  is  desriilt»*d  as  of  a  quadrangular 
form,  "magnificent,  beautiful,  and  inconceivably  strong: 
studded  with  towers,  and  battlements  beetling  out  from  tin  ir 
summits  ;  and  with  turrets  hanging  t'loui  tneiy  angle  tif  tli* 
bulwark.  Sternly  towering  in  the  midst  of  idl,  was  seen  the 
*' Cassero''  or  great  octimgidar  keep,  a  vast,  imposing,  and 
compact  strongludd  and  well  provided  for  the  war;  it  com- 
manded ever}'  thing,  was  full  of  stout  hearts  and  hands,  and 
secure  in  its  native  strength  seemed  proudly  waiting  fur  the 
storm. 

The  circuit  of  walls  was  small,  but  populous  suburhs 
stretched  far  out  from  the  gates,  active  with  industr}-  and 
replete  with  artisans  to  whom  the  shuttle  the  lance  or  the 
crossbow  were  equally  familiar. 

Bevond  the  Gate  of  Bagnano  stood  two  lofty  arches  :  uiider 
one  was  the  fount^dn  whence  it  received  its  name,  the  other 
formed  a  sort  of  internal  entrance  to  this  extensive  subuili 
which  was  closed  towards  the  open  country  by  a  second  gate 
called   '*  Pi>rt(i  di  Borgo.''     A  liigh   tower  surmounthig  the 


*  The  description  of  this  tower  coupled 
with  that  of  the  famous  Tostuffhi 
Palace  hereafter  to  be  mentioned,  and 
their  resemblance  to  the  leaning  tower 
ftt  Pisa  which  is  a  supposed  imitation 
of  the  Greek  style  of  the  lower  em- 
pire would  seem  to  strengthen  the  con- 
jecture that  the  two  former  were  rem- 
nants  of    Roman    civilisation    when 


wealth  still  remained  hut  pure  taste 
had  long  yielded  to  inferior  and  coni- 
paratively  V)arbarou8  styles  of  archi- 
tecture. The  Macif/no  is  a  blui*h 
gray  stone  worked  from  the  Ficsolinc 
and  other  Tuscan  quarries,  and  i;*  in 
almost  universal  use  for  buildin: 
paving  &c. 


^rate  and   a  protecting  outwork   or   barbican   completed   the 

..efence,  and  the  backs  of  the  liouses  looking  into  gardens  were 
sj  well  closed  and  imited  as  to  render  them  in  sldlful  hands  a 
fonnidable  obstacle  to  besie'^^ers. 

The   interior  of    Seniifonte   was    adorned   with    churches 
tdaces,  and    various   stately  buildings;    it    contained   three 
hundred  nouses  independent  of  ecclesiastical  abodes  and  their 
appurtenances,    a   fine    public    palace   belonging   to   the   old 
^rmifontine  chieftains,  besides  many  others  the  property  of 
IK. hies,  vavassours,  and  divers  distinguished  gentlemen.     The 
|)la/'e  could   muster   three   imndred   men-at-arms   with   their 
usual  att.^n<iimts,  and  twenty  -  Barhutr  distinguished  by  steel 
helmets  and  hoi-sehair  crests,  armed  at  all  points  and  mounted 
on  apn-ited  chargers.     Besides  these  were  many  more  of  note 
who  wore  the  garb  and  weapons  of  their  respective  companies 
and  -when  plumed  and  armed  for  service  made  a  goodly  show 
A>  they  nmged  themselves  under  the  respective  colours  of 
theu-  bannermen.'    In  addition  to  this  force,  the  peasantry  and 

Mnmadierr  or  paid  infantry  of  the  district,  with  the  con- 
tnigents  of  friendly  communities  swelled  the  garrison  which 
thus  prepared  calmly  awaited  the  conflict*. 

Meanwhile  the  Florentine  bands  were  duly  marshalled  and 
Ithreaihng  the  Val  d'  Elsa  pushed  forward  an  advanced  guard 
towards  the  Lucardo  side  of  Semifonte.     One  morning  before 
suunse  this  coq)s  appeared    before   the   outwork   about   two 
oiosslx)w  shots  distant  from  the  Porta  Di  Borgo,  and  as  soon 
k^  die  main  body  anived  carried  that  post  by  storm.     The 
subiu-b  was  tlien  promptly  attacked  in  front  and  Hank,  and  a 
s€,  -r-  lodgment  effected  close  up  to  the  town  wall:  detach- 
ments immediately  occupied  every  avenue  by  which  supphes 
could  arrive  and  thus  the  investment  was  completed.     In  this 
Nie  the  belligerent  forces  remained  for  some   time  without 
jtiirther  advantage  on  either  side,  but  the  fame  of  the  enterprise 

*  Malavolti,  Storia  di  Siena,  Parte  ii%  Lib.  i.,  p.  5. 


158 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[lOOKi.  [chip.  Till.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


attracted  manv  volunteers  to  the  besiegers'  camp,  and  caval- 
cades  of  squires  and  knights  and  nobles,  not  only  from  Tuscany 
hut  every  piut  of  Italy,  came  prancing  in  as  if  it  -^ere  a 
tournament,  to  test  their  prowess  in  the  war. 

Florence  however  had  something  besides  mere  pageantry 
to  occupy  her ;  she  muld  but  ill  afford  the  expense  (»f  a  pro 
traded  siege  ;  and  being  moreover  hard  pressed  by  the  Ubdl 
dini  in  Mugello,  urged  on  her  consul  either  to  a  decisive  blew 
or  an  immediate  return  to  the  capital.      Chiarito  Pigli  thus 
pressed   dispatched  Aldobrandino   Cavalcante  with   a  tla«;  of 
truce  and  honourable  conditions  to  the  besieged;   but  ilu  v 
would  not  even  listen  to  his  terms,  and  llights   of  arrows 
repelled  every  effort  at  a  parley.     An  assault  «>n  the  Porta  tij 
Bagnano  was  repulsed  after  some  hard  lighting  by  showers  nf 
"  Verrettoni " *   from  the  tower  and  the   Florentines  retirtil 
with  considerable  loss  but  leaving  a  painful  impression  on  t)>e 
Semifontines'  mind,  who  felt  the  necessity  of  all  their  exerti.  n 
to  defeat  these  vigorous  and  indefatigable  assailants. 

The  people  of  San  Gemignano  and  other  allies  8.^eing  the 
unpromising  aspect  of  affairs  began  to  consult  tiieir  own 
safety  and  offered  friendly  overtures;  these  increased  the 
confidence  of  Pigli  who  after  a  second  misuccessful  attempt  ai 
negotiation  endeavt)ured  to  win  the  place  by  treachery.  TLe 
community  of  San  Donato  had  sent  a  body  of  cross-bowmen  to 
the  besieged  under  one  of  their  most  accredited  citizens  calkd 
Ricevuto  di  (liovanetto  who  was  especially  charged  to  defenl 
tlie  Lion  Tower,  and  Pigli  either  from  a  previous  knowled^'e 
of  Ricevuto,  or  calculating  on  the  weakness  of  human  nature 
when  in  contact  with  self-interest,  succeeded  in  corrupu.j: 
him  by  a  promise  amongst  other  things  of  the  civic  honoui-s 
and  privileges  of  Florence,  with  immunity  for  himself  and  ail 
his  race  in  pei-petuity  from  any  public  impost  in   that  city. 

♦  The  Verrettone  was  a  small  and  {>ccu-     the  Italian  cross-bowmen  of  that  ami 
liarly  formed  arrow  generally  used  by     subsequent  ages. 


159 

"JsJ^ri^f  "T''  '""°^  ''''  ™^'^*  ^"-^  ^*-  «  false 
re  .»ta.ice  the  Floremines  were  to  enter  as  if  successful :  the 

columns   accordingly  advanced   at   the   appointed   hour  and 

fixjug  .^^.en-  ladders  in  deep  sdenee  mounted  with  confiden  e 

diopprng  of  their  men  on  eve^-  side.  The  struggle  was 
nevertheless    maintainpri    n^fii    ^      i       i       ,  *^^ 

ludmiamecl  until  day-break  when  showers  of 
arrows  from  the  c  tadel  rpnnk^^  fi.^  j  "»cib    oi 

c  Litduei  repulsed  them,  and  veiT  soon  aftpr  ihe^ 

«  lement..     He  fell  by  his  o^vu  fault,  but  Florence  was  true 
.her  word;  she  gave  his  family  all  that  had  been  prons^d 
although  no  good  resulted  from  the  treason;  and  this  c  r  um 
^me  has  misled  some  writers  into  the  belief  that  SenrnTe 
lell  by  lutngue  and  disloyalty*.  '""onie 

The  consul  was  still  urged  either  to  finish  or  raise  the  siecre 

and  march  to  the  Mugello  ;  but  equally  alive  to  the  di  ^eeff 

eing  thus  baffled  and  the  increa.ing  difficulty  of  a  Zited 

ri^t'i'^^r"'  "^^^'f^    ''-  preparation^  TtS 
«ere  made  u.  the  most  open  and  ostentatious  manner  m  order 

t  alarm  the  Semifontines.  and  induce  their  acceptance  oTte^s 
«h.oh  for  the  third  time  he  was  about  to  offer 

paled  T^""'  ''"'•   '"T''  ''  ^^'"''•'"^^  immediately  dis- 
patched  foui-  anziaon  to   leam  their  purport;    a  general  as 

W  without,  any   relaxation   of  the   besiegers'  preparation, 

bcotto  the  Setgnior,  m  his  official  robes  and   the    "  Tocco  " 
»f  cap  of  digmty ;   attended  by  the   two  consuls    the   fif.v 

^^^  t  P-'^'r/"---^-.  ^escendld  Jrol^ 
IHiace  and  thus  addi'essed  the  people. 

-Wnltthifi'  d'^^  in  defence  of  our  sinking  countiy  would 
"nn^  with  It  a  posthumous  renown,  I  doubt  not  0  most  pru- 


'■' 

1 


160 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I.     I  I 

■      CHAP.   VIII.  J 


"  dent  and  beloved  countrymen,  that  our  present  misfortune 
»^  would  feel  as  light  as  it  now  weighs  heavy  on  our  mind  ;  for 
♦*  then  with  a  momentaiy  exertion  we  should  be  sui'e  to  gain  a 
♦'  lastinty  reward :  but  at  this  instant  it  would  savour  too  mudi 
*•  of  pride  and  folly  to  choose  the  worst  ('..iirse  of  the  only  two 
'*  that  are  otiered,  and  thus  with  infinite  damage  acipiire 
«♦  immeasurable  shame.  I  have  as  you  all  know  past  my  life 
"  in  arms  ;  and  experience  has  taught  me  how  difterently  the 
'♦  events  of  war  fmish  from  that  which  in  the  beginning  thev 
**  seem  to  promise  :  therefore  as  Heaven  and  your  own  free  will 
"  have  placed  me  in  the  office  of  your  chief  and  that  you  have 
'*  judged  me  capable  of  discharging  it ;  verily,  verily  I  shoiiUl 
"  fail  in  my  duly  were  I  to  conceal  that  which  I  know  is  for 
"  your  good.  Moved  therefore  by  the  sole  wish  of  benetiting 
'*  the  Commonwealth  I  am  compelled  to  ainiounce  to  you 
"  with  feelings  which  I  cannot  now  restrain,  that  our 
*'  cause  is  desperate  ;  that  we  have  no  salvation  but  in  nnnie- 
'*  diate  peace  with  Florence;  and  that  in  our  i)resent  st<ite  it  is 
more  easy  for  rash  men  to  assert  that  they  can  defend  our 
walls  than  for  the  wise  and  experienced  to  believe  them. 
♦*  Behold  how  our  enemies  are  favoured  !  Favoured  even  liv 
"  the  ver}'  things  and  circumstances  which  we  hailed  as  i)re- 
"  cursors  of  our  ovsii  good  fortune ;  and  time  has  reconciled 
'*  them  with  those  in  whom  we  most  trusted  for  assistance ! 
"  Behold  the  fallacy  of  our  judgment  I  We  foolishly  believed 
**  that  in  the  war's  duration  was  our  best  chance  of  safety,  and 
now  we  find  it  pregnant  \nth  unmitigate.l  evil!  For  the 
Florentines,  seeing  none  move  in  our  favour,  have  cast  aside  j 
all  apprehension  and  act  in  bold  and  fearless  confidence. 
"  Yonder  is  San  Gemignano  ;  our  nearest  neighbour ;  a  people 
"  in  whom  we  implicitly  confided  :  with  a  faUd  foresight  have 
"  they  not  made  peace  with  Florence  in  the  certainty  of  oiir 
"  impending  ruin,  while  they  are  blmd  to  its  being  the  vigil 
"  of  their  own  destruction  !     Our  numbers  are  fearfully  ilinu- 


FLOIIENTINE   HISTORY. 


i« 


(i 


it 


n 


i( 


(( 


t( 


(> 


161 

nished,  the  enemy's  forces  hourlv  aucrmentinrr  •  ^. 
of  victuals  and  of  wa.Me  .tores;  keX^^^^^Z^X 
we  .ve  no  chance  norhope  of  asupp,,;  our  advert.;  r^^s' 
m  all  the  wantonness  of  luxur>-!     In  evei-v  deed  nf 

in  every  encounter,  and  can  we  now  exnect  m,™T 

"  favour-.'     Our  walls  are  scarcely  teluea  d  ToT  r/"  ""^ 

••  from  the  assault  which  I  fear/and  ewct  at  ^he  "' 

"  where  they  have  been  n,n,t  iT   i      ,  "^'^  ''P°* 

•>"";"  "SOU  most  severely  damamd.     There  w» 

•■  hT  e7       r  "'''7'  "'"'  ''™'  -"  '-  ^e  who  dil 

he,r  defence,  for  well  do  I  know  the  condition  of  a  stomed 

town      a   ,,,       ,„^^^  ^^^^,^  ^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^  licentious  sowL;  ' 

ueatu,  tor  alas .   I  have  lived  too  long  when  I  have  lived  t,> 
-  my  county- iu  this  condition!     But  my  duty      dm! 

"IT;™""-     "!'■-«' O  believe  these  old    vw" 

"  he  will  1 1         ■';  T"  "°  '"P"'  ""  ^''«'^'^^-  ™  resource ;  and 
lie  will  be  reputed  wise  who  temporises  under  evik  and 

•Sue m  :i;' T""'''" '"'^'""""-- '' ^^ -'re 

Mable  m  bold  and  powerful  men  to  Jiazard  life  for  the 

:  i.e.,  ...  ,hn,  ..h  her  ^^^^Z?::^ 

ut  e^erla  tmg  mtainy.     Let  us  then  send  deputies  to  hear 

r^t  o  our  present  advantage;  or  should  these  prove  too 

men.     11  they  be  fair  and  honourable  why  should  we  n.f 
;-ept  Uiem  >     Wi„  it  not  be  wiser  to  eel  to  tt  fl  ce 
[  ~stan,.s  which  we  cannot  control,  and  so  preset,  these 
all.  and  this  people  for  more  fortunate  times'than  tot 


162 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I.     H    CHAP.  Till.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


**  by  foolish  obstinacy  not  only  our  lives  and  our  country  but 
'*  all  the  fame  that  we  have  already  gained  in  the  world?  I 
"  speak  thus  because  thus  1  feel,  and  tluis  I  judge,  but  am  rea<lv 
*'  to  follow  any  better  council  that  your  prudence  may  suggest.' 
With  these  words  the  grave  and  experienced  Seignior  finished 
his  discourse  and  Messer  Lo  Turco  began. 

•'  If  we  O  Seignors,  and  most  excellent  people,  had  now  for 
"  tlie  first  time  to  deliberate  about  renouncing  the  Florentine 
"  dominion,  seeing  the  immense  disparity  of  force  I  should 
**  deem  it  pure  folly  to  think  for  a  moment  of  doing  so  ;  l»ut 
*'  knowing  that  this  has  been  already  accomplished,  and 
•*  seeing  the  condition  to  which  we  are  in  consequence  reduced ; 
**  with  few  words  but  strong  reasons  1  will  prove  that  an 
*•  obstinate  defence  is  not  onlv  the  most  etfective  means  of 
"  safety  but  of  the  last  necessity,  and  even  that  in  which  our 
*'  present  hoi>e  almost  entirely  consists.  First  you  mu^t 
*'  remember  that  without  any  provocation  we  made  war  on 
**  Florence,  and  became  her  subjects  entirely  from  the  conse- 
"  quences  of  our  own  turbulence;  for  by  him  who  was  ..ur 
"  legitimate  master  we  were  freely  given  to  the  Florentines,  j 
**  and  with  wliat  outrage  and  ignominy  did  we  not  drive  their 
**  rector  from  our  walls?  Have  we  not  crossed  their  fn»ntier 
"  with  a  mailed  hand?  Have  we  not  made  rej^eated  iu-| 
*'  roads  on  their  estates?  Have  wc  not  with  plunder,  fire. 
*'  slaughter,  and  such  unpardonable  otfences  outraged  in  a 
"thousand  ways  their  property  and  honour?  How  many  of 
**  their  subjects  who  were  living  in  peaceful  obedience  have  ^e 
*'  not  excited  to  tumult  and  revolt?  Are  we  not  allied  with 
*'  their  bitterest  enemies  ?  And  have  not  these  ill-deeds 
**  brought  us,  as  they  will  every  other  people,  to  the  lowest 
*'  depths  of  misfortune  ?  And  do  you  really  believe ;  orl 
**  rather  do  our  otl'ences  seem  to  you  of  so  light  a  nature  as  to| 
"  allow  you  to  believe,  that  how  much  soever  we  may  hunil'lel 
•*  ourselves  tlie  Florentines  will  ever  stoop  to  pardon  ?   Do  wj 


163 

:  '''""^,  P^'-'^""  •    "  th«y  offer  fair  terms  it  wUl  be  from 
necessity  not  clemency  .-and  once  i„  ti.eir  power  if  Lte3 

••  \VI,P„  *r»  ^"JU'ige  .— \\ ho  to  see  us  righted  ?— No 

\  ben  trespassers  against  the  powerful  have  once  broken  the 
bounds  of  pardon  they  must  r-^^tL^v  .    ,  ■      7  .      "®"  '"^ 
"  arms  than  plac-e  co  JLZL  ff         ^^  *'""  '"'^^  ^^ 

les.  tlorentines.-But  granted  that  they  pardon  us  -What 

ineij  can  ns.-—\\^  iiave  to  perish  either  hv 

I   "T     T  "^  '^  ^"^^-^    "^y   'he   former   with   scoi  a^d 
hniamy;  by  the  latter  with  glory  and  renown;  tlTn"  "t 
"less  sweet  than    ife  itself  t,%  tu^     _  "ungs  not 

"and  the  brave       n  ''""°"''  S^^erous-minded 

"dke  t  27        '  f  *  '""^'^  '^'  °^  «'^"h   prepared 

fepised  but  m  both  cases  it  is  right  to  be  governed  by 
sound  reason  and  clear  judgment.  I  too  a«-ee  in  the 
genera    opinion   that  it  is  of  the  last  imporSre  t^   the 

■  onrder  >"'  '''^  r  ^""''''^  '^  ^p-'%  -'I  ---f^y 

J  se  which  the  flames  just  kindled  m  the  Casentino  and 

Schef'^f  r"T'  '°  ]"'^  '^  '  %aey  to  themselves. 
1 2  friend        ?fn       "'"''  ""  *^^  Val-di-Marina  with 

meditates  a  blow  that  will  be  our  salvation  if  we  only  .^pel 

2 1  am  sure  we  shall  repel,  this  menacing  assault.     More' 

knone  or  two  days  the  enemy  cannot  r:main  before  ou; 

I  wails .  then  why  are  we  to  be  terrified  at  the  clang  of  those 

M  2 


164 


FI.ORINTINK    HISTORY. 


[nooR  I.  I  CHAP,  vin.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


165 


*'  arms  that  perhaps  may  never  oiVend  us,  and  tnist  to  the  faith 
'*  of  an  iniquitous  people  only  to  <lestroy  our  ancient  elleri^ll((l 
**  name  ?  I  have  sjx^ken.  O  Semifontines !  that  whi(  h  I 
**  believe  and  intend  to  maintain :  I  am  ready  to  die  a 
"  thousjuui  deaths  rather  than  eontlescend  to  capitulate;  and 
"  I  now  declare  that  as  long  as  I  l>re;itlie  the  hn^ath  of  life  I 
"  never  will  voluntarily  n^ee  to  a  surrender,  being  resolved  to 
*•  live  and  die  a  freeman." 

These  orations  were  followed  on  either  side  hy  others  with 
much  (htTerence  of  opini«Mi ;  a  capitulati(»n  was  however  deter- 
mined  on  and  deputies  were  already  app<'intrd  to  hear  the 
enemv's  propositions,  when  the  sudden  huist  of  drums  aiul 
trumpets,  loud  shouts  and  clash  cf  arms,  broke  up  the  meeting 
and  hurried  all  o^  in  apprehension  to  their  stations.  The 
Florentine  genenil  intending  to  stimulate  discussion  by  ap 
proaehing  danger  had  made  a  false  attack;  his  cohnnns  had  I 
alreadv  reached  the  walls  and  even  placed  some  ladder-^  when 

*  I 

the  garrison  arrived  to  re-occupy  them. 

The  battle   now  began  in  eanie>t,    for   Pigli  seizin<]j  the  I 
oceasion  turned  it  into  a  real  attack  and  pressed  forward  witlij 
renewed  hope  and  all  the  advantage   of  early  preparati<»n 
Vallentre  Beniardi  had  succeeded  the  traitor  liicevuto  in  the  I 
Lion  Tower  near  which  a  compact  body  of  Florentine  infantn 
carrying  **  ravesi,''  or  gi*eat  bucklers,  locked  together  above 
their  heads  like  a  tiled  roof,  had  steadily  advanced  and  under 
this  shelter  nearly  worked  their  way  through  the  solid  mascnrv 
in  despite  of  all  opposition ;  when  at  the  very  moment  tlien 
thought  the  entrance  practicable  fresh  showere  of  anows  fell 
from  the  citadel  while   those   within    plied   their   speai-s  s?| 
sharply  at  the  breach  that  the  Florentine  work  was  slow  andl 
full  dearly  purchased.     Ever^'thing  being  commanded  by  the! 
**  Cdssero  "  deadly  aim  was  securely  taken  from  its  height  | 
and  as  the  weakest  points  of  defence  were  retrenched  and 
palisaded  the  enemy  had  much  to  surmount  besides  the  i*aiBj 


parts :  the  struggle  became  fierce  and  the  slaughter  great  on 
this  side  of  the  town  wliih.  at  the  Porta  al  Bagnano  and  the 
IH)stern  of  San  Nicholas  the  Alberti  with  some  Florentine 
nobles  and  Vavassours  led  on  the  storm  with  equal  ^rallantry 
for  Count  Albert  had  an  ancient  debt  to  pay  and  the^esie^ed 
expected  it.  o 

By  this  time  every  Florentine  column  had  come  up  •  and 
[spread  themselves  along  the  whole  line  of  walls;  they  were  met 
j  by  equal  valour,  and  a  long  bright  band  of  clashing  weapons 
encircled  the  ramparts.     The  citadel  was  selected  by  Pigli  for 
his  0^11 :  It  was  a  brave  choice  and  valiantly  sustained  •  for 
I  with  the  boldest  of   his   followers    he   proved   the  value   of 
both  head  and  hand  in  that  bloody  encounter:  here  too  Aldo- 
l.randino  Cavalcante  surpassed  all  others  in  prowess,  and  many 
another  hardy  knight  displayed  his  force  and  spirit  but  all  in 
v:uQ,  for  Daniel  of  Janic«)ne  whiried  such  a  storm  of  missiles 
from  the  keep,  and  with  so  sure  and  deadly  a  flight  that  n©- 
thmg  could  stand  under  it  and  live  ;  and  had  not  the  assailants 
made   good  their  ground  elsewhere    Pigli,   as  he  afterwards 
acknowledged  w(.uld  hax  e  been  compelled  to  retreat  and  desist 
I  from  the  enterprise. 

Meanwhile  the  storm  raged  in  every  quarter;  shouts,  groans, 

the  crash  of  ladders  and  the  flill  of  steel-clad  men,  echoed 

tlirough  the  streets  of  Semifonte;  the  besieged  were  thinned, 

famt  and  exhausted,  and  could  no  longer  defend  the  weaiy 

circuit  of  their  lines  :  the  enemy  kept  bringing  up  fresh  forces  at 

every  moment  with  louder  sliouts  and  more  stirring  cheers,  until 

the  fiiiling  strength  of  the  garrison  sank  mider  their  gallant 

etlorts ;  yet  at  this  very  moment,  old  men,  women,  and  even 

children  hished  desperately  to  the  fight,  and  flying  parties 

liurried  from  post  to  post  repulsing  new  assaults.     At  last  the 

pmparts    glittered  with  hostile    lances,    the   enemy  pushed 

Ibravely  through    the   breach;    some    entered    the   gateway, 

already  dashed  to  atoms;  others  hung  from  the  battlements 


166 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I.     I      CHIP.   VIII.j 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


167 


or  strode  the  walls,  aiding  their  comrades ;  or  dropped,  arms 
and  all,  into  the  devoted  town  :  terror  spread  wildly  and 
universally ;  the  people  disperse ;  they  lly  to  the  towers  and 
temples  :  women  and  children  cling  tremMinj?  to  the  altai-s  or 
clasp  the  sacred  cross,  or  fling  themselves  shuddering  on  the 
pavement ;  the  clergy  issue  forth  with  the  holy  symbols  of 
their  faith  and  tnisting  in  the  God  of  all,  hnplore  the  com- 
passion of  their  conquerors  :  sohs,  screams,  and  wailing  till  tlie 
air,  and  ''Mercy!  mercy!''  is  wildly  shrieked  and  mildly  an- 
swered. Univei-sal  Ciiniage  was  about  to  begin  when  the 
consid  was  suddenly  beheld  standing  among  the  prostrate  mul- 
titude :  the  sight  calmed  him;  humanity  conquered;  and 
stifling  all  anger  he  allay«'d  their  terror  by  the  promise  of 
universal  pardon  :  it  was  doing  much  to  overcome  passion  in  the 
heat  of  battle  ;  more  to  control  a  fierce  exasperated  soldiery  in 
the  moment  of  victor}- ;  and  Wth  of  them  are  honourable  t(.  the 
general  the  militan-  discipline,  and  the  manners  of  an  age  which 
we  are  perhaps  too  ready  to  believe  was  exclusively  barbarous. 

The  soldiei-s  of  those  early  times  were  however  all  natives, 
all  citizens  ;  they  were  unpaid  men  and  half-paid  mihtia  ;  and 
all  knew  the  sweets  of  home  and  familv  atfections  :  as  vet  war 
was  not  a  trade  in  Italy  and  everv-  man  fought,  ^vith  passion 
yes ; — but  still  on  principle  and  witli  a  natiu-al  feeling  for  his 
country ;  such  men  were  more  easily  managed  than  the  mer- 
cenary gladiator  of  after  times. 

Had  Semifonte  capitulated,  Piglis  intention  was  to  demand 
twelve  hostages  and  place  a  Florentine  governor  over  it :  iu 
the  flush  of  ^^ctory  he  suddenly  determined  on  the  horrors  of 
a  storm;  but  now,  moved  by  compassion,  was  willing  to  resume 
his  first  design  provided  that  the  venerable  Messer  Scotto 
were  one  of  the  hostages.  The  indignant  though  vanquished 
citizens  sternly  resisted  this,  and  refusing  to  give  up  their 
ancient  magistrate,  Pigli  with  some  magnanimity  accepted  the 
two  consuls  in  his  stead. 


These  terms  being  settled,  tlie  victor  retired,  but  soon  in 
complete  armour  reentered  at  the  head  of  his  troops  and  occupied 
the   market-place ;    he  then  summoned  the  Lion  Tower  and 
Citadel  both  as  yet  uninjured  ;  the  former  surrendered  but 
the  latter  steadfastly  refused,  and  still  shot  so  keenly  that  no 
street  was  safe  from  its  missiles,  no  Florentines  could  show 
themselves  witii  impunity,     Cavalcante  was  sent  with  a  flag 
of  truce  but  met  only  opposition,  and  Chiarito  nettled  at  this 
unexpected  repulse,  was  about  to  make  a  general  assault  when 
Alhert  Seignior  of  San  Gimignano,  and  old  Scotto  of  Semi- 
fonte  implored   his   forbeanuice  until    they  had   tried   their 
influence  with  the  stubborn  Dainello.     This  faithful  officer 
obeyed  his  chief  but  demanded  terms  for  the  garrison  which 
had  fulfilled  its  engagements  by  resisting  to  the  last.     "  As 
"  for  myself,"  he  added,  ''  I  promised  to  die  in  defence  of  the 
•'  Rocca   or   only  surrender   to   him  from  whom  I  received 
"  it  in  charge :    had  it  been  necessaiy  I  was  ready  for  the 
"  foi-mer,  but  have  been  required  only  to  perform  the  latter 
"  and  thus  have  redeemed  my  pledge :  and  I  will  serve  the 
"  Florentines,  or  any  othei-s  that  trust  me,  with  equal  fidelity 
"  whenever  it  may  please  Heaven  to  send  me  a  master." 

Chiarito  struck  by  his  noble  conduct  replied  "A  brave 
"  man  who  is  faithful  to  his  trust  deserves  no  blame,  but  on 
"  the  contrary-,  praise  and  admiration  even  from  enemies  ;  and 
"  added  that  his  gallant  conduct  should  be  made  known  to  the 
"  Florentines  by  whom  it  was  certain  to  be  appreciated."  So 
saying  he  threw  over  Dainello's  neck  a  golden  chain  and  medal 
on  which  was  stamped  the  Lily  of  the  Florentine  RepubHc. 

The  citadel  was  then  occupied,  strict  discipline  preserved, 
and  hostages  sent  to  Florence,  where  public  satisfaction  ran 
liigh  at  this  fortunate  conclusion  of  a  war  that  promised  results 
so  different,  while  many  citizens  immediately  repaired  to  Semi- 
fonte curious  to  examine  a  place  of  such  interest  to  their 
country.     The  articles  of  capitulation  were  soon  definitively 


les 


KLORENTI X  E    H I  STORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   VIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


arnuigod:  the  citailel  ami  a  certain  j^ortioii  of  tlie  nnii|i:iris 
wen?  to  W  tiomolishod :  twonty-six  doiiari  to  Le  aiiuually  paid 
for  eai^h  hearth  witli  the  acrustomod  oxivptions  of  pnosts  and 
soldiers:  aiid  the  inhabitants  were  not  i(>  setth:  in  otlur 
places  :  some  other  stipulations  of  minor  importance,  after  tlie 
completion  of  which  Semifonte  as  part  o(  tUo  (  ontado  was  to 
he  received  mider  the  pivtection  of  the  senate  jnul  peojde  uf 
Florence  and  a  reconciliation  at  the  same  time  etVected  with 
Sjm  GimigDaiio*. 

Semifonte  after  this  seems  to  have  repented  of  its  sul.- 
mission,  as  a  thinl  war  is  indirectly  mentioned  in  l'.>0!i. 
prol>al)ly  again  excited  hy  Siena.  There  arc  in  tact  distinct 
indications  of  existing  hostilities  at  that  period,  for  wv 
find  thiit  Hildebrandino  da  Quercieto  on  Vteiii;^  r«  h  a>o«l  from 
captivitY  promises  not  to  act  against  Floren«  e  in  her  war  with 
that  to¥m  or  even  to  reside  there:  which  }»romise  lH^in<^  cii- 
sidered  insutJicient  he  further  enpiges  with  one  companion  to 
accom|iany  the  Florentine  army,  if  retpiirod,  to  the  wiirf.  This 
probably  terminated  in  the  entire  ruin  oi^  Semifonte,  jis  by  a 
decree  supposed  to  have  passed  soon  alter  thi>  expedition  the 
people  were  dis]>ersed.  the  town  ruined,  and  eveir  vestige 
swept  away :  the  Semifuntiues  emigrated  to  Certaldo,  Florence. 
Sau  Gimignano.  and  other  places,  and  even  the  veiy  name 
of  that  commimity  no  longer  exists  in  the  map  of  Tuscany;. 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib^.  i«,  p.  66.— G.  Pacf  da  Certaldo  (great  great  grand- 

Villani  Lib.  v.,  r.  30.— Pace  <k  Cer-  mii  of  Messer  Scotto)  who  was  tx-rn 

Uldo  Guerra  di  Semifonte.  in  1273,  about  gixtv-four  vcars  afur 

t  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i-^,  p.  69.  the  death  of  his  ancestor  Scotto  ani 

t  The  hill  of  Semifonte  was  Bold  in  seventy-one  after  the  siege.     He  was 

1364  to  Filippo  di  Vanni  da  Petrog-  a  cotemporary  and  friend  of  Giovanni 

nano.  from    whi.h   it  derives  its  ac-  Villani    as    his   father   had    been  of 

tual  name  of  Ptfrtx/nono,   but  now  Dante,  Gio^-an  Boccaccio,  and  Chelini. 

belongs    to   the   Cappt.ni   family.      In  father  of  that  novelist,  and  took  jrriat 

the   seventeenth  century  there   were  pains  both  from  tradition  and  manu- 

•tiU  some  pilaster*  and  the  ruins  of  a  script  history  pre8er\ed  in  his  own  and 

chapel  remaining.     The  above  account  other  dispersed  Seniifontine  families  to 

of  tJke  Scmifontine  war  is  uken  almost  collect  materials  for  his  narrative,  whi(  h 

vliolhr  fitna  the  ancicat  chronicle  of  bears  strong  maiks  of  general  sinccritv. 


169 


Il.us  ended  tlio  war  of  S.n.ifonte  whose  history  is  offered  as 
uu  mu>resting  though  miinature  pictui'e  of  the  rise  and  fall  of 
nidependenco  and  inton.al  IVo.dom  amongst  the  Italian  t/.wns 
^^"-1  "'•»  =";  m'into.vsting  .xan.ph.  of  the  civil  and  militant 
manners  of  tliat  age;  and  country. 


Some  of  his  information  was  extracted 
from    the    private    records    of  Scmi- 
fontine   magistrates    kept    dmiii-r    its 
prosperity  and    at    the   {uri...!    of  its 
destrnction ;  and  though  he  docs  not 
say   that    he    gained    anv   of  his    in- 
formation from  tliosc  who  were  actors 
in  the  events  he  relates,  his  inmicliate 
informants   did.      Donato    Veliuti    in 
his  Chronicle  tells  us  that  his  great- 
grandfather   Bonaccorso  Veliuti    who 
died  in  1204  at  120  years  of  age  was 
one  of  the  emigrants  from  Semifonte 
wlien  he  must  liave  been  at  least  28 
yeai-8   old    and    therefore    capable    of 
giving  Pace    (born    in   1273)    a  full 
account  of  what  he  saw.     It  is  true 
that  Veliuti  died  many  vcars  before 
Pace  wrote    or   probably*  thought    of 
witing,  and    then   only'  for  a  fan.ilv 
record  which  became  afterwards  mucJi 
damaged  and  Mas  restored  and  co})ie(l 
Jy  his    son    Piero    in    13,^)0.      The 
Canonico  Salvini  in  his  preface  to  the 
taronicle  of  Buonaccorso  Pitti  (a  de- 
scendant of  the  Semifontine)  while  he 
admits    the   main    facts    and    names, 
declares  the  narnitive  of  Pace  to  be 
'absolutely/    apocryphal,''    without 
however  assigning  any  specific  reason, 
oni.v  "  ff€n€7ul  researches  "  which  for 
the  sake   of  brevity  he  tells  us  he 
withholds.     "  Che  qui  d  trala^ciano 


per  ,.yi>;ir,n-  Im,r,(zzay     This  is  the 
""ly  douht  that   I  have  seen  cast  on 
tlic   ami.cnticity  of  Pace's   narrative, 
which  h<.H  ever  may  he  highly  coloured, 
as  well  from   the  nature  of  traditional 
stones  a.«,   the  usual   inclination  of  a 
fallen   peophj    to   magnifv  what   they 
ome   were.      Donato    Veliuti    in    his 
Chronicle  above  mentioned  describes 
Semifonte   as    "^   vcnf   large   town 
W(th  f/rcat  families,  and  ra^es,  and 
lumourahk  people,  and  many  kniyhts 
0/   the  Gohhn    Spur;    u-hieh  made 
(jreat  war  with  the  city  of  Florence:' 
The  Chronicle  of  Pace   da  Certaldo 
was  first  published    and  without  any 
expression  of  doubt  as  to  its  authen- 
ticity, hy  Doctor  Giovanni   Targione 
Tozzetti,   a  great   authority,    in    his 
"  ^^titggi ;''   and   afterwards  with  an 
ample   and   very    useful  Glossary    in 
1753  from  an  ancient  MS.  supposed 
to  be  the  same  copied  bv  Pace's  son 
Piero.      The   '^  Annali  'di    Simcyne 
della  Tosa''  also  speak  of  both  ex- 
peditions in  1199  and  1202.     Several 
other  writers   do    the  same,  and   the 
I)ublic  documents  as  well  as  the  in- 
ternal evidence  of  Pace's  work,  which 
seems  to  have  been  intended  onlv  as 
a    private    family    record,   give    it   a 
truthful  character  that  is  not  easv  to 
obliterate. 


iro 


FLDBENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.   IX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


in 


CHAPTER  IX. 


FROM    A.D.    1202    TO    A.D.     I S 1 5. 


A.D.  1202. 


The  capture  of  Semifonte  was  soon  followed  l>y  peace  in  the 
Mugello  and  the  destruction  of  Cambiato,  which  left  Florence 
for  a  while  in  tranquillity:  ht  r  general  success 
struck  forcibly  on  the  neighbouring  chiefs  and  com- 
munities and  altered  their  treatment  of  both  vassjilsand  weaker 
neighbours ;  for  in  her  was  always  to  be  found  a  willing  ami 
powerful  liberator,  not  however  so  much  from  sympathy  as 
ambition  and  national  interest. 

Thus  Montcpulciano  althougli  legally  pronounced  to  l)e  a 
Senese  dependency,  tendered  her  allegiance  to  the  Florentines 
and  engaged  never  to  acknowledge  herself  as  belonging  either 
to  the  contiido  or  diocese  of  Siena  ;  to  make  peace  or  war  at 
their  bidding  and  exempt  them  from  all  tcdls  :  to  offer  yearly 
at  the  Baptist  s  shrine  a  waxen  torch  of  five  pounds'  weight 
besides  ten  silver  marks,  or  fifty  pomids  of  "good  Pismi 
danari." 

The  Counts  of  Capraia  confiding  in  the  strength  of  their 
castles  scorned  Florentine  power  and  infested  both  banks  of 
the  Amo ;  robbing  merchants,  ill-treating  travellers,  and  com- 
mitting numberless  outrages  on  the  peasantr\' :  Florence,  too 
proud  for  such  bearding,  sent  an  expedition  agjiinst  Mal- 
borghetto,  a  walled  town  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river 
opposite  to  Capraia,  with  directions  if  successful  to 
attack  the  latter;  but  this  being  deemed  too  hazardous  and  in 


A.D.  1203. 


order  to  bridle  the  counts  of  Capmia,  a  fortress  was  erected 
on  the  h,ll  nnmediately  above,  under  the  name  of  '^  Monte 
Lupo    as  nitended  to  devour  the  goats  of  the  "  Capram  "  * 

The  people  of  Pistoia  having  in  1203  taken  Monte  Murlo 
from  the  Counts  Gnidi  then  in  alliance  wkh  Florence  that 
fortress  ^as  recovered  by  her  assistance;  but  like  the  Floren- 
tmes  P,sto.a  erected  another  over  against  it,  which  was  named 
Montale  and  these  chiefs  perceiving  the  difficulty  of  main- 
taimng  their  position  sold  Jlonte  Murlo  to  Florence  in  1209 

Between  Siena    a>:d  the  latter  state  from  their  balanced 
strength,  geographical  position,  and  political  oljects,  discord 
was  continually   engendered:     Florence   became  jealous    of 
b,enas  acquisition  of  Montalcino,  and  fearing  that  it  would  be 
followed  by  an  attempt  on  Montepulciano  resolved  indirectly  to 
foment  a  war  by  reviving  old  disputes  about  territorial  boun- 
.  anes,  an,   more  openly  by  laying  siege  to  the  Castello  di 
rornano  winch  Siena  was  bound  by  treaty  to  protect.     The 
uter  however    being   secretly   bent   on    the    acquisition  of 
Montepulciano  was  ready  to  receive  any  terms  that  did  not 
interfere  ,vith  this   object,  and  by  refening  their  territorial 
claims  to  the  Podesta  and  consuls  of  Poggibonsi,  who  decided 
against  them,  the    Senese  avoided  foreign  war   but  kindled 
such  a  flame  of  internal  fire  that  Montepulciano  was  nearly 
forgotten  in  the  long  and  lasting  scenes  of   civil  tumult  it 
occasioned  f. 

After  Mal(K,rghetto-s  destruction  and  the  foundation  of 
Jlonte  Lupo  the  lords  of  Capraia  paid  more  respect 
to  Florence,  and  towards  the  end  of  1204  resolvin"  ^'^'  ^'^*- 
to  make  their  peace  deputed  Count  Guide  Borgo^one  with 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  that  republic.  He  engaged  for  him- 
self and  the  people  of  Capraia  to  pay  twenty.si.^  danari 
annually   for   each  house ;    to   make  peace  and  war,  except 

*  "  Capraio  "  means  a  goatherd.  Lib.  iv.    Parte  i»    n  49      q     a 

t  Orian.  MaJavoUi.  Stfria  di  Sien..     rato.  S.or.  S.; Lit.  t'-fz.-'"""- 


ira 


FLORENTINK    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.   IX.] 


FI.nUKNTiNK    IflSTORY. 


173 


A.D.  1207. 


agiiinst  tho  emperor,  at  the  C(»mm;inil  o(  Vhrt^uco,  nnd  to 
resign  all  their  possessions  on  the  Uli  l>:mk  of  the  \v\u>  iui,» 
her  hamls  as  a  ple(li:'e  of  tidelitv  ;  for  whith  they  were  to  lie 
supjx^rteil  ajjainst  even*  foe.  and  Ca[>niia  was  ikjI  to  be  destrovcd 
"without  their  own  eonsent. 

The  year  1*^01  was  reniarkalde  at  Morenee  tor  a  completr 
change  in  the  fonn  of  executive  goNtrnimiit  tVoiu  that  of 
consuls  to  a  Podestu  witli  verv  <\ien>i\e  authority; 
its  tendency  w;is  to  si>rt  ad  far  heyond  orii^iiuil 
limit:*,  tuid  ultimately  ahsorh  all  the  aiuient  consular  jurisdic 
lion :  yet  the  principle  of  being  governed  by  a  stranger 
unbijissed  by  hx^al  prejudices  and  atl'ectioiis  wa>  theorcticallv 
good  and  to  a  great  extent  l)encticial  in  juactice,  but  it  linally 
concentrated  immense  powers  in  the  hands  (»f  a  "tingle  person 
which  clashing  with  the  equalizing  notions  of  pure  ileniocrac  y 
did  no  ser\ice  to  freedom  ;  it  accustomed  the  pe«iple  to  look 
up  to  one  supreme  hand  jis  the  arbitnitor  of  all  their  dispute 
and  the  judge  v»f  ;dl  their  errors,  whether  civil  criminal  ov 
political :  and  tlwt  hand  was  armed  with  aliHO>t  unlimited 
powers  wliich  were  rarely  (iue>tioued  however  despotically 
exercised. 

The  civil,  criminal,  and  military  authorities  were  pei*sonitiod 
in  this  hijirh  functionary  who  mi<»ht  usually  be  seen  distri 
buting  justice  in  every  part  of  the  city  and  contado  followed  Ity 
a  splendid  court  with  assistiint  judges  in  both  branches  of  the 
law ;  or  again  lea«ling  the  citizens  and  aiLxiliaries  to  war  in  all 
the  military  parade  and  pomp  of  majesty.  It  is  tnie  that  lii^ 
powers  lasted  but  a  year  :  latterly  only  half  that  period  ;  that 
he  was  seldom  re-app<jinted  and  only  after  long  uitervids;  that 
he  was  forced  to  stand  a  severe  scrutiny  before  his  departure, 
forbidden  to  bring  a  kinsman  with  him  to  the  city  of  his 
government,  rarely  even  his  wife  ;  that  he  was  interdicted  from 
mixing  familiarly  \rith  the  citizens  or  receiving  any  attention? 
from  them;    but  all  these  precautious  annulled  neither  the 


l>nn.oly  charmer  nor  .l.s,,o,is,„  „f  ,l„.  .moo  :  indivi.Iuals 
.  ...ngcd  but  ,he  ,li„ni,v  ,,  ,„m,„.,l ;  ,„„1  in  ,1,.  turl,„l.nre  of 
I  H.  ,n,u.v  ,  ,cre  w..,-,-  s.ili  ,l,oso  wl,„  ,.fu.rwar,l.  lauguinhod  for 
the  authority  ol  oiw. 

The  .TOttion  of  a  "  r„,,i,„„.,  ,1.1  l>„,,„l,r  fi,s,  rMu;\  ih, 
,K..st,.s,„m,.r,l,„f,M,s,l„.re  will  l,e  Lcrcaftrr  „,or..  ,o  snv  of 
.0.  .  t  ...o  o«icc«  it  ,s  now  only  n..,.,.ss,.^  to  ohsorvc  that  a 
1 0,  osta  was  orea.,..l  not  nnly  l,..,.a„so  ,l,e  <.„n,„ls  La,|  l,ccon,o 
parual  m    the  dKs,ril,utio„  of   ,„  ,sonal  jnMi.o    l.y  favouring 
the  party  that   s„,,p<M„.d   their  own    elction,    hut   also  to 
rrevent   di,s.sens,ons,  enn,ities   and  ,tffer  vcnf^.anee   on  the 
judge  when  no  longer  ),r<,terted  l,y  official  dignity- 

A  vigorous  and  imimrtial  execution  of  ^he  law  in  fact 
m,u.redmueh  energy  when  ahno.t  eveo"  sentence  in  eriminal 
andpolUK-al  ea.es,  if  great  eiti/.ens  were  involved,  made  all  the 
anned  ioree  of  goven.ment  necessary  to  give  i,  life,  and  ooca- 
Monal  ly  earned  destruction  to  the  culprits  dwelling :  the 
iiulmdu,j8  cause  was  always  espoused  I,y  his  friends  and 
kmdred  and  the  government  being  itself  a  factioti  was  ever 
either  a  partisan,  or  an  enen.y  to  one  party  or  the  other;  hut 
tins  belongs  to  later  times. 

The  first  Podesta  after  this  pern.anent  revival  of  that  office 
was  Gualfredotto  Grasselli  of  Milan  who  occupied  the  epis- 
wpal  palace  the  old  seat  of  government  in  Matildas  dav  for  it 
was  long  after  that  any  public  palace  existed.      Durin^,  ,his 
mans  rule  Florence  reconciled  the  Counts  Guidi  with  PistoL. 
Hud  renewed  her  own  ,]uarrel  with  Siena,  because  availiua  it.elf 
of  the  genenxl  external  tranquillity,  and  occasional  lull,s°i„  its 
o«T.  domestic  quarivls,  that  republic  again  mnied  at  the  eon- 
quest  of  Montepulciano.      Florence  was   bound  bv   h„„om- 
mterest,  and  her  own  inclination  to  assist  this  place,  while 
^■ena  confidnig  iu  treaties  ,ui,l  the  cot.sequent  obligation  of 
Irlorence  to  aid  her  iii  case  of  war,  had  no  fears  trom  that 

*  M.  del'  Stefani,  Lib.  ii»,  Rub.  6J,  p.  "a 


174 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[boor  I. 


I  CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


AD.  1208. 


A.D.  1210. 


quarter;  she  wtis  therefore  indignant  not  only  at  seeing  a 
Florentine  army  relieve  the  besieged,  but  still  more  so  on 
hearing  that  it  had  suq^rised  and  defeated  her  own 
troops  near  ^lonte  Alto,  and  destroyed  that  town.  Mutual 
accusations,  open  and  angry  reproaches,  and  a  breach  of  the 
treaty  of  1-201,  confirmed  by  that  of  1*20:3  was  the  language  of 
both,  and  Florence  next  year  ravaged  the  adverse  state  up  to 
the  very  walls  of  its  capital.  The  towns  of  Rugo- 
raagno,  Piapolano,  and  many  others  were  ruined, 
the  Senese  beaten  from  the  field  and  forced  into  an  i^mo- 
minious  peace  by  which  both  Montepidciano  and 
MontAlcino  were  acknowledged  free  and  indepen- 
dent communities  under  Florentine  protection  *. 

These  successes  augured  favourably  for  the  new  administra- 
tion and  Gualfredotto  was  re-elected :  but  success  and  popula- 
rity are  frequently  as  dangerous  to  freedom  as  to  individual 
character :  they  are  apt  to  prolong  if  not  perpetuate  the  autho- 
rity of  one  leader  by  repeated  renewals,  until  power  becomes 
confirmed  and  misused  and  the  man  coiTupted  :  the  people 
discover  when  too  late  that  they  have  lost  their  due  influence 
and  must  either  quietly  submit  or  by  struggles  and  blood 
restore  the  legitimate  l)alance. 

The  civil  contentions  in  Germany ;  the  Pope's  partiality  for 
Otho  of  Saxony  ;  and  Philip  of  Suabia's  consequent  excommuni- 
cation which  gave  Innocent  an  opportunity  of  declaring  liis 
election  indecorous  and  scandalous,  have  already  been  noticed : 
yet  fortune  did  not  forsake  the  anathematised  Ghibeliue . 
Otho  driven  from  Cologne  in  1*200  took  refuge  in  England 
while  Philip  and  the  Priest  in  despite  of  all  former  curses  not 
only  became  friends  but  kinsmen  by  a  marriage  between  Inno- 
cent's nephew  llicai'do  and  Philip's  daughter,  with  the  Marclie 

♦  Malespini,  cap.  c— G.  Villani,  Lib.     69.— O.  Malavolti,  Parte  i%  Lib.  iii., 
v.,  cap.  xxxiii.,  xxxiv.  -  Stefani,  Rub.     p.  45. 
61,  62. — Amuiiraio,  Lib.  i",  pp.   68, 


175 


of  Ancona  and  Spo leto  as  a  dower*.  This  was  followed  by  the 
reconcihataon  of  Otho  and  Philip  in  1^07,  and  the  marriaae  of 
aj,oU.er    aughter  to  the  fonner  who  was  forthwith  elected  C 

caicel>  had  Phihp  begun  to  enjoy  some  tranquillity  when  he 
fell  beneath  the  dagger  of  Otho  Count  Paletine  in  revenue  f  r 
some  private  mjuiy  and  was  succeeded  in   J^^OS   by  O^o  of 
Saxony  whose  recent  marriage  gave  him  some  ri^ht  Tthe 
herediuiiy  estates  of  his  father-m-Iaw;    and  by  afonrit 
nouncn.g  all  clann  to  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  of  wlLh  h  s  IthTr 
bad  been  depnved  by  Barbarossa,  he  secured  the  friendship  of 
Jo.  w^actually  possessed  .hem.    A  second  electi^ltf  S^J 
0    the  Lomaiis  and  of  (lormany  was  deemed  necessary  I 
alhance  with  Pope  Innocent  followed,  much  being  moZi;ed 
as  was  usual  w  th  the  Gprnv.,i  r.«         •  .     piomisea, 

rial  crown  f.  ^'^''"'''  '"  ^''"™  ^''  '^^  ™Pe- 

Te..  yeai-s  of  civil  war  were  thus  ended,  during  which  the 

lenaiged  tlea  domnnons :  those  of  the  Guelphic  faction  be- 

I        rl'ed' tT  T'  f r  ™^"  '™°' ''"  -P--  ^^-""^'^ 
a  frilndt  n    .^     r^  ""'  """"'  '"  ''''^'■'  1»«  '^rown  from 

of  sii  :.ttiS  ^--«  -- 

loiij  in  oeiievmg  that  the  political  sentiments  of  the 

ncems  of  the  emperor,  and  these  were  ever  at  variance  with 

he  chm-ch  and  Guelph.c  republics:.     Xo  lastin.  frie.KlIp 

codd  reasonably  be  expected   because  the  permLentu  tn 

of  pnncples  so  utterly  conflicting  as  royalty  and  democracy  i^ 

I  sustain  this  feelmg  both  as  a  moral  barrier  against  the  C«sa,^ 


in 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


175 


A.D.  1208. 


A.D.  1210. 


quarter;  she  was  therefore  indignant  not  only  at  seeing  a 
Florentine  army  relieve  the  besieged,  but  still  more  so  on 
hearing  that  it  had  surjirised  and  defeated  her  own 
troops  near  Monte  Alto,  and  destroyed  that  town.  Mutual 
accusations,  open  and  angr\^  reproaches,  and  a  breach  of  the 
treaty  of  1*201,  confirmed  by  that  of  1'203  was  the  lan^i^iage  of 
both,  and  Florence  next  year  ravaged  the  adverse  state  up  to 
the  very  walls  of  its  capiud.  The  towns  of  Rugo- 
magno,  llapolano,  and  many  others  were  ruined, 
the  Senese  beaten  from  the  field  and  forced  into  an  igno- 
minious peace  by  which  both  Montepulciano  and 
^loutalcino  were  acknowledged  free  and  indepen- 
dent communities  under  Florentine  protection  *. 

These  successes  augured  favourably  for  tlie  new  administra- 
tion and  Gualfredotto  was  re-elected :  but  success  and  popula- 
rity are  frequently  as  dangerous  to  freedom  as  to  individual 
character :  they  are  apt  to  prolong  if  not  perjietuate  the  autho- 
rity of  one  leader  by  repeated  renewals,  until  power  becomes 
confirmed  and  misused  and  the  man  coiTupted  :  the  people 
discover  when  too  late  that  thev  have  lost  their  due  intluence 
and  must  either  quietly  submit  or  by  struggles  and  blood 
restore  the  legitimate  balance. 

The  civil  contentions  in  Germany ;  the  Pope  s  partiality  for 
Otho  of  Saxony  :  and  Philip  of  Suabia's  consequent  excommuni- 
cation which  gave  Innocent  an  opportunity  of  declarinj^  lii^ 
election  indecorous  and  scandalous,  have  already  been  noticed  : 
yet  fortune  did  not  forsake  the  anathematised  Ghibeliue : 
Otho  driven  from  Cologne  in  1*200  took  refuge  in  England 
while  Philip  and  the  Priest  in  despite  of  all  former  curses  not 
only  became  friends  but  kinsmen  by  a  marriage  between  Inno- 
cent's nephew  Kicai'do  and  Philip's  daughter,  with  the  Marelie 

♦  Malespini,  cap.  c. — G.  Villani,  Lib.     69.-— O.  Mala  vol  ti,  Parte  i',  lib.  iii., 
v.,  cap.  xxxiii.,  xxxiv.  -  Stefan i.  Rub.     p.  45. 
61,  62. — Ammirato,  Lib.  i**,  pp.   68, 


of  Ancona  and  Spo  eto  as  a  dower  *.  This  was  followed  by  the 
reconchauon  of  Otho  and  Philip  i„  i^OT.  a^d  the  maml  of 
a.oU.er    aughter  to  the  fonner  who  was  forthwith  electeTl  „g 

caicely  had  1  h.hp  begun  to  enjoy  some  tranquillity  when  he 
fell  beneath  the  dagger  of  Otho  Count  Paletine  in  revenue  fo 
some  pnvate  mju.^- and  was  succeeded  in  J->0..  by  oX  of 
Saxony  whose  recent  marriage  gave  him  some  ri.Jtto  the 
hered.tao'  estates  of  his  father-m-law ;  and  by  afon^  t 
nounon.g  all  clann  to  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  of  wWoh  his  LTr 
-1  been  depnve.l  by  Barbarossa,  he  secured  the  friendship  oJ 

use  who  actually  possessed  them.    A  second  election  as  W 

ol  the  liomans  and  of  (ipmvuiTr  t.oo    i  i  ^ 

n-  .  .  vitimany  was  deemed  necessqrv-  on 

alliance  with  Pone  Imi.u-Pnt  f.n        i  ,    .    "^^^^^^^ary,  an 

as  was  usual  wi  h  the  Gem  n  ,  l'"  '  ""''  """'/  P^"""^^^' 
rial  crown  f.  '"'"''•  '"  '''""^  ^°'  '^'  '"'P^- 

Ten  yea.-s  of  civil  war  were  thus  ended,  during  which  the 
tahan  states  confirme.l  their  own  independence  a^d  generd  y 

LeS.frr  T'    "•"'  ■""^•'>  ^'•"'^  -  -"P--  'Attached 

fri  ^^d.         nr     ,""'  ""'  '''""  *"  '•^-'^  '■-  -o-n  from 
f    ndly    onflf:  they  were  deceived,  and  soon  became  aware 

of  their  folly  m  behev,ng  that  the  political  sentiments  of  the 

ncems  of  the  emperor,  and  those  were  ever  at  variance  with 

idd  .easonably  be  expected   because  the  permLent  union 

of  pnncples  so  utterly  conlhcting  as  rovalty  ,  „d  democmcj  iS 

1-posterous,     The  Italiat.  republns  were.Uus  ofLv"  me" 

~  w,th  t  eir  liberi,  and  it  was  the  papal  inteVesf^ 

^u,Um  th.s  fcehng  both  as  a  nioral  barrier  against  the  C«sars 


176 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  IX. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


and  a  physical  support  of  the  church.  It  consequently  became 
impossible  for  any  pope  ami  emperor  long  to  remain  on  friendly 
terms  even  though  they  had  no  other  causes  of  discord ;  and 
from  the  moment  of  Otho's  arrival  in  Italy  he  was  as  much 
beset  by  Ghibeline  nobles  and  deputies  exclusively  attached  to 
the  imperial  cause  as  by  men  of  the  opposite  party. 

After  engaging  to  fultil  all  the  jwpe's  demands  by  promises 
which  cost  little  and  gained  much,  Otho  purchased  his  lioman 
coronation  in  1*209.  It  was  almost  immediately  followed  by 
an  affrav  between  the  two  nations  in  which  rbven  lumdred 
Germans  are  said  to  have  fallen  ;  this  was  the  hrst  check 
to  their  amicable  intercourse  :  the  breach  became  wider  l»v 
Otho's  subsequent  refusal  to  relimiuisli  tlie  inlieritiince  of 
Countess  Matilda  with  other  royalties  wliich  tlie  clmroh  perti- 
naciously claimed  and  which  the  empeim--  oiisily  admitted  liut 
steadily  withheld.  They  separated  with  a  mutual  detenninii- 
tion  to  cede  nothing;  dispute  sonn  liindleJ  into  anger;  anger 
into  open  war  and  excoranmnioation  ;  and  Otlio's  subsequent 
loss  of  the  imperial  throne  comjileted  the  disaster. 

Such  was  ecclesiastical  power  in  those  days  when  worked  l.v 
a  skilful  hand  and  a  pliant  conscience  ;  a  conscience  that  coiiKl 
hold  out  excommunication  as  a  rampart,  a  screen  behinl 
which  all  the  base  and  evil  pitssions  might  promiscuuusly 
associate  with  the  more  devout  and  nobler  sentiments  "1 
our  nature. 

Both  exerted  themselves  to  make  friends  and  partisans  in 
Italy,  Otho  at  first  looking  for  supjwrt  from  the  Ghibelim^ 
as  natural  Iwni  imperialists  while  Innocent  confided  primi- 
pally  in  the  Ouelphic  league  of  Tuscany  whii'h  answered  but 
faintly  to  his  call :  his  great  trust  was  in  the  young  king  Frede- 
ric of  Sicily  whose  guardianship  he  ha<l  accepted  with  the  sole 
view  of  strengthening  the  church  and  keeping  a  prince  in  hi* 
hands  that  could  be  effectually  opposed  to  imperial  power. 
more  especially  with  a  prospect  of  gaining  over  all  the  Ghibe- 


177 


Imes  to  the  cause  of  their  own  natural  chieftain.  Completing 
a  long  contemplated  marriage  between  his  yomig  wafd  3 
Constance  of  Aragon  whose  fathers  friendship' he  t'hursecuS 
together  wath  the  countenance  of  Philip  Augustus  aL  Zy 
German  pnnces;  he  resolved  to  have  Fred:ric  elected  Z 

an^irbwTf  "'  """  '^'"'^  ^*'" '"''  -  «-«  -  striking 
an  early  blow  at  his  yomrg  nvals  dominions  and  in  1210  car 
ned  war  mto  the  Sicilian  provinces.  '  ~ '  >^  car 

After  considerable  progi-ess  he  was  called  away  by  fresh 
troub  es  m  Germany  where  an  anathema  published  by  SiSd 
.^chbishop  of  Mentz  declared  that  he  had  forfeited  the  im^e 
na   throne:    many  princes  thus  loosed  from  their  allege 
^d  corrupted    by  mUp   Augustus   immediately   renored 
•ho  s  authonty  and  leagued  against  him,  so  that  he  was  fled 
-nto  a  hasty  evacuation  of  all  the  Italian  provinces 
•md  suddeidy  plunged  into  a  war  where,  besides  many   *•"•  ''"• 
other  enemies,  he  found  the  last  and  most  formidable  in  the 
youthful  king  of  Sicily  *. 

Guelphs    and   Ghibeliues   had   now    changed   sides    the 

fonner  becommg  under  a  Guelphic  emperor  the  supportei.  oJ 

i^^penal  prerogative  while  the  latter  were  appareSy  meta 

m^Thosed  into   ecclesiastical  champions:    theL  nuLZ 

_^me  mto  general  use  in  consequence  of  those  of  •'church" 

ivTr        7'  '''^'''  ''"'■  ''''''^  ■'  -  t"  ^P-k  more 

e  rf'enet     %    '  '"'"  '""  '"""''  '*  ""-anient  to  make 

ZJTu    T        ;'  ''''"'  ^  'n^t^-^e^ts  to  work  on  the 

errors  of  his  former  fnends  and  ruin  their  chief,  his  real  and 

E„?l     '■  T^  ""'  "^'J"'*  "''''  accomplished  the  current  of 
■action  resumed  its  ancient  channel  f. 

Lib't't!;    T^J"-^"",   '''"^■"'     "»'-^Vi.ed6Papi,p.299.-Messia 
».i»,p.79:  ■^-  '^"""'^'°'     I.'""^!'  i-I«r.,%.%21.-Deni„a: 

+  ;-.H.  Annali,  Anno    ,209.-    Sil^itVd.'-U.f^X.r' ■■•  ^'•^^ 

N 


178 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I.     ■    CHAP.  IX.] 


In  despite  of  some  hesitatiou  at  tliis  foniiidiible  enterprise, 
and  more  wavering  on  seeing  the  tears  of  his  yomig  and 
l>eautiful  bride,  Frederic  urged  by  rhilij)  Augustus  and  the 
Gliibehnes  set  forward  at  eighteen  or  twenty  years  of  age  (ui 
the  hazardous  enteq)rise  of  dethroning  a  veteran  emperor  (.1 
Genuany.  Proceeding  to  Rome  for  the  Pontitr's  benediction  \u< 
somewhat  prematui-e  and  ambitious  request  for  an  immediuti 
coronation  was  cUscreetly  refused  :  Innocent  was  too  waiT  to  K  t 
slip  such  patronage  without  a  soHd  exchange  and  wisely  hastened 
Frederic  s  departure  for  Genoa  with  his  own  k-gate  and  four 
galleys  ;  but  tmy  further  progress  wtis  arrested  by  the  Lombard 
Guelphs  who  were  all  hi  aims  and  ready  to  prevent  his  passage 

After  three  mouths  sj^ent  in  preparations  and  vain  attemjiis 
to  proceed  he  tinally  arrived  at  Pavia,  where  the  difficulties 
opposed  to  his  safely  reaching  CreuK.na  seemed  more  than 
doubled  as  l>oth  ^lilan  and  Placentia  were  ajjainst  him:  bv  the 
Marquis  of  Este's  aid  he  however  succeeded  in  reacliing  Coire 
in  the  Grisons  where  meeting  some  Gemian  adherents  aiid 
pushing  rapidly  on  by  Constance  he  arrived  after  much  peril 
at  Ai\   la   Chapelle   and   was    immediately  acknowledged  il' 
not  crowned  as  kuig  of  the    Ptomans  and  Germany.     Otho 
meanwhile  had  been  forced  to  turn  his  arms  against  Philip 
of  Fi-ance   by   whom   he    was    defeated   with   immense  loss 
A.D.  1214.  ^^  l^ouvines  near  Tom*nay  m  July  1'214,  and  never 
after  recovered  the  ascendant :  Imgering  on  in  ob- 
scurity until  1-21^  he  expired  at  the  castle  of  Hartzburg  iil\er 
receiving    tiirdy   absolution    by    the    indulgence   of    a   papal 
sanction  f . 

Frederic  was  crowned  king  of  Genuany  by  Siffred  in  I'^IJ. 
and  at  the  pope's  command  assumed  the  cross  with  a  promise 
to  make  war  in  Palestine  :  this  wily  pontiff  was  in  no  hmry  to 

*  Giannone,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  254.  — Mcssia,  Vite   Dedi  Imperatori.  p. 

t  Muratori,  Anni   1212,  1213,  1214,     423.— Platiua,  Vite  de'Papi. 
1218.— Sismondi,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  58, 601. 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


179 


confirm  the  impenal  title  by  a  coronation ;  on  the  contrary,  he 
distnisted  fortune  and  while  Otho  lived  it  was  vainly  demanded 
y  P  rederic  for  whose  young  and  sprouting  ambition  the  Ho  y 
Land  was  deemed  to  be  a  better  and  safer  nurseiy.    So  jealous 
mdeed  was    nnocent  of  imperial  power  even  when  wielded  by 
us  own  fosterchild,   '« The  Priests'  King  "  as  he  was  scorn 
fully  termed  by  Otho ;  that  he  insisted  on  that  prince's  mi 
son  bemg  proclaimed  monarch  of  Sicily  in  order  L  weaken  the 
athers  haiids;  and  Frederic  was  not  only  forced  to  abdicate  in 
his  favour  but  moreover  engaged  to  rehnquish  the  administra- 
ton  of  Sicily    0  Pope  Innocent  whenever  he  should  receive 
the  imperial  title.  <=i-cjyc 

The  pope  in  fact  might  now  have  asked  anything  of  Fre- 
dene  who  still  fearful  of  Otho  was  mueh  more  ready  t^  promise 
than  afterwards  willing  to  perfoinn;  and  except  as  a 
reiterated  assertion  of  claims  wliich  the  church  was  ''•''•  '^"• 
determmed  never  to  give  up  and  the  emperors  never  t«  gi^nt  • 
this  repeated  exacdon  of  empty  promises  seems  as  absurd  as  i^ 
was  for  a  long  time  useless*.     Nor  does  Frederic  appear  to 
have  been  more  faithful  to  his  word  in  Germany  if  Italian  his- 
tornns  are  correct  in  their  statements ;  for  on  the  death  of 
Otiio  he  humbled  the  German  bmnch  of  Este  by  depriving  his 
brother  Heniy  of  the  Palatinate  in  despite  of  a  prevL,  alee- 
ment  to  the  contraiy,  which   he  observed  only  whUe  appre- 
hensive of  the  deceased  emperor:  by  this  act  the  Guelphs  of 
Germany  were  left  in  possession  of  Brunswick  alone  which 

tney  stUl  retam,  with  the  important  addition  of  the  British- 

Itmpiref. 

Innocent  III.  died  in  1316  after  eighteen  years  and  a  half 
ot  successful  enteiTrise  :  eager  for  a  Holy  War  and  depending 
pnncipally  on  the  Pisans  and  Genoese  for  shipping,  he  was  in 

\<^  way  to  reconcUe  those  states  when  death  overtook  him  at 

I  «mgia. 

•  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  I-2I.5.     f  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1218. 

N    2 


180 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


TboOK  I.      ■    CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


isi 


Pope  Innocent  III.  may  be  called  the  estaUisher  of  tem- 
poral ecclesiastical  sovereignty  at  the  imperial  cost :  he  was  out 
of  the  ablest  and  most  glorious  of  pontiffs,  a  great  politician 
and  a  great  jurisconsult,  with  much  skill  in  the  spiritual 
management  of  Christendom :  he  governed  Sicily  at  \\\\\ , 
Rome  l>owed  to  a  senator  devoted  to  him,  and  all  the  neigh- 
bouring cities  acknowledged  his  power :  he  had  a  strong  follow- 
ing in  the  Guelpliic  states  of  northern  and  centml  Italy,  and 
the  Miirch  of  Ancona;  which  might  be  considered  his  donutiwi 
to  the  house  of  Este;  after  the  death  of  Azzo  VI.  in  IMI,' 
was  almost  ready  to  become  one  of  his  vassiils'?*. 

For  such  exploits  the  Holy  See  remains  his  debtor,  l.iit 
"  undefded  religion  "  and  humanity  must  ever  condemn  such 
an  institution  as  the  Inquisition  established  in  1  '^OO ;  an  in- 
stitution, says  Gibbon  with  well  dire(  tt  d  liitteniess,  "more 
adapted  to  confinn  than  refute  the  existence  of  the  evil  prin- 
ciple of  the  Paidicians  the  belief  in  wliich  it  was  principally 
intended  to  destroy f.  Nor  does  he  desene  less  execration  for 
his  crusades  agtunst  the  Pagans  of  Livonia  and  the  simple  uu- 
offending  Albigeois  ;  or  his  employment  of  tlie  sanguinaiy  and 
fanatical,  but  sincere  and  audacious  Saint  Dominic,  whom  as 
well  as  the  more  rational  Saint  Franci>,  lie  bound  finnly  to  the 
church  by  a  pretended  \ision  of  then-  being  chosen  as  its  pecu- 
liar champions  J. 

As  the  Albigeois  or  Paulicians  under  the  name  of  ''Pateriui" 
appear  for  a  moment  in  Florentine  historj'  it  will  not  bo  iiie- 
levant  to  offer  a  short  account  of  a  sect  so  unmei-cifully  per- 
secuted both  in  Asia  and  Europe  by  that  implacable  bigotrt 
which,  curtained  in  false  Christianity,  so  raved  and  dreamed  of  | 
blood. 

**  In    the  profession   of  Christianity,"  says  Gibbon,   "thf| 

*Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1216.  Grepor}-  IX.  in  1233. 

f  The   Tribunal   of  the    Inquisition     J  Sismondi,  vol.  ii.,  p.  67. 
was   a    subsequent   improvement    by 


vanety  of  national  character  may  be  clearly  distinguished :  the 
natives  of  Syria  and  Egypt  abandoned  their  lives  to  lazy  and 
contemplative  devotion  :  the  wit  of  the  lively  and  loquacious 
(Greeks  was  consumed  in  disputes  of  metaphysical  theology, 
whde  Rome  again  aspired  to  the  dominion  of  the  worid." 

But,  according  to  the  same  author,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
eighth  century  to  the  last  ages  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  the 
sound  of  theological  controversy  was  never  heard ;  all  oppo- 
sition had  ceased,  and  the  Eastern  church  reposed  in  peaceful 
slumbers.  Nevertheless  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury a  branch  of  the  Manicha^ans,  a  sect  that  endeavoured  to 
reconcUe  the  doctrines  of  Christ  and  Zoroaster  and  was  con- 
dermied  by  both  religions,  became  the  great  oljject  of  persecu- 
tion m  the  East  and  ultimately  led  to  the  reformation  of  the 
Western  world. 

Constantine  Sylvanus  an  o])scure  individual  in  the  neigh- 
bom-hood  of  Samosata  in  Syria  received  a  copy  of  the  New 
Testament  from  a  deacon  who  returning  from  captivity  about 
the  year  GOO  was  hospitably  entertained  at  his  house.      This 
gift  became  his  only  study  and  the  epistles  of  Saint  Paul  his 
peculiar  recreation  :  the  names  of  that  apostle's  disciples  were 
assumed  by  Constantine  and  his  companions  and  the  appella- 
tions of  the   primitive  churches  were  revived  amongst  the 
congregations  they  estalilislied  in  Armenia  and  Cappadocia. 
From  their  favourite  saint  it  is  supposed  that  they  took  the 
name  of  '' Paulicians^  but  they  employed  themselves  in  the 
investigation  of  Christianity  at  its  source  with  a  degree  of 
success  that  will   be  variously  appreciated  by   the  different 
persuasions  that  spring  from  our  Saviour  s  pure  and  simple 
morality. 

They  acknowledged  two  creative  principles  in  the  universe, 
an  evil  and  a  good  ;  the  former  of  the  visible,  the  latter  of  the 
mvisible  worid :  visions,  (so  rife  in  that  age)  were  utterly  con- 
demned by  Constantine  along  with  most  other  Manich^an 


182 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   IX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


183 


opiuions;  and  he  justly  complained  that  the  followers  of 
Christ  and  Paul  should  be  branded  with  sucli  an  epithet  as 
"  Manichaanism.^' 

Eternity  of  spirit  and  matter  was  part  of  their  creed,  and  a 
strong  line  of  demarcation  was  draN\-n  between  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments  ;  the  former  being  by  them  attributed  to  the 
principle  of  evil,  the  latter  to  the  spirit  of  beneficence :  they 
could  not  reconcile  the  crimes  namUed  in  the  fii-st  or  the 
epithets  of  a  '*  jealous;'  **  venfjefui;'  •'  terrible"  God,  with  the 
pure  mild  forgivmg,  exalted  idciis  and  feelings  taught  by  the 
last,  of  his  benevolence,  his  justice,  and  perfection ;  and  they 
accordmgly  hated  it  as  the  invention  of  demons. 

Images,  pictures,  relics,  and  the  mediation  of  saints  were 
alike  excluded  from  their  iliith  the  only  rule  of  which  tliev 
asserted  to  be  the  simple  expressions  of  gospel. 

Believing  in  the  rationdity  of  the  Christian  dispensation 
they  fearlessly  applied  the  divine  faculty  of  reason  to  the 
study  of  scripture  while  allegory  was  occasionally  brought  to 
the  aid  of  exposition  and  implicit  belief 

They  admitted  the  spiritual  advent  of  Christ  but  denied  his 
incarnation ;  the  crucifixion  was  to  them  an  unreal  represen- 
tation to  deceive  the  Jews ;  the  mother  of  Christ  but  a  simple 
woman ;  and  men  were  angels  fallen  from  pristine  gloiy  who 
would  in  due  time  resume  their  former  dignity. 

The  zealous  labours  of  Constantino  produced  corresponding 
effects;  his  disciples  were  recruited  from  the  remnants  of 
Gnostic  heresy,  from  the  Manichaeans,  the  Catholics,  and  the 
followers  of  Zoroaster  in  Cappadocia  and  Pontus,  but  had  no 
other  distinction  than  their  simple  scriptural  names  or  tliat  of 
'*  Fellow  Pilgrims ;"  no  gradation  of  rank  was  then  thought 
ol,  and  the  fervour  of  honest  zeal  and  a  sincere  austerity 
their  most  coveted  distinction. 

Constantino  fell  a  martyr  to  Greek  persecution  and  was 
stoned  to  death  by  a  weak  disciple  as  the  price  of  his  o\s\\ 


pardon  when  his  companions  turned  shuddering  from  the 
deed :  as  persecution  continued  tlieir  numbers  increased,  and 
in  one  short  reign  it  is  said  that  a  hundred  thousand  were 
sacrificed  to  the  idol  of  intolerance. 

In  the  ninth  century,  from  445  to  480,  being  driven  to 
desperation  they  revolted  in  Armenia  and  the  neighbouring 
prorinces,  and  joining  the  Saracens  united  the  Koran  the 
Scripture  and  the  sword,  making  long  and  bloody  wars  on 
the  Byzantine  princes.  The  Pnulicians  of  Thrace  a  colony 
from  those  of  Armenia  successfully  repelled  persecution, 
assisted  their  less  fortunate  brethren  and  gained  many  pro- 
selytes even  amongst  the  savage  Bulgarians. 

In  the  tenth  centuiy,  favoured  by  the  Emperor  Zimices  who 
was  pleased  with  their  braver5^  they  still  flourished ;  Alexius 
Comnenus    endeavoured   to   recover   them  and   for   a   while 
succeeded,  but  they  deserted  his  standard  in  the  Norman  war 
and  relapsed  into  their  former  heresy.      In  the  thirteenth 
centuiy   their  primates   residence   was   on   the   confines   of 
Croatia  Bulgcuia  and  Dalmatia  and  the  congregations  of  France 
and  Italy  were  governed  by  his   deputies:    the  Bulgarians 
when  first  moved  by  trade,  carried  the  Pauhcian  doctrines 
along  the  valley  of  the  Danube  and  into  the  heart  of  Bohemia 
where  they  sowed  good  seed  for  WicklifF,  Huss,  and  Jerome  of 
Prague.     The  Armenian  Pauliriaiis  availing  themselves  of  the 
various  caliphs'  tolerance  of  all  Cliristian  sects  carried  their 
opinions  with  their  connnerce  into  Africa,  Spain,  and  finally 
into  Languedoc,  a  neighbouring  province  to  Moorish  Iberia, 
where  Raymond  Count  of  Toulouse  gave  them  shelter  in  and 
about  Albi. 

From  this  centre  the  doctrines  of  the  Albigeois  spread 
rapidly  wherever  the  Proven9al  language  was  spoken  or  under- 
stood,  from  Catalonia  even  to  the  plains  of  Lombardy.  In  Italy 
where  they  met,  both  from  west  and  east,  they  were  principally 
distinguished  by  the  name  of  '' Paterini''  or  sufferers,   an 


1S4 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


appropriate  temi,  and  Lecame  extremely  numerous ;  for  tlip 
civic  spirit  of  free  cities  seems  to  have  been  geiienilly  un- 
favouraMe  to  persecution,  which  in  the  twelfth  eentui y  had  iK.t 
properly  begiui. 

At  Milan  where  they  appeared  about  11 7(»  they  were  known 
by  the  various  denominations  of  *-  Catari,'  '*  CreilcHtiT  "  Gu:- 
zari "  and  "  Concorrenti "  and  though  still  unpersecuted  were 
fiercely  preached  against  by  tlie  Archbishop  Galdino  and  his 
clerg\'*. 

The  trade  and  policy  of  Venice  too  opened  another  door  for 
the  entrance  of  these  sectaries,  and  their  doctrines  wire 
silently  propagated  even  in  the  midst  of  Home  which  thej 
hated  for  its  idolatry'  and  intolerance. 

They  were  now  connected  by  a  certain  form  of  episcopal  and 
presbyterian  government  and  had  various  shades  of  belief 
amongst  themselves  while  all  agreed  in  denying  that  the  real 
body  of  Christ  was  on  the  cross  and  in  the  Eucharist.  Their 
worsliip  was  simple  and  their  manners  iiarmless ;  but  from 
the  first  they  seem  to  have  been  doomed  to  suffering,  and  the 
blood  that  Howed  in  France  rose,  like  the  fabled  waters  of 
Arethusa,  from  an  eastern  source. 

In  Italy  they  were  comparatively  unharmed ;  but  in  Lan 
guedoc  under  the  auspices  uf  Innocent  III.  and  his  instniment 
the  fierce  and  implacalde  Dominic  their  assemblies  disajv 
peared,  their  disciples  fled,  and  streams  of  blood  and  mangled 
bodies  filled  their  temples,  to  vindicate  the  i)ontifrs  pm-e  and 
exclusive  Christianity.  Yet  their  spirit  was  not  crushed,  it 
breathed  secretly  but  unspent,  and  while  it  emitted  bright  but 
untimely  sparks  in  Wickliff,  Huss,  and  Jerome  of  Prague,  it 
was  silently  preparing  the  way  for  a  Zuinglius  a  Calvin  and  a 
Luther  f . 


185 


,(•1 


*  Vin.  Borghini,  Discor.,  Parte  ii'»,  p.     vol.  ii.,  c.  xiv.—Muratori,  Arm.,  v 
557.— Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1 176.     xvii.,  p.  75,  and  vol.  xviiL,  pp,  13,  34, 
"f  Gibbon,   vol  v.,  c.  liv. — Sismondi,     (8vo  ed). 


The  Patenm  are  supposed  to  have  found  their  way  into 
Italy  in  the  e  eventh  centu.7  and  to  Florence  in  the  twelfth  • 
there  about  the  year  1212,  a  certain  Filippo  Patemon  was 

citifens*.         ''''   ""'   "  """"'""   ^""""'"8   °^  P°'«rf«l 
Their  custom  was  to  discourse  much  and  frequently  at  their 
meetmgs  both  n.en  and  women;  and  after  the  prea^hinR  all 
prostrated  themselvos  before  the  bishop  who  placed  his  hands 
successive  y  on   each  :    this  ceremony  was  called  the  "  Con- 
sdauon    from  winch  was  probably  derived  their  appellation  of 
co,.olaU         Then-    hierarchy    consisted    of   four    orders, 
namely,  the  bishop;    the  -  elder  son.-"   the  "younger  son  ■" 
and  the  deu^'on.  who  succeeded  by  the  imposition  of  hands 
Ihey  increased  so  rapidly  that  Giov,mni  di  Velletri  bishop  of 
Florence  took  son>e  steps  to  check  their  progress  aided  by 
local,  imperml,  and  ecclesiastical  law,  and  above  all  by  the 
zeal  ol  Dominican  and  Franciscan  monks  who  with  all  the 
vigour  and  enthusiasm  of  young  votaries  soon  began  to  distin- 
guish  themselves  in  the  oxti.pation  of  heresv ;    the  former 
by  preac  ling  and  inquisitorial  persecution ;    "the  latter  also 
by  preaching,  but  generally  united  to  a  more  Christian-like 
example  of  gentleness  poverty  and  humility. 

Giovanni  da  Salerno  prior  of  Santa  Maria  Novella  and  two 
other  Dominicans  were  the  greatest  obstacles  to  the  propa<»a- 
t.on  of  new  religious  creels  in  Florence  until  the  advent°of 
their  great  Achilles   the  Fra  Tietro  da  Verona,  but  better 
known  as  "  &,»  I'ien,  Martin- "  about  the  vear  1244      His 
uolent  and  overbearing  eloquence  rolling  from  the  pulpit  of 
hanta  Maria  Novella  inllamed  orthodox  zeal  as  much  as  it 
imtated  heretical   sensibility ;    a   band   of  defenders  rallied 
about  the  preacher  and  a  militaiy  order  was  self-created  for  his 
protection.    Amongst  these  was  the  chronicler  Donate  Vellutis 
ancestor  already  mentioned,  a  man  of  great  prowess  and  skill 

•  Simone  dclla  Tosa,  Annali,  p.  128. 


186 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


187 


ill  arms  who  lived  one  hundred  and  twenty  yeai-s  and  wns 
much  tlistinguished  in  the  religious  conflicts  that  ensued  ^s 

The  militiiry  attitude  taken  bv  this  ecclesiastical  champion 
and  his  monastic  followers  produced  a  similar  effect  on  the 
Paterini  who  thus  driven  to  extremities  openly  defied  the 
church  and  dared  its  preachers:  squabbles  soon  commenced, 
occasional  affravs  and  tumults  succeeded,  and  then  pitched 
battles  in  the  streets  of  Florence  again  awakened  the  echfls  of 
her  towers  and  temples.  The  tall  dark  form  of  Pietro,  younit 
ardent  and  robust,  was  seen  grasping  a  red-cross  banner  and 
with  all  the  spirit  of  eloquence  leading  his  mad  cmsadeis 
into  Idood.  Two  great  battles  took  place,  and  in  l)Oth  the  Pa- 
terini were  defeated  :  both  spots  are  still  marked  by  columns  ; 
one  at  the  Croce  al  TrMio,  the  other  at  Santa  Felicita. 
and  the  saints  standard  is  yet  presened  and  even  occasion- 
ally displayed  to  refresh  the  faith  of  a  devout  and  admiring 
public +.      After  these   two   defeats    the   Paterini   gradually 

fast  a  distincc  equal  to  3  or  4  mile?, 

then  eat  little  less  than  two  loaves: 

asain  an  enormous  dinner,  and  thus 

past  his  latter  days.     It  was  at  tliat 

time  the  custom   to  go  frequently  to 

the  "Stufa""   or  public   warm,   and 

probably   vapour  baths    of   Florence. 

for  woollen  alone  was  worn  as  un»Ur 

clothinir :  in  one  of  these  %'isit8  Cor^o 

scalded  his  foot  and  died,  for  want  of 

his  usual  exercise,  at  the  age  of  1-0 

after  blessing  his  children  and  grand- 

children  as  he  siit  in  his  chair  wlure 

he  had  caused  himself  to   be    plaad 

for  the  puqwise;     amongst  the  latttr 

was  the  father  of  Donato  who  relates 

the    story.     This    femily    of  Velhiti 

emigrated  from  Semifonte,atthe  siege 

of  which   in   1202,  Corso  must  have 

been  28  years  old  and  therefore  could 

have   given    much   information  about 

that  republic. — (Cronaca  di  D(ma\f> 

reWu//,  pp.  2,4,  31). 

t  When  these  battles  were  finished 


*  There  is  an  interesting  account  of 
this  Florentine,  or  rather  Semifontine 
Nestor  in    the   Chronicle   of  his  de- 
scendant, who  describes  Corso  VcUuti 
as  a  man  of  great  stature  and  robust 
make,  with  a  fine  complexion  and  a  skin 
seamed  in  every  part  with  the  scars  of 
wounds ;  who  even  near  his  death  was  so 
firm  of  muscle  that  none  could  pinch  his 
flesh  while  he  could  make  any  young 
man  cringe  under  the  powerful  pres- 
sure of  his  arm.     Blind  for  the  last 
twenty  years  of  his  life  he  was  accus- 
tomed  to  take  daily  exercise  in  an  open 
corridor  that  extended  the  whole  length 
of  his  house  situated  in  what  is  now 
the  •*  Via  Mofjgio  "  and  upon  which 
his  three  chambers  opened :  this  was 
the  first  house  built  upon  that  spot, 
then    called    "  Ccusalina "    from    a 
single  house  which  stood  there  amongst 
the  gardens ;  afterwards  "  Via  Mag- 
giore^"  and  now   "  Magfjio."     Here 
old  Corso  used  to  walk  before  break- 


diminished  and  were  little  heard  of  in  Florence  beyond  the 
middle  of  the  thirteenth  centuiy,  but  the  Veronese  monk  who 
was  murdered  in  Lombardy  about  the  year  1252  is  said  to  owe 
the  honours  of  martyrdom  to  the  vengeance  of  these  fugitives* 
We  have  already  seen  that  the  spirit  of  poHtical  as  well  as 
religious  party  began  to  rise  as  early  as  1177,  and  excepting 
some  short  intervals  of  uneasy  repose,  remained  in  a  state  of 
violence  until  1 1 82.     From  this  epoch  there  are  no  accounts  of 
actual  war  within  the  city  until  1215  :  but  nearly  five  years 
of  hard  fighting  between  two  great  factions  of  undiminished 
force  was  unhkely  to  be  followed  by  a  dead  calm  except  from 
exhaustion  ;  or  by  any  oblivion  of  injuiy  in  an  age  and  country 
where  revenge  was  a  duty,  not  a  crime. 

The  great  power  and  independence  of  the  newly  created 
Podesta  together  with  extenial  hostilities,  probably  assisted  in 
maintaining  peace  in  a  city  that  prided  itself  on  being  founded 
under  the  protection  and  ascendant  of  Mars,  and  therefore 
doomed  by  fate  to  everlasting  troubles.  Hence  Roccuzzo  de' 
Mozzi  IS  made  by  Dante  to  say, 

"  lo  fui  della  citta,  che  nel  Batista 

Cangio  '1  primo  Padrone,  onde  ci  per  questo 
Sempre  con  Y  arte  sua  la  fara  tristiv  f." 


and  tranquillity  restored,  tlie  crusaders 
or  captains  of  the  Bigallo,  or  of  Santa 
^«na,  turned  their  enthusiasm  to  the 
then  useful  and   humane  purpose  of 
founding  hospitals  for  piljrrims.     The 
Bigallo  five  miles  east  of  Florence  was 
the  first,  and  the   beautiful   building 
»f  that  name  in  Florence  which  was 
originally  the  Knight's  Guard  House, 
afterwards  an  oratory  of  Sjinta  iAIaria 
and  their   ordinary  residence,  in   the 
days  of  Cosimo  I.  became  a  refuge  for 
abandoned  children  and  orphans  who 
were  educated  until  fit  for  service  and 
then  sent  to  the  fields  as  agricultural 
labourers  or  servants,  «&c.    The  Fresco 
paintings  still  visible  on  the  walls  are 


by  Taddeo  Gaddi  and  represent  San 
Piero  Marti  re  presenting  the  red-cross 
banner  to  twelve  distinguished  citizens 
whose  dress  and  shield  bear  the  same 
device.    The  columns  above  mentioned 
can   scarcely    be    said    to  have    been 
erected   in    commemoration   of  these 
vietoncs    although     they    mark    the 
locality:    that    of   Croce  al  Trebbio 
passes  for  the  work  of  Giovanni  Pisano. 
(  Vide  Osservatore  FiorentinOjXol.  iii., 
p.    191,   who  cites  the  Chronicle  of 
Saint  Antonio  bishop  of  Florence). 

*  Muratori,    Annali,  Anno    1252 

Cronaca  di   Donato  Velluti,  p.  31. 

Osservatore  Fiorentino,  vol.  i.,  p.  96; 
vol.  iii.,  p.  1 88.     t  Inferno,  Canto  xiii! 


1S6 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  IX.] 


ill  arms  who  lived  one  lumdrotl  and  twenty  years  and  wns 
mueli  distinguished  in  the  religimus  conllicts  that  ensued*. 

The  militjiry  altitude  taken  hy  this  ecclesiastical  chanipi.tn 
and  his  monastic  followers  produced  a  similar  effect  on  tho 
Paterini  who  thus  driven  to  extremities  openly  delied  the 
church  and  dared  its  preachei-s :  sipiahhles  soon  commenced, 
occasional  jiffrays  and  tumults  succeeded,  and  then  pitched 
battles  in  the  streets  of  Florence  again  awakened  the  edms  of 
her  Umers  and  temples.  The  tall  dark  form  of  Tietro,  yoimu 
ardent  and  robust,  was  seen  gi*asping  a  red-cross  Vnumer  and 
with  all  the  spirit  of  eloquence  leading  his  mad  cmsader^ 
into  blood.  Two  great  battles  took  place,  and  in  l»oth  the  Pa- 
terini were  defeated  :  both  si>ots  are  still  marked  by  columns  ; 
one  at  the  Crave  a!  TrMio,  thf*  otlier  at  Santa  Felicitn. 
and  the  saint's  standard  is  yet  pit ^(  rvcd  and  even  occasion- 
ally displayed  to  refresh  the  faith  of  a  devout  and  admirin-t 
public  f.      After   these   two   defeats    the    Paterini   gradually 

fast  a  «list.incc  equal  to  3  or  4  mile*, 
then  cat  little  les^s  than  two  loaves; 
.iCTin  an  enorinous  dinner,  and  thus 
past  his  latter  days.  It  was  at  that 
time  the  custom  to  go  frequently  to 
the  "  Sfnfa "  or  public  warm,  and 
probably  vapour  baths  of  Florence, 
for  woollen  alone  was  worn  as  under 
clothinff :  in  one  of  these  \nsits  Corso 
scalded  his  foot  and  died,  for  want  of 
his  usual  exercise,  at  the  age  of  1-0 
after  blessing  his  children  and  graml- 
children  as  he  Siit  in  his  chair  win  re 
he  had  caused  himself  to  be  plaixd 
for  the  purpose;  amongst  the  latter 
was  the  father  of  Donato  who  relates 
the  story.  This  family  of  Vclluti 
emigrated  from  Semifonte,atthe  siege 
of  which  in  1202,  Corso  must  have 
been  28  years  old  and  therefore  coul'l 
have  given  much  information  about 
that  republic. — {Cronaca  di  Donato 
re//u</,  pp.  2,4,31). 
•f"  When  these  battles  were  finished 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


187 


*  There  is  .in  interesting  account  of 
this  Florentine,  or  rather  Semifontinc 
Nestor  in  the  Chronicle  of  his  <le- 
scendant.  who  describes  Corso  Velluti 
.as  a  man  of  great  stature  and  robust 
make,  with  a  fine  complexion  and  a  skin 
seamed  in  every  part  with  the  scars  of 
wounds;  who  even  near  his  death  was  so 
firm  of  muscle  that  none  could  pinch  his 
flesh  while  he  could  make  any  young 
man  cringe  under  the  powerful  pres- 
sure of  his  arm.  Blind  for  the  last 
twenty  years  of  his  life  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  take  daily  exenise  in  an  open 
corridor  that  extended  the  whole  length 
of  his  house  situated  in  what  is  now 
the  **  Via  Maf/gio  "  an«l  upon  which 
his  three  chambers  opened  :  this  was 
the  first  house  built  upon  that  spot, 
then  called  "  CoMoJina "  from  a 
aii^c  house  which  stootl  there  amongst 
the  gardens ;  afterwards  "  Via  Mag- 
ffiore,"  and  now  "  Ma(/gio.'^  Here 
old  Corso  used  to  walk  before  break- 


diminished  and  were  little  heard  of  in  Florence  beyond  the 
middle  of  the  thirteentli  rentuiy,  but  the  Veronese  monk  who 
was  murdered  in  T.onil.ardy  about  the  year  1252  is  said  to  owe 
the  honours  of  martyrdom  to  the  vengeance  of  these  fugitives* 
We  have  already  seen  that  the  spirit  of  political  as  well  as 
religious  party  began  to  rise  as  eariy  as  1177,  and  excepting 
some  short  intervals  of  uneasy  repose,  remained  in  a  state  of 
violence  until  1182.     From  this  epoch  there  are  no  accounts  of 
actual  war  within  the  city  until  1215  :  but  nearly  five  years 
of  hard  fighting  between  two  great  factions  of  undiminished 
force  was  unhkely  to  l)e  followed  by  a  dead  calm  e.xcept  from 
exhaustion ;  or  by  any  oblivion  of  injuiy  in  an  age  and  country 
where  revenge  was  a  duty,  not  a  crime. 

The  great  power  and  independence  of  the  newly  created 
Podesta  together  witli  external  hostilities,  probably  assisted  in 
maintaining  peace  in  a  city  that  prided  itself  on  being  founded 
imder  the  protection  and  ascendant  of  JMars,  and  therefore 
doomed  by  fate  to  everiasting  troubles.  Hence  Roccuzzo  de' 
Mozzi  is  made  by  Dante  to  say, 

"  lo  fui  della  citta,  chc  nel  Batista 

Cangio  '1  primo  Padrone,  onde  ei  per  questo 
Semprc  con  1'  arte  suaja  fiira  tristaf." 


and  tranquillity  restored,  the  crusaders 
or  captains  of  the  Bif/allo,  or  of  San  fa 
Maria, turned  their  enthusiasm  to  the 
then   useful  and   humane  purpose  of 
founding  hospitals  for  i.ilgrinis.     The 
Bigallo  five  miles  east  of  Florence  was 
the  first,  and  the  beautiful  building 
of  that  name  in  Florence  wliieh  was 
originally  the  Knight's  Guard  House, 
afterwards  an  oratory  of  Santa  Maria 
and  their   ordinary  residence,  in   the 
days  of  Cosimo  I.  became  a  refuge  for 
abandoned  children  and  orjdians  who 
were  educated  until  fit  for  service  and 
then  sent  to  the  fields  as  agricultural 
labourers  or  servants,  &c.    The  Fresco 
paintings  still  visible  on  the  walls  are 


by  Taddeo  Gaddi  and  represent  San 
Piero  Martire  presenting  the  red-cross 
banner  to  twelve  distinguished  citizens 
whose  dress  and  shield  bear  the  same 
device.    The  columns  above  mentioned 
can   scarcely   be    said    to  have    been 
erected    in    commemoration   of  these 
victories    although     they    mark    the 
locality:    that    of   Croce  al  Trebbio 
passes  for  the  work  of  Giovanni  Pisano. 
(Vide  Osservatore FiorentinOyXoX.  iii., 
p.    191,    who  cites  the  Chronicle  of 
Saint  Antonio  bishop  of  Florence). 

*  Muratori,    Annali,  Anno    1252 

Cronaca  di   Donato  Velluti,  p.  31. 

Osservatore  Fiorentino,  vol.  i.,  p.  96; 
vol.  iii.,  p.  1 88.     t  Inferno,  Canto  xiii! 


188 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


189 


Disputes  which  had  so  long  occupied  the  attention  of  Italy 
were  not  without  participation  in  Florence,  where  the  quarrels 
of  church  and  empire  did  not  fail  to  create  two  adverse 
opinions,  but  as  yet  confined  to  words  :  the  prevailing  politics 
being  Guelphic  and  papal,  while  the  opposition  led  by  Uberti 
was  entirely  imperial,  were  accidental  circumstances ;  but  com- 
bined with  and  as  it  were  grafted  on  local  politics,  drew  a  dis- 
tinct line  between  contending  factions  tmd  foreboded  mischief  ^"^ 

In  the  year  T-ilS  according  to  an  ancient  manuscript  pub- 
lished from  the  Buondelmonti  library,  Messer  Mazzingo 
Tegrini  de'  Mazzinghi  invited  many  Florentines  of  liigh  rank 
to  dine  at  his  villa  near  Campi  about  six  miles  from  the 
capital :  while  still  at  table  the  family  jester  snatched  a 
trencher  of  meat  from  Messer  Uberto  degli  Infiingati  who 
nettled  at  this  impertinence  expressed  his  displeasure  in  terms 
so  offensive  that  Messer  Oddo  Anighi  de'  Fifjuiti  as  sliiirply  and 
unceremoniously  rebuked  him  :  ujwn  this  Uberto  gave  him  the 
lie  and  Oddo  in  return  dashed  a  trencher  of  meat  m  his  face. 

Everything  was  immediately  in  confusion ;  weapons  were 
soon  out,  and  wliile  the  guests  started  up  in  disorder  yomig 
Buondelmonte  de'  Buondemonti,  the  friend  and  companion  ot 
Uberto,  severely  wounded  Oddo  Arrighi. 

The  paity  then  separated  and  Oddo  called  a  meeting  of  lii^ 
friends  to  consider  the  offence :  amongst  them  were  the 
Counts  Gangalandi,  the  Uberti,  Amidei,  and  Laml»erti,  who 
unanimously  decided  that  the  quarrel  should  be  quietly  settled 
by  a  marriage  l^etween  Buondelmonte  and  Oddo's  niece,  the 
daughter  of  Messer  Lambertuccio  di  Capo  di  Ponte,  of  the 
Amidei  family.  This  proposition  appears  to  have  been  unhesi 
tatingly  accepted  by  the  offender's  family  as  a  day  was  imme- 
diately nominated  for  the  ceremony  of  plighting  his  troth  to 
the  destined  bride. 

During  the  interim  Madonna  Aldruda  or  Gualdrada,  wife  ef 

*  Leon.  Aretino,  tranblatcd  by  Douato  Acciaiolo,  Lib.  i'',  p.  37,  (ed.  1492). 


Forese  de'  Donati  sent  privately  for  young  Buondelmonte  and 
thus  addressed  him*.    "Unworthy  Knioht '.—What '—Hast 
"  thou  accepted  a  wife  thvmjh  fear  of  the  Fifanti  and  Uberti  ? 
"  Leave  her  that  thou  hast  taken,  choose  this  damsel  in  her  place 
"and  be  henceforth  a  brare  and  honoured  gentleman."     In  so 
sfipng  she  threw  open  the  chamber  door  and  exposed  her 
daughter  to  his  view :  the  unexpected  apparition  of  so  much 
beauty,  as  it  were  soliciting  liis  love,   had  its   usual  conse- 
quence;  Buondelmonte'.  better  reason  was  overcome,  yet  he 
had  resoluuon  to  answer.    "  Alas !  it  is  note  too  late ! "    "  No  " 
rephed  Aldi-uda ;  "thou  canst  even  ,jel  have  her;  dare  but  'to 
take  the  step  and  let  the  conscpiences  rest  on  my  head  "— "  J  do 
dare,"  returned  the  fascbated   youth,  and  stepping  forward 
agam  plighted  a  faith  no  longer  his  to  give. 

Early  on  the  tenth  of  Febi-uaiy,  the  xeij  day  appointed  for 
his  original  nuptials  Buondelmonte  passed  by  the  Porta  Santa 
Mana  amidst  all  the  kinsfolk  of  his  first  betrothed,  who  had 
assembled  near  the  dwellings  of  the  Amidei  to  assist  at  the 
expected  maiTiage,  yet  not  without  certain  misgivings  of  his 
faithlessness.     Witli  a  haughty  demeanour  he  rode  forward 
through  them  all,  bearing  the  marriage  ring  to  the  lady  of  his 
choice  and  leavuig  her  of  the  Amidei  with  the  shame  of  an 
aggravated  msult  by  choosing  the  same  moment  for  a  violation 
of  one  contract  and  the  consummation  of  a  second ;  for  in 
those  days,  and  for  centuries  after,  the  old  Roman  custom  of 
presentmg  a  ring  long  before  the  marriage  ceremony   took 
place  was  still  in  use. 

Such  insults  were  then  impatiently  borne ;  Oddo  Anighi  as- 
sembled Ins  kindred  in  the  no  longer  existing  church  of  "  Santa 
Mana  sopra  Porta "  to  setUe  the   mode   of  resenting  this 

yi"  ]""'Z'  "^  ""■  ''°"""  ^■^-     '■''"  "f  '""*;    but  the  ancient  resi- 
st f!.   "  ^:'"'.  '''"'  '"■"'•"'''J'  "o*     ^^""^  '™  «'•  "'od  in  the  Ze  ^  I 

«  the'    r' ,;"",  T'   '""r"°"    ^'"'"''  "-"^  --  detaVheltm' 
as  mey  are  beyond   the  second    cir-     Via  del  Corso. 


190 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CIUP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


191 


aflfroiit,  and  the  moody  aspect  of  each  individual  marked  the 
diameter  of  the  meeting  and  all  the  vindictive  feeling  of  an 
injured  family  :  there  were  however  sunu^  of  a  more  temperate 
spirit  that  suggested  personal  chastisement  or  at  most  the 
gashmg  of  Ruondelmonte's  face  as  the  most  reasonahle  ami 
effectual  retribution.  The  assembly  paused,  but  Mosca  de' 
Lamberti  starting  suddenly  forward  exeUuiiied,  "  Beat  or 
itound  him  as  ye  list,  hut  first  prepare  your  own  yraves,  for 
tcoufuis  bring  equal  eouseiptenees  with  ileath.'' — **  No. — Mete  him 
out  his  deserts  and  let  him  pay  the  penalty :  hut  no  delay. —  Vp 
ami  be  doiny. — Cominciamo  a  fare,  chepoi,  cosafatto  capo  ha  ^^" 
This  turned  the  scale  and  Buondelmonte  was  doomed,  but 
according  to  the  manners  of  that  age  ;  not  in  the  Held  which 
would  luive  l>een  liaz:irdous ;  but  by  the  sure  though  inglorious 
means  of  noonday  murder ;  wherefore,  at  the  verj-  place  wherr 
the  insult  was  otfered ;  beneath  the  battlements  of  the  Amidei. 
nay  under  the  casement  of  the  deserted  maiden,  and  in  his  wav 
to  a  happy  expecting  bride,  vengeance  was  preptu^d  by  thes(» 
fierce  barons  for  the  perjurer. 

♦  An  obscure  expression  but  now,  if  Perhaps  the  French  expression,  "  CTtSf 

not  then  proverbial.     It  wotild    sijr-  le  premitr  pus  qui  coute'' \fou\d  hc<i 

nify   that    half  measures  are  danger-  translate  it,   or  at    least     most    idio- 

ous  and  ineffective  ;  but  a  thing  once  matirally. — Mosca  is  placed  by  Danic 

done  never   wants  a  leader;    things  in   the   Dth    Bolgia   of    Hell  (Canto 

will  adjust  themselves  to  it  :  or  a  Ixdd  xxviii.) 
decided  act  will  work  its  own  way. 

**  Ed  un  ch'  area  V  una  e  1*  altra  man  mozza, 

Levando  i  moncherin  per  1'  aura  fosca. 

Si  che  '1  sangue  facea  la  faccia  sozza, 
Grido  :  Ricorderatte  anche  del  Mosca, 

Che  dissi,  lasso  I  cap«5  ha  cosa  fatta, 

E  fu  '1  mal  seme  per  la  gente  Tosca,** 

Then  one 
Maimed  of  each  hand,  uplifted  in  the  gloom 
The  bleeding  stumps,  that  they  with  gory  spots 
Sullied  his  face,  and  cried  ;  "  Remember  thee 
Of  Mosca  too,  I  who  alas  !  exclaimed, 
The  deed  once  done  there  is  an  end,  that  proved 
A  seed  of  sorrow  to  the  Tuscan  race. — Cary'i  Dante. 


On  La.lor  monung  uv,,  y„  ,„„,,,,,3^ 
.elves  w,t  „„  the  courts  an.l  towers  of  the  An.idei  which  the 
young  a„.l  heedless  hridogroon.  was  sure  to  pass,  and  he  Z 
soon  after  seen  at  a  d,s,a„n.  carelessly  riding  Ine  across  Z 
I'on  e  Vecclno  on  a  milk-whi,,.  palfrey  attired  in  a  vest  of  fine 

the  weddnig  garlan.l  on  his  head.     The  bridge  was  passed  in 
thought  ess  gajoty,  hut  scare,,  had  he  reached  the  til  i™ 
■nage  of  the  Roman  Mars,  ih.  last  relic  of  heathen  wot^Z 
hen  extant,  when  the  mace  of  Sdnatto  degli  Uberti  felled  £ 
0  ground  ;  and  at  the  ha.e  of  this  grin,  idol  the  daggers  Z 
Od do  and  Ins  hmous  kins,,,,.,  linished  the  savage  deed     they 
me  Inm  gay  and  adorned  for  the  altar  and  left  him  with  the 
Indal  wreath  still  dangUng  fron,  his  brow  a  bloody  and  m 
omened  sacnt.e.     The  tulings  of  this  .nurder  spread  rapidh- 
and  disordered  the  whole  comnunm,  of  Florence ;  the  Jeople 
.eca„,e  n.ore  an,l  more  excited  because  both  law  and  custom 

ail  miheard  ul  punishuicut. 

Buondelmontes  corse  was  placed  on  a  bier  with  its  head 
restag  tn  the  lap  of  his  affianced  bride,  the  youngand  beautifd 
Donati.  who  hung  hke  a  lily  over  the  pallid  features  of  her  hu^ 
baud;  and  thus  united  were  they  borne  through  the  streets  of 
Forence  t  was  the  gloomy  dawning  of  a  Tempestuous  daj 
or  m  that  bloody  moment  was  unchained  the  demon  of  Flo- 
entme  discord ;  ,he  names  of  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  were 
ben  for  the  fii.t  time  assumed  bv  noble  and  commoner  as  the 
ei)  of  faction  ;  and  long  after  the  original  cause  of  enmity  had 
ceased  they  continued  to  steep  all  Italy  iu  blood 

It  has  been  shown  that  there  were  already  two  parties 
existmg  in  the  commonwealth ;  but  it  was  not  mitil  after  this 
outrage  that  the  whole  community  divided  under  the  above 
appellations,  one  part  siding  with  tlie  Buondelmonti  who  were 
lor  the  most  part  Guelphic  chiefs  and  adherents  of  the  church  ■ 


192 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


CHAP.  IX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


the  Other  with  the  Uberti,  leaders  of  the  Ghibelines  and  par- 
tisans of  the  Empire.  Of  seventy-two  powerful  families  men- 
tioned by  Malespini,  thirty-nine  joined  the  Buondelmontis 
banner  and  thirty-three  fought  under  the  colours  of  their  ene- 
mies :  but  many  more  houses  of  distinction  took  part  in  the  civil 
war  ;  many  afterwards  changed  sides  through  quarrels  with  their 
chiefs ;  many  of  the  Buondelmonti  who  before  were  Ghibelines 
now  became  Guelphs  ;  the  former  were  stigmatised  with  tlie 
epithet  of  **  Paterini;'  and  the  latter  with  that  of  "  rnulitor;: 

Nevertheless   an    attempt  at   reconciliation   was   made  in 
1'239,  bymany-ing  Xeri  Picculino  degli  Uberti  tu  the  daughter 
of  Rinieri  Zingani  de'  Buondelmonti,  a  lady  cclelirated  iur 
her   wisdom   beauty  and   talents.     Tnisting   to  this  tie   the 
Uberti  and  some  friends   repaired  with  confidence   to  visit 
Bertaldi  de'  Buondelmonti  of  Campi  but  were  treacherously 
attacked  and  beaten  back  with  some  bloodshed :  tliis  renewed 
the  war  with  greater  violence  and  Xeri  dismissed  his  wife  tc 
her  own  relations  dechuing  that  he  disdained  to  beeume  tlv 
propagator  of  a  traitorous  brood  from  a  deceitful  stock.     Tiit 
unfortunate  lady  was  then  compelled  by  her  father  to  rnarrv 
Count  Pannochino   de'  Painiochieschi   on   whose   mercv  sh. 
threw  herself  imploring  permission  to  retire  into  a  convent:  i'<a 
though  abandoned  by  her  husband  she  protested  that  she  di- 
still his  wife  and  therefore  never  could  belong  to  another.  Her 
motives  were  respected,  her  prayer  generously  granted,  aiil 
she  immediately  took  the  veil  in  the  convent  of  Montecelh>=. 

Immediately  after  Buondelmonte's  death  a  low  and  angiy 
murmur  rolled  sullenly  through  tlie  whole  Florentine  popula- 
tion and  instinctive  preparations  were  everywhere  in  progress 
for  some  dimly  apprehended  danger :  as  yet  all  was  calm,  but 

•   Codice   Antico  de'  Buondelmonti,  ii^  Rub.  64.— Leon.  Arctino,  Lib.  i^ 

published    in    Toscana    lUustrata,    p.  p.  37.- 8.  Amniirato,  Storia,  Lib.  i'. 

283.  — Malespini,     rapi    civ.,    rv.—  p.    71.— Giov.  Villani,   Lib.   v.,  capi 

pmo    Compagni,    Istoria    Fiorentina,  xxxviii.,  xxxix.— Macchiavelli,  Storia 

Lib.  i°,  p.  3.— M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  Fior.  Libro  i**. 


193 


dark  clouds  were  gathering  around  and  the  echo  of  distant 
thunder  marked  the  coming  storm.     Each  house  wasted 
^d  fortified ;  towers  were  again  mounted  with  warlike  engTe 
Serra,h.  were  erected;  the  shops  all  closed;  the  people  b 
painful   doubt    and   ancient  citizens   who    rememberecfthe 
troubles  of  other  times  looked  on  and  trembled.     N  r  wa 
their  apprehension  vain  :  the  curse  of  Heaven  seemed  to  res 
on  this  devoted  city  and  .vith  but  little  cessation  during  three 
and  thirty  years  did  Florence  reek  with  the  blood  of  her 
children!  and  still  they  stniggled  but  .vithout  anv  advantage 
on  euher  side  until  Candlemas  night  of  the  yea;i248  wSn 
thGhibehnes  drove  their  adversaries  from  Florence  and  I 
public  ac    proclaimed  them  banished  men.     Thus  the  In^ 
Donati's  beauty  liljo  that  of  the  Grecian  Helena  wasa^  to 
rhe  happiness  of  Florence  and  well  might  her  poet  exclaim, 

The  bouse  from  which  proeoeded  all  your  wo, 

1  hrough  that  just  anger  that  hath  ruin'd  ye 

And  ended  all  your  sometime  happv  days, 
A\  as  honour  d  much  and  all  its  consorts  too. 

0  «uondelnionte,  in  an  evil  hour 

Did  others'  counsel  break  thy  plighted  troth  ' 
Many  ^vould  fam  rejoice  that  now  are  sad 

1  Ciod  had  given  thee  to  Ema's  wave 

\  hen  eity-ward  thou  first  didst  wend  thy  way. 
But  nue  decreed  to  that  grey  time-worn  stone        ^ 

A^Vhich  guards  the  bridge  that  Florence  cuts  in  twain 
One  vatmi  to  her  last  sad  hours  of  peace,  f  ' 


Cotemporary    Monarchs.— Emperor!    Philin    lir,«„      r   r^ 
rroH-ned  at  Rome),  Otho  IV  and  Fre^'enV    i^        f  r.''^  C.crmany,    (never 
cent  in.-England  :    KinljXu^^^^^^^  1°"^ 

Greece:  Alexius  IV   1  oof    T "r    r  ^'TJ,'^"'*^  =  Philip  Augustus.-^ 

1261 :  Bald^^^irHenn  fl  tf^O^  to  ^^Y  ^^"f;;^-^^  '^^^^'^Oi  to 
-Amgon  :  Pedro  II -Sc  >  W?  ^^2/.!'>-:L^on  and  Castile  :  Alphonso  IX. 
a         -rcuro  11.     Scotland  :  William  tne  Lion,  from  11 66  to  1214. 


Barricades. 


t  Dante,  Paradiso,  Canto 


XVI. 


VOL.   T. 


194 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


195 


CHAPTER  X. 


FROM    A.D.    1215   TO    AD.    1261. 


A.D.  1215. 


To  imagine  that  a  petty  republic  or  any  iiulepeudeiit  com- 
munity may  altogether  escape  from  internal  dissension  would 
be  an  idea  equally  unsupported  by  facts,  liistor}*,  ur 
the  conditions  of  human  nature :  the  path  to  great- 
ness is  much  too  confined  and  crowded  for  impatient  and  self- 
interested  amlntion ;  and  the  absence  of  superincumbent 
pressure  leaves  the  social  mass  in  a  state  of  continual  ebullition. 
Nor  is  this  necessarily  mischievous ;  both  good  and  evil  spring 
from  one  source,  the  same  smi  hardens  clay  and  softens  wax : 
it  corrupts,  presenes,  destroys,  and  \'ivifies;  the  nature  of  the 
recipient  alone  marking  the  character  of  the  iutluencc  ;  yet 
through  every  obstacle  trutli  and  intelligence  win  their  wav 
and  something  publicly  useful  is  ever  stricken  out  by  the  shock 
of  conflicting  interests ;  general  prosperity  though  often 
obstructed  preserves  its  course ;  and  even  parties  and  indi- 
viduals must  ultimately  submit  their  motives  to  that  public 
opinion,  which  judges,  slowly  and  insensibly,  but  seldom  incor- 
rectly. It  is  only  when  commotions  are  roused  by  faction,  and 
when  universal  selfishness  makes  the  public  good  a  mere 
handmaid  to  individual  interest  that  these  struggles  are  iiital 
to  the  commonwealth ;  places  are  then  changed,  and  faction 
becomes  the  idol,  public  good  the  victim  of  private  cupidity. 
In  such  times  if  a  citizen  gain  respect  by  his  honesty,  he  way 


have  nominal  followers  but  neither  sincere  adherents  nor  reck- 
less partisans,  and  rarely  an  extensive  influence ;  for  a  cha- 
racter based  on  integrity  will  only  find  support  amongst  the 
scattered  masses  of  patriotism  and  national  sincerity ;  it  may 
have  the  hollow  plaudits  of  many  but  the  zealous  aid  of  few 
l)ecause  few  have  a  disinterested  love  of  virtue  and  true  glor}-. 
But  when  power  is  acquired  by  cheap  acts  of  private  senice  at 
the  public  cost,  by  corruption  of  justice,  unmerited  promotion, 
the  creation  of  useless  places  for  undeserving  men,  an  auda- 
cious advancement  of  party  objects  and  a  general  prostration  of 
the  public  weal ;  it  imparts  a  noxious  energy  to  party  leaders 
which  being  founded  on  selfishness  can  only  be  maintained  by 
dishonesty.     And  if  along  with  this  there  exist  a  wide-spread 
h3i)ocrisy,  if  cant  ape  piety  and  cloak  ambition  ;  if  forms  super- 
sede religion,  and  virtue  dwindle  to  a  name ;  if  honest  senti- 
ments be  openly  derided  as  visions  of  an  inexperienced  or 
distempered  mind;  if  public  piinciple  and  character  be  deemed 
mere  articles  of  trade,  and  the  unwary  expression  of  a  chival- 
rous sentiment  softly  smiled  to  scorn  amidst  the  refinement  of 
selfish  grandeur ;  if  such  things  exist,  corruption  is  too  widely 
spread  and  the  country  is  nodding  to  its  fall. 

Florence  had  not  yet  arrived  at  this ;  there  was  a  fierce 
sincerity  in  the  character  of  her  sons  that  refinement  had  not 
heaten  down  to  the  surface  of  more  polished  vice,  nor  had 
civilisation  smoothed  the  rougher  virtues ;  but  revenge,  am- 
hition,  and  restlessness  of  spirit  were  common  to  the  age,'  and 
Buoudelmonte  s  deatli  gave  occasion  for  the  exercise  of  all  ; 
a  spirit  was  then  raised  that  sliivered  everj^  social  relation,' 
aggravated  the  struggle  for  power,  and  lighted  up  a  flame  that 
after  enduring  for  ages  was  only  extinguished  with  Florentine 
liberty. 

Although  long  independent,  Florence  was  yet  but  in  the 
infancy  of  freedom :  frugal,  industrious,  and  commercial,  she 
was  also  from  her  own  ambition  and  the  state  of  society  essen- 


0  -2 


ig6 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


107 


AD.  1216. 


tially  warlike  if  not  military :  the  aristocratic  power  was  impo^ 
ing ;  the  nobles  were  able  and  willing  leaders  of  their  fellow 
citizens  both  to  foreign  conquest  and  domestic  strife ;  they  had 
arms,  castles,  and  retainei*s,  were  once  the  enemies  but  now 
the  masters  of  the  state  ;  war  was  their  "  art  "and  conquest  was 
popular,  perhaps  necessaiy  to  the  incipient  republic.  Theii 
position  gave  them  an  influence  in  the  community  that  dib- 
creetly  used  might  have  enabled  the  ancient  aristocratical 
government  to  rival  Venice  in  duration,  but  its  abuse  ruined 
them,  and  their  power  declined  from  the  moment  that  an 
indignant  people  became  strong  enough  to  repel  their  insolence 
and  usui*pations. 

Nevertheless  these  dissensions  pained  the  more  generous- 
minded,  who  unable  to  stop  their  fuiy  sought  an  honourable 
excuse  for  withdrawing  from  such  scenes  of  domestic 
insanity:  tliis  and  the  militant  religion  of  the  age 
induced  several  gentlemen  to  join  the  bands  of  Italian  crusader 
then  moving  eastward ;  amongst  these  one  of  the  most  con 
spicuous  was  Bonaguisa  de'  Galigari  as  the  first  to 
scale  the  walls  and  plant  the  standard  of  Florence  on 
the  towers  of  Damietta ;  nor  did  the  rage  of  faction  prevent 
his  fellow-citizens  at  home  from  gaining  both  reputation  and 
territory  in  extenial  war,  or  from  compelling  the  whole  ancient 
Contado  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  and  feel  the  growing 
power  of  the  commonwealth. 

Otho's  death  in  1^1.^  removed  every  pretence  for  delaying 

Frederic  the  Second's  coronation ;  the  politics  of  Home  were  nn 

longer  directed  bv  the  saj:jacious  Innocent,  and  Hono- 

A.D.  1220.  *  o  ' 

rius  III.,  who  succeeded  him  in  V210  consented  in 
12*20  to  perform  that  ceremony.  In  despite  of  ecclesiastical 
rancour  and  German  enthusiasm  Frederic  has  been  described 
by  less  prejudiced  writers  as  a  man  of  active,  refined,  and 
vigorous  intellect ;  prudent,  brave  and  generous ;  "f  great 
bodily  strength  and  personal  beauty :  capable  of  any  fiitigue  and 


eager  for  fame  in  war  politics  and  literature :  he  was  courteous 
in  disposition,  witty,  and  unusually  accomplished  in  all  the 
knowledge  and  acquirements  of  the.  time  :  he  was  conspicuous 
as  a  poet  and  philosopher,  was  master  of  the  Greek,  Latin, 
German,  French,  Italian  and  Arabic  tongues,  and  distinguished 
his  long  reign  by  wise  laws  and  useful  regulations,  yet  was  by 
no  means  exempt  from  the  fierceness  and  cruelty  of  the  age. 
Although  brought  up  from  infancy  by  one  of  the  ablest  men 
that  ever  filled  the  popedom  expressly  as  its  child  and  champion 
and  even  owing  his  exaltation  to  ^Dontifical  support,  he  became 
one  of  its  bitterest  opponents :  too  early  and  too  long  behind 
the  scenes,  and  much  too  sagacious  not  to  detect  the  sub- 
servience of  religion  to  temporal  ambition;  he  spumed  the 
superstition  of  his  cotemporaries  *,  despised  the  maledictions 
as  he  defied  the  power  of  the  church,  and  incurred  its  anathemas 
because  he  endeavoured  to  diminish  its  riches  and  authority. 
Learning,  justice,  and  magnificence,  are  said  to  have  been 
strongly  conspicuous  in  him,  but  his  Italian  biogi'aphers 
having  been  for  the  most  part  Guelphs  and  churchmen,  the 
stories  related  of  liim  may  be  received  as  aspersions  of  sectarian 
malice  against  an  excommmiicated  enemy;'  even  Matthew 
Paris  changed  his  tone  when  he  was  told  of  the  emperor  s 
talking  of  the  necessity  of  reducing  the  church  to  its  primitive 
poverty  f . 

The  fiite  of  his  friend  and  minister  Piero  delle  Vigne  of 
Capua,  if  truly  told,  would  nevertheless  impress  us  with  an 
unfavourable  idea  of  his  mercy  and  magnanimity :  Piero  was 
sent  with  Taddeo  di  Sessa  as  Frederic's  advocate  and  repre- 
sentative to  the  council  of  Lyon  which  was  assembled  by  his 

*  It  was  reported  to  him  one  day  that  one  day  become   so  many  Christs." 

his  cavalry  were  doing  some  injury  to  (Alluding  to   the  Catholic  belief  in 

a  field  of  wheat  upon  which  he  checked  transubstantiation). 

them  and  added  with  a  smile.  "  Have  f  Messia,  Vite   degli    Imperadori.— 

some  respect  gentlemen  for  these  ears  Giannone,   Storia   Civile   di    Napoli, 

of  com  for  the  seed  they  bear  may  Lib.  xvii.,  cap.  iv. 


i 


V  ■' 


193 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  {. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


199 


friend  Innocent  the  Fourth,  nominally  to  reform  the  church, 
but  really  to  impart  more  force  and  solemnity  to  a  fresh 
sentence  of  excommunication  and  deposition.  There  Taddeo 
spoke  with  force  and  boldness  for  his  master ;  but  Piero  was 
silent ;  and  hence  he  was  accused  of  being,  like  several  others, 
bribed  by  the  pope  not  only  to  desert  the  emperor  but  to 
attempt  his  life,  and  whether  he  were  really  culpable  or  the 
victim  of  court  intrigue  is  still  doubtful ;  Frederic  on  appa- 
rently good  evidence  condemned  him  to  have  his  eyes  burned 
out  and  the  sentence  was  executed  at  San  Miniato  al  Tedesco : 
being  afterwards  sent  on  horseback  to  Pisa,  where  he  was 
hated,  as  an  object  for  popular  derision  he  died  as  is  con- 
jectured from  the  effects  of  a  fall  while  thus  cruelly  exposed 
and  not  by  his  own  hand  as  Dante  believed  and  sung  *. 

At  his  coronation  ambassadors  were  present,  with  magnifi- 
cent retinues  of  distinguished  gentlemen  and  their  retainers, 
from  all  the  Italian  states,  and  amongst  these  the  Florentine 
and  Pisan  embassies  were  conspicuous.  The  two  republics 
were  then  at  peace,  but  a  silly  misunderstanding  at  a  private 
entertainment  is  said  to  have  caused  those  wars  which  after 


*  Flam.  del.  Borgo,  Dis.  iv^.  dclla 
Storia  Pisana. — Giannone,  Lib.  xvii,, 
cap.  iii". — Dante,  Inferno,  Canto  xiii. 
See  also  Bargigi,  Comment,  on  the  In- 
ferno.— Piero  and  his  physician  were 
supposed  to  be  associated  in  an  attempt 
to  poison  Frederic  who,  warned  of  his 
danger,  when  they  came  to  present 
him  with  a  cup  of  medicine  for  some 
slight  indisposition,  said,  "  J/y/?-i€7M/s, 
/  have  confidence  in  you  and  do  not 
think  you  would  offer  me  poison 
instead  of  mediciM."  Piero  imme- 
diately answered.  •*  0  my  Liege,  this 
my  physician  has  often  given  you 
healthful  remedies  why  now  more 
than  usual  do  you  d'/ubt? "  Frederic 
addressing  the  doctor  with  a  stem  look 
then  said,  "  Give  me  that  draught.'' 


Upon  which  the  latter,  all  confused, 
pretended  to  slip,  and  spilled  the 
greater  part.  Frederic's  suspicions 
increased,  both  were  imprisoned,  and 
the  remaining  portion  of  the  beverage 
was  given  to  a  condemned  man  who 
verj-  soon  expired.  The  physician 
was  instantly  hung,  and  Piero,  whose 
life  he  was  unwilling  to  take,  was  de- 
spoiled of  his  possessions  and  con- 
demned to  be  ^*  AbbacinatOf''  that  is 
blinded  by  means  of  a  heated  Bacino 
or  bason,  a  common  punishment  in 
those  days;  the  sight  being  destroyed 
by  holding  the  eyes  forcibly  open  and 
bringing  them  within  the  focus  of  con- 
centrated heat  which  dried  up  the 
humours  and  destroyed  vision.  (  Vide 
Giannone,  Lib.  xvii.) 


/ 


II 


centuries  of  mischief  only  ended  by  the  second  and  final  sub- 
jugation of  Pisa  when  Florence,  herself  exhausted,  was  almost 
at  the  termination  of  her  race  as  an  independent  city. 

It  happened  that  a  certain  Roman  cardinal  invited  the  Flo- 
rentine ambassadors  to  his  house  where  one  of  them  struck 
with  the  beauty  of  a  little  dog  belonging  to  their  host  begged 
it  as  a  present :  next  day  the  Pisan  embassy  was  feasted  and 
the  dog,  already  promised  to  the  Florentme,  attracted  equal 
admiration;    a    similar   request   followed   and    the    cardinal 
forgetting  his  previous  engagement  answered  it  as  graciously. 
Scarcely  had  the  guests  departed  when  the  animal  was  sent 
for   by  the   Florentine   ambassador;    then   came   the   Pisan 
messenger  but  all  too  late  :  the  two  dignitaries  met,  restitution 
of  the  dog  was  immediately  demanded  and  as  decidedly  re- 
fused :  sharp  altercation  ensued,  swords  were  soon  drawn  and 
an  affray  succeeded  in  which  the  Pisans  overcame  by  their 
superior  numbers.     The  manners  of  the  age  however  did  not 
admit  of  such  a  teraiination,  both  Florentine  factions  united 
against  the  Pisans  and  even  volunteers  from  the  capital  came  to 
the  aid  of  the  foimer ;  the  affair  had  now  become  serious,  almost 
national,  and  the  Florentines  took  ample  revenge.     The  Pisan 
ambassadors  complained  to  their  government  and  then' haughty 
countrj^men  trusting  to  great  naval  power  and   consequent 
influence  on  the  trade  of  Florence  seized  all  the  merchandise 
of  that  state  which  was  within  their  grasp  and  refused  any 
satisfaction,  while  the  latter  carried  its  forbearance  to  a  point 
of  humiliation  that  proves  the  great  importance  df  its  com- 
mercial relations  with  Pisa.    The  Florentines  offered 
to  take  an  equal  number  of  bales  of  tow,  or  any  other 
rubbish  however  vile,  in  lieu  of  the  goods,  and  afterwards  indem- 
nify their  own  merchants,  so  that  some  shadow  of  satisfaction 
might  be  exhibited  to  the  world  for  the  sake  of  national  repu- 
tation ;  adding  that  if  this  also  failed  their  ancient  friendship 
must  cease  and  war  be  the  only  alternative.     "  If  the  Floren- 


A.D.  1222. 


200 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tines  march  we  wiU  endeavour  to  meet  them  half  way  "  was  the 
contemptuous  answer  of  Pisa.  War  was  therefore  declared 
and  in  July  the  armies  met  at  Castel  del  Bosco  in  the  Pisan 
territory,  Florence  being  probably  assisted  by  Lucca  as  the 
Lucchese  historians  assert ;  for  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the 
former  at  that  early  period  could  have  ventured  alone  to  war 
with  so  powerful  an  adversary.  A  long  and  bloody  battle 
ending  in  the  total  defeat  of  Pisa  satisfied  the  honour  and 
soothed  the  pride  of  Florence,  while  thirteen  hmidred  prisoners 
including  the  greater  part  of  the  Pisan  nobility  con\dnced  the 
people  that  this  victory  was  a  palpable  instance  of  divine  retri- 
bution for  the  arrogance  and  injustice  of  their  adversaries*. 

This  sudden  brawl  about  a  lap-dog  would  scarcely  have 
occasioned  war  had  not  other  materials  been  already  prepared : 
the  growing  jealousy  of  Pisa  as  may  be  seen  from  her  implaca- 
bihty,  proved  a  source  of  infinite  evil  not  only  to  herself  and 
Tuscany  but  to  the  whole  Italian  nation. 

And  here  we  have  a  striking  example  of  the  facility  with 
which  a  mere  local  or  even  private  squabble  may  be  changed 
by  force  of  circumstances  into  a  national  question;  more 
especially  in  free  states  where  partial  excitement  is  apt  to  lead 
to  overt  acts,  and  which  by  provoking  an  ill-balanced  retaliation 
may  force  governments  to  the  alternative  of  compromising  the 
honour  of  their  country,  or  making  that  a  grave  subject  of 
quarrel  which  neither  policy,  inclination,  nor  its  intiinsic  merits 
would  otherwise  have  justified. 

The  next  military  operation  was  an  unsuccessful  attempt  on 
the  revolted  town  of  Figline  in  the  upper  Val  d'  Amo,  and  the 
erection  of  the  town  and  castle  of  Ancisa  to  hold  it  in 
check  while  the  Masnadieri\  continued  the  invest- 
ment :  wherefore  it  appears  that  internal   divisions  did  not 

*  R.  Malespini,  cap.  xxiii.  and  xxiv.  +  The  Masruidieri  were  hired  soldiers 

—Dal.  Borgo,  Disscrtat.  iv.— Mar.  di  or  paid  militia  and  distinguished  from 

CoppoStefani,Rubrice,lxvi.andlxviii.  the  citizens,  who   gave   their  unpaid 

— Tronci,  Ann.  Pisan.  services  to  their  country. 


A.D.  1323. 


i 


( 


CHAP.  X.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


201 


paralyse  the  external  movements  of  Florence,  and  that  the 
executive  government  supported  by  the  ignoble  citizens  con- 
tmued  to  extend  its  outward  dominion  while  the  nobles  of 
either  faction  zealously  co-operated  in  eveiy  public  enterprise 
beyond  the  walls.  Thus  at  the  battle  of  Cortenuova  and  the 
siege  of  Brescia  in  1'237  and  of  Faenza  in  1240  both  Floren- 
tine factions  were  amicably  serving  in  the  imperial  ranks  *. 

Under  the  Podesta  Anchea  of  Pemgia  the  Pistoians  were 
defeated,  the  defences  of  Montefiore  demolished,  the  walled 
town  of  Carmignano  reduced  and  its  insulting  tower 
levelled  to  the  ground  f;  Siena  which  had  attacked  ''•''•  ''^• 
Montepulciano  was  next  invaded  and  ravaged  up  to  the  very 
gates  of  the  capital.     The  Podesta  Otto  da  Mandello  of  Milan 
took  the  field  with  the  Carroccio,  passed  by  Siena  and  laid 
waste  all  the  country  as  far  as   San  Quirico   and 
Radicofani,  made  an    inroad  on  the  Pemgians   for  ^'^'  ^^^■ 
assisting  her  and  demanded  the  sovereignty  of  their  lake  as 
belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Florence.     The   Pemgians  asked 
assistance  of  the  Romans  but  the  Florentine  general  retired 
and  fell  upon  Siena  with  such  vigour  as  to  cany  one  of  the 
suburbs  and  lead  twelve  hundred  of  the  inhabitants  away  as 
prisoners  |, 

This    predatory   warfare     recommenced    in    1232    under 


*  It   was   at   the    latter    siege    that 
Frederic  II.  being  in  want  of  specie, 
issued    promissory    notes   of   leather 
with  his  head  on  one  side  and  an  eagle 
on  the  other.     Their  value  was  one 
golden  Affostaro  which  was  equivalent 
to  a  golden  florin  and  a  quarter  or  20 
carats  of  pure  gold.     These  notes  had 
great  credit  and  circulation  and  were 
faithfully  redeemed.  (  Vide  Fiorino  d* 
Oro  Illmtrato,  CapitP.  xxxi.)  Males- 
pini, cap.cxxviii.,cxxix.— Gio.  Villani, 
Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xx.,  xxi.~S.  Ammirato, 
Lib"  i.,  p.  82. 
f  Here  stood  a   lofty  tower  hearing 


on    its    summit   the    image    of   two 
human  arms  extended   in   an  insult- 
ing attitude  of  defiance  towards  Flo- 
rence a  mode  of  insult  not  uncommon 
then,  and  in  the  present  instance  was 
so  sensibly  felt  by  the  Florentines  that 
when   anything  was   pointed   out   to 
them  which  they  had  no  wish  to  see 
the  usual  expression  was  '^  I  cannot 
see  it  for  the  citadel  of  Carmignano 
is  in  the  way:'     *' Non  lo  veggio 
perocche  mi  e  dinami  la  Rocca  di 
Carmignano." 

t  Malespini,  c.  cxvii.—Mar,  di  Coppo 
Stefani,  Rub.  72. 


V 


f<. 


202 


FL0RENT1>'E   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Jacopo  di  Peragia  to  retaliate  for  a  second  investment  and 
partial  destruction  of  Montepulciano,  and  so  far 
A.D.  1232.  ^^.^.g^g^i  ^  i^g  result  from  previous  inroads  as  to  gain 
a  new  ally  and  dependent  in  Count  Hubert  of  the  Maremma 
who  annoyed  by  the  power  of  Siena  wisely  selected  a  more 
distant  master  and  agreed  to  do  homage  to  the  republic  by  the 
annual  tribute  of  a  hind  covered  with  scarlet  cloth  :  Florence 
was  to  succeed  to  his  domains  and  shortly  after  m  conse- 
quence of  his  death  became  possessed  of  Port  Ercole  and 
several  other  important  places  in  the  Maremma. 

The  next  year  s  campaign  was  conducted  with  equal  energ}', 
and  Siena  invested   on  three  sides,  the   besiegers  insulting 
it  by  throwing  dead  asses  and  other  offensive  matter 
^'^  ^^'  intJ  the  town  from  their  mangonels  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  time :    Giovanni  del  Giudice  of  Rome  being 
Podesta  renewed  these  forays  for  fifty-three  days  in  1-234  mitil 
the  enemy  wearied  out  by  continual  alarms  sued  for 
A.D.  1234.  ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  moment  when  another  army  was  ready  to 
take  the  field  under  Compagnone  del  Poltrone  :  a  treaty  was 
therefore  concluded  that  secured  indemnification  and  mdepen- 
dence  to  Montepulciano  with  some  stipulations  in  favour  of 
Florence,  which  thus  m  despite  of  domestic  jars  had  main- 
tained otfensive  war  for  six  years  against  a  powerful  enemy  and 
finally  accomplished  her  object,  a  thing  that  seldom  happens. 

Civil  discords  which  had  relaxed  during  the  fii-st  ardour  of 
the  crusaders  or  were  absorbed  in  the  more  generous  enthu- 
siasm of  external  war,  revived  at  the  approach  of 
^^'  ^^'  peace  and  for  several  years  dim  the  lustre  of  Floren- 
tine history :  parties  and  families  were  neariy  balanced  and 
private  feuds  were  frequently  suspended  or  finished  by  regular 
truces,  treaties  of  peace  being  drawn  up  with  all  the  technical 
forms  of  public  diplomacy  and  witnessed  by  public  notaiies  in 
presence  of  the  magistrates. 

The   disputes  between   church    and  empire  for   temporal 


CHJkP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


203 


possessions,  religion  being  the  rallying-cry,  still  continued  in 
all  their  ^dolence,  and  added  fresh  venom  to  the  Guelph  and 
Ghibeline  factions  which  rose  or  fell  according  to  the  talents  of 
their  two  great  chieftains.    Frederic  returned  excommunicated 
but  successful  from  Palestine,  and  suddenly  descending  on 
Puglia  soon  regained  the  kingdom  of  Naples  which  the  pope 
had   treacherously  occupied   in   his   absence.      Tuscany  was 
divided,  but  the  imperialists  always  maintained  an  ascendency 
in  Pisa  both  from  ancient  obligations  and  against  the  insidious 
intrigues  of  Rome  :   missionaries  had  been  dispatched   into 
many  parts  of  Italy  ostensibly  to  preach  peace   but  really 
to  exact  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  pope,  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  which  the   bishops  were  ordered   to   assist.     The 
emperor  had  prohibited  these  inconvenient  messengers,  but 
one  of  them  penetrating  as  pope's  legate  into  Sardinia,  ^^  ^^40. 
then  a  province  of  Pisa,  persuaded  the  four  principal 
vassals  of  that  republic  to  surrender  their  fiefs  and  receive 
them  again  at  his  hands  as  feudatories  of  the  church.     This 
enraged"  the  Pisan  government  which  accordingly  drew  closer 
to  Frederic,  but  as  the  pope  had  many  blind  adherents  there, 
even  in  purely  temporal  affairs,  both  factions  flared  up  with 
new  spirit  and  threw  the  city  into  confusion  *. 

Frederic  repaired  to  Pisa  for  the  purpose  of  concerting  a 
vigorous  opposition  to  the  Church  whose  anathemas  were  still 
rolling  m  successive  volleys  over  him;  a  council  was  summoned 
at  Rome  for  more  solemn  cursing  ;  but  the  emperor  treated  it 
with  scorn,  arrested  all  the  ecclesiastics  that  came  within  his 
reach  on  their  way  to  the  Lateran  and  hearing  that  a  bevy  of 
prelates  was  proceeding  from  Genoa  to  Rome  he  persuaded 
the  Pisans  to  unite  their  galleys  with  his  Sicilian  ^^  ^^41. 
squadron  and  captured  them.  But  although  at  war 
with  Genoa,  Pisa  had  too  much  respect  for  the  clergj^  not  to 

*  Flam,  dal  Borgo,  Dissert,  iv.,  dell'  Istoria  Pieana,  torn,  i.,  Parte  i.,  p.  178. 


204 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


205 


give  them  timely  notice  of  what  was  preparing :  yet  confident 
in  the  skill  and  braven^  of  Genoese  mariners  the  prelates  sailed 
and  fell  in  with  the  combined  squadrons  off  the  island  of  Giglio : 
after  a  bloody  battle  the  Genoese  were  defeated  on  3rd  May 
1-240  with  the  loss  of  twenty-five  galleys  and  4000  prisoners ; 
prelates  and  all  being  conducted  in  triumph  to  Pisa  where 
these  dignitaries  were  honoured  by  silver  instead  of  iron  chains. 

Frederic  hailed  this  victory  as  the  judgment  of  Heaven 
in  a  rightful  cause,  and  Piero  delle  Vigne  exerted  all  his 
eloquence  to  prove  it;  meanwhile  this  prince  advanced  to 
Rome  and  Pope  Gregory  IX.  bowed  down  by  extreme  age  and 
mortification  soon  after  expired 'i^  Celestine  IV.  succeeded, 
but  lived  only  a  few  days  and  made  room  for  Sinebaldo  Fieschi 
the  intimate  friend  of  Frederic  who  however  knew  both  him 
and  the  Church  too  well  not  to  feel  that  he  had  lost  a  friend  in 
the  cardinal  and  acquired  a  new  and  bitter  enemy  in  the  pope. 

Feeling  himself  insecure  from  the  emperors  great  power 

in  Italy  Innocent  IV.  sent  secretly  to  Genoa  for  a  squadron  of 

galleys  and  escaping  Frederic  s  \igilance  proceeded 

A.D.1243.  ^^  ^^^^^^^  ^  ^.^^  Vecchia  where   he  embarked 

and  arrived  safely  at  Genoa,  then   departmg  for  Lyon  he 
immediately  prepared  to  call  a  council  for  the  em- 

A.D.1244.  .      ,  ^ 

perors  deposition. 
Meanwhile  Frederic  employed  himself  in  strengthening  his 
own  authority  by  depressing  the  Guelphs ;  he  took  hostages 

from  both  factions  in  Florence  with  apparent  im- 
^'^'  ^^'''  partiality  but  soon  exposed  his  real  views  by  releasing 
the  Ghibelines  while  their  unfortunate  rivals  were  allowed  to 

pine  away  m  the  fortress  of  San  Miniato  as  objects 
A.D.  1246.  ^^  ^^^^.^  charityf.  The  preservation  of  a  strong 
party  in  that  city  was  essential,  and  he  therefore  maintained  an 

*  Muratori,  An.  d'IUlia.-Giannonc,  208.-Pignotti,  Storia  di  Toscana. 
Istor.  Civ.  di  Napoli,  voL  viii., Lib.xvii.,  f  G.  Villani,  Lib.  vu,  cap.  xxxiii. 
cap.  ii. — Flam,  del  Borgo,  Diss,  iv.,  p. 


■' } 


active  correspondence  with  the  potent  family  of  Uberti,  the 
acknowledged  chiefs  of  his  faction,  promising  them  ample 
support  in  expelling  their  adversaries  and  estabUshing  a  purely 
Ghibelme  government. 

Frederic  was  then  paramount  in  Italy,  and  had  in  fact 
sheltered  himself  against  the  sudden  blasts  of  priestly  ana- 
themas by  retaining  a  disciplined  body  of  Saracens  in  his 
service  to  whom  he  gave  the  ancient  city  of  Nocera  as  a  pos- 
session ;  thus  securing  a  strong  fortress  and  twenty  thousand 
faithful  soldiers  depending  entirely  on  himself  and  mvulnerable 
to  the  sharpest  maledictions  of  the  Lateran.  The  Ghibelines 
now  felt  the  full  strength  of  their  position,  while  the  recent 
flight  of  Innocent,  in  despite  of  his  formal  excommunication 
and  deposition  of  Frederic  in  1245,  depressed  the  spirits  and 
unnen-ed  the  strength  of  their  adversaries.  Arms,  friends, 
money,  and  intrigues  were  all  diligently  employed  by  the  em- 
peror to  increase  his  influence  in  the  Italian  cities,  and  aware 
that  parties  were  neariy  balanced  at  Florence  he  hoped  by  a 
bold  and  vigorous  effort  to  drive  every  Guelph  from  the  town 
and  reduce  it  to  his  own  devotion.  He  called  on  the  Uberti 
to  smite  strongly  and  demolish  their  adversaries,  and  the 
rising  passions  of  either  faction  gave  awful  note  of  a  bloody  and 
tremendous  stmggle. 

There  was  no  need  of  a  second  word  ;  peace  had  disappeared 
at  Buondelmonte's  death  ;  both  parties  now  flew  to  arms  ;  even 
the  middle  classes,  who  had  liitherto  preserved  some  union  and 
principally  upheld  the  state,  now  joined  the  general  cry,  and 
the  year  1247  was  marked  by  slaughter,  rapine,  out-  ^^  ^^^^ 
rage  and  conflagration*.  Every  occupation  ceased 
but  that  of  arms :  the  plebeians,  even  the  lowest  classes  of  the 
town,  were  soon  aff'ected ;  and  pride  and  hatred  and  faction,  and 
ambition,  raged  equally  in  the  lordly  tower  and  the  humblest 
dwelling.     Each  district  of  the  city  was  a  separate  camp,  each 

*  Malespini. 


206 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


207 


battled  with  its  neighbour  in  promiscuous  fury  ;  but  in  four  of 
them  were  as  many  strong  positions  of  the  Ghibelines  where  the 
struggle  was  pecularly  severe  :  thus  in  San  Piero  Scheraggio  *  ; 
round  the  Duomo  and  the  Torre  di  Saucia ;  about  Porta  San 
Piero ;  and  beneath  the  lofty  tower  of  Scai-afaggio  de'  Soldanieri ; 
not  only  citizen  with  citizen  but  persons  of  the  same  name  and 
lineage'stabbed  at  each  others'  breast  with  indiscriminate  rage ; 
and  thus  the  Buondelmonti  and  Scolari ;  the  Buonaguisi  and 
Brunelleschi,  disregarded  the  ties  of  consanguinity  in  this  gene- 
ral frenzy.  Tower  fought  with  tower  ;  house  with  house ;  and 
every  span  of  earth  was  wet  with  blood :  no  nuptials,  no  feasts, 
no  pastimes ;  but  in  their  stead  funenils  and  wounds  and 
homicides,  now  of  this  citizen,  now  of  tliat,  with  short  and 

weeping  intervals. 

The   centre  of  Ghibeline    strength    was    at    the   Uberti 
palace  where  they  were  opposed  by  the  Bagnesi,  Pulci,  and 
Guidalotti   backed  by   some    Oltr  Amo   Guelphs   who   had 
crossed  the  river  on  the  upper  wear :  at  Porta  San  Piero  the 
Tedaldini  were  strong  in  towers,  and  along  with  the  Lisci, 
Abati,  Giuochi,  Galigai,  Caponsachi  and  some  of  the  Buon- 
aguisi, opposed  the  Donati  Bisdomini  and  Pazzi,  while  the 
remainder  of  the  Buonaguisi  stood  finn  in  the  Guelphic  ranks. 
At   the  Porta  del  Duomo,   Sancia  de'  Cattani  chief  of  the 
Ghibelmes  headed  the  Agolanti  and  a  strong  body  of  citizens : 
they  were  met  by  the  Tosinghi  and  Arrigucci,  but  the  Brun- 
elleschi  like  the  Buonaguisi  di\ided  on  either  side.     In  San 
Pancrazio  the  Lamberti,  Toschi,  Amieri  and  Miglorelli  with  a 
crowd   of  Ghibeline  burghers  closed  round  the  Scarafaggio; 
they  were  checked  by  the  Vechetti  and  Tomaquinci,  but  the 
Pigli  sided  with  both  factions :  in  Borgo  Sant'  Aix>stolo,  the 
Soldanieri,  Scolari  and  Guidi  encountered  the  Scali,  Bostichi, 


•  San  Piero  Scheraggio  once  occupied  Palazzo  Veccliio.  The  Uberti  Palace 
the  spot  where  the  north  end  of  the  stood^  on  the  present  Pmza  Gran 
Royal  Gallery  now  is,  opposite  to  the     "^ 


Ducale. 


(- 


ii 


1 


lad 

t  . 
ab< 
ado 


Giandonati,  and  Buondelmonti.  Beyond  Amo  the  Obriacchi 
and  Mannelli  were  the  only  nobles  for  the  imperial  cause,  m 
opposition  to  the  Guelphic  Rossi  and  Nerli. 

These  were  the  principal  heads  of  battle,  and  its  fuiy  was 
still  raging  when  Frederic,  watching  the  crisis,  sent  his  son 
Frederic  of  Antioch  with  1600  German  horse  towards  the 
capital  and  gave  fresh  spirit  to  the  Ghibelines.     The  ^^  ^^^ 
Podesta  Jacopo  di  Rota  had  battled  stoutly  for  the 
Guelphs  whom  the  intelUgence  of  this  reinforcement  urged  to 
closer  work  and  a  speedy  termination  of  the  struggle  ere  the 
enemy  could  form  a  junction  within  the  towTi.    The  Ghibelines 
on  the  contrary  studiously  avoided  a  combat  until  they  could 
pounce  with  augmented  vigour  on  their  adversaries.   Cautiously 
abandoning  all  weaker  positions  they  concentrated  in  great 
force  round  the  palace  and  towers  of  the  Uberti,  believing  that 
if  they  succeeded  in  gaining  the  open  plaxjes  of  Florence  they 
could  afterwards  more  easily  reduce  the  towers  and  houses 
wliich  only  admitted  of  a  few  defenders  :  uniting  therefore 
with  the  King  of  Antioch's  men-at-arms  and  issuing  from  their 
barricades  m  powerful  sections  they  brought  an  overwhelming 
force  to  bear  on  every  Guelphic  position,  successively  carrying 
each,  until  the  whole  mass  of  their  enemies  was  diiven  upon 
the  Serragli  of  the  Bagnesi  and  Guadalotti  where  they  stood  at 
bay.     But  they  were  all  too  weak  ;  their  numbers  diminished, 
the  enemy  was  reinforced,  and  the  struggle  became  hopeless. 

A  retreat  was  determined  on,  when  they  suddenly  heard 
that  Rustico  Mangonelli  one  of  their  principal  leaders  had 
expired  :  this  gallant  knight  after  many  valorous  deeds  had 
fallen  mortally  wounded  by  an  aiTow  from  the  tower  of  the 
Soldanieri,  and  his  fellows  were  too  high-spirited  to  leave  the 
body  as  an  olyect  of  insult  from  a  haughty  faction,  who  accord- 
ing to  the  then  barbarous  custom  would  have  dragged  it 
igiwminiously  through  the  streets  and  plunged  it  in  the  Amo. 
Thoughtiess  of  ewery  danger,  eager  for  the  honour  of  their 


/ 


20S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


dead  chief  and  animated  by  one  spirit,  they  marched  tired  as 
they  were,  to  where  the  body  lay  and  carried  it  off  to  the 
temple  of  San  Lorenzo  with  a  military  pomp  to  which  their 
dented  shields  gave  more  effect  than  all  the  misplaced  trap- 
pings of  a  funeral  train.  These  iron  obsequies  moved  on  in 
grim  array  ;  the  bier  was  borne  by  sLx  knights  besmeared  with 
blood  and  dust,  each  with  a  lance  or  crossbow  on  the  outward 
arm  :  no  funeral  torch  was  seen  in  flank  or  front ;  but  in  their 
stead,  the  grey  gleam  of  battered  arms  with  a  flash  from  the 
spear,  or  the  partizan  :  it  was  more  the  triumph  of  a  con- 
queror than  a  funeral,  the  torn  and  ti-ailing  banners  and  the 
bloody  corpse  alone  proclaiming  its  mournful  character.  Not 
a  countenance  betrayed  any  emotion  of  fear  or  softness  :  grief 
was  dimly  seen,  but  ire  and  vengeance  were  predominant. 
None  pitied  the  fallen  knight ;  each  envied  liis  renown  and 
honourable  death,  but  felt  himself  disgraced  in  still  existing 
for  future  shame  and  long  enduring  sorrow. 

Such  thoughts,  first  muttered  then  audibly  expressed  sud- 
denly roused  up  the  Guelphic  youth  who  would  have 
again  begmi  the  battle  and  fallen,  and  lie  festering  in 
their  fathers'  sepulchres  rather  than  wander  as  fugitives  with 
their  wives  and  children  to  exist  on  a  stranger's  bounty.  Age 
and  prudence  prevailed ;  Rustico  Mangonelli  was  interred  in 
gloomy  silence  and  the  defeated  remnant  of  these  Guelphic 
bands  slowly  and  sullenly  retired  *. 

Thus  fell  for  a  season  the  Guelphic  faction,  but  still  un- 
broken; they  retreated  to  neighbouring  towns  and  castles, 
prmcipally  to  Monte  Varchi  and  Capraja  whence  a  predator^' 
and  annoying  warfare  was  maintained  against  the  capital :  to 
this  the  Ghibelines  opposed  taxation  and  German  auxiliaries, 
but  the  foreigners  were  beaten  at  Monte  Varchi  with  great 
slaughter  so  that  Frederic,  after  an  unsuccessful  encounter 

•  Malespini,  cap.  cxxxvii.— Gio.  Vil-     mirato,  Lib.  i",  p.  84.— Giuseppe,  M. 
lani,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxxiii.— Scip.  Am-     Mecatti,StoriaCronologicaFiorentina. 


209 


A.D.  1249. 


/ 


^vith  the  people  of  Parma,  passed  into  Tuscany  where  joining 
the  Florentines  he  attacked  and  took  Capraia  making  prisoners 
many  Guelphic  chiefs  whom,  it  is  said,  were  carried  to  Puglia 
and  put  to  death,  Rinieri  Buondelmonte  alone  escaping  but 
with  the  loss  of  his  eyes,  and  he  too  afterwards  died  a  hermit 
in  the  island  of  Monte  Christo  *. 

The  Ghibelines  also  abused  their  victory  and  soon  lost  all 
popularity  in  Florence  by  the  destruction  of  towers,  palaces, 
and  even  churches,  merely  because  they  belonged  to  or  were 
frequented  by  the  rival  faction  :  amongst  these  was  the  magni- 
ficent dwelling  of  the  Tosinghi  in  the  old  market-place,  an 
edifice  celebrated   for  its  size  and   beauty  and   distinctively 
called  'Uhe  Pcdace^"    A  lofty  tower  called  the  Guardamorto 
at  the  entrance  of  the  Corso  de'  Adimari  was  undermined  and 
tumbled  headlong  down,  but  swemng  in  its  fall  cleared  the 
baptistry  of  Saint  John  which  the  rage  of  party  had  doomed  to 
destruction  only  because  it  was  the  usual  place  of  Guelphic 
assemblies.     The  escape  of  this  ancient  and  revered  edifice 
was  hailed  as  a  miracle  and  its  intended  ruin  execrated  by  the 
majority  of  citizens;    nor  was  this  rabid  vengeance  against 
inanimate  things  a  forgotten,  or  neglected  precedent  when 
their  adversaries  returned  to  power. 

These  were  Frederic's  last  exploits  in  Tuscany :  after  the 
capture  of  Capraja  he  retired  into  Puglia,  while  the  administra- 
tion of  his  party  in  Florence  became  universally  odious,  their 
private  deportment  insolent,  and  their  taxation  grievous  :  the 
private  citizens,  whom  common  vexation  bound  in  closer  bands, 
began  to  feel  their  strength ;  they  became  impatient  of  wrong, 
saw  plainly  that  the  church  would  prove  the  only  i-eal  support 

*  Malespini,  cap.  cxxxviii.— G.  Vil-  marble  columns  after  the  fashion  of 

lani,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxxv.  the  leaning  tower  of  Pisa,  and  attached 

f  II  Palazzo. — It  was  90  Bracria,  or  to  it  was  a  tower  of  250  feet  high  of 

about  1 70  English  feet  in  height  and  similar  materials  and  architecture, 
adorned  by  successive  ranges  of  small 

VOL.    I.  P 


\ 


210 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


for  national  independence,  and  the  best  nurse  of  that  liberty 
which  then  was  and  must  ever  be  in  danger  under  the  wolfish 
protection  of  uiu'estricted  royalty  *. 

The  emperor's  absence  together  with  the  defeat  and  capture 
of  a  natural  son  by  the  Bolognese  also  depressed  the  spirits  of 
his  adherents  in  the  north;  and  the  discomfiture  and 
A. D.  1250.  ^^^^^  ^^^^j  destruction  of  the  Florentine  army  by 
the  Guelphs  in  the  upper  Val  d'Arao  left  these  a  fair  occasion 
to  reestablish  themselves  wliich  they  were  too  sagacious  to 
neglect.  Tired  of  contmual  alarms,  of  repeated  tumults,  and 
the  everlasting  disorder  with  which  Florence  was  filled  by  the 
insolent  insubordination  of  the  Ghibeline  nobles  especially  the 
Uberti ;  galled  too  by  the  pressure  of  increased  taxation  osten- 
sibly levied  to  oppose  the  Guelphs ;  the  citizens  deemed  it  a 
far  wiser  act  to  recal  the  exiles  than  ruin  the  commonwealth 
by  eternal  divisions  and  intestine  war. 

As  early  therefore  as  the  twentieth  of  October  the  people 
guided  by  some  principal  citizens  assembled  together  in  arms, 
first  at  the  church  of  San  Firenze,  and  then  through  fear  of 
the  Uberti  at  that  of  Saiita  Croce :  here  all  their  grievances 
were  enumerated  in  short,  pointed,  and  excitmg  harangues,  the 
conduct  of  their  oppressoi-s  was  sharply  arraigned,  the  dis- 
tinction of  Guelph  and  Gliibeline  denounced,  and  a  resolution 
passed  no  longer  to  submit  to  the  vexatious  insolence  of  the 
nobles.     Amongst  these  a  more  intense  hate  attached  to  the 
Uberti  who  glorying  in  their  German  ancestry  treated  the 
Italians  like  mere  slaves  and  trampled  upon  them  as  if  they 
were  not  composed  of  the  same  materials  as  themselves.     A 
resolution  to  assume  the  government  was  carried  by  acclama- 
tion, but  much  caution  was  necessary  to  give  full  effect  to  so 
bold  and  uncompromising  a  decision,  wherefore  they  deter- 
mined neither  to  separate  nor  quit  their  arms  until  this  pur- 
pose should  be  completed.     Mai'ching  in  a  body  to  the  towers 

*  Malespini,  cap.  cxxxvii.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


211 


of  the  Ancioni  in  San  Lorenzo  and  establishing  themselves  in 
that  position  was  the  work  of  a  moment ;  the  Ghibeline 
Podesta  was  then  driven  from  power  and  replaced  by  a 
man  of  their  own ;  a  provisional  government  of  thirty-six 
citizens  was  organised,  and  a  complete  revolution  accomplished. 
The  nobles  depressed  by  their  recent  overthrow  made  no 
resistance,  and  the  Guelphs'  restoration  becoming  every  hour 
more  popular  was  finally  urged  so  home  on  their  adversaries 
that  even  one  of  the  distrusted  Uberti  became  an  advocate 
for  the  emperor  s  acquiescence  :  but  Frederic  was  already 
dead  and  the  despondency  of  his  faction  augmented,  where- 
fore the  people  assuming  new  courage  easily  compelled  their 
opponents  to  consent  to  the  exiles'  recal  and  a  general  pacifi- 
cation. 

A  reconstruction  of  the  whole  machine  of  government  was 
loudly  and  universally  demanded,  as  well  as  an  efficient  or- 
ganisation of  all  external  means  of  defence  ere  a  new 
emperor  should  have  leisure  to  strengthen  himself  and 
disturb  the  national  tranquillity.  Florence  was  accordingly 
divided  into  six  parts  called  "  Sestos  "  with  two  magistrates  to 
each,  chosen  by  the  citizens  of  every  division  so  as  to  make  a 
governing  body  of  twelve  "  Anziani  "  or  elders,  whose  official 
authority  lasted  for  one  year :  along  with  these,  but  of  superior 
rank,  a  new  magistrate  charged  with  the  administration  of  civil 
and  criminal  justice  was  substituted  for  the  Podesta  whose 
office  was  now  abolished,  but  restored  the  following  year  with 
more  limited  authority-'.  The  new  officer  was  denominated 
*'  Captain  of  the  People  "  in  order  to  mark  more  distinctly  the 
spirit  of  liis  duty,  wliicli  was  to  protect  inferior  citizens  against 
aristocratic  power  by  a  prompt  and  imcompromising  execution 


•  Macchiavclli  says  that  the  Podesta  and  profound  in  his  knowledge   and 

was  created  at  this  period,  but  this  is  remarks,  this  justly  celebrated  author 

evidently  one  of  his  careless  assertions,  is  careless  in  liis  facts  although  correct 

as  every  other  historian  differs  with  in  the  general  results, 
him.    Beautiful  as  he  is  in  his  writing 

p  2 


212 


FLORENTINE   mSTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAF.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


213 


of  justice :  and  to  avoid  all  local  attachments  it  was  decreed, 
as  in  the  case  of  a  Podesta,  that  so  high  a  dignity  could  only  be 
held  by  a  foreigner,  Uberto  di  Lucca  being  the  first  on  whom 
that  honour  was  conferred. 

As  authority,  however  strong  in  theor}%  requires  where- 
withal to  give  it  vitality,  for  like  a  statue  of  the  human  figure 
it  cannot  be  sustained  without  extmneous  support,  the  military 
strength  of  the  republic  was  remodelled  in  a  more  effective 
form  both  for  internal  police  and  national  protection :  all  the 
Urban  population  capable  of  beaiiug  arms  was  divided  into 
twenty  companies  and  that  of  the  Contado  into  ninety-sLx 
"  Plvieri "  or  miions  of  several  parishes,  each  union  being 
connected  with  a  certain  number  of  others  and  foiming  what 
was  denominated  a  '*  Leagiie^ 

Every  ciWc  company  sers  ed  under  its  own  banner  or  "  Gon- 
falon "  round  which  it  rallied  at  the  sound  of  the  great  city 
bell,  called  the  **  Camjmna,''  or  at  the  command  of  the 
'*Capitano  del  Popolo.''  Each  Pii'iere  had  also  its  Gon- 
falon, and  a  body  of  horse  was  attached  to  every  "  Sesto  " 
l>esides  the  regular  companies.  Their  arms  were  as  vai'ious  as 
their  ensigns  but  all  distinctly  organised  and  suited  to  each 
other;  cavalrj-,  heavy-armed  infantr)%  archers,  cross-bowmen, 
baj?2age  train,  and  some  bands  of  irregulai*s  denominated 
*'  Ribaldi"^  each  under  its  respective  standard,  composed  the 
military  force  of  the  community,  which  could  assemble  in  great 
strength  and  with  wonderful  celerity  f. 

The  commander  of  each  company  had  charge  of  the  colours 
and  thence  was  denommated  '*  Gojifaloniere"  the  office  being 
renewed  every  Whitsuntide  with  great  pomp  and  the  several 

*  .Rtia/dt  originally  signified  irregular  duct  of  these  troops,  at  last  applied 

undisciplined  troops  or  rather  perhaps  generally  to   all  persons  of  infamous 

the  populace  taken  indiscriminately  in  character :  hence  "  Bebel. " 

emergencies,  but  the  appellation  de-  +  Goro  Dati,  Storia,  Lib.  ii.,  and  iii., 

generated  into  a  term  of  reproach  and  pp.  26,  37. 
was,  probably  from  the  licentious  con- 


i 


Standards  delivered  in  the  square  of  the  "  Mercato  Nuovo  "  to 
the  respective  chiefs  of  companies.  These  regulations  were  of 
singular  importance  inasmuch  as  they  employed  the  armed 
hand  of  the  people  to  enforce  the  execution  of  their  own  laws 
against  a  haughty  and  potent  nobility  who  rarely  deigned  to 
submit  to  the  voice  of  unsupported  justice. 

As  a  further  security  the  strong  palace  of  the  Podesta,  now- 
called  the  "  Bargello,"  was  erected  for  the  permanent  seat  of 
government  which  before  this  having  no  fixed  place  of  meet- 
ing used  to  assemble  wherever  circumstances  made  it  most 
convenient.  They  also  took  this  occasion  for  reducing  the 
height  of  private  towers,  to  about  ninety-six  feet  or  something 
more  than  a  third  of  their  usual  altitude  ;  and  almost  all 
belonging  to  between  eighty  and  ninety  noble  families,  of  whom 
few  possessed  less  than  two  ;  and  their  massiveness  may  be  more 
easily  conceived  from  the  circumstance  of  the  materials  having 
been  nearly  sufficient  to  erect  the  city  walls  beyond  the  Amo. 

The  people  in  this  revolutionary^  movement  conducted 
themselves  with  great  moderation  and  carefully  avoided  the 
example  set  them  by  their  oppressors ;  no  one  was  molested 
and  notliing  was  destroyed ;  the  inhabitants  were  free  in  action 
and  opinion  and  as  long  as  peace  was  preserved  no  inquiry  was 
made  whether  a  citizen  were  Guelph  or  Ghibeline ;  he  only 
being  held  tm  enemy  who  attempted  to  disturb  public  tran- 
quillity :  even  the  Uberti  submitted  with  grace,  and  by  such 
measures  the  more  opulent  citizens  and  great  mass  of  the 
community,  forming  what  VilUmi  calls  *'  II  Primo  Popolo,'' 
were  inspired  with  new  spirit  and  felt  confident  in  their  own 
united  strength,  as  well  against  the  power  of  individual  chiefs 
as  the  general  insolence  and  injustice  of  the  great*. 

By  this  arrangement  eveiy  Sesto  of  the  city  was  a  military 

*  Malespini,  capi  cxli.,  cli. — Villani,  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ii.— Macchiavelli, 
Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxxix.,  xl.,  xlii. — Mar.  Lib.  ii. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii.,  p. 
di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ii.,  R.  89- DO.—     i)0. 


2U 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[boor  I. 


CHAP.   7C.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


215. 


as  well  as  a  civil  division ;  each  with  its  own  separate  powers, 
interests,  and  resources ;  each  in  close  union  with  the  neigh- 
bouring compartment,  and  all  vigilant  over  piihlic  interests. 
The  twenty  companies  were  distiibuted  according  to  the  size 
and  population  of  the  Sesto,  those  of  San  Piero  Scheraggio  and 
Olt/  Arno  having  four,  the  others  but  three  each :  their 
equipment  varied  much  in  the  same  manner  as  in  other  Italian 
states  of  the  period  where  it  was  customaiy  to  select  from 
amongst  the  wealthy  citizens,  and  from  the  nobles  too,  when 
they  became  citizens,  one  or  two  squadrons  of  hoi-semen  in 
complete  armom- :  in  Florence  it  would  appear  as  if  there 
were  one  company  of  men-at-arms  to  each  sesto,  and  the  same 
quarter  also  sent  forth  two  other  chosen  bodies  each  of  which 
was  double  the  number  of  the  cavaliT ;  one  of  cross-bowmen 
the  other  of  heavy-armed  infant  17,  the  latter  being  equipped 
with  a  palvese  or  great  shield,  a  helmet  and  a  long  lance ;  the 
rest  were  lighter  aimed,  and  all  between  the  ages  of  seventeen 
and  seventy  were  enrolled.  The  only  officei*s  were  the  sec- 
tional chief,  his  ensign  and  the  captain  of  each  company ;  the 
whole  body  being  commanded  by  the  Captain  of  the  People  or 
the  Podesta. 

In  order  to  give  more  dignity  to  the  national  army  and  form 
a  rallymg  point  for  the  troops,  there  had  been  established  a 
great  car  called  the  Carroccio  drawn  by  two  beautiful  oxen 
which  carr\ing  the  Florentine  standai'd  generally  accompanied 
them  to  the  field.  This  car  was  painted  vermilion,  the  bullocks 
were  covered  with  scarlet  cloth,  and  the  driver,  a  man  of  some 
consequence,  was  dressed  in  crimson,  was  exempt  from  taxation, 
and  served  without  pay :  these  oxen  were  maintained  at  the 
public  charge  in  a  public  hospital  and  the  while  and  red 
banner  of  the  city  was  spread  above  the  car  between  two  lofty 
spars.  Those  taken  at  the  battle  of  Monteaperto  are  still 
exhibited  in  Siena  Cathedral  as  trophies  of  that  fatal  day*. 

*  Malespini,  cap.  cUiv.— Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Rubric  Ixxii. 


I 


Macchiavelli  en'oneously  places  the  adoption  of  the  Carroccio 
by  the  Florentines  at  this  epoch,  but  it  was  long  before  in  use 
and  probably  was  copied  from  the  Milanese  as  soon  as  Florence 
became  strong  and  independent  enough  to  equip  a  national 
army.     Eribert  Archbishop  of  Milan  seems  to  have  been  its 
author,  for  in  the  war  between  Conrad  the  first  and  that  city, 
besides  other  arrangements  for  military  organisation,  he  is  said 
to  have  finished  by  the  invention  of  the  Carroccio :  it  was  a  pious 
and  not  impolitic  imitation  of  the  ark  as  it  was  carried  before 
the  Israelites  *.     This  vehicle  is  described,  and  also  represented 
in  ancient  paintings  as  a  four-wheeled  oblong  car  drawn  by  two, 
four,  or  six  bullocks  :  the  car  was  always  red,  and  the  bullocks, 
even  to  their  hoofs,  covered  as  above  described,  but  with  red  or 
white  according  to  the  faction ;  the  ensign  staif  was  red,  lofty, 
and   tapering,    and  sm-mounted   by  a  cross   or  golden   ball : 
on  this  between  two  white  fringed  veils  hung  the  national 
standard,  and  half  way  down  the  mast  a  crucifix.     A  platform 
ran  out  in  front  of  the  car  spacious  enough  for  a  few  chosen 
men  to  defend  it,  while  behind  on  a  corresponding  space  the 
musicians  with  their  military  instruments  gave  spirit  to  the 
combat:  mass  was  said  on  the  Carroccio  ere  it  quitted  the  city, 
the  surgeons  were  stationed  near  it,  and  not  unfrequently  a 
chaplain  also   attended  it  to  the   field  f .      The  loss  of  the 
Carroccio  was  a  great  disgrace  and  l)etokened  utter  discom- 
fiture ;  it  was  given  to  the  most  distinguished  knight  who  had 
a  public  salary  and  wore  conspicuous  armour  and  a  golden 
belt :  the  best  troops  were  stationed  round  it,  and  4here  was 
frequently  the  hottest  of  the  fight  |. 


*  Rokndino  however  asserts  that  Padua 
had  a  Carroccio  in  the  time  of  Attila; 
and  the  supposed  Archbishop  Tui-pin 
gives  it  an  eastern  origin  amongst  the 
Sai-acens  (Vide  cap.  xix.,  Cronica  di 
Turpin)  which  however  may  rather 
tend  to  prove  the  more  modern  date 
of  that  Chronicle.     (Vide  Giulio  Fer- 


rario,  Storia  ed  analisi  degli  Antiche 
Romanzi   di   Cavalleria,  &c.,  pp.  46, 

258). 

t  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii«.— Makvolti, 

Storia  di  Siena,   Parte  i°,  Lib.  iii.,  p. 

25.— Sismondi,  vol.  i.,  p.  255.— Sigo- 

nius,  Hist.,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  197. 

J  Muratori,  Antichita  Italiana,  vol.  iii., 


216 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


The  Carroccio  seems  to  have  been  admirably  adapted  to 
preserve  the  incipient  discipline  of  those  early  times  when  the 
Italian  repubhcs  were  only  commencing  their  military'  career, 
by  preventing  inexperienced  troops  from  tumultuously  breaking 
their  ranks  either  in  advtmcing  or  retiring  with  undue  pre- 
cipitation :  the  station  of  each  company  depended  on  that  of 
the  car  which  was  generally  placed  in  the  rear  as  a  mllpng 
point  from  whence  a  new  and  more  determined  attack  could 
be  made.     It  sened  well  to  connect  the  troops,  to  give  the 
civic  infantry-  a  degree  of  confidence  in  themselves,  and  spirit 
enough  to  withstand  the  heavy  cliarges  of  the  men-at-arms  who 
were  all  gentlemen,  and  formed  the  great  strength  of  armies 
at  that  period.     It  perhaps  first  showed  that  steady  infantiy 
would  deprive  both  knights  and  barbed  steeds  of  a  ix)rtion  of 
their  terror ;  but  they  never  dreamed  in  those  chivalrous  days 
of  the  great  suj»eriority  that  more  recent  tactics  have  imparted 
to   infantry  over  the  cavalrj-  of  later  times,   a  secret  which 
Oonsalvo  di  Cordova  fii-st  revealed  to  modem  horsemen. 

Although  the  Italian  bullocks  walk  more  rapidly  than  the 
northern  race  yet  the  movements  of  these  armies  were  neces- 
sarily slow,  but  the  troops  were  kept  well  in  hand  and  the  whole 
force  concentrated  on  one  point;  which,  when  we  consider 
that  victory  then  depended  less  on  tactics  than  individual 
strength  and  courage,  was  a  considerable  advance  in  dis- 
cipline. 

The  colours  belonged  to  the  whole  army  not  to  any  particu- 
lar colun^p  or  company ;  they  were  tlie  banners  of  their  city 
and  all  the  troops  were  citizens  ;  to  support  the  point  on  which 
they  waved  was  the  object,  the  duty,  and  the  safety  of  all ;  no 
smoke  prevented  the  sUuidard  from  being  seen  ;  the  mast  that 
carried  it  was  thirty  feet  in  height,  and  all  the  physical  and 

Dissert,     xxviii,  who   cites    Amolfo,     and  others.-Sigonius,    Lib.  viii.,  n 

^ntl'calT  s\''""Tf^'^^^"^'     197.^toriade|li  Amiche  Romanzl* 
Antouio   Campi,   Stona  di  Cremona     p.  259. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


217 


moral  force  of  the  army  was  directed  towards  it.     Where  the 
movement  of  the  Carroccio  was  to  be  followed,  rapid  evolutions 
of  infantiy  could  not  be  expected,  but  neither  was  there  more 
celerity  on  the  enemy's  part,  and  the  troops   once  ranged, 
the  battle  was  commonly  decided  by  hard  fighting  :  the  Fedi- 
tori  who  began  the  onslaught,  if  unsuccessful,  generally  fell  back 
on  the  second  Ihie  for  support,  or  retreated  through  it  and  rallied 
on  the  third,  and  the  battles  before  the  time  of  the  Condottieri 
were  often  obstinate  and  bloody -i^     Besides  the  Carroccio  the 
Florentine  army  was  accompanied  by  a  great  bell  called  ''Mar- 
tinella "  or  "  Campaua  degU  Asini "   which  for  thirty  days 
before  hostilities  began,  tolled  continually  day  and  night  from 
the  arch  of  "  Porta  Santa  Maria  "  as  a  public  declai'ation  of 
war  and  as  the  ancient  clironicle  hath  it  "/or  greatness  of  mind 
that  the  enemy  miyht  have  full  time  to  prepare  himself  \  ."     At 
the  same  time  also  the  Carroccio  was  drawn  from  its  place  in 
the  offices  of  San  Giovanni  by  the  most  distinguished  knights 
and  noble  vassals  of  the  republic,  and  conducted  in  state  to  the 
"  Mercato  Nnovo  "    where  it  was  placed  upon  the  circular 
stone  still  existing,  and  remained  there  until  the  army  took 
the  field.     Then  also  the  Martinella  was  removed  from  its 
station  to  a  wooden  tower  placed  on  another  car,  and  with  the 
Carroccio  served   to   guide  the    troops    by   night    and  day. 
'' And  xdth  these  two  pomps,  of  the  Carroccio  and  Campana'" 
says  Malespini,  "  the  pride  of  the  old  citizens  our  ancestors  was 

ruled  y 

The  death  of  Frederic  liberated  many  Florentine  prisoners 
and  hostages,  and   determined  the  Anziani,  after  a  solemn 

♦  The  situation  of  the  Carroccio  varied  according  to  the  custom  of  the  city  to 
which  it  belonged  :  thus  we  find  in  Tassoni's  "  Secchia  Rapita "  (cap.  v., 
stanza  53)  that  «  j|  Carroccio  restb  com  'era  usanza 

Trai  Bolognesi,  appo  il  sinistro  corno  "  &c. 
Its  station  was  in  the  left  wing  of  the  army.     Also  see  Muratori,  Antichita 
Dissert,  xxvi. 
+  Malespini,  cap.  clxiv. — Macchiaveli,  Lib.  ii. 


213 


FLORENHNE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


pacification    between  hostile    factions,  to  recal   the  Guelplis 
who  were  on  several  accounts  less  unpopular  than  their  livals ; 
for  independent  of  their  caniage  being  less  haughty  and  over- 
bearing both  politics  and  religion  united  in   making'  the  cause 
of  the  Church  most  agreeable  to  the  ni^ijoiity.     They  were 
A.  D.  1251.  ^^^^^^^^  i»  the  beginning  of  ].!:>1  after  two  yeai-s  of 
exile  but  found  their  power  abridged  and  their  influ- 
ence diminished  ;  for  the  late  revolution  had  anniliilated  the 
exclusive  government  of  an  aristocracy  ;  the  democratic  rule  now 
commenced,  the  city  was  at  once  calmed  mid  united  and  the 
republic  increased  in  dominion  riches  and  grandeur*.     It  is 
says  Maccliiavelli,  impossible  to  conceive  the  extent  of  force 
and  authority  acquired  by  Florence  in  a  verj-  short  period 
after  this  revolution  when  she  rapidly  mounted  up  not  only 
to  be  the  first  city  of  Tuscany  but  one  of  the  first  class  in 
Italy  itself. 

An  expedition  against  Pistoja  in  favoui"  of  the  exiled  Guelphs 
of  that  city  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  Ghibelines  who 
refused  to  take  the  field  against  their  friends  in  an  aggressive 
and  unjust  war  which,  however  veiled  in  plausibility?  was  a 
manifest  breach  of  the  peace  by  a  direct  att^ick  on  the  Ghibe- 
line  faction.  The  Guelphs  on  the  contrary-  maintained  that 
they  meant  no  harm  to  the  imperialists,  but  merely  to  unite 
parties  in  Pistoja  as  they  were  at  Florence :  the  Ghibelines 
maintahied  their  opposition,  but  the  expedition  proceeded ;  the 
Pistoians  were  defeated  at  Monte  Robolini  but  preserved  their 
town,  and  the  Florentines  returned  unsuccessful  though  victo- 
rious. The  government  bent  on  union  and  the  due  assertion 
of  its  authority  drove  the  refractory  Ghibelines  into  exile  and 
made  a  closer  union  with  the  Guelphic  party  who  in  the 
triumph  of  the  moment  resolved  to  change  the  standard  of 
Florence  from  a  white  lily  in  a  red  field  to  the  red  lily  in 

*  Malespini,  cap.  clii. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


219 


a  field  of  white  ;  a  flag  which  there  seems  some  reason  for 
supposing  they  had  previously  adopted  in  their  civil  con- 
flicts with    the   Ghibelines  who   still   retained  the   ancient 

banner*. 

These  new  exiles  joined  the  Ubaldiiii  and  maintained  a  pre- 
datorj'  but  misuccessful  warfiire  in  the  Mugello  ;  then  shifting 
to  the  Val  d'  Amo  and  uniting  with  some  German  remnants  of 
Frederic's  anny  they  defeated  the  Florentine  Guelphs  and  took 
the  town  of  Montida :  treaties  were  afterwards  concluded  by 
the  captain  of  the  people  and  podesta  of  Florence,  with  Lucca 
Genoa,  San  IMiniato,  and  Orvieto ;  and  the  Anziani  prepared 
for  a  vigorous  campaign.     Alarmed  at  the  \icinity  of  a  purely 
Ghibeline  town   a  restoration  of  the  Pistoian   Guelphs  was 
their  principal  object ;  the  recent  success  of  their  own  exfles 
touched  their  pride,  and  the  loss  of  Montaia  was  a  disgrace  to 
their  arms.     In  the  depth  of  a  severe  ^nnter  they  took  the 
field,  regained  Montaia  hi  face  of  the  united  armies  of  ^^  ^^^^ 
Pisa  and  Siena,  marched  on  Pistoia,  besieged  Tizana, 
and  while  still  before  it,  heard  of  the  defeat  of  the  Lucchese 
army  by  the  Pisans  at  Monopoli ;  terms  were  mstantly  made 
with  the  besieged,  and  a  sudden  march  brought  them  on  the 
victor  s  flank  at  Pontadera  where  encumbered  by  prisoners  and 
spoil  the  Pisans  were  totally  defeated  with  great  slaughter. 
Many  of   them  were   dehvered  over  to  the  Lucchese  as  an 
indemnification   for  their  recent  loss,  and  the  podesta  with 
3000    of     his    beaten    troops   was    carried    in    triumph   to 

Florence!. 

This  battle  presents  a  curious  example  of  the  mutability  of 

*S.  Ammirato,  Lib.    ii<>.~-Gio.  Vil-  Flam«   del  Borgo   confirms    this  ac- 

lani     Uh,   vi.,   capi.    xxxiii.    xxxiv.,  count  by  citing  the  Senese  Chronicle 

T\J^^PnrnJho  Cinto  xvi  of  Andrea  Dei  but  with  a  slight  dif- 

fT^ofZfoU^^^^^^     Senese  fercnce  as  to  time.  (Vide  Diss   Quinta, 

and   Pi  a^  revenged  this   defeat  by  p.    287.     Malavolti     Parte   i%    Lib. 

driving  the  Florentines  nearly  to  the  Quinta,  p.   6..)--Malespmi,  cap.  cl. 

gates   of    Florence   and  carrying   off  -Gio  Villam,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xlix. 
much  booty  and  many  prisoners :  and 


220 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


221 


fortune,  for  at  one  moment  the  Lucchese  soldiers  were  drafrrred 
away  in  bonds  amidst  the  scotls  of  the  victorious  Pisans ;  the 
next  saw  them  leading  their  captors  captive  and  returning  their 
unmanly  insults  as  they  moved  in  chains  to  the  capital*. 
Without  a  halt  the  victorious  army  marched  against  Count 
Guido  Novello  and  the  exiled  Gliibelines  in  Fighine  which 
surrendered  on  condition  that  they  were  to  l)e  restored  and  the 
Comit  set  free  ;  these  conditions  were  obsened  but  the  town 
was  destroved. 

ft 

In  this  manner  the  popular  govenmient  of  Florence  moved 
steadily  fonvai'd  for  ten  years  gathering  honour  and  riches  and 
spreading  its  influence   over   the  greater  part   of  Tuscany: 
Count   Guido   Xovello  who  had  joined  the   Gliibelines   and 
excited  the  people  of  Figlini  to  revolt  was  attiicked  tuid  beaten 
and  the  town  recaptured ;  Pistoia,  after  repeated  fliilures  was 
A.D.  1253    ^"^^b'  reduced  to  subjection  ;  the  Gueli)hs  were  re- 
stored, and  the  Florence  gate  of  that  city  turned  into 
a  citadel  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Anziani. 

The   dominions  of    Volterra   where  the    Gliibelines   were 
A.  D.  1254.  P^''^°i^^^i^  was  next  assailed,  and  the  country^  laid 
waste  up  to  the  ver}-  walls  of  the  city  :  this  proved 
too  much  for  the  inhabitants  to  bear ;    they  sallied  with  a 
great  force  of  infantiy  and   were  nearly  victorious  when  the 
Florentine  horse  dashed  gallantly  over  the  rocky  and  uneven 
ground  and  with  a  terrible  shock  drove  back  their  army  in  con- 
fusion to  the  town,  but  so  closely  pursued  that  victors  and 
vanquished  rolled  in  together,  and  the  strongest  city  in  Tuscany 
was  taken  in  an  instant.     Here  bloodshed  ceased  ;  no  robbery, 
no  violence,  not  an  insult  was  allowed;  the  vanquished  sub- 
mitted without  a  blow  and  Volterm  became  ever  after  a  vassal 
of  the  Florentine  republic.     The  anny  then  marched  on  Pisa, 
passed  the  river  Era  and  devastated  the  surrounding  country 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii",  p.  96.— M.  di  Coppo  Stcfano,  Rub.  ci. 


while  the  Pisans  weak  from  domestic  jars  be(?ame  alarmed  and 
disheartened  ;  they  sued  for  peace  on  any  conditions  :  and  the 
victoi-s  accepting  every  preliminary  returned  home  to  dictate 
the  definitive  treaty.  It  was  settled,  without  much  appearance 
of  moderation,  that  all  Florentine  merchandise  should  be  free 
wliile  in  Pisan  territories ;  that  several  towns  should  be  sur- 
rendered to  the  Genoese,  Lucchese,  and  Florentines,  and 
others  emancipated;  besides  several  articles  of  less  import- 
ance all  too  severe  not  to  be  infringed  on  the  first  favourable 

occasion. 

The  success  of  Florence  had  been  constant  since  democracy 
first  gained  the  ascendant  there,  and  the  unusual  good  for- 
tune of  the  year  Uoi  had  procured  for  it  the  emphatic  de- 
nomination of  "  Anno  Vittoriosor  yet  it  was  darkened  by  the 
permanent  institution  of  the  Inquisition,  an  act  supported  by 
the  government  more  perhaps  from  political  than  religious 
motives  because  all  heretics  were  naturally  attached  to  the 
emperor  s  party,  and  under  Innocent  IV.  for  the  first  time  the 
stake  and  the  faggot  were  seen  in  Florence  ^. 

Conrad  son  of  the  late  emperor  arrived  in  Puglia  the  year 
after  his  father's  death  and  immediately  attempted  a  recon- 
'  ciliation  with  the  pope  :  this  was  rejected  by  Innocent,  at  whose 
insticration  the  countiy  rose  in  arms  against  him  ;  war  and  its 
usual  cruelties  succeeded,  until  the  death  of  Conrad  in  the 
spring  left  the  whole  kingdom  at  his  mercy  and  depressed 
the  Ghibeline  spirit  throughout  Italy. 

Except  Pisa  and  Siena  all  Tuscany  was  either  sincerely  or 
politically  Guelph ;  even  the  Counts  Pepo  de'  Visconti  of 
Campiglia  and  Guglielmo  Aldobrandeschi,  though  Glnbelmes 
themselves,  had  found  it  necessary  to  join  the  Guelphic  re- 
public.    Pisa  was  therefore  forced  into  an  ignomimous  peace 

♦  Lami,  Lezioni,  pp.  527,  531,  544,  Lib.  ii«,  p.  101. -Flam,  ^al  Borgo, 
570.-R.  Malespiui,  cap.  clv.-G.  Vil-  Diss  v«,  p.  296.-Mecatt.,  Stor.  Cron. 
lani,  Lib.  vi.,  c.  Iviii.-Sc.  Ammirato,     -Muratori,  Annah. 


222 


FLOKENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


and  Siena  principally  in  consequence  of  this  state  of  things 
submitted  to  terms  scarcely  less  humiliating :  these  last  were 
hastened  by  a  vigorous  and  successful  campaign  on  the  part  of 
Florence  who  at  the  pontic's  death  expected  some  unwelcome 
changes  in  the  south  of  Itiily :  the  negotiations  with  Siena 
were  carried  on  principally  by  the  celebrated  Brmietto  di 
Buonaccorso  Latini,  the  friend  and  master  of  Dante,  and  in- 
cluded the  relinquishment  of  all  rights  asserted  by  Siena  over 
the  petty  republics  of  iMontalcino  and  Montepulciano  with  the 
guarantee  of  their  independence  by  Florence  :  these  were  the 
most  difficult  and  importiuit  articles  of  this  treaty  which  in 
addition  to  another  with  Arezzo  concluded  the  transactions  of 
this  triumphant  year  *. 

Florence  was  now  rich  powerful  and  (juiet,  wherefore  Count 
Guido  Novello  finding  the  difficulty  of  retauiinfj  his 
feudal  authority  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  so  am- 
bitious a  republic,  wisely  disposed  of  his  rights  in  the  towns  of 
Empoli,  Monterapoli,  Vinci,  Cerreto,  Collegonzi  and  others,  to 
the  Florentines  for  ten  thousand  Pisan  lire. 

The  rising  influence  of  Manfred  natural  son  of  Frederic  II. 
now  first  aifected  Viterbo  which  making  war  on  Orvieto  in- 
volved Florence  in  the  cause  of  her  ally,  and  a  body  of  five 
hundred  men-at-arms  were  dispatched  under  Count  Guido 
Guerra  to  the  latter's  assistance  :  these  necessarily  passed  by 
Arezzo,  which  like  the  rest  of  Italy  was  divided  by  the  two 
contending  factions  but  not  so  violently  as  to  cause  imy  open 
rupture.  Tempted  by  such  a  favourable  occasion  the  Aretine 
Guelplis  demanded  assistance  of  Count  Guido  to  expel  their 
rivals,  and  he,  seduced  by  a  promise  of  tlie  citadel  as  a 
reward,  disregarded  the  existing  alliance  of  both  parties  with 
Florence  and  lent  himself  ^rithout  hesitation  to  the  fonner. 


*  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii.,  p.    104,     in    the    following    year.- 
diffcrs  from  all  other  Ijistorians  in  his     Parte  i",  p.  65. 
date   of  this  treaty,   which  he  places 


-Malavolti, 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


223 


When  the  rumour  of  this   event  arrived  at  Florence  the 
people,  although   hating  the    Ghibelines,  honestly   expressed 
their  indignation  at  so  flagrant  a  breach  of  faith  and  were  not 
without  feai-s  of  its  consequences  on  Pistoia  and  other  cities 
where  the  Ghibelines  were  powerful,  and  whose  obedience  de- 
pended in  a  great  measure  on  their  security  ^.     The  citizens 
therefore  armed  at  once  and  with  a   contingent  from  Siena 
moved  on  Arezzo  ;  but  Count  Guido  an  independent  chief- 
tain, would  not  tamely  resign  such  a  prize  as  the  citadel  and 
therefore  prepared  to  defend  it :  the  Arretine  Guelphs  had  no 
other  reward  in  their  power,  and  were  unwilling  to  forfeit  then- 
word  to  him,  upon  which  Florence  from  a  sense  of  justice  and 
policy  immediately  lent  them   1-2,000  lire,  and  restored  the 

Ghibelines. 

The  Ghibeline  power  which  Frederic's  death  and  the  in- 
ferior capacity  of  Conrad  had  materially  reduced,  began  to 
acquire  new  life  under  Manfred  Prince  of  Tarento  natural  son 
of  the  late  emperor  :  this  prince  inherited  the  talents  courage 
and  energy  of  his  fether  as  well  as  his  personal  graces  and 
amiability  ;  and  he  has  equally  though  perhaps  with  even  less 
reason  shared  the  unmeasured  abuse  of  Guelphs  and  church- 
men.     Left  regent  of  the  two  Sicilies,  his  talents  soon  began 
to  attract  sufficient  attention  to  raise  his  brother  Conrad's 
jealousy,  from  the  last   efl^ects   of  which   it  is  probable  that 
nothing  but   extreme  prudence   saved  him :    at  the  latter's 
death  he  re-assumed   the    government,   became  tutor  to  his 
infant  nephew  Connuliue,  trie<l  in  vain  to  conciliate  the  pope; 
who  Uikiug  advantage  of  existing  circumstances  overran  the 
kincrdom ;  and  after  much  hard  lighting  and  a  succession  of 
rommitic  adventures  reestablished  the  royal  authonty  so  fully 
and  faii-ly  that  when  a  false  report  of  Conradine  s  death  reached 
Naples,  of  which  he  is  accused  of  being  the  author,  he  was 
elected  king  by  the  clergy,  the  great  barons,  and  inferior  gen- 

•  Orl°.  Malavolti,  Parte  i»,  Lib  v«,  p.  67.-Villani,  Lib.  vi^,  cap.  Ixi. 


224 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tlemen;  for  the  people  in  our  modem  sense  were  unheard  of 
except  as  tools  for  war  or  objects  of  especial  ra[)acity.  On  the 
truth  about  Conradine  being  announced  by  his  messeiigei*s  Man- 
fred's reply  was  that  the  Sicilian  kingdom  had  been  lost  to  liis 
nephew,  and  that  he  had  recovered  it  by  his  own  exertions 
alone;  that  German  nileand  Gennan  troops  were  alike  hateful  to 
the  people  who  were  determined  not  to  suffer  tlie  one  or  the 
other ;  that  consequently  a  boy  like  Conradine  could  never  hold 
the  sceptre  a  moment,  and  finally  that  having  once  mounted,  he 
Manfred  could  not  now  descend  from  the  Sicilian  throne ;  but  that 
his  nephew  should  succeed  him  and  if  he  would  come  to  Naples, 
should  be  treated  as  his  own  child,  and  instantly  acknowledged 
as  his  heir.  This  offer  being  refused  Manfred  continued  to 
reign,  and  a  primary  object  of  policy  was  to  strengthen  his  con- 
nexion with  all  Gliibeline  cities  and  become  the  head  of  that 
faction   in    Tuscan v  *.      The  firm    and   prosperous 

A  D   125^  * 

administration  of  the  Guelphs  excluded  him  from 
Florence  ;  he  therefore  it  is  said  incited  Pisa,  still  smarting 
with  the  liard  conditions  of  her  recent  peace,  to  try  tlie  chance 
of  war  ;  and  under  his  powerful  protection  it  was  an  easy  task  f . 
Not  daring  a  direct  attack  on  Florence  the  Pisans  invaded 
Lucca  but  were  met  by  the  Guelphic  army  near  Ponte  a 
Serchio  and  defeated  with  such  slaughter  as  to  force  an  instant 
submission  and  request  for  peace,  which  they  obtained  on 
harder  conditions  than  before  J. 

Several  towns  of  consequence  were  ceded  to  the  victors  and 


•    Pietro  Giannone,     Istoria   Civile 

del  Regno  di   Napoli,  vol.  viii.,  Lib. 

xix.,  p.  •2*24. 

•f-  Scip.    Ammirato,  Lib.  ii'',  p.  105. 

Folio  Ed. 

;J  It   seems   very    doubtful  whether 

Manfred  was  the  cause  of  this  war  : 

the   Genoese  certainly  began  it    and 

according  to  Tronci  were  assisted  by 

the    Lucchese,    which    enraged    the 

Pisans   so  much  that  they  instantly 


attacked  Ripafratta ;  on  this  the 
former  called  in  the  Florentines  and 
overcame  them.  At  San  Jacopo  in 
Poggio  the  latter,  as  a  sign  of  sove- 
reignty, cut  down  an  enormous  pine 
tree  and  coined  money  on  its  trunk 
with  the  impression  of  a  leaf  of  trefoil 
planted  like  a  small  tree  at  the  feet  of 
the  Baptist.  These  were  called 
"  Zecchini  Gigliati.^ 


If 


CHAP,   X.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


225 


amongst  them  Mutrom  which  as  a  sea-port  might  in  the 
hands  of  a  commercial  people  like  the  Florentines  become  a 
dangerous  rival  to  that  of  Pisa  not  only  in  commerce  but  naval 
warfare,  and  lience  its  loss  was  one  of  the  hardest  conditions  of 
this  peace. 

A  council  having  met  at  Florence  to  arrange  the  definitive 
treaty,  Aldobrandino  Ottobuoni  an  old,  poor,  and  respectable 
citizen,  voted  strongly  in  favour  of  the  destruction  of  Mutrone 
;is  a  place  of  no  utility  to  the  republic,  and  this  decision  (which 
l)y  the  preliminarv'  articles  was  left  to  the  will  of  the  Flo- 
rentines,)  was  precisely  what    Pisa   was    most   anxious    for, 
as  quieting  her  apprehensions  on  the    score   of    commerce. 
<^ttobuoni  had  nearly  persuaded  all  his  colleagues  to  adopt  his 
view  and  the  question  was  to  be  decided  on  the  following  day ; 
meanwhile  the  Pisan  envoy  with  less  discretion  than  zeal,  in 
order  to  make  all  sure  sent  through  a  friend  to  offer  Aldobran- 
dino four  thousand  golden  florins  for  the  successful  termination 
of  his  measure.      The  old  man  immediately  perceiving  his 
mistake  dismissed  the  messenger  with  civil  words  and  next  day, 
without  mentioning  what  had  happened,  asked  pardon  for  his 
sudden  change  of  sentiments  and  spoke  so  strongly  on  the 
other  side  as  to  bring  his  colleagues  round,  but  with  consider- 
al»le  difficulty  to  his  new  opinion  :  Mutrone  was  therefore  saved, 
much  to  the  annoyance  of  Pisa.     Ottobuonis  disinterested- 
ness transpired  in  despite  of  his  own  silence  and  gained  him 
such  applause  that  at  his  death,  which  happened  shortly  after, 
a  magnificent  public  funeral  was  decreed  and  a   monument 
erected  to  his  memoiy  in  the  church  of  Santa  Reparata*. 


*  Malespini  docs  not  mention  this 
anecdote  and  Tronci  tells  it  differently 
without  taking  away  the  merit  of  Otto- 
buoni: but  as  the  Pisans  wished  Mutro- 
ne's  destruction  their  subsequent  anger 
would  prove  its  preservation.  Tronci 
however  says  that  it  was  destroyed  to 

VOL    I. 


the  great  regret  of  the  Pisans.  They 
took  an  unworthy  revenge  after  the 
disaster  of  Monte  Aperto  by  dragging 
his  body  from  the  tomb  and  after 
ignominiously  trailing  it  through  Flo- 
rence cast  it  into  the  Arno. — S.  Am- 
mirato, Lib.  ii.,  pp.  107 — 123. — Gio. 


226 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


227 


A.D.  1257. 


Ottobuoni  acted  like  an  honest  man  and  liis  silence  proved 
him  to  be  an  unpretending  one ;  but  such  fume,  and  such 
honours  paid  to  one  of  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  republic  for 
a  common  act  of  public  honesty  argue  either  the  rarity  of  this 
virtue  or  a  verj-  different  notion  of  it  amongst  the  Florentines 
from  that  of  the  present  day. 

Manfred's  successful  campaigns  and  recovery  of  his  kingdom 
from  the  Church  had  revived  the  im[>erial  s[)irit  in 
Tuscany,  some  slight  indications  of  which  awakened 
Guelphic  jealousy  lest  the  Ghibeline  to\viis  should  be  excited 
to  tumult :  wherefore  Florence  knowing  the  political  bias 
of  Poggilx)nzi  and  fearing  that  witli  the  aid  of  Siena  public 
tranquillity  might  be  distui'bed,  detemiined  to  destroy  its 
defences  both  for  present  secuiity  and  future  example ;  and 
although  the  principal  citizens  begged  with  ropes  round  their 
necks  for  a  remission  of  this  sentence  the  Florentuie  govern- 
ment remained  inexorable-. 

Hitherto  by  a  sagacious  policy  supported  1)y  great  militar}^ 
vigom*  the  Florentine  government  through  fear  or 
inclination  had  managed  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
services  of  both  factions  in  Tuscany  and  we  have  already  shown 
how  the  Ghibelines  for  refusing  to  join  in  the  expedition 
against  Pistoia  were  driven  from  Florence  and  subsequently 
restored  by  the  capitulation  of  Fighme ;  neveitheless  the 
Guelphic  ascendancy  had  taken  such  deep  root  tliat  although 
nommally  there  was  no  party  distinction,  their  rivals  were  in 
fact  practically  excluded  from  any  share  in  the  government 
and  watched  with  the  utmost  jealousy.  The  Uberti  an  able 
proud  and  ambitious  race,  descended  as  they  boasted,  from 
Cataline,  were  stUl  the  acknowledged  leaders  of  the  GhibeHne 
party  but  jealous  and  discontented  that  eight  long  years  of 

Villani,    Lib.    vi.,  cap.  Ixii.— Tronci,  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vi.,  c.  Ixiii.  —  Orl. 

Annali   Pisani,   Tom.  ii",  p.    132.—  Malavolti  Storia,  di  Siena,  Part  i%  Lib. 

Flam,  del  Borgo,  Dissert,  v  ,  p.  299.  v.,  p.  68. 
*  Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  R.  112.— 


A.D.  1258. 


national  triumph  should  have  been  acliieved  not  only  by  a 
government  of  tradesmen  but  principally  at  the  expense  and 
even  shame  of  themselves  and  their  Tuscan  allies :  the  success 
-)f  Manfred  against  the  chm'ch  mspired  them  with  better 
hopes,  and  accordingly  Giovanni  degli  Uberti  was  dispatched 
to  implore  his  assistance  hi  changing  the  government  of  Flo- 
rence*. Whether  the  king  gave  them  any  promises  does  not 
exactly  appenr ;  it  is  probable  that  he  was  too  cleai'- sighted 
not  to  perceive  the  little  prospect  of  success  that  would  attend 
the  efforts  of  an  unpopular  faction  against  a  strong  and  popu- 
larly elected  govenmicnt ;  but  he  is  accused  by  all  the  Floren- 
tine historians  of  fomenting  the  Uberti  plot. 

This  conspiracy  could  not  long  escape  democratic  vigilance, 
and  accordingly  that  family  was  cited  before  the  Podesta 
Jacopo  Beraardi  of  Lucca ;  the  mandate  was  disregarded,  the 
Podesta's  force  opposed  and  repulsed;  an  attempt  was  even 
made  to  seize  the  government,  when  the  populace,  ever 
ready  on  the  side  of  liberty,  seeing  the  authorities  defied  and 
the  defiance  come  from  a  family  they  detested,  immecUately 
flew  to  anns  and  attacking  the  quarters  of  the  Uberti  killed 
their  cliief  Schiatuzzo  with  many  of  his  followers,  then  seizuig 
Caini  degli  Abati  and  ]\Iangia  degli  Tnfangati  forced  what 
confessions  they  wimted  from  them  by  torture  and  chopped 
their  heads  off  in  the  Place  of  Orsanmichele ;  nor  would 
popular  hatred  have  rested  here  if  the  remaining  Ghibelines 
liad  not  saved  themselves  by  a  timely  retreat. 

Seventeen  of  the  principal  femilies  escaped  from  Florence 
besides  many  others  not  named,  and  the  Al)bot  of  Vallombrusa 
being  accused  as  accessory  was  in  despite  of  the  pope  and  his 
own  sacred  office  first  tortured  to  confess  and  then  beheaded 
on  that  confession  ;  but  hi  the  opmion  of  many  perfectly  inno- 
cent of  the  crime  f. 

*  Filip.  Villani,  Vite  d'  Uomini  il-     f  Malespini,  cap.   clviii. — M.  di.  C. 
lustri  Fiorentini,  p.  51.  Stefani,   Rub.   cxii.— S.    Ammirato, 

Q-2 


-^a^ra 


228 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


I^CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


229 


Pope  Alexander  IV.  placed  the  whole  city,  all  Guelphic  as 
it  was,  under  an  interdict  for  this  audacious  violation  of  eccle- 
siastical rights,  directing  his  censures  especially  against  the 
official  authors  of  the  sacrilege  ;  but  a  l»old  and  severe  spirit  at 
this  time  animated  Florence,  a  determination  in  the  government 
to  vimUcate  its  authority  at  any  cost,  and  a  minute  and  rigid 
attention  to  the  appearance  at  least,  of  scmpulous  honesty  in 
public  officers  which  set  all  danger  at  defiance.  For  an  instance 
of  the  latter  it  mav  be  mentioned  that  one  of  the  Anziani  or 
ministers  of  state  was  this  vear  fined  one  thousand  lire  as  a 
public  peculator  for  sending  to  his  villa  an  old  broken  door 
which  once  belonged  to  the  cage  of  the  public  lions  of  Flo- 
rence, but  useless  and  neglected  had  been  long  tossing  about  in 
the  streets:  the  property  was  public  and  therefore  considered 
inviolable  ;  yet  'from  the  loud  and  long-coiuiiuied  applause 
showered  on  Aldobrandino  Ottobuoni,  who  was  called  the  Flo- 
rentine Fabricius.  this  extreme  nicety  would  not  appear  to  have 
extended  itself  to  the  exterior  relations  of  the  commonwealth. 
In  this  revolution  the  Guelphs  failed  not  to  take  a  lesson 
from  the  defeated  faction,  and  palace  and  tower  went  to  the 
in'ound  under  their  destnictive  fury  :  some  amends  were 
however  made  by  employing  the  materials  to  complete  the 
city  walls  beyond  Anio  to  the  southward  an  object  of  vast 
importance  in  the  approaching  contlict  with  Siena -"^ 

Lib.  ii.,  p.  109.— The  principal  fanii-  ba])ly  on  an  average  there  could  not 
lies  that  left  Florence  on  tliis  occasion  have  been  less  than  one  hundred  of 
were  the  Uberti,  Sifanti,  Lamberti,  the  same  name  to  each,  besides  their 
Circini,  Amidei,  Scolare,  Cai>onsachi,  retainers,  &c.  As  regards  Don  Te- 
Migliorclli,  Infangati,  Ubriachi,  vith  sauro  di  Beccaria  of  Pavia  Abbot  of 
a  portion  of  the  Abati,  Guidi,  Solda-  Vallambrosa,  Dante  at  least  has  pro- 
nieri,  Tedalnini,  Galigai,  Buonaguis-i,  nounced  him  guilty. — {Inferno,  Canto 
Razzanti  and  Giuochi  with  many  xxxii.) 
others,   noble  and   citizen ;    and  pro- 

"  Tu  hai  ilal  lato  quel  di  Beccaria, 
Di  cui  segb  Fiorenza  la  gorgiera"  &c. 

Thou  hast  beside  thee  him  of  Beccaria 
Whose  head  was  chopped  at  Florence. 
*  Malespini,  cap.  clix. 


i^That  Ghibeline  republic  had  received  the  fugitives  with  open 

},  for  its  hopes  began  to  revive  with  the  growing  power  of 

Manfred ;    but    as    Florence    considered   their   reception    a 

-  breach  of  the  treaty  of  1255  by  Avhich  no  exiles  from  either 

\    state  could  be  protected  an  embassy  was  immediately  sent  to 

demand  their  expulsion  ;  this  had   no   cifcct,  for  the  Scncse 

ikirly  insisted  that  their  Iciiguc  was  witli  the  whole  Florentine 

y-  nation  of  which  these  were  a  pnncipul  part,  and   until   some 

crime  were  proved  that  miglit  bring  thoni  directly  within  the 

I  ■  meaning   of  the   treaty  it  would    bo   an   absolute  breach  of 

kospitality  to  refuse  them  shelter.     The  Florentines  would  not 

readmit  such  reasoning,  liut  being  aware  of  Siena's  communica- 

v  tions  with  the  Sicilian  prince  at  once  declared  war  and  marched 

g, troops  to  the  frontier*.     Nothing  liowcver  occurred  during  tlie 

following  year,  partly  because  the  army  was  opposed  to  the 

iishop  of  Arezzo,  under  whose  auspices  the  Aretines  had  sur- 

Sprised  Cortona  an  ally  of  Florence  of  which  he  claimed  both 

^temporal  and  spiritual  sovereignty ;  and  partly  because  it  was 

j|held  in  readiness  to  keep  the  Pisans  in  check  who  were  pre- 

^'  pared  to  assist  Venice  against  the  Genoese  in  consequence  of  a 

quarrel  in  the  Levant,  which  was  subsequently  arranged  by  the 

J  pontifff.     It  however  became  necessary  for  Florence  to  push 

*  Malavolti,  Lib.  v^  Prima  Parte,  p.  to  it  after  its  father's  death  :  the  father 

68.  had  been  stabbed  in  a  private  feud  and 

^' t.Michaelangelo  Salvf,  Hist,  di  Pis-  this  child  was  her  only  consolation. 

*     toiae  Faiionc  d' Italia,  Parte  ii',  Lib.  On  seeing  him   in   this  situation  she 

^  iii.,  p.  99.— Tronci,  Annali  Pisani. —  with  a  loud  slirick  darted  at  the  lion 

T  Malespini,  cap.  clvi. — Malavolti,  Lib.  and  snatched  her  infant  from  his  claws. 

!•, Parte  ii%  p.  2.— There  isan  interest-  The  noble  beast  made  no  resistance 

ting  anecdote  related  by  Malc«piiii  as  nor  did  he  harm  the  child,  only  stood 

[kaTiug  occurred  this  year  in  Florence,  and  stared  at  the  mother  as  she  carried 

iOne  of  the  lions  which  were  main-  off  her  babe  in  triumph.     It  became 

itained  at  the  public   charge    eMai>ed  a  question   says  Malcspini  (who  lived 

Ifttm  his  cage    and   ranged   over  the  ot  tlic  time)  whether  this  arose  from 

f  whole  city:  every  body  was  in  alarm,  the  noble   nature   of  the   animal    or 

which  was  not  diminished  when  in  Orto  because  fate  had  preserved  the  infant 

Son  Michele  he  seized  a  child,  the  only  to  revenge  his  father's  death,  which  he 

f'  ion  of  iU  mother  who  had  given  birth  afterwards  did,  and  was  named    Or- 


230 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[fOOK  I. 


on  this  w.'ir  with  vij^our  in  consrqurnco  of  Miinfrcd's  increasing 
inllucncc  aiul  if  possil)lo  niatc-h  the  luttor  hy  some  prince  whose 
o^vn  interest  shouM  attach  him  to  her  cause. 

The  imperial  throne  being  still  vacant  a  principal  stay  of 
the  Italian  Ghihelines  was  wanting;  Manfred  follo\Yed  fast  in 
liis  father's  steps,  hut  still  in  the  actual  state  of  Italy  the 
imperial  countenance  hecame  indispensable.  Pisa  felt  this, 
for  even  the  want  of  ^lanfrcd's  aid  had  already  compelled  her 
to  receive  the  dictation  of  Moroncc  and  Lucca  while  Genoa 
harassed  her  on  the  othor  si«lo ;  wlicroforc  it  was  resolved  to 
promote  as  she  best  could  the  cloctitm  of  nn  emperor. 

Although  Innocent  the  Fourth  at  the  deposition  of  Frederic* 
wishing  probably  to  weaken  the  ties  of  Germany  and  Italy, 
had  invested  sovrn  (Icrman  princes  under  the  name  of 
"  Electors'  with  the  po\v«n*  of  noniinating  a  king  of  Italy  and 
the  Romans,  it  docs  not  appear  that  the  Italian  cities  had  ever 
renounced  this  privilege;  therefore  in  I25r»  Pisa  by  a  bold 
and  decided  act  named  Mijhonsd  tlic  Wise,  King  of  Castile,  to, 
these  high  dignities  and  sent  a  solemn  embassy  to  inform 
him  of  this  decision  >!=.  Four  German  electors  supported 
Alphonso's  cause,  the  rest  votcil  for  llichard  Earl  of  Cornwall 
brother  of  Henry  III.  of  Kngland  ;  Alexander  IV.  remaining 
neuter  until  Ilichard's  death  when  he  opposed  Alphonso's 
pretensions.  - 

While  this  matter  was  in  suspense  the  Ilorentmes  from 
different  motives  followed  the  example  of  Pisa  ;  they  wanted i 
coimterpoisc  for  I\lanfrtd  and  believed  the  ixjiitiff  not  indi^ 
posed  to  Alphonso :  Bmnetto  Latiui  was  again  em- 
ployed, but  ere  he  could  fulfil  his  mission  the  battle 
of  T^Ionteaperto  put  an  end  to  all  diplomacy  and  drove  him  as 


A.D.  12G0. 


landuccio  dfl  Lcmc,  This  inridcnt 
occurred  in  OHo  San  Mlchdc  close  to 
the  houses  of  the  Buona;/uisi  and 
CompioUsi.  {^f(tk8pinif  JJist'.  Fio- 
rcntina^  c-ip.  clxi.) 


«  Muntori,  AntichitA  Italiane,  Di*- 
scrt.  iii. —  Khin.  dal  Borgo,  Dii»eil 
p.    303.— Paulo  Tronci,  An.  Pi- 


sani,  vol.  ii**,  p.  134. 


CilAP.   X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


231 


exile  into  France  where  he  published  liis  "Tesoro"  in  the 
language  of  that  country. 

Trusting  to  the  talents  of  their  envoy  in  Spain,  the  Floren- 
tines resolved  to  make  vigorous  war  in  the  Senese  states  ;  the 
Carroccio  was  drawn  out  -•-,  the  forces  mustered,  and  in  the 
month  of  May  mai'died  under  the  chief  command  of  the 
Podesta  Jacopmo  Rangoni,  assisted  by  twelve  captains  of  the 

public  besides  the  gonfaloniers  of  Sestos :  sk  Anziani  accom 


re 


panied  the  troops  but  had  no  military  command,  and  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  Captain  of  the  People  stirred  from  the 
metropohs  f .  Siena  soon  felt  the  scourge ;  town  and  castle 
fell  before  them,  \  illage  and  hamlet  were  trodden  under  their 
feet  as  they  advanced  towards  the  Maremma,  where  Grosseto 
city  and  the  strong  fortress  of  Montemassi  were  in  a  state  of 
open  insurrection.  At  Colle  of  the  Val  d'Elsa  the  Carroccio 
was  deposited  with  the  real  or  feigned  intention  of  marching 
more  rapidly  to  the  Maremma;  the  Senese,  fearful  of  this, 
rehiforced  their  army  in  that  quarter  retaining  only  what  was 
sufficient  to  defend  the  capital,  and  even  \rithdrew  Count 
Guido  Novello's  force  from  the  Valdichiana  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. Probably  expecting  such  a  movement  the  Podesta, 
ac^companied  by  the  Carroccio,  turned  short  to  his  left  and 
after  securing  his  communications  by  the  capture  of  Menzano 
and  Casole,  suddenly  appeared  and  encamped  before  the 
CamuUia  gate  of  Siena  itself  \. 

On  the  Florentme  declaration  of  hostilities  in  1258  the 
Senese  prepared  for  active  war,  and  in  consequence  of  Man- 
fred's friendlv  disposition  as  announced  by  his  two  ambassadors 
Ser  Niccolo  Mustaglia  of  Cremona  and  Ser  Paulo  Usa,  they 
dispatched  oratoi-s  in  return  to  secure  a  still  closer  alliance. 

*  Ammirato  save  the  19tli  Apil  and  army  was  in  the  field  that  caused  the 

Malavolti  the  dOth.  restoration  of  the  Podesta  in  1251.- 

t  It  ^vas  probably  in  consequence  of  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  u.,  p.  11^. 

the  incon^xnience  of  leaving  the  city  J  Malespini,   cap.  clxiv.- Malavolti, 

without  a  supreme  justiciary  when  the  Lib.  i",  Parte  u.,  p.  o. 


232 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Manfred  anxious  to  strengthen  his  party  in  I'uscjuiy  promised 
everytliuig,  but  required  an  oath  of  fealty  tu  himself  which  the 
envoys  were  instantly  desired  to  offer  in  the  public  name. 
-Vn  instnmient  was  accordingly  drawn  up  in  May  1-250,   by 
which  Manfred  promises  to  take  the  city  under  liis  particular 
l>rotectiou  ;  and  early  in  the  following  December  Count  Gior- 
dano d'Anglona,  Manfred's  vicar-general,  airived  at  Siena  with 
eight  hundred  German  horse  and  a  body  ..t  infantry  ;  he  was 
honourably  received  by  the  iiilei-s  who  for  the  convenience  of 
his  men  ordered  that  the  "  Ounce,''  (a  coin  <.l"  which  the  name 
alone  remains   at   Na])les)   should   pass  current  fur  six  lire 
or  golden  florins,  but  the  troops  as  appears  from  public  docu- 
ments, were  paid  entirely  by  Manfred,  his  interest  and  that  of 
Siena  being   identic^ -.     Count  Giordano  fearing   that    the 
revolt  of  Grosseto.  Monteano  and  jMontcraassi  might  produce 
serious  mischief  if  assisted  1)y  Florence,  i>n)[.u^e>l  their  imme- 
diate reduction  with  a  powerful  force  mid  thl^   was  fonnally 
decreed  in  public  council,  Giordano  being  invested  with  the 
chief  command.     On    the  nineteenth   of  Jaimary  the  anny 
marched  from  Siena:    Grosseto  soon  capitidated,  Monteano 
and  Montemassi  were  invested,  and  everj'thing  appeared  pro- 
mising when  the  fonnidable  preparations  of  Florence  alarmed 
them.     Provenzano  Salvani  and  other  ambassadoi-s  were  in- 
stantly dispatched  to  implore  a  reinforcement  from  Manfred  ; 
the  siege  of  Monteano  was  to  be   relaxed,   i.r  if  necessary 
abandoned;  and  the  count  taking  hostages  and  seeming  Gros- 
seto was  ordered  back  with  most  of  his  troops  to  the  defence 
of  the  capital.     The  delay  of  the  Florentines  before  Menzano 
and  Casole  afforded  time  for  this  movement  which  by  forced 
marches  was  successfully  completed,  so  that  with  other  neigh- 
bouring detachments  and  the  naturally  strong  position  of  Siena 
no  anxiety  remained. 


•  Malavolti,  Parte  ii.,  Lib.  i.,  p.  3.— Six  lire  were  8  grains  above  the  value 
of  the  OnciUf  if  then  at  its  full  weight. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


233 


As  a  sudden  capture  was  impossible  and  a  regular  siege 
might  have  unexpectedly  brought  down  the  army  of  Monte- 
massi at  a  critical  and  inconvenient  moment,  the  Florentines 
contented  themselves  with  a  wide-spread  devastation  and  a 
harassing  of  the  citizens  by  continual  alarms  in  order  to  force 
them  to  terms. 

A  lamentable  want  of  dates  and  the  discrepant  accounts  of 
authors  render  all  movements  previous  to  the  battle  of  Monte- 
aperto  extremely  luicertciin :  Malespini,  the  only  source  of  all 
the  Florentine  authorities,  relates  that  Faiinata  degli  Uberti 
with  a  deputation  of  dhibi 'lines  repaired  to  Naples  and  im- 
plored the  aid  of  ^Manfred  but  after  considerable  hesitation 
and  delay  on  the  king's  })art  were  about  to  leave  him  in  disgust, 
when  he  promised  tlieni  a  hundred  men-at-arms  :  affronted  at 
this  mockeiT  they  were  on  the  point  of  refusing  when  Faiinata 
exclaimed  '•  IJe  not  vast  down,  nor  reject  his  assistance  however 
"'small,  let  us  oithj  jiersuade  him  to  (five  the  royal  banner  along 
"  with  them  ajul  at  Siena  we  will  jmt  both  in  such  a  situation 
"  that  for  his  own  h(enour  he  will  be  compelled  to  send  us  more.'' 
This  advice  was  followed,  the  (jernian  cavaliy  were  gratefully 
accepted,  the  banner  accorded,  and  they  returned  to  Siena  with 
their  petty  escort  amidst  the  jeers  of  the  Senese  and  the 
regrets  of  their  exiled  countiymen. 

Manfred  lia\  ing  much  on  Ins  hands ;  with  a  large  force 
already  in  Siena,  and  probal)ly  drawing  a  wide  distinction 
between  a  powerful  republic  and  a  small  and  desperate  body 
of  refugees  wliose  sanguine  promises  were  seldom  justified  by 
facts,  naturally  hesitated,  and  unwillingly  granted  even  tliis 
assistance  to  an  irresponsible  body  of  private  individuals  inde- 
pendent of  Senese  government. 

Malespini  goes  on  to  say,  that  one  day  Farinata  invited 
these  hundred  knights  to  a  repast  where  good  wine  and  the 
promise  of  double  pay  increased  their  eagerness  for  action  ;  m 
this  conjuncture  an  alarm  was  given  and  these  excited  cavaliers 


234 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   X. 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


235 


rushed  impetuously  fonvard  :  the  enemy,  despismg  the  Senese, 
were  negligent,  and  the  Germjms  breaking  through  all  obsta- 
cles drove  even-thinfj  before  them  in  confusion.  The  Floren- 
tines  seeing  their  small  and  imsu}>ported  number  soon  rallied 
and  closing  round  the  devoted  squadron  put  ever)'  man  to  the 
sword :  Manfred's  banner  was  taken  and  after  having  been  trailed 
insultingly  through  tlie  dirt  was  borne  in  triumph  to  Florence . 

Fiirinat*a  lost  no  time  in  gi^'ing  the  king  notice  of  this 
disaster  with  the  insult  offered  to  his  flag  and  by  means  of 
20,0(  0  florins  borrowed  from  the  Salimbeui  (rich  bankers  of 
Siena)  he  succeeded  on  condition  of  paying  half  their  expenses 
for  tliree  months,  in  having  a  body  of  800  horse  dispatched  to 
his  assistance  under  Comit  Giordano  d'Anglona*. 

It  is  very  probable  that  mos>t  of  the  above  story  is  tnie  and 
that  the  sally  might  have  been  made  as  narrated,  but  it  would 
be  difficult  to  fix  the  exact  time ;  that  the  part  relating  to 
Count  Giordjiiio  and  the  ^00  men-at-arms  is  an  error  seems 
clearly  proved  by  Malavolti  from  public  documents ;  and  a 
Seconal  reinforcement  which  anived  after  the  retreat  of  the 
Florentines  appeal's  to  have  l)een  the  effect  of  Provenzano 
Salvani's  negotiations ;  they  were  commanded  by  Agnolo  da 
Sepontino  and  probably  made  up  the  number  of  I  si  hi  hoi*se  in 
the  Senese  army,  the  gi'eater  part  of  which  says  Malespiui 
were  Germans. 

We  may  believe  that  this  sally  could  easily  have  taken  place 
in  the  inter\'al  between  the  investment  of  Siena  and  the  junc- 
tion of  Count  Giordano  with  tlie  Marenmia  force  if  any  such 
interval  occurred ;  or  even  in  some  of  the  numerous  skirmishes 
after  that  event,  and  that  this  and  the  more  serious  afltiir  of 
the  eighteenth  of  May  have  been  confused :  it  will  appear  that 
in  both  accounts  the  German  horse  were  most  conspicuous  and 
even  in  the  great  attack  these  hundred  cavaliers  might  have 
pushed  rashly  on  and  been  cut  to  pieces  by  the  enemy.     The 


Malcspini,  cap.  clxiii.,  clxiv.,  clxv. 


account  most  relied  on  by  Malavolti  who  must  have  had  access 
to  more  cotemporaiy  documents  than  he  has  quoted,  is  that 
the  Florentines  being  resolved  to  bring  their  enemy  to  a  battle 
or  else  a  peace  on  their  own  temis,  maintained  a  war  of  fire 
and  sword  in  the  circumjacent  country,  destroyed  the  small 
to^vns  of  Sugara,  Montarrenti,  Rosia,   SoviciUe,  Marignano, 
Montecchio,  and  several  others,  and  kept  the  capital  itself  m 
continual  alaniis  mitil  the  eighteenth  of  May ;    the  Senese 
then  finding  that  their  enemy,  fatigued  by  such  devastating 
ser^-ice  and  with  an  utter  contempt  of  themselves  kept  a  negh- 
gent  guard,  determined  to  try  their  fortune  in  a  general  sally. 
Uniting  therefore  a  part  of  their  o^n  cavaliy  and  a  strong 
band  of  Gennans  under  Comit  Giordano's  camp-marshal,  they 
suddenly  fell  upon  the  Florentine  intrenchments  broke  through 
eyerj  obstacle  tmd  completely  suri^rised  the  enemy,  driving 
eveiything  before  them  in  teiTor  and  confusion.     The  Ger- 
mans in  particular  charged  with  such  impetuosity  that  few  of 
their  immediate  opponents  were  able  even  to  arm  themselves, 
and  had  they  not  been  supported  in  time  an  immense  carnage 
would  have  followed  with  little  loss  to  the  victors ;  but  as  it 
was,  cotemporary  author  according  to  Malavolti,  assert  that 
about  thirteen  hundred  of  the  Florentines  were  killed,  and 
only  two  hundred  and  sixty  of  the  Senese  army;  and  all  his- 
torians agree  in  describing  the  terror  and  confusion  of  the  day, 
which  could  hardly  have  been  produced  by  a  hundred  unsup- 
ported Germans.    Villain  says  that  Florentine  knights  and  citi- 
zens made  but  a  poor  figure ;  and  Leonardo  Aretino  asserts  that 
the  camp  was  in  great  confusion  and  in  some  parts  the  soldiers 
fled  shamefully :  but  however  caused,  this  affair  was  afterwards 
cited  in  the  stormy  debates  at  Florence  al)out  a  second  expedi- 
tion, as  a  strong  argument  against  the  measure.    "  Some  others 
have  said,"  says  Malavolti,  "  that  the  Senese  who  were  with 
the  army  round  Montemassi  having  received  more  particular 
notice  of  the  quantity  of  people  who  were  in  the  camp  of  the 


236 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Florentines  and  of  their  allies  where  (as  it  is  said)  were 
assembled  Lucchesi,  Pistolesi,  Aretini,  Onietani,  Pratesi,  San 
Gimignanesi,  Culligiani,  the  Count  Aldobraiulinu  of  Pitig- 
liano,  Pepo  Visconte  of  Campiglia  and  others  their  adlierents ; 
consideiing  in  what  great  peril  and  difficulty  their  city  was 
placed  ;  and  moved  not  solely  by  the  general  intore^t.  but  each 
indi\'idual  also  by  his  particular  welfore :  luiNuig  befure  their 
eyes  the  apprehension  and  terror  that  tliis  must  have  caused 
in  the  minds  of  their  children,  of  their  wivt  >.  of  their  mothers 
and  of  every  other  person  connected  with  them,  all  remiiining 
abandoned  in  such  a  horrible  and  frightful  peril.  Leaving 
therefore  some  of  their  captains  witli  the  local  troupe  iind  Q(K> 
horse,  as  well  as  some  companies  of  infantry  which  Count  (iior- 
dano  had  sent  them,  and  having  persuaded  the  P«)desta,  who  was 
general  of  the  anny,  to  agree,  they  dejiarted  with  him  from  that 
siege  to  go  and  succour  their  own  people.  ILning  arrived  at 
Siena  and  an  occasion  offering,  several  sc^uadrons  of  Germans 
made  a  sally  from  the  Porta  a  Ovile  to  attack  the  head  of  the 
enemy  on  one  side,  and  the  Senese  issuing  at  the  Camullia  gate 
assailed  them  at  the  same  moment  on  the  other  with  such 
spirit  and  vigour  that  after  great  slaughter  that  aniiy  was  put 
into  so  much  fear  tmd  disorder  that  they  began  to  tly  and  the 
Senese  followed  a  part  of  them  as  far  as  Castel  Fiorentino,  as 
Messer  Afjostino  Patritij  also  rehitc^.  othcis  >ay  not  that  day 
but  the  day  after,  that  iu*my  broke  up  laid  lied,  and  retired  with 
their  Carroccio  into  the  Florentine  territory    * . 

This  sortie  was  made  on  the  1 8th  of  ]May  the  dav  on  which 
Farinata's  Gennan  knights  are  supposed  to  have  fallen  so 
bravely ;  but  as  on  the  1 0th  the  Senese  council  decreed  that 
the  German  soldiers  and  their  marshal  should  have  their 
wounded  in  the  last  day's  action  cared  for  at  the  public  ex- 
pense, and  that  they  should  be  presented  with  500  lire  for 
their  gallant  bearing  in  the  fight,  it  may  l)e  supposed  that  they 

•   Mubvolti,  Parte  ii%  I^b.  i",  p.  9. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


237 


were  not  all  killed  in  this  engagement  and  that  the  affair  of 
the  hundred  horse  must  have  been  a  distinct  and  previous 

thinc'*. 

The  consequences  of  a  battle  are  commonly  the  best  proof 
of  victorj^  where  both  sides  claim  it,  and  the  results  of  this 
attack  were  a  sudden  retreat  of  the  Florentine  amy  without 
having   gained   the   object   of  the  war,   a  separation  of  the 
auxiliarj'  troops,  an  immediate  devastation  of  the  Colli  temtory 
by  detiichments  of  the  Senese  army,  and  the  simultaneous 
relief  of  IMontelatrone  which  the  Orvietani  aided  by  Counts 
Aldobrandini  and  Visconti  had  attacked  in  their  homeward 
retreat,  after  separating  from  the  Florentines.     Besides  these 
results  there  were  the  reduction  of  Staggia  and  Poggibonzi 
to  obedience,  a  reinforcement  of  the   besieging  army  before 
]Montemassi,  a  ravaging  of  the  IMontalcino  country ;  the  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  of  Counts  Aldobrandino  and  Ugolmo  Visconte 
to  reconcile  themselves  with  Siena  and  the   investment   of 
Montepulciano.     Montemassi  soon  after  fell,  and  Count  Gior- 
dano even  made  an  inroad  on  the  Florentine  territory ;  but  as 
all  these  events  occurred  within  twenty-five  days   after  the 
above  combat  it  seems  evident  notwithstanding  the  silence  of 
their  historians   that   the  Florentines   were   completely  dis- 

comiited. 

The  Orvietani  exerted  themselves  to  make  peace  between 
Montepulciano  and  Siena  and  demanded  a  safe  conduct  for  their 
ambassadoi-s ;  passports  were  Accordingly  given  hut  from  a  mutual 
want  of  sincenty  the  mediation  failed :    the  besieging  army 


*  The  words  of  this  decree  are.  "Con- 
silium est  in  Concordia  quod  vulnerati 
medicentur  omnibus  expensis  commu- 
nis Senensis  et  quod  medici  cogantur 
medicare  vulneratos  pro  competente 
precio,  et  salario,  et  solvator  de  pecunia 
communis,  et  quod  Mariscialco  et  mili- 
tibus  Theutonicis  pro  remuncratione 
probitatus  quam  fecerunt  heri  contra 


inimicos  communis  Senensis  debeant 
<lonari,  et  dari  de  pecunia  communis 
quinquaginta  libras  dcnarionim  Sencn- 
siuni,  et  quod  hoc  non  intelligatur  pro 
menda  equorum  et  armorum ;  sed  pro 
remuncratione  probitatis,  quam  fece- 
runt tantum."  (Vide  Malavolti,  Stoiia 
di  Siena,  Lib.  i",  Parte  ii%  p.  9.) 


23S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  f. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


239 


marched  on  the  twelfth  of  June  from  Siena ;  but  altered  their  plan 
by  investing  Montalcino,  and  the  necessity  of  relieving  this  city. 
a  place  under  the  immediate  protection  of  Florence,  was  siihse- 
quently  put  forth  as  the  ostensible  object  of  that  gieat  Flurentine 
armament  which  terminated  so  disastrously  in  September  l-^^OO. 

We  now  come  to  an  important  and  interesting  portion  of 
Florentine  or  rather  Tuscan  historj-,  for  the  shock  of  Monte- 
aperto  was  felt  throughout  that  country  by  Guelph  and  Ghibe- 
line;  it  vibrated  even  to  the  Sicilian  shores  and  influenced 
to  a  considerable  extent  the  general  fate  of  Ital3\  All  summer 
was  spent  by  the  Senese  in  ravaging  the  district  of  Monte- 
pulciano,  making  inroads  on  the  Florentine  tenitorv,  and 
cuttmg  off  succours  from  Montalcino  which  was  kept  closely 
blockaded :  this  town  since  its  rejection  of  the  Senese  yoke  in 
l!234  had  remained  under  Florentine  protection  and  l»ecame  a 
conspicuous  party  in  eveiy  subsequent  treaty  between  those 
republics  whose  early  wars  were  mainly  occasioned  by  conten- 
tions about  that  town  and  Montepulciano*.  The  Florentuies 
therefore  considered  themselves  bomid  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Montalcmo,  but  the  manner  of  doing  it  became  a  subject  of 
warm  dispute  and  finally  led  to  the  memorable  battle  of 
Monteaperto  f . 

In  tracing  the  principal  causes  that  led  to  this  conflict  we 
cannot  trust  unplicitly  to  the  Senese  historian  Malavolti  who 
on  all  occasions  seems  as  little  inclmed  to  allow  any  eicdit  to 
Florentine  exiles  as  to  place  confidence  hi  Florentme  writers  : 
he  does  not  even  mention  the  name  of  Farinata  degli  Uberti 
to  whom  every  other  author  gives  the  credit  of  what  was  done  ; 
and  bhnded  by  nationiU  prejudice  reasons  weakly  where  he 

*  Montalfino  and  Montepulriano  are  is  no  longer  what  the  poet  describes 

particularly  celebrated  for  their  wines  it  in  his  dav.     The  '' Moscaddletto  di 

in  that  exquisite  little  poem  of  Fran-  Montalcino''  still  retains  its  flavour. 

cescoRedi  called  "^atrom7'o«c««a"  f  Malespini,    cap.   clxvi.— Malavolti, 

but  the  pro<luction  of  the  Montepul-  Lib.  i«,  Parte  ii",  p.  1 3. 
ciano  vineyards  though  still  excellent 


attempts  to  conceal  part  of  the  truth  because  it  raises  the 
diplomatic  reputation  of  the  exiles :  Malavolti  claims  all  the 
honour  for  Siena,  while  the  Florentine  writers,  unable  to  avoid 
acknowledging  their  fiiilure,  endeavour  to  bestow  the  credit  of 
it  exclusively  upon  their  own  banished  countrymen.  But  Mala- 
volti wrote  when  the  recent  subjugation  and  existing  misery  of 
Siena  still  fretted  the  hearts  of  his  compatriots ;  when  ancient 
hatred  was  sharpened  by  the  conscious  impotency  of  rage, 
when  the  feelings  of  the  conquered  added  new  bitterness  to 
the  present,  new  honour  to  the  past,  and  the  impassioned 
mourner  hmig  in  melancholy  fondness  over  the  departed  glories 
of  liis  countiy*. 

It  was  of  paramount  conseiiuence  to  the  exiles  that  a  decisive 
blow  should  be  immediately  struck ;  a  war  of  incursions  they 
argued  w^ould  only  waste  time  and  money  without  advancing 
their  cause,  and  they  saw  that  the  Senese  government, 
naturally  intent  on  recovering  tlieir  own  revolted  towns,  was 
not  disposed  to  risk  a  bold  invasion  of  the  Florentine  territory. 
Under  this  impression  they  determined  if  possible  to  draw  the 
enemy  with  a  large  force  into  tliat  of  Siena  and  finish  by 
one  decisive  battle.  Montalcino  was  under  a  close  siege  and 
although  Florence  became  desirous  of  relievhig  it  the  govern- 
ment hesitated  ere  they  ventured  to  march  an  army  across  the 
heart  of  an  enemy's  country,  and  commence  operations  with  a 
city  like  Siena  in  their  rear,  and  a  necessarily  long  line  of  com- 
munication exposed  to  all  the  garrisons  between  that  capital 
and  the  Florentine  territory  f .  It  was  however  the  object  of 
Farinata  that  they  should  do  this,  and  to  accomplish  it  he  and 
Guardaccia  de'  Lamberti  by  means  of  two  friars  commenced  a 

*  Altbougb   Malavolti   dedicates    his  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.     Thi^* 

history  to  Ferdinand  theFirst  in  1596  he  was  clinging  to  a  straw,  the  gilding 

yet  draws  a  marked  distinction  between  was  there  ;  but  it  did  not  mitigate  the 

the  notion  of  Siena  being  a  subject  bitterness  underneath, 

province  of  Florence,  and  its  being  as  +  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii",  p.  114. 
he  asserts  a  separate  dominion  under 


240 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  t. 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


241 


false  negotiation  with  that  goveniraent,  apparently  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  Senese  authorities,  in  which  their  enemies 
were   assured  that  the  Florentine   exiles  disgusted  with  the 
domineering  manners  of  Provensano  Salvani  who  governed  the 
republic,  and  also  wearied  out  l.y  misfortune,  were  ready  to  make 
their  peace ;  that  they  had  the  means  and  were  wiling  to  deliver 
into  Horentine  hands  the  gate  of  San  Vito  leading  towards 
Arezzo,  if  they  would  only  send  ten  thousand  florins  and  march 
a  powerful  anin  to  the  Ari)ia,  a  stream  ahout  six  miles  from 
Siena,  under  pretence  of  raising  the  siege  of  .Montaleino.    The 
friars  who  were  themselves  deceived,  immediately  proceeded  to 
Blorence,  declaring  their  secret  mission  without  divulging  its 
nature,  and  two  of  the  Anziani  were  (Urectly  chosen  to  rectivo 
tliis  communication  with  full  powers  to  act  on  behalf  of  the 
government.     The  commissioners,  Spedito  di  Por  San  Piero, 
a  bold  ignorant  and  presumptuous  man  of  mean  extraction,  and 
Giovanni  Grancalcagni,  a  doctor  of  laws,  after  having  heard 
the  friars,  prepared  the  money  and  with  their  colleagu^es'  con- 
sent assembled  the  great  council  at  wliich  people  of  every 
rank  assisted,  and  proposed  to  victual  Moiitaleino  under  the 
escort  of  an  army  even  more  numerous  than  iliat  of  the  pre- 
ceding spring.     Their  plan  was  to  invest  Siena  and  reheve  the 
besieged  town  while  the  enemy  was  occupied  in  self-defence : 
It  was  easy  to  persuade  a  people  flushed  ^^'ith  so  miny  triumphs, 
that  their  araiies  had  only  to  march  and  conquer ;  but  Count 
Guide  Guerra  and  the  militarj-  nobles  had  not  forgotten  the 
combat  of  the  preceding  May :  German  valour  was  still  fresh 
m  their  memor}%  and  the  dastardly  conduct  of  the  people  on 
that  occasion  made  them  apprehensive  for  the  future.     The 
Anziani  boasted  of  ten  years  of  victory  ;  the  nobles  replied  that 
the  community  was  then  strong  and  united  but  now  divided ; 
the  Ghibeline  families,  composing  almost  half  the  city,  were 
then  with  them,  but  now  on  the  side  of  theii'  enemy ;  Siena  was 
in  those  days  comparatively  weak ;  she  was  now  powerful  from 


/ 


I' 


concord  and  aided  by  a  formidable  body  of  brave  and  disciplined 
straugei-s  whose  prowess  they  had  already  experienced  to  their 
c^st ;  but  the  nobles  were  not  in  the  secret  and  therefore  spoke 
loudly  agamst  the  imprudence  and  uselessness  of  this  enter- 
prise. Count  Guido  hrst,  and  then  Tegghiaio  Aldobrandi,  an 
experienced  chief  and  eloquent  debater,  insisted  on  the  danger 
of  marching  into  the  heart  of  a  hostile  country  and  risking 
their  troops  for  an  object  that  might  be  more  easily  and  cheaply 
accomplished  by  their  allies  of  Onieto  who  had  offered  to  per- 
form it  quietly  at  a  trifling  cost*:  by  this  they  said  there 
would  be  no  risk  and  time  would  be  gained,  an  object  of  vital 
importance  because  the  German  auxiliaries  being  only  paid  for 
three  months  as  they  erroneously  believed,  and  half  that  time 
having  already  elapsed,  they  would  soon  return  into  Puglia 
leaving  their  allies  in  a  weaker  condition  than  before  f-  Aldo- 
brandi was  instantly  answered  by  Spedito  who  opposed  only 
coarse  and  vulgar  invective  to  his  reasoning,  taunted  him  with 
cowardice  and  insulted  liini  by  repeating  a  beastly  expression 

*  These  two  nobles  accordiDg  to  Dante  partook  of  the  vices  of  the  times  :  he 
places  them  in  the  seventh  circle  in  hell,  Canto  xvi. 

Questi,  r  orme  di  cui  pestar  mi  vedi, 
Tutto  che  nudo  c  dipelato  vada, 
Fu  di  gi-ado  maggior  che  tu  non  credi : 

Nepote  fu  della  buona  Gualdrada  :  kc. 

He  whose  foot-prints  thou  seest  me  trample  oi 
Although  thus  naked  and  despoil'd  he  goes. 
Held  higher  rank  tlian  thou  dost  now  believe  : 

The  good  Gualdrada's  grandson  once  he  was  : 
And  Guido  Guerra  nam'd,  who  in  his  life,  &c. 


oil. 


k 


t  This  mistake  probably  arose  from 
the  custom  of  paving  the  men-at-ai*ms 
every  three  months  and  the  Germans 
were  probably  paid  in  advance  on  this 
occasion;  but  that  it  was  an  error  is 
proved  by  Malavolti  who  shows  that 
Count  Giordano  had  already  been  five 
months  at  Siena,  and  also  gives  the 
decree  of  council  for  lending  Giordano 
a  certain  sum  to  pay  his   troops   :ind 

VOL.  I.     • 


a  minute  of  the  repayment  of  it;  which 
proves  that  these  auxiliaries  were 
maintained  by  Manfred.  The  minute 
and  tiresome  details  of  all  connected 
with  the  battle  of  Monteaperto  is 
perhaps  the  reason  why  his  statements 
Imve  been  so  little  considered,  but  the 
public  documents  which  he  quotes 
substantiate  his  principal  assertions. 


R 


242 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHIP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


243 


of  the  day,  to  which  he  replied  with  great  dignity,  and  not  long 
afterwards  had  the  sad  opportunity  of  retorting  when  they  met 
as  fugitives  under  the  portico  of  San  Triano  of  Lucca. 

Cecci  di  Gherardini  undaunted  by  power  or  the  unpopularity 
of  his  cause  followed  up  the  same  argument  with  such  vehe- 
mence of  rhetoric  that  the  Anziani  commanded  him  to  be 
silent  under  the  penalty  of  a  hundred  florins  ;  heedless  of  this, 
the  penalty  was  doubled  and  he  then  offered  to  pay  three 
hundred  for  the  privil^e  of  freely  expressing  his  opinion ;  obsti- 
nately continuing  his  chscourse  the  penalty  at  last  reached  four 
hundred  florins  when  the  Anziani  perceiving  that  he  would 
submit  to  any  fine  mther  than  discontinue,  peremptorily  com- 
manded him  to  be  silent  on  pain  of  death  ;  and  thus  the  cUscus- 
sion  tei-minated.  The  people  supported  their  magistrates 
against  the  military  experience  of  the  nobles  whom  they  were 
ever  ready  to  mortify  ;  the  decree  was  passed,  and  an  impatient 
shout  of  popular  ignorance  brought  down  min  on  the  country*. 

As  there  were  however  many  disafl"ected  Ohibelines  in 
Florence  it  was  decided  to  make  them  ser\e  with  the  army  as  a 
safer  course  lest  they  should  take  the  opportmiity  to  foment 
disturbances :  their  allies  of  Arezzo  more  prudently  expelled 
all  the  adverse  faction  from  the  town  and  closed  every  gat« 
but  one  until  their  return  from  Siena. 

A  summons  to  meet  in  arms  went  forth  to  all  the  Guelphic 
league  and  every  allied  city  bristled  with  war :  the  power  of 
Lucca  was  quickly  hi  the  field ;  Prato,  Pistoia,  and  San 
Miniato  poured  out  their  troops ;  San  Gimigmmo  and  CoUe  of 
the  Vale  of  Elsa  armed  their  battahons  ;  Genoa  and  Bologna 
united  then'  Guelphic  banners  on  the  banks  of  the  Arno ; 
Modena  was  not  lukewarm  in  the  cause,  and  the  more  distant 
plains  of  Lombardy  sent  their  squadrons  across  the  Apennines 


*  R.  Malespini,  cap.  clxvi. — Scip. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  ii**,  p.  114. — Sis- 
mondi.  Rep.  Ital.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  311. — 


Leonardo  Ilrimi  Aretino,  Tradotto 
da  Acciabli,  Lib.  ii". — Dal  Borgo, 
Diss,  vi.,  p.  253. 


( 


to  enrol  themselves  under  the  standard  of  Florence.     Besides 
these,  Arezzo  and  Orvieto  were  ui  full  movement ;  and  even 
Perugia  is  said  to  have  jomed  in  this  formidable  armament. 
Visconte  of  Campiglia  and  Aldobrandino  of  Santa  Fiore  mus- 
tered their  vassals  and  lent  a  willing  hand  to  destroy  the 
power  that  curbed  their  greatness ;  and  Count  Guido  Guen-a, 
although  against  the  war,  had  already  assembled  his  followers, 
not  indisposed  to  break  a  lance  with  his  Ghibehne  kinsman  the 
chief  of  the  Florentine  exiles.      This  was  the  auxiliary  force. 
In   Florence  eight  hundred  men-at-arms,  all   nobles  or  rich 
citizens,  pranced  through  her  streets  and  arrayed  themselves 
under  the  republican  standard,   while   six   hundred    foreign 
veterans  were  already  in   then:  saddles  quietly  awaitmg  the 
orders  of  their  chief '=.       Heavy-armed   infantry  with   pon- 
derous bucklers   slender   lances   and   helmets  of   burnished 
steel ;  archei-s  cross-bowmen  and  irregulars,  poured  in  succes- 
sive streams  from  the  sLx  divisions  of  the  capital,  each  under 
its  baimer  and  peculiar  chief ;  nor  was  there  a  single  family  in 
Florence  whether  noble,  popular,  or  plebeian,  but  sent  forth 
one  or  two  of  its  sons  to  try  their  spirit  in  the  coming  war,  on 
foot  or  hoi-seback  according  to  its  power  and  opulence.     The 
Martinella  was  still  toUingwhen  the  Red  Carroccio,  the  military 
PaUadium,  rolled  heavily  from  the  precincts  of  the  Baptistry  to 
its  war-station  in  the  centre  of  the  Mercato-nuovo.     The  last 
hours  of  August  witnessed  these  two  ''pomps''  of  the  Floren- 
tmes  move  slowly  over  the  Arno  amidst  the  shouting  of  a  mul- 
titude tliat  gazed  with  pride,  but  for  the  last  time,  on  that 
veteran  banner  which  for  ten  successive  years  had  led  them  on 
to  victory  f.     The  rear-guard  soon  cleared  the  town,  and  all 

•    The   men-at-arms   were   each   at-  Aretino,  Lib.  ii.-Giov   Villani,  Lib. 

tended  by  two  squires,  often  by  three,  vi.,    cap.  Ixxviii.  -  Mar    di   Coppo 

who   generally  did   good  service,  so  Stetano,   R    cxxui  -Malavoli    L  b 

that   this  body   of  troops   would  be  i«,  Parte  ii\-S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  n  , 

three  times  its  nominal  force.  P-  US. 
t  Malespini,   cap.   clxvii.— Leonardo 

R  2 


244 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


[book  I. 


the  army  was  then  seen  winding  amongst  the  hills  in  full 
march  to  the  enemy's  capital :  near  this  the  bands  of  Arezzo 
Orvieto  and  Perugia  were  expected  to  join  them  and  move  for- 
ward to  the  Arbia  as  a  convenient  position  for  the  meditated 
capture  of  Siena. 

But  while  these  measures  were  in  progress  the  banished 
Ghibeliues  had  been  actively  arranging  through  the  means  of 
two  friars  a  secret  plan  of  treason  by  which,  when  a  favourable 
occasion  presented  itself,  their  friends  in  the  hostile  camp  were 
to  join  the  Senese  banners  :  these  malcontents  led  by  the 
families  of  Abati  and  Delia  Pressa  having  been  suspected  by 
the  Anziani  were  forced  to  march  and  therefore  in  the  true 
spirit  of  faction  did  not  feel  themselves  l>uund  by  the  common 
ties  of  national  fidelity. 

The  Florentmes  encamped  on  and  aliout  the  hill  of  Monte- 
aperto  near  the  left  bank  of  the  Arbia,  a  small  river  which 
falls  into  the  Ombrone  at  Buonconvento  :  here  they  mustered 
and  reviewed  the  troops,  which  by  the  lowest  accounts  even  of 
the  Florentine  vmters  amounted  to  30,000  infantry  and  3000 
men-at-arms,  but  which  some  authors  nm  up  to  40,000  com- 
batants. This  army  however  was  drawn  from  different  states, 
with  independent  chiefs,  and  many  disaffected  men ;  and 
although  all  under  the  supreme  command  of  the  Anziani  and 
Podesta  assisted  by  twelve  experienced  captains,  there  was  not 
that  unity  amongst  them  wliich  is  commonly  the  handmaid  of 
victory. 

The  allied  camp  was  inclosed  by  palisades  fixed  upon  a 
range  of  elevated  land  overlooking  a  triangular  valley  from  the 
north-east,  the  other  sides  of  this  valley  bemg  confined  Ijy 
similar  ranges  inclining  to  each  other  in  a  pohit  towards  the 
south-west,  through  which  the  road  from  Siena  led  to  the  castle 
of  Monteaperto  on  the  right  wing  of  the  confederates. 

Here  they  impatiently  waited  for  the  promised  possession  of 
the  San   Vito  gate  and   trusting  to   tht  ir   good  intelligence 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


245 


within,  never  dreamed  of  being  attacked  where  they  were : 
numerous  messengers  passed  and  repassed,  ostensibly  on 
account  of  this  treason  but  really  in  concert  with  the  Ghibe- 
liues of  the  army,  to  settle  the  moment  of  open  rupture. 
Many  taunting  messages  and  insulting  propositions  were  sent 
to  the  council  of  Siena,  who  merely  rej)lied  that  they  would 
maintain  their  countiy's  honour  to  the  death  with  equal  valour 
and  they  hoped  with  the  same  good  fortune  as  before,  but  they 
would  give  them  a  final  answer  on  the  field  *. 

Siena  (ever  after  tliis  called  "  Clvitas  Virginis  ")  was  then 
bestowed  by  a  solemn  act  on  the  Virgin  Mary  accompanied  by 
some  curious  ceremonies  that  show  the  religious  extravagance 
of  the  age  f . 


*  Conflicta  di  Monteaperto.  Com- 
posta  da  Lanzilocto  Politi  Sencsc. 
Siena  1502.  Dedicated  to  the  cele- 
brated PandolfoPetrucci.  A  very  rare 
book. 

f  Messer  Buonagiiida,  verily  a  good 
and  excellent  guide  to  the  health  and 
perpetual  health  of  his  country  ;  the 
moment  he  was  almost  forcibly  elected 
chief  and  prince  of  Siena,  incited  by 
that  glorious  queen  who  never  rests 
from  favouring  and  stimulating  miser- 
able mortals  until  she  conducts  them 
to  the  true  and  straight  road,  (how- 
ever in  the  beginning  it  may  be  rough 
and  difficult  its  asperity  is  wont  to  be 
mitigated  by  the  certain  hope  of  the 
abundant  premium)  stripped  himself 
of  every  part  of  his  daily  garments, 
even  to  his  shirt,  and  clothed  in  an 
incredible  warmth  divine,  ample 
;irdour  and  a  most  flagrant  affection 
for  his  country,  pronounced  before  all 
the  people  these  pious  and  affecting 
■words.  "  Most  dear  and  eminent 
citizens,  since  by  your  singular  benig- 
nity you  have,  trusting  to  my  loyalty, 
trusting  to  the  unbounded  love  that 
1  have   had,  have,  and   will  always 


have  towards  our  Siena,  committed 
her  safety,  and  that  perhaps  I  too  im- 
modestly have  accepted  it  ;  it  appears 
to  me,  (as  unworthy  of  such  a  gift,)  that 
for  the  common  utility  and  the  public 
glory  it  should  be  given  to  the  most 
illustrious  Virgin,  before  every  other 
the  delight  of  God  :  so  that  if  you 
wish  our  faith  to  be  firmly  established 
as  it  ought  to  be,  concede  to  me  all  of 
you  with  one  tongue  and  one  heart 
this  honest  favour  and  follow  me." 
When  Ms  short  and  modest  speech 
was  finished,  as  a  man  transported  by 
too  much  desire  fixes  his  whole  mind 
in  one  sole  object  and  hears,  sees,  and 
considers  it  alone ;  without  waiting  for 
an  answer,  his  bosom  bathed  with 
many  tears,  thus  barefoot  and  in  his 
shirt,  with  frequent  sighs  pressed 
and  drawn  from  his  exalted  breast 
and  moving  with  rapid  pace  the 
keys  of  the  city  in  his  hand  accom- 
panied by  the  weeping  citizens,  and 
with  loud  exclamations,  imploring 
mercy,  arrived  at  the  temple  ;  where 
Messer  Buonaguida  having  entered 
thus  with  a  voice  that  penetrated  the 
starry    heaven    he    lamentably   said. 


246 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHIP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


24; 


The  secret  expectations  of  the  Anziani  then  in  camp  now 
began  to  transpire,  and  the  supposed  betrayal  of  the  city  came 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  Ghibeline  chiefs  who  instantly  dis- 
patched Razzanti  of  Porto  San  Piero,  to  give  secret  notice  of 
this  treason,  to  represent  the  formidable  power  of  the  confe- 
derate army,  and  adnse  their  friends  against  the  hazard  of  a 
battle.  Farinato  and  Gherardo  Lamberti  who  first  received 
him  immediately  perceived  his  mistake  and  the  great  danger 
of  his  mission  transpiring ;  they  accordingly  undeceived  him, 
with  injunctions  to  keep  the  enemy's  real  state  a  profound 
secret  and  even  to  give  a  totally  different  complexion  to  his 
tale.  Ptazzanti  willingly  complied,  and  crowned  with  garlands 
cheerfully  accompanied  these  chiefs  to  the  public  palace  where 
the  citizens  were  assembled,  and  told  them  that  the  allies  were 
badly  commanded,  disunited,  and  all  ready  to  disperse,  and  that 
if  suddenly  and  vigorously  attacked  they  would  be  easily  de- 
feated. His  address  was  answered  by  cheers  and  loud  cries 
of  "  Battle — Battle,'' — The  whole  assembly  flew  to  arms  and 
all  their  military  strength  was  quickly  marshalled  :  the  people 
were  then  harangued  ;  they  were  reminded  that  their  honour, 
their  lives,  and  their  liberty,  depended  on  that  day's  conduct ; 


(Here  follows  his  prayer).  And  thus 
sajing  he  approached  the  bishop  aiid 
prostrating  himself  with  all  the  vulgar 
at  his  feet  implored  for  peace  and  be- 
nediction ;  which  he  had  :  afterwards 
rising  and  taking  the  prelate's  right 
hand  with  his  left  they  went  to  the  great 
altar  and  there  on  their  bare  knees 
ther  remained  astonished  and  half 
inanimate  for  a  long  space  of  time. 
Afterward  when  they  recovered  their 
minds  and  lost  strength,  Buonaguida 
rose  and  gazing  on  the  altar,  with  timid 
but  high-sounding  expressions  hardly 
intelligible  to  the  bystanders,  and  with 
joined  hands,  he  sobbing  pronounced 
these  words.   (Another  prayer  to  the 


Virffin  which  ends,)  "  Here  are  the 
keys  of  your  city  which  I  along  with 
my  fellow  citizens  freely  and  simply 
give  to  you."  After  a  long  supplica- 
tory prayer  "he  turned  his  eyes  towards 
the  stupificd  crowd  and  repeated  these 
words,  received  as  he  affirmed  with  his 
own  ears  from  the  Virgin,"  {who  accepts 
theffift,)  Then  after  a  long  exhortation 
to  peace  and  mutual  forgiveness  of  in- 
juries, the  bishop  takes  off  his  clothes  and 
runs  naked  about  Siena.  "  With  all  the 
prelates  and  other  priests,  and  with  all 
the  converted  people,  men  and  wo- 
men, great  and  little,  that  it  was  an 
astounding  marvel  to  behold  !'* — Con- 
fiicta  di  Monteaperto. 


m^. 


that  wives  and  daughters  iinplorod  their  protection  from  all 

he  brutal  violence  of  war;  and  linally,  tln'y  were  bid  to  sUuid 

firm  and  never  doubt  of  victory.      llulfrcdo  da  Isoln,  the  cnp- 

5 « tain  of  the  people,  was  posted  on  the  walls  with  the  few  old 

la^aud  boys  that  could  be  spared,  and  cveiy  man,  of  whatever 

ige,  that  remained  in  the  rity,  choerfully  took  his  i)ost  on  the 

ramparts  if  his  shrunk  limbs  could  bear  the  weight  of  arms. 

;Thenuns,  matrons,  and  daughters  of  the  citizens,  all  robed  in 

■white,  moved  softly  through  the  streets  in  long  procession  fdling 

the  air  and  temples  with  their  song  as  they  tremblingly  im- 

'jlpred  the  protection  of  that  Virgin  on   whom  they  had  so 

:)ately  bestowed  themselves. 

^»As    Florence    into    " -SV-f//,"    so    was    Siena    divided  into 
'fjerzi,"  each  with  its  (lonfMlonier  fnid  band  of  armed  men, 
ttnited  under  the  Podesta  I'ranecsco  Troghiso :  five  thousand 
citizens  tlms  served  without  jiay,  jnid  three  thousand  Contadini 
from  the  surrounding  country  *.    The  rest  of  the  army  was  corn- 
ed of  about  3000  mercenaries  ;    amongst  these  were  the 
Florentine   exiles  led   on   by  Count  Guido  Novello,  besides 
fifteen  hundred  German   horse    with    two  thousand  veteran 
infantry  under  Giordano  d' Anglone  Count  of  San  Severino  ;  in 
ill  about  14,500  men. 
Malavolti   denies   that    any   assistance    came   from    Pisa 
though  the  historians  of  that  state  speak  confidently  of  a 
contingent  of  three  thousand  men. 
'Ihe  troops  were  high  in  spirit  and  the  whole  city  echoed  to 
the^  sounds  of  war ;  at  length  the  moment  arrived  when  the 
gate  of  San  Vito  was  to  be  opened,  but  instead  of  treason  an 
army  of  well-appointed  soldiers  issued  to  the  war.     After  a  few 
miles'  march  tliey  crossed  the  Arbia  and  halted  near  Mon- 

• 

•  The  Contadino  was  the  inhabitant  the  same  signification  as  at  present, 

of  the  "  Co 71 /a<£o"  or  county  of  the  which  is  that  of  a  mere  peasant  living 

dtj,  and  might  also  be  a  citizen  and  a  on  a  **  Podcrc"  or  farm, 
gentleman,  for  the  name  liad  not  then 


4K1 


248 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[boos  i. 


selvoli  to  cxaimnc  the  allies*  iiosition ;  Count  Giordano  then 
demohcd   his  marshal  with  four  hundred  cavaliy  and  eight 
hundred  Scuese  infiuitry  under  Xiccolo  da  Bigozzo,  by  a  cir-. 
cuitous  route   to   lurk  unseen  hehiud  some  bare  hillocks  i^j 
rear  of  their  left  wing,  and  there  await  the  events  of  the  dayjj 
The  main  body  leaving  Monsclvoli  to  the  right  resumed  their 
march  by  the  left-hand  road  leading  to  the   Valdibiena  and 
Monteapeilo,  and  immediately  formed  their  line  in  the  vallej 
beneath  the  Florentine  camp.    At  the  fu-st  glimmering  of  theij 
speais  tlio  confcdcmtcs  believed  thom  to  bo  only  a  body  <4 
skirmishers  sent  from  tlio  city ;  but  when  tliey  beheld  column 
after  column  in  fiim  and  silent  march  covering  the  adjacent 
plain  a  sudden  apprehension  overcame  them:   none  had  be«^ 
lieved  they  would  be  attacked ;  the  chiefs   found  themselvesT^ 
overreached,  some  of  them  were  known  to  be  disalTected,  an(i|:^| 
the  rest  were  too  confident.     They  innnediately  quitted  their^^ 
camp  and  formed  in  order  of  battle  about  half  way  down  \h^i 
southern  slope  of  the  hill,  their  right  wing  rcsthig  on  tha  •■ 
castle  of  Montoapcrto  which  appeal's  to  have  been  unoccupied:; 
the  men-at-arms  were  posted  ui  the  centre  of  either  army,  and  | 
the  Canoccio  of  Siena  halted  opposite  to  that  of  Florence,  both: 
bemg   surromided  by  a  chosen  guard   of  gallant  gentlemen  j\ 
armed  to  the  teeth  and  proud  of  the  high  distinction.  There  was  '■ 
a  dead  silence.    The  champing  of  bits  or  the  jar  of  a  cuirass  as 
the  troops  closed  up  in  the  still  lluctuating  line  were  the  only 
intermptious ;    all   was   then  steady;    and   immediately  the 
Senese  riglit  wing  was  seen  in  forwaid  movement,  while  a  low 
murmur  of  mutual  encouragement  passed  from  man  to  man  as 
the  word  was  given  to  advance,  and  rose  gradually  to  a  shout 
when  they  neared  the  opposing   height   where    the  adverse 
legions  like  a  wall  of  iron  stood  ready  to  receive  them.    The 
whole  line  was  now  in  motion,  when  a  pause,  a  steady  cheer 
and  a  rapid  cliargc  brought  the  infantiy  of  the  left  wing  half  J 
way  up  the  acclivity  ;  nor  were  they  tamely  welcomed  ;  a  shout 


CHAP.  X.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


as  long  and  loud,  and  a  shock  as  rough,  soon  bore  them  back; 
and  left  the  hill  as  yet  unconquered :  the  Senese  ralhed  on 
the  plain,  where  they  were  pressed  by  the  enemy,  and  there  the 
sword  and  the  spear  were  plied  with  equal  spirit  and  equal  advan- 
tage. Meantime  the  Florentine  general  endeavom'ed  to  avail 
himself  of  superior  numbers  by  bringing  up  a  strong  body  of 
troops  on  his  right,  and  pushing  them  along  a  line  of  rising 
ground  near  the  castle,  which  trended  towards  the  rear  of  the 
enemy's  left,  and  thus  tmn  their  flank ;  but  this  manoeuvre 
was  not  unperceived  by  the  German  who  quickly  cro\N*ned  the 
hill  with  fresh  troops,  and  a  severe  repulse  of  the  enemy  suc- 
ceeded in  foiling  him  after  an  obstinate  resistance,  which  long 
maintained  the  balance  in  that  quarter. 

Duiiiig  these  events  the  centre  of  neither  host  was  idle ; 
Jacopo  de'  Pazzi  with  the  Guelphic  banner  and  three  thousand 
men-at-amis  impatiently  waited  to  charge :  at  a  signal  given 
thi-ee  thousand  lances  were  in  their  rests,  three  thousand  visors 
shut,  and  three  thousand  hardy  Imights  ready  to  stiike  into  the 
heart  of  the  enemy,  when  a  sudden  loweiing  of  the  banner  and 
a  slight  commotion  round  the  Pazzi  betokened  some  mischance: 
Bocea  degli  Abati^:-  had  severed  the  leader's  aim  with  a  single 
blow  as  he  waved  the  flag  aloft,  and  then  followed  by  all  his 
Ghibelines  galloped  over  to  the  enemy.  The  treason  was  mani- 
fest, but  its  extent  concealed,  and  confidence  was  entirely  lost ; 
no  man  felt  sure  of  his  comrade,  fear  and  suspicion  unsettled 
them,  and  the  charge  was  feeble.  At  this  crisis  Giordano's 
horse  came  up  at  a  rapid  pace  and  completed  the  disaster ; 

»  And  for  this  Dante  plunges  him  up  frozen  by  the  coW  flapping  of  Lu- 
to  the  neck  in  the  '*  thick-ribbed  ice  "  cifei^'s  pinions.  (Injerno,  CarUo 
of  Gocytus  the  place  of  wail  and  woe,     xxxii.) 

"  Piangendo  mi  8grid5  :  perche  mi  peste  ? 

Se  tu  non  vieni  a  crescer  la  vendetta 

Di  Mont'  Aperti,  perchti  mi  moleete  ?  "  &c. 

Weeping  he  cried  :  Why  doet  thou  bruise  me  so  ? 

If  thou  com'st  not  the  vengeance  to  increase 

For  Mont'  Aperti,  why  molest  me  thus  ? 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


jverything  went  (1o\sti  before  their  sounding  charge  as  they  fell 
like  a  cataract  on  the  disheartened  Florentines :  but  when 
yielding  in  disorder  and  about  to  fly,  a  band  of  gallant  gentle- 
men who  had  kept  steadily  together  now  couched  their  lances 
and  with  spear  and  spur  bore  rudely  on  the  Germans  :  their 
staves  were  soon  in  splinters,  but  horse  to  horse  and  man  to 
man  they  contested  every  inch  with  swords  and  maxies,  and  so 
roughly  did  they  handle  Manfred's  soldiers  as  to  allow  full  time 
for  their  friends  to  rally  and  renew  the  combat.  Along  the 
whole  line  the  struggle  was  again  maintamed  with  fresh 
vigour  ;  the  Florentine  cavalrj'  could  now  distinguish  between 
friends  and  foes  and  battled  well  and  bravely,  while  the  Germans 
supported  their  ancient  reputation. 

The  Senese  right  wing  was  still  in  stubborn  conflict  with  the 
confederates'  left,  while  at  the  extreme  left  the  struggle  con- 
tinued bloody  and  obstinate.  The  day  was  yet  doubtful,  when 
the  German  marshal  and  Niccolo  da  Bigozzo  who  had  been 
watching  all  the  current  of  the  fight ;  seeing  the  rear  of  the 
allies  without  a  reserve  of  horse  exposed  by  their  descent  to 
the  plain  broke  suddenly  from  their  concealment  and  charged 
mth  such  speed  that  the  shock  was  felt,  even  before  they  were 
seen,  and  Bigozzo  s  infantry  following  after  them  carried  terror 
and  confusion  through  the  field.  The  cavalr)'  believing  them- 
selves betrayed  soon  gave  way  and  fled  ;  the  infantry  still  fought 
courageously;  but  all  broken  and  disordered,  every  soldier  trusted 
to  himself  alone,  resolved  at  least  that  national  honour  should 
not  suiffer  from  his  individual  conduct.  A  desperate  band  of 
devoted  warriors  under  old  Giovanni  Tomaquinci,  gathered 
around  the  sacred  Carroccio,  the  yet  imconquered  standard  of 
Florence  which  still  waved  over  the  gentle  animals  that  carried 
it  unconscious  of  the  passions  that  surrounded  them.  Here  in 
compact  circle  an  iron  barrier  was  opposed  to  every  attempt  of 
the  victors  ;  with  determined  eyes  they  glared  fiercely  upon 
each  other ;  no  dust  arose,  for  the  soil  was  wet  with  blood ; 


CHAP.  X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


01 


but  the  bow  twanged  and  the  arrow  flew,  and  soldiers  fell  ? 
and  the  cut  and  the  stab  were  given  and  returned  mth  equal 
furj^ :  the  shouts  of  the  victors,  the  silent  resolution  of  their 
opponents,  the  groan  of  the  stricken,  the  rattling  of  staves,  the 
crash  of  the  battle-axe  and  the  heavier  clang  of  the  cuirass  as 
horse  or  Imight  went  to  the  ground,  betokened  the  mortal 
struggle  about  the  bloody  Carroccio.  Tired  out,  wounded, 
dying ;  but  still  unconquered  ;  man  after  man  sank  under  the 
coming  blows,  until  this  remnant  of  gallant  spirits  was  finally 
oveqiowered  by  the  victorious  assailants. 

Yet  for  more  than  an  hour  did  this  defence  of  the  Carroccio 
continue  :  at  last,  every  hope  being  gone,  the  veteran  Toma- 
quinci, whose  natural  force  was  not  abated  by  the  action  of 
seventy  years,  thus  addressed  his  son  and  three  young  kins- 
men who  fought  by  his  side. 

"  What  are  we  to  do  my  sons?  To  fly?  But  where? 
"  Perhaps  to  Florence  : — where  we  shall  find  the  \ictorious 
"  enemy  before  us  !  There  were  those  that  of  yore  envied  the 
"  death  of  Rustico  Marignelli  who  fell  in  his  native  city  when 
"  we  were  driven  the  first  time  from  our  homes :  let  us  now^ 
"  make  others  envy  our  fate  by  dying  in  harness  on  the  Arbia 
"  sooner  than  allow  the  banner  committed  to  our  charge  to 
"  fall,  as  it  never  yet  has  done,  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy : 
"  and  as  I  was  bom  before  you,  so  will  I,  as  I  ought,  show 
"  you  the  way  to  a  most  honourable  death."  Thus  saying  he 
spurred  his  horse  onv^ard  and  with  his  four  companions  died 
bravely  fighting  in  the  midst  oi  the  enemy. 

The  Carroccio  and  Mailinella  were  led  away  in  triumph  but 
the  day  was  not  yet  won  ;  the  battle  still  raged  upon  the  hills 
and  the  right  of  the  confederates  held  together  although 
their  fii-st  line  was  driven  from  its  position,  and  the  Senese 
legions  pushed  forward  with  a  spirit  well  worthy  of  their  com- 
rades on  the  plain :  the  success  of  these  infused  new  vigour 
into  those  that  battled  on  the  heights ;  one  more  shout  and  a 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   S.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


determined  charge  bore  down  the  now  dispirited  and  }ielding 
(ty^;  retreat  soon  hurried  into  flight,  and  one  wiM  stonn  of 
fumult  slaughter  and  confusion,  swept  madly  across  the  plain. 

The  battle  was  won :  a  small  body  of  troops  threw  them- 
selves into  the  castle  but  were  soon  cut  to  pieces  ;  and  had  not 
the  victors  remained  to  plunder,  scarcely  a  soldier  of  that  vast 
armament,  wliich  only  four  days  before  had  quitted  their  homes 
in  all  the  confidence  of  success,  would  have  escaped  to  tell  tht^ 
tale  to  his  countrj^men  !  Florence  alone  by  the  most  moderate 
computation  left  '2oOO  dead  on  the  field  besides  the  wounded 
and  prisoners,  and  there  was  scarcely  one  of  her  numerous 
families  that  had  not  reason  to  bewail  that  dav,  when  ten  tliou- 
sand  bloody  \'ictims  to  civil  discord  made  the  next  year  s  harvest 
wave  gi'eenly  on  the  banks  of  the  Arbia. 

Nothing  in  those  times  was  perhaps  more  doubtful  than  the 
returns  of  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  conflicting  accounts  i.t 
authoi*s  about  this  battle  take  a  wide  range  :  it  was  certainly 
one  of  the  most  sanguinaiy  encounters  of  the  age  and  the  most 
important  in  its  consequences.    It  was  the  Canna?  of  Florence  I 

The  loss  of  the  victorious  army  is  said  to  have  been  from  six 
hundred  to  a  thousand  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  fifteen 
thousand  captives  crowded  the  joyous  streets  of  Siena  ;  while  in 
Florence  nothing  was  heard  but  the  wailing  of  wives  and  mothers 
demanding  sons  and  husbands ;  consternation  pervjuleil  the 
town,  an  indistinct  sense  of  annihilation  was  impressed  on  tlif 
public  mind ;  the  gates  were  closed,  the  shops  and  houses  shut, 
and  men  looked  sad  and  silent  ^  each  other :  fugitives  flocked 
in  hourly  but  brought  no  hope:  despair  in  their  heart  and 
death  in  their  aspect,  a  downward  glance  on  their  bloody 
garments  was  the  only  reply  to  loud  and  frantic  inquiries  : 
the  widow,  the  orphan,  the  sister,  and  the  promised  bride 
had  no  other  comfort;  but  to  the  graver  questions  and  ill- 
repressed  tears  of  bearded  men  they  sorrowfully  answered. 
*'  It  is  not  for  them  who  have  bravely  died  m  battle  for  their 


4 


country's  cause  you  should  weep,  but  for  us  who  have  survivec 
the  conflict :  they  have  fallen  with  gloiy  as  soldiers  ought,  but 
Wi!  are  spared  only  to  become  the  objects  of  scorn  and  mockery 
to  our  bitterest  foes."— Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Monteaperto*. 


Coicmborary  Monarchs.— England :  John  (1216),  Henry  III.— Scotland  : 
Alexander  II.  and  III.  (1249).— France  :  Louis  VIII.,  Louis  IX.  (1226).— 
Castile  and  Leon  :  Henry  I.,  Ferdinand  III.,  Alphonso  X.  (1252).— Aragon : 
.lames  I.— Germany  :  Frederic  II.,  Conrad  IV.  (interregnum  from  1254).— 
Popes.  Honorius  III.  (1216),  Gregory  IX.  (1227),  Celestine  IV.  (1241),  Inno- 
cent IV.  (1243),  Alexander  IV.  (1254).— Portugal:  Alphonso  IL,  Sancho  II., 
Alphonso  III.  (1248).— Latin  Emperors  of  Constantinople:  Peter  (1216), 
Robert  (1221),  John  of  Brienne  (1229),  Baldwin  II.  (1237.) 


*  Malcspini,  cap.  clxiii.,  clxiv.,  &c. — 
G.  Villani,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  lxxvi.,lxvii., 
Ixxviii. — Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefano,  Rub. 
120,  6cc. —Leonardo  Aretino,  Lib.  ii°. 
Volgariz**  da  D-  Accaioli.  —  Scip. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  ii«,  p.  112,  &c. — 
Orl".  Malavolti,  Hist,  di  Siena,  Lib.  i", 
Parte  ii%  p.  1,  c^  siq. — Muratori,  An- 


nali,  1260. — Flam,  dal  Borgo,  Dissert. 
vi%  p.  352. — Tronci,  Annali  Pisani. 
— La  Sconficta  di  Monteaperto,  Siena, 
A.D.  1502. —  Sismondi,  Rev.  Ital. 
vol.  ii.,  p.  306.— Roncioni,  "1st. 
Pisane,"  Lib.  x°,  p.  548.— Vol.  vi., 
Ar.  Stor.  Ital«.— Sardo,  Cronaca 
Pisana,  cap.  xxxix. 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  Xf.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


FROM     A.D.    1260    TO    A.D.    1282. 


A.D.  1260. 


The  battle  of  Monteaperto  bowed  Florence  to  the  ground; 
and  so  withering  was  its  effect  on  the  remaining  citizens 
that  the  whole  Guelphic  faction  resolved  to  abandon 
their  country ;  not  from  inability  to  defend  the  town, 
for  it  was  strongly  walled,  the  ditches  broad  deep,  and  well 
filled  with  water ;  and  blood  must  have  flowed  and  spears  have 
been  broken  ere  its  gateways  echoed  to  a  hostile  footstep  ;  but 
along  with  Ghibelme  treachery  came  a  dread  of  future  treason  ; 
many  of  that  faction  remained  and  insulted  the  miiversal  grief 
by  dieir  open  exultation;  recrimination  between  Guelphic 
citizens  and  Guelphic  nobles  began ;  the  campaign  was  the 
headstrong  work  of  the  former,  and  the  latter  did  not  spare 

them. 

Besides  this  some  of  the  richest  citizens  were  becoming  too 
aristocratic,  and  raised  the  jealousy  of  their  poorer  neighbours 
at  the  same  time  that  they  were  in  open  enmity  Nvith 
greater  families  of  their  own  party,  wliile  the  plebeians,  de- 
prived of  honour  and  office,  were  indifferent  as  to  which  faction 
governed :  for  the  victory  being  gained  by  their  countrymen, 
as  tliey  behoved,  did  not  stain  the  national  honour,  wherefore 
it  was  absurd  in  their  opinion  to  endanger  the  city  by  endea- 
vouring to  exclude  these  exiles  from  their  homes :  they  were 
Florentines  returning  to  Florence,  not  a  foreign  enemy  at  her 


i'^vli 


•I),' 
J'     t 


gates,  and  whethex  Guelph  or  Ghibeline  ruled,  they  themselvl 
would  be  equally  excluded  from  a  place  in  the  commonwealth] 

This  state  of  public  feeling  was  well  known  to  the  govemii 
party  who  were  also  aware  that  their  own  lives  as  well  as  pr! 
perty  would  be  perilled  by  remaining,  wherefore  every  principal 
family,  popular  and  noble,  to  the  number  of  sixty  and  morel 
retii'ed  from  the  town  and  with  their  women  and  children' 
sought  refuge  at  Lucca  and  Bologna:  the  Guelphic  families 
of  tlie  other  allied  cities,  with  the  single  exception  of  Arezzo, 
in  like  manner  abandoned  their  country  and  swelled  the  popu- 
lation of  Lucca  which  became  a  place  of  general  refuge  for  the 
Guelphs  until  three  years  after,  when  forced  out  by  Ghibeline 
confederation  they  sought  elsewhere  for  an  asylum. 

The  Guelphs  retired  on  the  thirteenth  of  September,  and 
on  the  sixteenth  the  allied  army  marched  to  Florence.  An 
unusual  quiet  reigned  in  the  suburbs ;  no  sound,  no  stir,  no 
sign  of  animation ;  the  city  gates  were  open,  the  houses  closed, 
the  streets  desolate,  and  the  whole  town  a  vast  and  striking 
solitude.  Not  a  living  creature  was  to  be  seen,  no  murmur 
heard  except  here  and  tliere  the  low  articulation  of  assembled 
voices  issuing  from  a  church  or  hospital  and  then  melting  in 
univei-sal  silence.  The  victors  struck  with  awe  and  full  of 
suspicion  entered  cautiously,  apprehensive  of  danger  fi*om  this 
strange  tranquillity ;  they  marched  directly  to  the  public  palace 
observing  the  strictest  discipline,  and  there  fixing  their  head 
(juarters  occupied  the  remamder  of  the  town :  at  length  some 
lx)lder  citizens  confiding  in  this  peaceful  demonstration  issued 
from  their  concealment  and  throwing  themselves  at  Count  Gior- 
dano's feet  implored  protection  f .  Few  outrages  were  committed 
except  on  the  houses  and  other  property  of  the  absent  Guelphs 

*  M;ilespini,  cap.  clxviii. — Gio.  Vil-  Lib.  ii.,  p.  122. 

lani,  Lib.  vi.,  cap,  Ixxix. — Leonardo  f  Oil.   Malavolti,  Parte  ii**,  Lib.  ii°, 

Aretino,  Lib.  ii". —  Mar.    ili    Coppo  della  Storia  di  Siena,  p.  23. 
Stefani,  Rub.  124.— Stip.  Aoimirato, 


FLOEENTI>'E    HISTORY. 


[booh  1 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


257 


fhich  were  plundered  and  confiscated ;  but  the  hatred  of  fac- 
\m  carried  some  so  far  as  to  insult  tlie  dead,  ind,  as  already 
dated,  the  tomb  of  Aldobrandino  Ottobuoni  was  shamefully 
Violated.  The  treatment  of  this  worthv  citizens  remains 
jxasperated  the  people,  and  their  discontent  was  augmented 
^by  the  abrogation  of  many  laws  passed  during  the  ten  years  of 
Guelpliic  government  to  secure  public  liberty  :  supreme  autho- 
rity was  now  exclusively  vested  in  the  nobles  but  under  the 
protection  of  Manfred,  to  whom  all  were  compelled  t*.  take  an 
oath  of  allegiance.  Count  Guido  Xovello  was  made  Podesta 
for  two  years  and  the  German  troops  under  Giordanu  were  to 
l^e  maintained  by  Florence.  The  Ghibeline^  immediately 
dispatched  ambassadoi-s  to  thank  King  ^Manfred  for  his  aid. 
and  request  that  Coimt  Giordano  might  be  continued  as  his 
representative,  mider  whose  authority  they  had  no  doubt  of 
soon  being  able  to  aiTange  the  affairs  of  Tuscany.  Arezzo  \va> 
speedily  attacked  by  her  banished  Ghibelhies  assisted  by 
the  Senese  and  Florentines,  and  as  stoutly  defended  by  the 
remnant  of  Guelphic  citizens  who  had  escaped  from  ]\Ionte- 
aperto.  A  new  gate  was  opened  at  Florence  to  communicate 
more  rapidly  ^^'ith  Count  Guido  s  vassals  in  the  Casentino  dis- 
trict, which  with  the  adjoming  street  leading  directly  to  the 
public  palace  took  and  still  keeps  the  name  of  the  ascendant 
faction*. 

By  this  time  the  ambassadors  had  returned  from  Naples 
and  announced  that  the  Count  of  San  Severino  could  only  be 
spared  for  a  few  months,  so  that  it  Iteeame  necessaiy  to 
organize  a  general  pbui  of  government  l)efore  his  dejiarture  : 
a  diet  of  the  Tuscan  Ghibelines  was  therefore  summoned  to 
meet  at  Empoli  a  small  town  about  twenty  miles  from  Flo- 
rence, where  besides  the  Count  Giordano  and  deputies  from 
all  the  principal  cities,  every  Lord  or  Baron  uf  any  distinction 

•  Malavolti,   Lib.   ii%    Parte  ii*. — Leonardo   Aretino.  Lib.   ii°.—  Malespini, 
cap.  clxviii. 


power  or  tct-ntorial  authority  repaired  and  assisted  in  the 
deliberations.  This  congress  was  opened  by  the  Count  of  San 
Severino  who  informed  the  assembly  that  as  he  was  recalled 
by  his  sovereign  into  Puglia  it  became  necessary  to  adopt  a 
line  of  conduct  calculated  to  secure  King  Manfred's  authority 
and  the  Ghil)eline  ascendancy  in  Tuscany  =:^.  Upon  this  the 
deputies  from  8iena  and  Pisa  arose  and  declared  that  they 
could  conceive  no  other  means  so  effectual  for  the  general 
security  as  the  destruction  of  Florence :  it  was  an  opulent 
powerful  and  imbitious  city  which  always  was  and  ever  would 
be  attached  to  the  party  of  their  adversaries,  a  city  whose 
ramparts  were  e\er  their  citadel  and  which  would  infallibly 
reserve  its  resources  for  the  day  of  vengeance :  nothing  there- 
fore but  the  demolition  of  her  walls  and  the  dispei'sion  of  her 
people  they  said  could  insure  safety  to  the  Tuscan  Ghibelines. 
There  was  doubtless  much  truth  in  this  proposition,  and  its 
barbarity  did  not  prevent  its  being  favourably  received,  more 
especially  by  those  small  towns  which  Florence  had  subdued, 
as  well  as  by  many  noble  Florentines  who  saw  a  fair  oppor- 
tunity of  recovering  their  independence  by  the  ruin  of  that 
power  wliich  had  tamed  them.  The  decree  seemed  likely  to 
pjiss  when  Fariuata  Degli  Uberti  rose,  and  in  a  shoit  energetic 
speech  opposed  himself  to  the  whole  assembly  and  saved  his 
country. 

"  It  would  have  been  better,"  he  exclaimed,  "to  have  died 
"  on  the  Arbia  than  sunive  only  to  hear  such  a  proposition  as 
"  that  which  they  were  then  discussing.  There  is  no  happi- 
"  ness,"  he  contiimed,  "in  victory  itself,  that  must  ever  be 


*  This  at  least  is  asserted  by  Males- 
pini, Villani,  Leonardo  Aretino,  and 
other  writers  but  distinctly  denied  by 
Malavolti  who  certainly  proves  by 
public  documents  that  Count  Giordano 
was  made  Podesta  of  Siena  in  1261 
and  therefore  could  not  have  returned 
into  Puglia.     The  fact  is  of  no  conse- 

VOL.    I. 


qucnce  in  itself  but  tends  to  throw  a 
doubt  upon  the  accuracy  of  those  his- 
torians. Giordano  might  however 
have  been  recalled  first  to  Naples  and 
afterwards  appointed  Podesta  of  Siena 
by  Manfired.  (Vide  Malavolti,  Lib.  ii**, 
Parte  ii%  p.  25). 


253 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


(( 


ft 


sought  for  amongst  the  companions  who  helped  us  to  gain 
the  day,  and  the  injury  we  receive  from  an  enemy  inflicts  a 
far  more  trifling  wound  than  the  wrong  that  comes  from  the 
hand  of  a  friend.     If  I  now  complain  it  is  not  tliat  I  fear 
the  destruction  of  my  native  city  for  as  long  as  I  have  life 
'  to  wield  a  sword  Florence  shall  never  be  destroyed ;  but  I 
'  cannot  suppress  my  indignation  at  the  discourses  I  have  just 
'  been  listening  to :  we  are  here  assembled  to  discuss  the 
•  wisest  means  of  maintaining  our  influence  in  Florence,  not 
■  to  debate  on  its  destruction,  and  my  country  would  indeed 
be  unfortunate  and  I  and  my  companions  miserable  mean 
spirited  creatures,  if  it  were  tme  that  the  fate  of  our  city 
depended  on  the  fiat  of  the  present  assembly.     I  did  hope 
that  all  former  hati*ed  would  have  been  banished  from  such 
a  meeting  and  that  our  mutual  destruction  would  not  have 
been  treacherously  aimed  at  from  under  the  false  colours  of 
general  safety ;  I  did  hope  that  all  here  were  convinced  that 
counsel  dictated  by  jealousy  could  never  be  advantageous  to 
the  general  good !     But  to  what  does  youi*  hatred  attach 
itself?     To  the   gi-ound   on   which   the   city  stands?     To 
its   houses  and  insensible   walls?     To   the  fugitives   who 
have  abandoned   it?     (3r  to    ourselves   that   now  possess 
it  ?     Who  is  he  tliat  thus  adWses  ?     Who  is  the  bold  bad 
man  that    dare   thus   give   voice   to   the   malice   he   hath 
engendered  in  his  soul?      Is  it  meet  then  that  all  your 
cities  should  exist  unharmed   and  ours  alone   be  devoted 
to  destruction  ?    That  you  should  return  in  triumph  to  your 
hearths  and  we  with  whom  you  have  conquered  should  have 
nothing  in  exchange  but  exile  and  the  ruin  of  our  country  ? 
Is  there  one  of  you  who  can  believe  that  I  could  even  hear 
such  things  with  patience  ?    Are  you  indeed  ignorant  that 
if  I  have   carried  arms,  if  I  have  persecuted  my  foes,  I 
still    have   never   ceased  to  love  my  country,  and  that  I 
never  will  allow  what  even  our  enemies  have  respected,  to  be 


ii 


CHAP.   XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


259 


•'  violated  by  your  hands,  so  that  posterity  may  call  them  the 
"  saviours,  us  the  destroyers  of  our  country?  Here  then  I 
*'  declare,  that  although  I  stand  alone  amongst  the  Florentines 
"  I  will  never  permit  my  native  city  to  be  destroyed,  and  if  it 
*'  be  necessary  for  her  sake  to  die  a  thousand  deaths  I  am 
"  ready  to  meet  them  all  in  her  defence  *  ".  Farinata  then 
rose  and  with  angry  gestures  quitted  the  assembly ;  but  left 
such  an  impression  on  the  mind  of  his  audience  that  the 
project  was  instantly  dropped  and  the  only  question  for  the 
moment  was  how  to  regain  a  chief  of  such  talent  and 
influence  f . 

When  this  decision  was  known  Farinata  proudly  resumed 
his  place  at  the  public  request  and  it  was  resolved  that 
their  cause  should  be  strengthened  by  those  measures  alone 
which  were  generally  approved,  the  first  step  being  to  place  a 
thousand  men-at-arms  under  the  command  of  Count  Guido 
Novello,  and  maintain  them  at  the  common  expense  of  the 
league,  independent  of  the  ordinary  contingent  of  each  mem- 
ber. This  alliance  of  all  the  Tuscan  Ghibelines  against  the 
Guelphic  faction  was  afterwards  formally  ratified  at  Siena,  and 
from  the  contribution  of  each  chief  and  state  took  the  appella- 
tion of  "  La  Taylia  di  Toscana  "  J. 

Count  Giordano  according  to  the  Florentine  writers  returned 

*  "  A  ci6  non  fu'  io  sol,  disse,  ne  certo 
Senza  cagioii  sarci  con  gli  altre  mosso. 
Ma  fu'  io  sol  cola,  dove  sofferto 

Fu  per  ciascun  di  torre  via  Fioreuza, 
Colui,  che  la  difesi  a  viso  aperto." 

I  was  not  there  alone,  lie  said,  nor  certes 
Without  cause  would  I  have  mov'd  with  otherB  : 
But  when  all  w^ished  to  ruin  Florence,  then 
I  2vas  alone,  and  stood  in  her  defence 
With  open  undisguised  countenance. 

t  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ii°. — Scip.  Am-     Cant.  x. 

mirato,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  124. — Dal  Borgo,     J  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii®,  p.  125. — 

Dissert,  vi.,  p.    365. — Dante,   Infer.     Flam,  dal  Borgo,  Diss,  vi.,  p.  366. 

s2 


\ 


260 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


261 


A.l».  1261. 


to  Naples  and  Giiido  Novello.  with  the  title  of  Manfred's  Vicar 
General  and  Chief  of  the  League,  established  him- 
self in  Florence :  the  Tuscan  Guelphs  were  dispersed, 
or  leading  a  miserable  existence  within  the  walls  of  Lucca ; 
the  power  of  Manfred  was  strengthened  and  extended  by  the 
victory  of  Monteaperto,  while  he  and  his  Saracens  commanded 
the  South  of  Italy :  the  Torriani  of  Milan  had  deserted  the 
Church ;  Mastino  della  Scala  led  the  Veronese  Ghibelines ; 
Eccelino  had  fallen  ;  but  it  was  more  from  tvrannv  than  Ghi- 
beline  politics  and  principally  by  the  enmity  of  certain  chiefs 
of  his  own  faction. 

^NLmfred  and  his  party  were  thus  prosperous  when  the  death 
of  Pope  Alexander  IV.  suddenly  removed  a  feeble  enemy  and 
made  way  fur  a  pontiff  that  veiy  soon  altered  the  aspect  of 
aifaii*s  in  Italv.  Urban  IV.  was  the  son  of  a  shoemaker  of 
Troyes  in  Champagne,  whose  talents  raised  him  to  the  bishopric 
of  Verdun,  the  patriarchate  of  Jerusalem,  and  finally  to  the 
Popedom  :  Manfred  was  too  little  disposed  to  reverence  priests 
ever  to  be  on  friendly  terms  with  such  a  haughty  ambitious 
pontiff  as  Urban,  who  attacked  him  with  a  pereevering  bitter- 
ness hartUv  inferior  to  the  enmity  of  Innocent  the  Fourth. 
His  crying  sm  was  mdependence  of  the  Church :  in  itself 
deadly  and  mipardonable  ;  but  his  Saracens  had  also  appeared 
in  the  Campagna  of  Rome  and  Urban  instiuitly  published  a 
crusade  against  hun,  giving  the  command  of  his  troops  to 
Roger  of  San  Severino  a  Neapolitan  refugee,  whom  he  ordered 
to  assemble  all  the  rebels  of  that  kingdom  and  make  cruel  war 
on  Manfred.  Not  content  with  this  he  cited  the  king  to  appear 
and  justify  himself  against  a  long  catalogue  of  crimes,  and  endea- 
voured to  break  off  an  alliance  then  negotiating  between  Man- 
fred's daughter  Constance,  and  the  son  of  John  King  of  Aragon, 
wliich  originated  the  claims  of  that  family  to  the  two  Sicilies  *. 

*  Ricor.    Malespini,  cap.  clxxv. — Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital.,  vol.  ii,,  p.  374. —  Gio. 
Villani,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  Ixxxvii. 


I 


\ 


\1 


Most  of  the  year  1-261  was  consumed  by  Count  Guido  in 
consolidating  the  internal  government  of  Florence ;  but  the 
month  of  September  found  him  in  the  field  with  3000  men-at- 
arms  and  a  strong  force  of  infantry :  Lucca  the  only  remaining 
strength  of  the  Guelphic  party  was  the  object  of  this  expedi- 
tion;  Castello  Franco,  Santo  Croce,  and  other  places  fell 
before  it ;  several  more  were  restored  to  Pisa ;  but  Fucecchio 
was  bravely  defended  and  resisted  every  attack  so  that  the 
Ghibelines  retired  without  much  honour  to  Florence. 

In  the  last  efforts  of  despair  the  Guelphs  sent  ambassadors 
to  Conradine  who  as  legitimate  heir  to  the  crown  of  Sicily  they 
hoped  would  espouse  their  cause ;  but  he  was  still  a  child ;  his 
mother  would  not  part  with  him  ;  and  his  furred  mantle,  given 
as  a  pledge  of  futm-e  assistance  was  the  only  result  of  this 
embassy :  yet  their  misery  may  be  conceived  when  we  learn 
that  the  mantle  was  publicly  exliibited  at  Lucca  and  worshipped 
like  the  brazen  serpent  in  the  wilderness  as  a  type  of  things  to 
come.     Once  they  surprised  and  attempted  to  keep  ^^  ^.^^^ 
the  town  of   Signa,  six  miles   from   Florence,  but 
Comit  Guido  after  driving  them  from  the  place  advanced  to 
Castiglione  where  the  Guelphs  met  him  with  inferior  forces 
and  were  defeated :  the  capture  of  more  towns  and  the  devasta- 
tion of  more  territory  cooled  the  friendship  of  Lucca  for  her 
Guelphic   inmates   and   produced   a   secret  negotiation  with 
Count  Guido :  it  however  dragged  slowly  on  until  the  follow- 
ing year  when   the  Guelphs  again  saw  themselves   ^^  ^^^ 
driven  with  their  wives  and  children  to  seek  a  more 
distant  home.     Lucca  by  this  treaty  was  to  join  the  league ; 
receive  a  Podesta  in  the  name  of  King  Manfred ;  regain  her 
prisoners  taken  at  Monteaperto  ;  and  to  have  no  class  of  her 
own  citizens  of  either  party  molested ;  but  all  foreign  Guelphs 
to  be  instantly  banished  from  her  walls.      Three  days  only 
were  allowed  to  these  unfortunate  people  to  remove  and  after 
severe  suffering  on  the  mountains  between  Lucca  and  Modena 


262 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI. 3 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


263 


the  greater  part  arrived  at  Bologna  in  a  state  of  extreme  miser}'. 
Here  their  fortune  changed ;  for  a  civil  war  having  broken  out 
between  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibelines  of  Modena  they  were 
invited  by  the  former  to  lend  them  assistance  and  did  so  with 
such  effect  that  their  adversaries  were  driven  from  the  town  and 
the  Florentine  exiles  rewarded  and  enriched  with  their  spoils. 
Similar  dissensions  soon  after  began  at  Reggio ;  the  exiles' 
assistance  was  again  sought  and  they  were  again  victorious ;  but 
this  time  with  such  an  increase  of  wealth  as  enabled  them  to 
appear  in  knightly  harness  and  form  a  veteran  band  of  four 
hundred  men-at-arms,  wliich  afterwards  did  good  service  in  the 

Sicihan  wars. 

In  this  last  affair  a  certain  Carca  da  Keggio,  a  knight  of 
gigantic  stature  and  prowess,  with  a  ponderous  iron  mace  bore 
down  every  opponent  and  almost  alone  sustained  the  combat, 
for  none  approached  witliin  reach  of  his  weapon  that  was  not 
instantly  felled  to  the  earth:  the  Florentine  gentlemen  ob- 
serving this,  selected  twelve  the  most  valourous  of  their  com- 
pany, and  under  the  name  of  the  twelve  Paladins  sent  them 
anned  ^ith  daggers  only  against  the  terrible  Carca :  a  bloody 
struggle  ensued  in  which  many  sunk  beneath  the  giant  s  arm, 
but  he  finally  pelded  to  their  close  assault  and  died  where  he 
fell  in  the  market-place  of  Reggio.  This  decided  the  victor)% 
every  Ghibeline  fled  from  the  city  and  the  Florentines  received 
their  reward  under  the  young  Forese  degli  Adimari  by  whose 
hand  the  giant  is  supposed  to  have  fallen*. 

The  fat€  of  Lucca  hastened  that  of  Arezzo  where  the  Guelphs 
had  made  a  long  and  gallant  defence;  but  worn  out  and 
pressed  by  their  own  exiles,  by  Florence,  and  Siena;  they 
finally  yielded  to  an  adverse  fortune  and  retired. 

The  abasement  of  Guelphic  Tuscany  seemed  now  com- 
plete and  the  star  of  Manfred  high  in  the  ascendant ;  but  a 

*  Leon.   Aretino,  Lib.  ii"  —  Villani,     clxxiv.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii°,p.  127, 
Lib.  vi.,  cap.  Ixxxvi. — Maleepini,  cap.     &c. 


I. 


cloud  arose  in  the  west  which  at  first  dimming  its  lustre  finally 
extinmiished  it  in  blood.     Urban  stimulated  from  within  and 
without,  both  by  his  own  hatred  and  the  Guelphic  exOes ; 
strained  every  nerve  to  accomplish  the  fall  of  Manfred :   he 
began  a  secret  negotiation  with  Saint  Louis  of  France  and 
ofl'ered  the  crown  of  Sicily  to  his  son ;  the  gift  was  refused  by 
that  conscientious  monarch  as  it  was  the  inheritance  of  Con- 
radine  ■  but  the  decree  of  a  council  had  anathematised  Frederic 
and  all  his  posterity,  and  though  Urban  charged  himself  with 
the  sin.  yet  would  not  Louis  be  tempted.     His  brother  the 
Count  of  Anjou  more  ambitious  and  far  less  scrupulous,  coveted 
the  prize  and  was  well  seconded  by  the  vain  temper  of  his  wife 
Beatrice  Countess  of  Provence :  this  lady  having  three  sisters 
enioj-ing  the  queenly  dignity  could  not  brook  an  inferior  title, 
although  ranking  in  power  and  riches  next  to  the  crowned 
heads  of  Europe.     Her  husband,  says  ViUani,  "  was  wise  and 
prudent  in  coimcil,  of  great  prowess  m   arms,  severe,  and 
greatly  feared  by  all  the  kings  in  the  world ;  magnammous,  of 
aspiring  thoughts,  and  equal  to  the  greatest  enterpnses ;  un- 
tamed in  adversity ;  firm  and  faitliful  m  all  his  promises ;  speak- 
ina  little  and  doing  much :  scarcely  ever  smilmg ;  decent  as  a 
monk:  a  zealous  Catholic;  severe  in  justice,  and  fierce  m  his 
aspect     His  figure  was  tall  and  muscular,  his  colour  ohve, 
his  nose  long,  and  he  seemed  more  adapted  than  any  other 
lord  to  the  kingly  office.    He  scarcely  slept.    He  was  generous 
to  liis  followers,  but  rapacious  in  amassmg  lordships  lands  and 
money  on  every  side  to  supply  the  expense  of  his  ente^rises, 
and  never  took  any  pleasure  in  jesters  troubadours  and  other 
court  followers*."    The  negotiations  with  Charles  of  ^^  ^^ 
Aniou  were  attended  by  much  difficulty  and  delay ; 
the  pope  was  too  exax:ting  and  the  prince  firm  in  his  purpose 
to  make  himself  as  Uttle  dependent  as  possible  on  the  Roman 
pontiff,  so  that  one  year  was  thus  unprofitably  wasted,  and 

•  ViUani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  i". 


264 


l-XORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1 


A.D.  1265, 


another  consumed  in  military  preparations  for  the  enterprise. 
The  announcement  of  these  intentions  was  the  first  shock  to 
Ghibeline  power  and  his  arrival  at  Rome  with  a  thousand 
men-at-arms  the  signal  for  hostilities:  Charles  had  escaped 
from  a  Pisan  fleet  equipped  to  intercept  him,  and 
after  seeing  his  own  squadron  dispersed  arrived 
almost  alone  at  a  convent  outside  the  walls  of  Rome,  where 
however  he  was  soon  joined  by  his  followers  and  entered  the 
city  on  the  *24th  May  1265  amidst  general  acclamation. 

Urban  IV.  died  in  1264  while  Charles  was  in  the  midst  of 
his  preparations  and  a  vacancy  of  five  months  threw  a  damp 
on  Guelphic  hopes;  but  Urban  who  had  found  only  eight 
cardinals  at  his  accession  completed  the  list  with  his  own 
friends,  and  his  counterpart  the  Cardinal  of  Xarl)onne  then  on 
a  mission  to  the  court  of  Provence,  was  chosen  pontiff  under 
the  name  of  Clement  IV*.  The  enteqirise  therefore  proceeded 
as  vigorously  as  before  and  Charles  with  the  aid  of  his  brother, 
who  perhaps  was  not  sorry  to  see  so  unquiet  a  spirit  out  of 
his  kingdom,  besides  the  riches  and  even  jewels  of  his  wife, 
assembled  an  army  of  5000  cavalry  15,000  infantry,  and 
10,000  cross-bowmen,  but  impatient  to  arrive  at  the  scene  of 
action  he  hurried  on  to  Rome  as  already  related. 

Charles  was  publicly  acknowledged  as  King  of  Sicily  and 
Puglia  by  the  new  pope ;  and  the  Roman  people  wishing  to 
have  some  powerful  prince  for  their  senator,  who  at  that  time 
had  great  authority,  also  appointed  him  to  this  dignity  in 
preference  to  Manfred  or  the  Prince  of  Aragon.  The  pope 
only  favoured  this  election  because  he  was  enabled  to  secure 
his  own  temporal  power  by  annexing  certain  conditions  that 
the  Count  of  Anjou  s  eagerness  for  the  Sicilian  crown  induced 
him  to  accept.  His  arrival  infused  new  spirit  into  the  Floren- 
tine exiles,  now  rich  and  powerful  through  their  own  gallantry; 
they  therefore  sent  a  formal  embassy  to  the  new  pope  with  an 

*  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii°,  p.  129.~Muratori,  Annali. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


265 


offer  of  their  services  for  the  king,  and  demanding  the  blessing, 
and  recommendation  of  the  church :    they  represented  their 
band  as  bemg  composed  of  400  gentlemen  well  armed  and 
mounted  besides  a  considerable  body  of  footmen,  and  added 
that  they  would  appear  with  increased  dignity  before  that 
prince  if  as  soldiers  of  the  church  they  were  presented  with  a 
banner  bearing  the  arms  or  some  other  device  of  his  holiness. 
Clement  of  course  granted  all  their  requests  furnished  them 
with  money,  and  gave  them  a  standard  emblazoned  with  his 
own  arms ;  namely  a  red  eagle  in  a  white  field  holding  a  green 
dragon  in  its  talons,  and  the  exiles  afterwards  placed  a  red  lily 
over  the  eagle  s  head  which  thenceforth  became  the  peculiar 
badge  of  the  "  Party  Guelph  "  a  faction  that  acted  so  important 
a  part  in  the  subsequent  history  of  Florence*.     Under  these 
auspices  the  exiles  prepared  for  war  and  advanced  towards 
Mantua  to  unite  with  the  Provencal  cavalry  commanded  by 
Guy  de  Montfort  fourth  son  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester  who  had 
fled  to  France  after  the  battle  of  Evesham.     The  Florentine 
Guelphs  under  Count  Guido  Guerra  led  them  through  Romagna 
and  La  Marca  to  Rome  where  they  arrived  about  Christmas, 
and  were  received  by  Charies  with  peculiar  favom-  not  only  on 
account  of  their  own  strength  and  military  reputation,  but 
because  they  were  the   first   Italians   that  had  joined  his 
standard,  were  deadly  enemies  of  Manfred,  and  demanded  no 
reward  except  a  speedy  restoration  to  their  country.     The  rest 
of  the  troops  joined  their  sovereign  in  the  month   ^^  ^^^ 
of  January  1266.     Charies  after  the  ceremony  of  a 
coronation,  in  which  he  acknowledged  himseK  a  vassal  of  the 
church,  with  exhausted  resources  humed  on  to  the  frontier 
where  he  took  the  pass  of  Ceperano,  crossed  the  Garigliano 
without  a  check,  in  consequence  of  the  treachery  of  Manfred's 
kinsman  the  Count  of  Caserta,  and  occupying  a  considerable 
part  of  the  country  prepared  for  a  speedy  termination  of  the 

♦  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ii«>.— Msdespini,  cap.  clsxvi.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  129. 


266 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


an  7' 


contest.     Manfred  alarmed  by  the  disaffection  of  his  brother- 
in-law  and  the  subsequent  disloyalty  of  others  endeavoured  to 
come  to  terms  and  sent  an  embassy  for  that  purpose;  but 
Charles  perceiving  his  advantage  scornfully  rejected  all  com- 
munication.    -  Tell  the  Sultan   of  Nocera  with  him  I  will 
'•  have  nor  peace  nor  truce,  but  that  ere  long  I  Mill  either  send 
*'  him  to  hell  or  Jie  shall  send  me  to  Paradise."     The  war  was 
a  crusade  and  Charles  had  persuaded  his  followers  t*hat  as  they 
fought  for  the  Catholic  faith  against  an  excommunicated  heretic 
and  a  Saracen,  they  were  sure  either  of  the  crown  of  martyr- 
dom or  the  glorious   triumph  of  victory.     The  unexpected 
capture  of  San  Germano  and  consequent  slaughter  of  some  of 
his  bravest  Moslems  still  further  depressed  Manfred ;  treacheiy 
appeared  on  every  hand  and  even  the  very  season  seemed  to 
side  with  the  enemy;  nevertheless  he  took  up  a  position  at' 
Benevento  and  resolved  on  battle. 

The  river  Calore  flowed  l)etween  the  armies  and  the  fate  of 
pnnce  and  kingdom  was  decided  in  a  few  hours :  there  were 
from  three  to  four  thousand  lances  on  each  side  according  to 
tile  lowest  statements ;   the  infantry  began  the  attack ;  the 
Saracen  archers  passed  the  river  and  with  loud  shouts  assaulted 
the  French ;  shooting  so  well  that  the  latter  could  scarcely 
withstand  them ;  the  cavalry  rode  up  to  their  support  blest  by 
the  Pope's  legate  with  uplifted  hands  in  the  midst  of  the 
tumult;   the  Saracens  were  repulsed  and  then  the  German 
cavalry  gaUoped  over  the  plain  of  GrandeUa  to  encounter  the 
Proven9al  knights.     -  Montjoie  Chevaliersr  -  Suabia  Cheva- 
l^s     was  shouted  on  either  side ;  the  Germans  bore  every- 
thmg  before  them,  but  the  French  were  successively  supported 
at  every  repulse  by  their  second,  third,  and  fourtli  lines  :  they 
out^numbered  Manfred's  brigade  and  striking  at  the  hordes,  a 
foul  proceeding  amongst  knights,  succeeded  in  disordering  if 
Manfred  ordered  his  reserve  to  their  support;  it  was  a  critical 
moment  and   was   not  lost  on   the   disaffected;    his   grand 


treasurer ;  the  Count  della  Cerra ;  the  Count  of  Caserta,  and 
and  nearly  fourteen  hundred  men-at-arms  who  had  never  been 
engaged  shamefully  fled  and  sacrificed  their  master  and  the 

kingdom. 

With  a  handful  of  still  faithful  gentlemen  Manfred  resolved 
to  die  gloriously  rather  than  }ield  the  day :  while  in  the  act  of 
adjusting  his  helmet,  a  silver  eagle  which  formed  the  crest  feU 
on  his  saddle-bow.  "  Hoc  est  signum  Dei;'  said  he  ;  "I  fixed 
on  this  crest  with  my  own  hands  :  it  has  not  fallen  by  chance." 
Immediately  plunging  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  but  unable 
to  raUy  his  disheartened  soldiers,  he  fell  dead  amidst  a  heap  of 
enemies  and  remained  three  days  before  the  body  was  dis- 

covered. 

Thus  died  King  Manfred,  a  victim  to  his  own  treacherous 
barons  :  the  ambition  of  reigning  led  him  into  errors  that  have 
been  distorted  by  papal  hatred  and  ecclesiastical  intolerance 
into  the  characteristics  of  a  cruel,   faithless  and   irreligious 
barbarian ;  but  says  Giannone,  "  If  it  had  not  been  for  his 
ambition  he  might  be  compared  with  the  most  famous  captams 
of  passed  ages ;   magnanimous,  energetic,  liberal,  and  a  lover 
of  justice,  he  always  maintamed  his  kingdom  flourishing  and 
abundant ;  he  violated  the  laws  only  to  ascend  tiie  throne  but 
in  everything  else  was  just  and  compassionate.     Learned  m 
philosophy,  a  consummate  mathematician ;   not  only  an  en- 
courager  of  literature  but  himself  most  accomplished  "      *     * 
-  He  was  fair  and  handsome,  of  gentie  aspect,  affable  with 
even-bodv,   always   smiling  and  cheerful,  of  admirable  and 
deUahtfui  wit,  so  that  he  has  by  several  been  compared  to  Titus 
son  of  Vespasian  for  his  liberality,  his  beauty,  and  his  courtesy." 
And  Muratori,  himself  a  churchman,  agrees  substantially  mtlns 

character 

Benevento  soon  fell  and  many  of  King  Manfred's  most 
faitUul  adherents  were  cruelly  put  to  death  or  reserved  for 
lasting  imprisonment.    The  Florentine  exiles  bore  themselves 


268 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


SO  bravely  at  the  battle  of  Grandella  that  Manfred  could  not 
help  exclaiming  with  some  bitterness,  **  0  where  are  the  Ghihe- 
lines  for  whom  I  have  done  so  much  !  Whatever  may  be  the 
fortune  of  the  day  that  band  of  Guelphic  gentlemen  cannot 
loser 

Dead  as  he  was,  the  enemy's  hatred  still  pursued  him  ;  his 
body  was  thrown  across  the  back  of  an  ass ;  Charles  and  the 
Pope's  legate  refused  him  a  tomb  in  consecrated  eaitli  because 
he  died  excommunicate ;  his  remains  were  laid  at  the  foot  of 
Benevento  bridge  where  every  soldier  in  the  victorious  army 
threw  a  stone,  and  thus  a  monument  was  suddenly  raised  to  the 
memory  of  a  prince  a  hero  and  an  accomplished  gentleman,  by 
the  natural  sATnpathy  of  generous  enemies,  when  the  liatred  of 
kings  and  cardinals  sternly  refused  him  the  common  offices  of 
mortality.  Even  this  resting-place  was  denied,  for  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Cosenza  with  the  pope's  approbation,  on  pretence  of 
its  lying  in  papal  ground,  ordered  Manfred's  body  to  be  dis- 
interred and  carried  away  in  darkness  to  the  banks  of  the 
Verde  J  now  the  Marino  river,  and  exposed  to  the  inclemency 
of  the  weather  so  that  all  traces  of  its  existence  were  speedily 
lost  to  the  inhabitants*. 

The  victory  of  Grandella  was  bloody  but  the  pursuit  still 
more  so  ;  the  kingdom  remained  at  the  conqueror's  mercy  and 
he  soon  entered  Naples  in  triumph  :  the  Florentine  auxiliaiies 
still  followed  his  standard  while  their  Ghibeline  rivals  alarmed 
at  these  events  drew  closer  together  and  resolved  on  measures 
of  precaution  against  the  fatal  consequences  of  this  campaign. 

*  Dante  alludes  to  this —  R.  Malespini,  cap.  Ixxvii.  to  clxxxi. — 

**  Poi  sorridendo  disse :  loson  Manfredi  ^-  Villani,  Lib.  vti.,  from  cap.  iii.   to 

Nipote  di  Costanza  Imperadrice :  cap-  x- — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ii". — Mu- 

Ond'  lo  ti  priego,"  &c'.  ratori,  Annali,  An.  1266. — Giannone, 

{Dantey  Purgo;  Canto  iii.)  Stor.  Civile  di  Napoli,  vol.  viii.,  Lib. 

Then   he   smiling   said:    I   am   king  xix.,  cap.  iii.,  p.  261.--Si8mondi,  vol. 

Manfred  ""» P*  ^"^' — Costanza,  Istor.  del  Regno 

Nephew  of  the  imperial  Constance  :      ^'  ^*P^^'  ^^'  ^°'  P"  ^^'  ^  *^?- 
Wherefore  I  pray  thee,  &c. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


269 


The  fall  of  Manfred  was  likely  to  drag  them  from  that  pedestal 
on  wliich  the  battle  of  Monte  Aperto  had  placed  them;  yet  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  good  reason  for  apprehending  a  reverse 
in  Tuscany  if  their  affairs  had  been  ably  conducted,  and  with  an 
impartial  administration  of  justice  in  Florence  where  public 
opinion  ran  fearfully  against  them,  the  ancient  freedom  of  a 
popular  government  being  still  fresh  in  the  public  mind. 

All  the  Tuscan  cities  were  nominally  Ghibeline,  but  a  strong 
and  silent  mass  of  Guelphic  matter  existed  within  each,  and  a 
stronger  and  more  enterprising  set  without  who  only  waited  for  a 
favourable  opportunity  to  right  themselves :  Florence  above  all 
was  essentially  Guelph ;  the  citizens  openly  rejoiced  at   the 
death  of  Manfred,  and  Count  Guide  perceived  when  too  late 
that  it  would  be  politic  to  try  and  acquire  the  public  favour 
with  some  show  of  beneficial  intentions  after  having  forfeited 
it   by  every  kind  of  injustice.     Since  the  victory  of  Monte 
Aperto  the  government  had  nominally  been  in  the  hands  of 
the  nobles,  but  Count  Guido  both  as  Podesta  and  royal  Vicar 
was   little  less   than  absolute :   the  names   of  Guelph  and 
Gliibeline  now  began  to  express  something  more  definite  and 
local    than  the   general    Italian   meaning    of  these   words. 
Guelph  in  Florence  now  signified  popular  government ;  Ghibe- 
line  that  of  the   aristocracy :    and   as   the  latter   party   in 
adhering  to  the  empire  strove  for  an  oligarchy,  so  the  former 
being  attached  to  the  church  desired  a  democracy,  into  which 
by  a  wider  gate  all  the  most  able  and  virtuous  of  the  conunu- 
nitv  whether  noble  or  plebeian  would  be  permitted  to  enter. 
Count  Guido  saw  clearly  that  things  were  fast  drawing  to  the 
same  state  as  in  r250  and  likely  to  be  attended  by  similar 
consequences   unless   some   timely  sacrifice   were  offered   to 
popular  feeling:  his  resolution  though  wise  was  useless,  for 
public  opinion  began  to  express  itself  openly  without  fear  or 
equivocation  and  liis  own  motives  were  exactly  estimated. 
A  short  time  before  tliis  a  new  order  of  religious  knight- 


270 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


271 


hood  under  the  name  of  "  Frate  Gaudenti "  began  in  Italy : 
it  was  not   bound   by  vows  of  celibacy  or  any  very  severe 
regulations,  but  took  the  usual  oatlis  to  defend  widows  and 
orphans  and  make  peace  between  man  and  man  :  the  founder 
was  a  Bolognese  gentleman  called  Loderingo  di  Liandolo  who 
enjoyed  a  good  reputation,  and  along  \sith  a  brother  of  the 
same  order  named  Catalano  di  Malavolti,  one  a  Guelph  the 
other  a  Ghibeline,  was  now  invited  to  Florence   by  Count 
Guido  to  execute  conjointly  the  office  of  Podesta.     It  was 
intended  by  thus  dividing  the  supreme  authority  between  two 
magistrates  of  different  politics  that  one  should  correct  the 
other  and  justice  be  equally  administered ;  more  especially  as, 
in  conjunction  with  the  people,  they  were  allowed  to  elect  a 
deliberative   council  of  thirty-six  citizens    belonging   to   the 
principal   trades   without   distinction   of    party.      This   little 
senate  aware  that  apprehension  alone  had  called  it  into  being 
felt  itself  under  no  obligation  to  Count  Guido  and  detentiined 
on    a    political    reformation    independent  of    his  authority. 
Amongst  other  useful  regulations  the  seven  superior  '*  J/ts" 
or  Trades  seem  to  have  been  more  regularly  organised  than 
formerly  and   greater   powers  given   to  the   consul  or  chief 
magistrate  of  each,  who  administered  justice  amongst  all  those 
belonging  to  his  particular  calling  or  connected  with  it ;  and 
to  this  was  added  a   standard  under  which  every   member 
assembled  when  the  public  service  required  their  aid.     These 
were  called  the  '*  Arti  Maggion'  to  distinguish  them  from  the 
inferior  trades  which  were  subsequently  embodied  under  the 
denomination  of  ''Arti  Minori"*.     Although  apparently  a 


*  There  appears  to  be  some  confusion 
in  all  the  accounts  of  this  reform,  from 
Malespini  downwards ;  because  by  a 
document  of  the  year  1204  the  seven 
superior  ^rto  are  distinctly  mentioned 
with  their  Consuls^  who  also  appear  to 
have  formed  the  government  (Vide  S. 


Amrairato,  Lib.  i",  p.  67.)  Three  of 
these  Consuls  were  especially  named 
"  Priora  of  the  Arts"  One  was 
'*  Chief  of  the  Adminigtration  of 
Justice ;"  two  were  "  Consuls  of  the 
Army,"''  and  one  was  called  "  T%e 
Scnatory'  the  nature  of  whose  oflSce 


) 

I 


trifle  this  reform  was  extremely  important  and  afterwards 
proved  the  great  instrument  of  emancipating  the  people  from 
the  fetters  of  the  aristocracy,  as  it  gave  them  a  constitutional 
right  to  assemble  in  arms  wheneyer  their  own  interests 
required  it. 

As  the  causes  of  discontent  were  similar  to  those  of  1250  so 
were  the  feelings  of  the  people  and  the  measures  of  redress; 
names  alone  had  changed  ;  the  thirty-six  chiefs  and  the 
Anziani  were  then  created,  the  same  number  of  governors 
and  seven  consuls  now ;  but  increased  strength  and  experience 
made  them  more  determined.  On  the  other  hand  the  nobles, 
who  were  far  from  blind  to  the  consequence  of  these  altera- 
tions began  openly  to  condemn  them,  and  Guido  taking  advan- 
tage of  this  feeling  which  he  secretly  encouraged  warned  them 
against  allowing  any  more  prejudicial  measures  to  be  concocted 
under  the  plea  of  maintaining  public  tranquillity :  they  were 
advised  to  assemble  their  friends  and  retainers  without  delay 
while  he  reinforced  his  garrison  by  the  contingents  of  several 
neighbouring  cities  to  the  amount  of  1500  men-at-arms:  money 
was  necessary  to  pay  the  troops,  a  first  attempt  to  register 
property  for  taxation  was  introduced ;  additional  contributions 
were  imposed;  the  new  assembly  demurred;  the  collection 
was  unusually  tardy,  the  tax  unpopular,  and  Guido  full  of  fear 
and  suspicion  resolved  on  an  open  demonstration  of  his  force. 
His  intentions  could  not  long  be  concealed ;  the  nobles  were 
already  armed,  and  the  Uberti  and  Lamberti  began  the  tumult 
by  sallying  from  their  houses  in  Mercato  Vecchio  and  driv- 
ing the  thirty-six  governors  from  their  neighbouring  place  of 


does  not  appear.  Macchiavelli  and 
those  who  follow  him  seem  therefore 
to  be  mistaken  in  saying,  "  CostorOy 
come  prima  convennero,  distinsero 
tvUta  la  citta  in  Arti,""  unless  he 
means  that  every  citizen  was  at  this 
time  compelled  to   enrol  himself  in 


one  of  these  corporations;  an  event  of 
later  date :  but  it  seems  clear  that 
neither  the  corporations  of  trades  nor 
their  Consuls  were  now  created  for 
the  first  time.  (Vide  Bruto,  Sis- 
mondi,  Pignotti,  and  Ammirato  him- 
self on  this  subject.) 


372 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[booe  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


273 


embly.  All  Florence  was  soon  in  arms  under  the  banners  of 
the  "  Trades,'  as  formerly  under  those  of  the  **  Sesti ;"  the  people 
met  in  Piazza  Santa  Trinita  a  wide  street  which  gave  room  for 
their  numbers  and  was  easily  barricaded  at  all  its  approaches : 
Count  Guido  took  up  his  position  in  the  Piazza  of  San  Gio- 
vanni :  he  and  his  nobles  moved  fonsard  to  the  attack  and  the 
people  did  not  refuse  it.  Led  by  Gianni  de'  Soldanieri  *,  a 
noble  who  for  private  ambition  was  false  to  his  own  party  and 
not  true  to  any,  they  poured  down  showers  of  stones  and  other 
missiles  from  towers  and  houses ;  cross-bows  played  briskly 
from  the  barricades,  one  German  knight  cleared  them  with  a 
bound,  but  was  not  followed,  and  the  troops  retired  with  some 
loss  of  men  and  reputation  to  their  previous  position.  The 
principal  struggle  took  place  ak)ut  the  Loggia  of  the  Toma- 
quinci  now  occupied  by  the  palace  of  the  Corsi,  and  decided  an 
event  that  governed  the  future  destinies  of  Florence ;  for 
Guido  alarmed  at  the  general  indignation  and  extent  qf  the 
movement  and  disheartened  by  its  result ;  fearing  as  well  the 
disaffection  of  some  nobles  of  his  own  party  as  a  night  attack 
from  the  citizens,  determmed  to  evacuate  tlie  town  \\ithout 
delay.  Thus  panic-stricken  he  mustered  the  troops,  and 
against  the  advice  of  his  own  officers  and  the  two  rectors  who 
engaged  to  tranquilhse  the  people,  he  hastily  called  for  the 
keys  and  on  the  eleventh  of  November  issued  from  Porta 
Bovina  six  years  after  his  triumphal  entry  and,  with  some 
molestation  in  Borgo  Pmti  then  outside  the  walls,  was  soon  in 
full  retreat  to  Prato. 


•  G.  Villani,  Lib.  vii,,  cap.  xiv. — Dante  does  not  forget  him  :  in  the  icy  crust 
of  Cocytus  he  places  him  near  Bocca  degli  Abbati.  {Inferno,  Canto  xxxii.) 
"  Gianni  del  Soldanier  credo  che  sia 

Pill  la  con  Ganellone  e  Tebaldello, 
Ch'  apri  Faenza  quando  si  dormia." 

Gianni  del  Soldanieri  I  believe 

Lies  off  with  Ganellon  and  Tcbaldell, 
Who  oped  Faen7a  when  the  people  slept. 


) 


i 

I 


No  sooner  was  he  in  safety  than  apprehension  vanished 
and  error  became  palpable  ;  he  tried  to  retrieve  his  position  by 
immediately  moving  on  Florence,  but  the  people  were  wide 
awake,  the  city  all  in  arms ;  wherefore  seeing  that  neither 
threats  prayers  nor  promises  made  any  impression  on  them  he 
sullenly  retraced  his  steps  to  Prato,  and  thence  to  his  feudal 
possessions  while  the  other  Ghibeline  nobles  dispersed  to  their 
several  castles  *. 

Thus  relieved  the  citizens  hastened  to  organise  a  government, 
the  two  Frati  Gaudenti  who  had  forfeited  all  public  confidence 
by  their  peculation  and  hypocrisy f  were  dismissed;  a  single 
Podesta  was  appointed  on  the  application  of  Florence  with  a 
hundred  men-at-arms  from  Orvieto  a  Guelphic  city.  Twelve  men 
were  named  to  execute  the  duties  of  the  former  Anziani ;  and 
as  almost  all  the  nobles  of  both  factions  were  now  absent  it  was 
at  once  decreed  that  political  crimes  should  be  obliterated  and 
the  gates  thrown  open  to  every  exile  of  either  party. 

The  people  beheld   with  pride  the  return  of  their  distin- 
guished countrymen  whose  fame  in  arms  had  shed  a 
new  lustre  on  the  Florentine  name ;  and  to  strengthen 
the  present  peace  numerous  marriages  were  promoted  between 

*  R.  Malespini,  cap.  clxxxiii.,  &c. —  f  Hence  Dante  gives  them  a  conspi- 

G.Villani,  Lib.viio,cap.xiii.  andxiv. —  cuous  place   in    his   Inferno    (Canto 

Leo.  Aretino,  Lib.  ii». — Macchiavelli,  xxiii.)   amongst  the    leaden-mantled 

Lib.  ii° — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ii»,  p.  1 3 1 .  hypocrites  of  the  sixth  Bolgia. 

"  Frati  Gaudenti  fummo,  e  Bolognesi, 
lo  Catalano,  e  questi  Loderingo 
Nomati,  e  da  tua  terra  insieme  presi, 

Come  suol  esser  tolto  un  uom  solingo 
Per  conserver  sua  pace,  e  fummo  tali, 
Che  ancor  si  pare  intomo  dal  Guarding©." 

Frati  Gaudenti  we,  and  Bolognese, 
I  Catalano,  he  Lod'ringo  named, 
And  by  thy  town  together  were  pickM  out 

As  men  are  wont  to  choose  a  single  judge 
Expressly  to  keep  peace ;  but  proved  such 
As  still  appears  about  Guardingo's  site. 
The  "Guardingo"    was    a   street     writers  say  was  destroyed    by   these 
where  the   Uberti  lived   which  some     two  Oaudenti. 
VOL.  I.  T 


A.D.  1267. 


274 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


the  adverse   families,  so  that  the  whole  city  rang  with  mer 
riment :  but  the  factious  spirit  was  deep,  the  joy  shallow  and 
transient,  and  the  Guelphs  could  never  forgive  six  long  years  of 
banishment  and   sorrow.      Public  feeling  was   entirely  with 
them;  internal  power  and  external  support  made  them  bold 
and  insolent;  while  the  fear  of  Conradine's  arrival  in  Italy 
gave  point  to  their  enmity.     Charles,  whose  political  interests 
were  now,  except  in  name,  the  same  as  Manfred's,  looked  to  be 
paramount  in  Tuscany  and  an  invitation  from  the  Florentine 
Guelphs  gave  him  a  legitimate  opening  that  he  was  not  dis- 
posed to  neglect.     The  military  preparations  of  Conradine  to 
recover  his  Italian  states  were  now  heard  plainly  and  alarmed 
the  pope  for  the  fate  of  those   countries ;    the  empire  was 
vacant,  the  kingdom  of  Italy  left  without  a  chief ;  and  Tus- 
cany composed  of  various  independent  republics  became  in  a 
manner  insulated;    so  that  until   a    new  imperial   election 
occurred  the  pontiff  easily  persuaded  himself  that  he  as  the 
father  of  Christendom  was  a  proper  person  to  assume  the  vacant 
ofl&ce.      Charles  also,    not  being  without  apprehension  and 
equally  anxious  to  secure  himself  on  the  side  of  Tuscany  was 
appointed  vicar-general  of  that  province  and  according  to  some, 
on  this  authority  alone  without  any  invitation  from  the  Guelphs, 
m-irched  a  body  of  800  men-at-arms  to  Florence  under  Guy  de 
Montfort  and  Malatesta  da  Verruchio,  one  of  whom  was  ap- 
pointed his  vicar  in  that  city.     They  were  received  with  public 
rejoicing  by  every  class,  for   the  Ghibelines  scared  at  their 
approach  had  hastily  retired  and  assembling   in  force  round 
Pisa  and  Siena  established  themselves  permanently  at  Santo 
Ellero   whence   they   made  a  war  of   mcursions   up  to  the 
very  gates   of  Florence.      This  became   insufferable,  where- 
fore the  united  French  and  Florentine  forces  besieged  and 
took  their  stronghold  after  a  sharj)  resistance  in  which  eight 
hundred  Ghibeline  gentlemen  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  rancour  of 
faction  and  private  feuds,  hatred  at  this  epoch  so  deep  and 


^•d 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


275 


deadly  that  one  of  the  Uberti  w^ho  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
belfry  tower,  leaped  desperately  from  its  battlements  and 
dashed  his  brains  out,  rather  than  yield  to  his  private  enemies 
of  the  Buondelmonti  race  *. 

Siena  next  became  the  seat  of  hostilities ;  Poggibonzi,  where 
the  Ghibelines  were  strong  in  numbers  and  position,  was 
besieged,  and  the  arrival  of  King  Charles  in  August  as  Vicar 
of  Tuscany  gave  a  higher  and  more  brilliant  character  to  the 
war.  He  was  welcomed  with  peculiar  honours  ;  the  Carroccio 
issued  in  full  state  and  accompanied  him  in  triumph  to 
Florence. 

Tliis  prince  was  far  too  energetic  to  remain  long  inactive ; 
wherefore  after  having  knighted  several  citizens,  an  honour 
then  of  the  most  distinguished  class,  he  repaired  in  person  to 
the  siege  of  Poggibonzi  which  the  Pisan  and  Senese  armies 
with  a  body  of  Ghibelines  had  united  to  raise  :  but  skilful  as 
he  was  it  occupied  him  for  four  months  incessantly  and  then 
only  surrendered  by  capitulation  from  a  total  want  of 
provisions.  Pisa  next  felt  the  Guelphic  lash,  Porto 
Pisano  was  taken  and  its  two  defensive  towers  destroyed ;  the 
country  ravaged  and  the  strong  town  of  Mutrone  finally  capitu- 
lated to  the  king  in  person. 

The  Guelphs  with  some  justice  demanded  compensation 
from  government  for  the  confiscation  of  their  property  after  the 
battle  of  Monte  Aperto  and  a  similar  sacrifice  of  the  Ghibe- 
line possessions  was  demanded;  some  opposition  took  place 
and  the  dispute  referred  to  Charles  by  whose  judgment  all 
confiscated  property  was  divided  into  three  parts,  one  to  be 
given  as  compensation  to  the  sufferers,  one  assigned  to  the 
state,  and  one  intrusted  to  the  magistracy  of  the  *'  Party 
Guelph ;  "  about  which  a  few  words  are  necessary.  A  public 
committee  had  been  appointed  in  1266  to  ascertain  the  extent 

•  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii**,  p.  138. — Malespini,  cap.  clxxxvii.  and   cxciv. — 
Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ii". 

x-2 


276 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


277 


of  this  damage,  whose  still  existing  report  makes  it  amount  to 
132,160  or  according  to  others  130,736  lire  perhaps  equal 
to  near  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  our  present  money ; 
but  there  are  great  doubts  about  the  precise  epoch  when  the 
permanent  magistracy  of  the  Party  Guelph  was  created : 
accorduig  to  Leonardo  Aretino  ij  had  certainly  existed  before 
this  time  though  under  a  different  form  and  most  likely  was 
abolished  during  the  Ghibeline  administration  :  its  origin  is 
however  generally  ascribed  to  this  period  when  by  a  realisation 
of  solid  property  in  a  body  corporate  it  assumed  a  force  and 
character  which  did  not  previously  exist:  this  was  due  to 
Clement  IV.  and  Charles  of  Anjou  who  in  working  zealously 
together  for  the  ruin  of  Ghibeline  principles  promoted  every 
measure  that  gave  strength  to  their  own  faction  *.  By  their 
command  this  tribunal  was  now  composed  of  three  Knights- 
Rectors  chosen  from  each  sesto  in  succession  for  two  months, 
and  at  first  denominated  "  Consuls  of  the  Knights,''  but  after- 
wards "  Captains  of  the  Party  Guelph ;"  under  which  title  with 
accumulated  riches  and  authority  they  exercised  extreme 
influence  and  finally  oppressed  the  Commonwealth.  By  them 
too  the  antagonist  faction  was  annihilated;  for  power  and 
enmity  concentrated  and  embodied  in  a  corporation,  lynx- 
eyed,  sleepless,  backed  by  the  force  and  spirit  of  the  people, 
and  directed  exclusively  against  the  Ghibehnes,  was  too  much 
for  that  faction  both  within  and  without  the  city  f . 

Except  Pisa  and  Siena,  all  the  Tuscan  states  followed  the 
politics  of  Florence  and  a  Guelphic  league  was  soon  organised 
on  the  plan  of  the  Ghibelines,  commanded  as  before  by  the 
Florentine  Vicar  of  the  King  of  Sicily  and  Puglia ;  so  that  the 
whole  revolution  both  in  the  north  and  south  was  a  simple 
change  of  actors,  but  the  same  drama. 

*  Lorenzo,  Cantini. — Saggi,  Istorici  lespini,  cap.  clxxxvi. — Gio.  Villani, 
d'AntichitA  Toscane,  tomo  iii.,  p.  192.  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xvii — Leon.  Aretino, 
t  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  137.— Ma-     Lib.  ii°.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iio. 


iJ 


The  Florentines  anxious  for  peace  and  wishing  to  reorganise 

their  constitution  in  safety,  thought  they  could  accomplish  both 

objects  and  also  manifest  their  gratitude  to  Charles  by  an 

offer,  which  was  made  in  1267  of  the  Florentine  sovereignty 

for  ten  years :  Anjou  at  first  refused ;  declaring  himself  well 

contented  with  their  good  will  without  further  jurisdiction  :  he 

however  subsequently  accepted   it    as    simple   chief  of  the 

republic,  declining  the  extraordinary  powers  with  which  they 

were  willing  to  invest  him.     This  dignity  involved  the  right  of 

appointing  a  vicar  to  administer  the  affairs  of  war  and  justice 

in   his   name,  all  other  offices  and  the  power  of  changing 

the  form  of  government  still  remaining  with  the  citizens  ;  for 

Charles  on  being  invested  with  the  Seignory  only  entered  into 

the  constitutional  authority  of  that  office  in  whatever  form  the 

people  were  pleased  to  mould  it.     The  thirty-six  governors  of 

Guido  Novello  were  now  reduced  to  twelve  '' BuonominV  or 

Good  Men,  whose    term  of    office  was   two  months :  along 

with  these  was  a  council  called  the  *' Credenza''  of  eighty 

citizens ;  and  also  an  assembly  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  of 

the  people,  thirty  from  each  "  Sesto,"  which  with  the  Credenza 

and  Buonomini  formed  the  Council  General.     Another  council 

of  one  hundred  and  twenty  members   created  at  the  same 

period  and  composed  of  every  privileged  class  perfected  all 

measures  pre\iously  discussed  in  the  preceding  assemblies  and 

distributed  the  various  offices  of  the  republic.     This  at  least  is 

MacchiavelU's  account,  but  there  is  considerable  discrepancy 

in  the  statements  of  different  writers  about  the  constitutional 

reforms  of  this  epoch :  Malespini  a  contemporary  author,  does 

not    mention    the    Credenza  nor    Macchiavelli  that  of  the 

Podesta  which  is  noticed  by  the  former  and  Villani,  who 

themselves  are  silent  about  the  council  of  one  hundred  and 

twenty,  asserting  that  the  general  council  consisted  of  three 

hundred  members.     Cantini,  a  good  authority,  te^s  us  that  the 

deliberations  of  the  Buonomini  had  no  effect  unless  previously 


278 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


279 


approved  of  in  the  popular  council  of  a  hundred ;  afterwards 
in  that  of  the  consuls  of  Trades  ;  then  in  the  Credenza  ;  subse- 
quently in  the  Podesta's  council  of  ninety,  and  finally  in  the 
council  general  of  three  hundred.  Sismondi  follows  Can  tin  i 
and  Villani,  therefore  differs  from  Malespini  and  Macchiavelli ; 
he  tells  us  that  the  first  council  for  consultation  was  that  of 
the  people,  then  on  the  same  day  the  matter  went  to  the 
Credenza  where  the  consuls  of  the  seven  superior  trades  had  a 
place,  but  no  nobles  or  Ghibelines :  the  next  day  the  same 
matter  went  first  to  the  council  of  the  Podesta  where  nobles 
and  people  and  consuls  of  the  arts  all  took  part,  and  then  to 
the  council  general  composed  of  citizens  of  every  rank.  Other 
disagreements  might  be  quoted  from  different  authors,  but 
Macchiavelli  is  clear  in  his  statement  that  all  these  coimcils 
united,  (to  which  may  be  added  the  consuls  of  arts,)  formed  the 
general  council ;  and  that  the  council  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
was  that  which  completed  any  public  business  under  discussion. 
The  reader  may  choose  which  account  he  pleases ;  but  the 
general  result  was  that  a  body  of  continually  changing  repre- 
sentatives divided  into  four  classes  and  giving  their  opinion  on 
all  subjects  of  legislation,  each  being  a  check  on  the  other, 
formed  a  sufficiently  liberal  exposition  of  the  public  will  and 
maintained  a  free  democratic  spirit  in  the  community  in 
opposition  both  to  the  aristocracy  and  any  undue  power  of  the 
Podesta.  The  machinery  of  the  "  Party  Guelph''  consisted  of 
a  secret  council  of  fourteen  and  a  general  one  of  forty  or  by 
some  accounts  sixty  members  of  both  classes,  which  latter 
elected  the  ** Captains'  by  ballot  besides  six  priors  as  trea- 
surers, a  public  accuser  of  the  Ghibelines,  and  a  keeper  of  the 
seal ;  and  so  penetrating  was  its  influence  that  in  the  course  of 
time  all  the  Ghibeline  property  which  had  been  confiscated  to  the 
public  treasury  found  its  way  into  that  of  the  Party  Guelph  *. 

•  G.  Villani,  Lib.  ril,  cap.  xvi.  and     Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii, — Cantini,  Saggi 
rvii. — Malespini,  cap.  clxxxvi. — Mar.     Istorici,  toI.  iii.,  p.  191. 
di  Coppo  Stefani,  Rub.  139,  140.— 


1 


t'f 


Such  was  the  domestic  occupation  of  Florence  under  the 
auspices  of  Charles  of  Anjou  who  had  now  acquired  almost  all 
the  authority  enjoyed  by  his  predecessors  Frederic  and  Man- 
fred, both  in  the  south  and  Tuscany  with  the  exception  of 
Pisa  and  Siena  which  still  maintained  their  positions.     Both 
however  would  probably  soon  have  fallen  had  not  his  course 
been  suddenly  checked  by  Conradine's  advance  to  Trent,  and 
intelligence   of  insurrections  in  Rome  and  the  two  Sicilies. 
Henry  and  Frederic  sons  of  Alphonso  King  of  Castile  having 
joined  the  Spanish  barons  against  their  father  were  obliged  to 
fly  to  Tunis  where  becoming  rich  and  weary  of  exile  they  de 
termined  to  try  their  fortune  in  Italy:  Henry  came  over  to  his 
cousin  Charles  of  Anjou  who  received  him  the  more  favourably 
because  he  was  able  to  lend  large  sums  of  money,  and  supported 
his  prayer  to  Pope  Clement  for  the  investiture  of  Sardinia:  he 
gained  the  hearts  of  the  Romans  while  residing  amongst  them, 
and  in  one  of  their  frequent  insurrections  was  made  senator 
of  Rome  an  office  which  he  filled  so  justly  and  popularly  as  to 
raise  the  jealousy  of  Charles  who  consequently  demanded  the 
kingdom  of  Sardinia  for  himself,  and  refused  to  repay  what 
he   had  borrowed.     These  and  other  injuries  raised  Prince 
Henrj^'s  anger  and  revenge.     After  an  immediate  alliance 
with  Conmdine  he  sent  for  Prince  Frederic  from  Tunis  who 
landed  at  Sciatta  in  Sicily  with  eight  hundred  Tuscans,  Ger- 
mans, and   Spaniards;   published  a  manifesto  of  Conradine 
calling  on  the  inhabitants  to  rise  in  liis  favour,  and  in  a  short 
time  the  whole  island  with  the  exception  of  Messina  Palermo 
and  Syracuse,  was  in  a  state  of  revolt.    The  Saraxjens  of  Nocera, 
Calabria,  almost  all  the  Abnizzi,  Rome  and  its  whole  cam- 
pagna  soon  caught  the  flame,  and  the  Ghibelines  of  Tuscany 
sent  a  hundred  thousand  florins  to  Conradine  who  after  some 
difficulties  anived  at  Pisa  in  the  month  of  May  1268. 

Long  before  this  Charles  had  hurried  to  the  south  leaving 
William  de  Belselve  with  eight  hundred  men-at-arms  as  his 


280 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


vicar   in   Tuscany ;    Conradine  meanwhile   marched  towards 
Lucca  where  Belselve  with  a  strong  body  of  troops  was  in 
garrison ;  the  former  had  been  excommunicated,  a  crusade  was 
even  preached  against  him,  and   many  such   crusaders   had 
joined  the  French  and  Florentines  in  Tuscany  :  both  armies 
drew  up  at  Ponterotto  two  miles  from  Lucca  on  each  bank  of 
the  Guiscianella ;  but  neither  ventured  to  begin  the  fight  and 
soon  retired  out  of  all  danger  from  each  other :  Poggibonzi 
revolted  and  Conradine  marched  to  Siena  where  he  established 
himself;  upon  this  Belselve  moved  on  Ai'ezzo  to  impede  his 
advance   to  the  southward  accompanied  by  the  Florentines, 
whom  however  he  dismissed  at  Montevarchi,  being  foolishly 
confident  in  his  own  strength  and  equally  negligent  of  dis- 
cipline.     At   Ponte-a-Valle    on   the   Amo   he    fell  into   an 
ambuscade  formed  by  a  detachment  of  Conradine  s  army  under 
the  Uberti  and  other  exiles  and  was  completely  defeated  with 
the  loss  of  many  soldiers.     This  although  a  slight  affair  had 
considerable  effect  on  the  spirits  of  either  party  and  excited 
more  revolts  in  Puglia.     Conradine  soon  after  marched  to 
Rome  where  he  was  received  in  triumph  by  Don  Henry  and 
the  citizens  in  despite  of  repeated  anathemas  from  Pope  Cle- 
ment at  Viterbo*. 

This  young  prince,  then  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  who  is 
said  to  have  given  good  promise  of  rivalling  the  spirit  and 
abilities  of  his  uncle  and  grandfiither,  marched  from  Rome  on 
the  18th  of  August  with  five  thousand  men-at-arms  and  cross- 
ing the  Abruzzi  mountains  arrived  without  any  opposition  at 
the  plain  of  Saint  Valentino  in  the  district  of  Tagliacozzo : 
Charles  immediately  raised  the  siege  of  Nocera  and  advanced 
to  meet  him  with  only  three  thousand  men-at-arms  but  strong 
in  having  the  experienced  council  of  an  old  French  knight 

*  Malespini,  cap.  cxc,  cxci. — Villani,  — Giannone,  Stor.    Civile  di  Napoli, 

Lib.  vii.,  cap.  rxiii.,    xxiv. —  Leon.  Lib.  xix.,  c.  iv.,  p.  281. — Costanza, 

Aretino,  Libro  iii". — S.   Ammirato,  Lib.  i",  p.  53. 
Lib.  iii.,  p.  142. — Muratori,  Annali. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


281 


:j 


A.D. 1269. 


called  Alard  de  Saint  Valery  who  was  returning  from  twenty 
years'  service  against  the  Infidels  and  happened  to  touch  at 
Naples  in  this  critical  moment.  This  veteran  being  well 
acquainted  with  German  soldiers  advised  Charles  to  choose 
eight  hundred  Lances  and  remain  concealed  while  the  rest 
of  his  army  in  two  divisions  began  the  battle,  one  being  com- 
manded by  Henry  de  Cosence  dressed  as  was  then 
customary  in  the  king's  apparel  and  resembling  him 
in  person.  Conradine  supposing  these  two  divisions  to  be  the 
whole  force  of  his  antagonist  attacked  them  with  such  vigour 
that  they  were  soon  routed  and  Henry  de  Cosence  being  slain 
the  victory  was  supposed  complete  and  the  Germans  as  Saint 
Valer}^  expected,  dispersed  to  plunder.  On  seeing  this  the 
old  knight  exclaimed  "  Now  Sire  let  us  charge,  for  the  victory 
is  our  own.'  The  vigour  and  moral  effect  of  these  fresh  troops 
told  fatally  on  the  dispersed  and  heedless  Germans  and  a 
complete  defeat  with  dreadful  carnage  was  the  result^-.  Con- 
radine fled  \\ith  a  few  followers,  but  Charles  fearful  of  a  similar 
stratagem  by  Alard's  advice  remained  under  arms  until  night 
to  assure  himself  of  the  victory :  the  young  monarch's  destiny 
pursued  him ;  with  his  friend  the  Duke  of  Austria  and  other 
lords  he  was  soon  taken  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  his 
merciless  conqueror  who  on  the  29th  of  the  following  October 
brouf^ht  his  head  to  the  block  in  the  market-place  of  Naples. 

It  is  said  and  apparently  with  good  reason  that  Charles  con* 
suited  Pope  Clement  IV.  as  was  his  custom  on  important 
occasions,  al)Out  the  fate  of  young  Conradine  and  received  the 
following  laconic  answer  "  Vita  Corradini,  mors  Caroli;  mors 
Corradini,  vita  Caroli  f."  But  he  himself  was  summoned  in  the 
following  November  to  answer  for  this  counsel,  if  ever  given, 
at  a  far  more  awful  tribunal  than  that  of  mundane  history. 

♦Thisbattlewaa  fought  on 23d  August  authors   amongst  them  Sismondi  and 

12QS.  especially  Costanzo,  who  designates  it 

t  This  story  is  believed  by  Giannone  as  «  Falsissima''  and  the  pure  invcn- 

but   denied   and    doubted  by    other  tion  of  CoUenuccio. 


282 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


283 


Charles's  success  was  accompanied  by  the  most  cruel 
executions  throughout  Naples  and  that  unstable  people  again 
sighed  for  the  juster  sway  of  a  Manfred :  but  the  house  of 
Suabia  was  no  more ;  with  Conradine  it  became  extinct  and 
opened  the  way  for  the  more  fortunate  dynasty  of  Hapsburg 
which  with  better  auspices  has  hitherto  maintained  its  position 
amongst  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe*. 

These  great  events  gave  new  courage  to  the  Tuscan  Gueiphs 
without  however  discouraging  their  adversaries,  for  in  the  month 
of  June  Provenzano  Salvani  chief  of  the  republic  of  Siena 
accompanied  by  Count  Guido  Novello  and  other  Ghibelines 
took  the  field  with  1400  men-at-arms  and  8000  infantry  and 
threatened  the  town  of  CoUe  by  encamping  about  the  Abbey  of 
Spugnole  not  far  from  that  city,  where  their  own  Guelphic 
exiles  had  taken  refuge :  the  French  and  Florentines  imme- 
diately marched  under  the  orders  of  Charles's  \4car  Gianni 
Bertaido  and  uniting  with  the  Senese  exiles  and  some  citizens 
of  Colle  came  suddenly  upon  them  while  in  the  act  of  clianging 
their  ground.     After  a  weak  resistance  the  whole  army  gave 
way;  Count  Guido  fled,  Provenzano  was  killed  by  one  of  the 
Tolomei,  a  private  as  well  as  public  enemy ;  and  as  Montea- 
perto  had  not  yet  been  revenged  no  quarter  was  given,  so  that 
the  slaughter  is  described  to  have  been  terrible :  this  battle 
occasioned  the  subsequent  return  of  the  Gueiphs   to   Siena 
through  the  mediation  of  Guy  de  Montfort  Vicar  of  Tuscany, 
also  the  present  destruction  of  Ghibeline  power  in  that  republic 
and  a  more  lasting  peace  with  Florence  f. 

The  remainder  of  1'269  was  consumed  in  military  inroads 
on  the  Pisan  country  in  conjunction  Avith  Lucca,  and  accom- 
panied by  the  usual  boasts  and  insults  common  to  the  age ; 

•  Malespini,  cap.  cxcii.  and  cxciii.—  Sto.  Civile,  Lib.  xix.,  cap.  iv.—Sis- 

Annali  di  Simone  della  Tosa.— Gio.  mondi   Ital.  Rep.,  vol.  u.,  p.  412.— 

Villani,  Lib.   vii.,  cap.  xxvi.,  xxvii.,  Costanzo,  Lib.  i",  p.  34.— Platina  Vite 

xxviii. — Leon.    Aretino,  Lib.   iii**. —  de'  Papi. 

Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii",  p.  142.—  t  Malespini,  cap.  cxciv.— Orl.  Mala- 

Muratori,  Annali,  1268.— Giannone,  volti,  Part  ii*.  Lib.  ii°,  p.  38. 


A.D.  1270. 


such  as  coining  money  under  the  enemy's  walls  and  contemptu- 
ously celebrating  games  and  festivals  as  if  in  profound  peace. 

These  incursions  were  followed  by  the  execution  of  Neracozzo 
and  Azzolino  degli  Uberti,  with  other  Ghibelines  taken 
in  their  flight  from  Siena  when  that  faction  was  ex- 
pelled, every  one  of  which  Charles  immediately  ordered  to  be 
decapitated:  on  their  way  to  the  scaffold  young  Neracozzo 
asked  Azzolino  the  son  of  Farinato  where  they  were  going : 
"  To  pay  a  debt,''  replied  his  brother,  *'  which  our  fathers 
have  left  to  us." 

The  extreme  youth  of  a  third  brother  Conticino  degli  Uberti 
who  was  also  taken,  only  saved  him  from  death  to  linger  in 
perpetual  imprisonment ;  such  was  the  bitter  effect  of  faction 
on  the  fierce  disposition  of  the  age,  and  Charles  of  Anjou 
was  even  beyond  the  age  in  cruelty. 

Another  instance  of  this  revengeful  spirit  occurred  in  the 
year  127 1  at  Viterbo  where  the  cardinals  had  assembled  to 
elect  a  successor  to  Clement  the  Fourth,  about  whom  they 
had  been  long  disputing :  Charles  of  Anjou  and  Philip  of  France 
with  Edward  and  Henry  sons  of  Richard  Duke  of  Cornwall  had 
repaired  there,  the  two  first  to  hasten  the  election,  which  they 
finally  accomplished  by  the  elevation  of  Gregory  the  Tenth. 

Durmg  these  proceedings  Prince  Henry,  while  taking  the 
sacrament  in  the  church  of  San  Silvestro  at  Viterbo,  was 
stabbed  to  the  heart  by  his  own  cousin  Guy  de  Montfort  in 
revenge  for  the  Earl  of  Leicester's  death,  although  Henry 
was  then  endeavouring  to  procure  his  pardon.  This  sacrilegious 
act  threw  Viterbo  into  confusion,  but  Montfort  had  many 
supporters  one  of  whom  asked  him  what  he  had  done.  "  / 
have  taken  my  revenge''  said  he.  "  But  your  fathers  body  was 
trailed ! "  At  this  reproach  de  Montfort  instantly  reentered 
the  church  walked  straight  to  the  altar  and  seizing  Henry's 
body  by  the  hair  dragged  it  through  the  aisle  and  left  it  still 
bleeding  in  the  open  street :  he  then  retired  unmolested  to  the 


281 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


<ICHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY- 


283 


castle  of  his  father-in-law  Count  Rosso  of  the  Maremma  and 
there  remained  in  security !  Prince  Edward,  says  Malespini, 
indignant  at  Charies  for  allowing  the  murderer  to  escape  un- 
punished, instantly  quitted  Vitevbo  and  passing  through  Tus- 
cany remained  a  while  at  Florence ;  he  then  departed  for 
England  carrying  his  brother's  heart  with  him  in  a  golden  vase, 
which  was  subsequently  placed  on  a  column,  or  as  some  say  in 
the  hand  of  a  statue,  erected  on  London  Bridge  as  a  memorial 

of  the  outrage  *. 

Although  human  passions  ran  thus  high  amongst  the  great 
and  their  dependants,  there  were  many  citizens  of  a  more 
humble   rank   that   suffered   the    evil    consequences   without 
sharing  the  fiercer  moods  of  their  superiors ;  on  such  minds 
the  extraordinar}^  phenomena  of  nature ;  storms,  floods,  and 
meteors,  struck  with  a  melancholy  foreboding  of  national  misery. 
But  neither  the  power  nor  the  cruelty  of  Chai'les  which  were 
both  excessive  ;  nor  the  severe  judgments  against  themselves, 
nor  their  evil  fortune,  nor  the  amity  of  Florence  and  Pisa  the 
last  hold  of  their  party,  could  subdue  the  angry  spirit  of  the 
Ghibelines  or  stop  their   rash   assaults  on   the    Florentine 
Guelphs   backed   by   popular   authority   and   public   opinion. 
Amongst  these  the  Pazzi  who  had  the  year  before  incited  the 
town  of  Ostina  to  revolt,  now  with  only  the  assistance  of  a  few 
unfortunate  exiles  in  addition  to  their  own  retainers  urged  the 
people  of  Pian  di  Mezzo  into  open  rebellion  and  led  them 
against  the  whole  power  of  the  republic ;  but  they  were  more 

•  Muratori,  Annali  1271 .— Ammirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  145.— Malespini,  cap. 
cxcvi. ;  but  some  authors  date  this  event  in  1270. — V.  Simone  della  Tosa, 
Mecatti,  Ammirato,  &c.— Dante  (Inferno,  Canto  xii.)  alludes  to  this  : — 

"  Mostrocci  un'  ombra  dall'  un  canto  sola, 
Dicendo :  Colui  fesse  in  grembo  a  Dio 
Lo  cuor  che'n  su  Tamigi  ancor  si  cola." 

"  A  ghost  he  shewed  us  all  apart,  alone. 

Saying  :  He  in  God's  lap  did  rive  the  heart 
Still  honour'd,  moulding  above  Thames' s  stream. 
See  Holinshed  also,  about  tills  murder. 


'J 


troublesome  than  formidable  and  soon  reduced  to  terms, 
when  the  town  was  dismantled  along  with  that  of  Ristuccioli, 
another  stronghold  of  the  same  Ghibeline  family. 

After  this  feat  the  army  returned  to  Florence  but  imme- 
diately marched  on  Poggibonzi  where  Ghibeline  principles  had 
taken  deep  root  and  sprouted  on  every  favourable  occasion,  not- 
withstanding the  heavy  trampling  they  had  always  suffered 
from  the  Florentines.  Poggibonzi  was  not  only  dismantled 
but  destroyed;  its  walls  and  towers,  remarkable  for  their 
strength  beauty  and  commanding  position,  were  almost  entirely 
demolished,  yet  some  old  grey  ruins  still  indicate  their  an- 
cient position  to  the  traveller;  its  magnificent  churches, 
marble  fountains,  rich  abbeys,  commodious  dwellings  and 
manufactories,  all  were  razed  to  the  ground  and  the  inhabitants 
compelled  to  descend  and  settle  on  the  plain  :  the  destruction 
of  this  city,  considered  equal  in  beauty  to  some  of  the  first  in 
Italy,  was  even  in  those  times  denounced  as  a  cruel  measure 
but  necessary  for  Guelphic  security,  besides  which  the  in- 
habitants had  brought  down  their  own  destruction  by  breaking 
the  articles  of  capitulation  which  they  had  signed  with  Charles, 
recei\ing  the  Florentine  exiles,  and  uniting  themselves  with 
every  Ghibeline  city  in  Tuscany*. 

In  1271  a  comparative  calm  succeeded  to  these  struggles; 
Florence  was  tranquil,  and  Tuscany  everywhere  quiet  under 
the  searching  eye  of  Charles,  who  cruel,  rapacious, 
and  insatiate  had  mastered  all  his  enemies  without 
satisfying  his  own  ambition  :  monarch  of  the  two  Sicilies,  para- 
mount at  Rome ;  at  once  the  creature  and  the  master  of  the 
church  ;  Vicar  of  Tuscany,  and  strongly  influencing  all  northern 
Italy,  he  yet  looked  forward  to  a  more  decided  sway  over  that 
devoted  kingdom  and  even  intended  to  make  it  an  instrument 
of  future  aggressions. 

•  Malespini,  cap.  cxcv. — Simone  della  Tosa,  AnnaH. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib. 
iii.,  p.  146. 


A.D.  1271. 


236 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


The  house  of  Suabia  was  extinct,  or  existed  only  in  the 
female  illegitimate  branch  of  Spain :  Henzius  the  natural  son 
of  Frederic  II.  expired  after  twenty  years'  confinement  at 
Boloctna ;  and  although  a  natural  son  of  Manfred  still  existed, 
a  poo^'r  blinded  prisoner  in  the  Castello  dell'  Ovo,  he  was  lost 
to  the  worid  and  ultimately  died  of  old  age  and  suffering  *. 

All  these  things  therefore  conspired  to  favour  the  existing 
tranquiUity  when    Tiobaldo   Visconte,  of  Placentia,  although 
absent  m  Palestine,  was  elected  pope  in  1'271  after  a  vacancy 
of  thirty-three  months;    he   returned  to  Italy  in  127-2  and 
assuming  the  appellation  of  Gregory  X.  was  the  first 
A.D.1272.  p^^g^^^g    ^t    checked    the    ambitious    career  of 
Anjou.     A  long  residence  in  Syria  had  separated  him  from 
the  poison  of  Itahan  strife  and  an  earnest  desire  to  succour 
the  eastern  Christians  turned  his  mind  almost  exclusively  to 
the  deliverance  of  Palesthie :  with  the  extinction  of  the  Sua- 
bian  family  he  considered  the  primitive  cause  of  dissension 
between  Church  and  Empire  to  have  ceased ;  pontiffs  no  longer 
feared  imperial   power,  and  the  peace  of  Christendom   was 
essential  to  the  salvation  of  Jerusalem.   With  tliis  ^^ew  he  con- 
vened a  general  council  at  Lyon  for  the  year  1274  and  deter- 
mined to  employ  the  interval  in  calming  the  fury  of  faction  and 
reconciling  man  to  man  :  the  maritime  states  were  most  neces- 
sary to  his  project ;  but  Pisa  was  uneasy  and  irritable,  Genoa 
and  Venice  at  war,  and  the  latter  threatened  by  Bologna  :  all 
these  differences  Gregory  attempted  to  reconcilef. 

Intent  on  this  object  he  arrived  at  Florence  on  the  18th  of 
June  1273  accompanied  by  Charies  of  Anjou  and  the  Greek 
Emperor  Baldwin  II. ;  where  finding  party  spirit  high 
^•^-  ^^  and  the  Ghibehnes  banished  he  immediately  com- 
menced the  great  work  of  pacification :  Gregory  was  received 
in  the  Mozzi  palace  by  that  rich  and  powerful  family  then 

*  Malcspini. 
t  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  m°,  p.  47.— SismondijRep.  Ital.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  12. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


287 


collectors  of  the  revenue  and  bankers  to  the  Church ;  Charles 
lodged  with  the  no  less  potent  family  of  the  Frescobaldi,  and 
the  emperor  was  a  guest  of  the  bishop.  After  a  consultation 
with  the  king,  who  gave  his  consent  with  a  secret  determina- 
tion to  counteract  the  measure,  the  public  ceremony  of  a  gene- 
ral pacification  took  place  on  the  stony  bed  of  the  Amo  by  the 
Rubaconte  bridge,  and  was  confirmed  by  the  chief  families  of 
either  faction  through  theu'  deputies  with  the  kiss  of  peace 
and  deliveiy  of  several  hostages,  under  the  penalty  of  excom- 
munication. Besides  this  the  Ghibelines  were  compelled  to 
surrender  certain  castles  into  Charles's  hands  which  they  pro- 
bably agreed  to  with  smcerity  because  their  object  was  self- 
restoration,  while  the  Guelphs  acted  throughout  with  all  that 
hollowness  that  would  have  accompanied  the  conduct  of 
their  adversaries  had  the  case  been  reversed.  Passions  ran  too 
strongly  agamst  the  benevolent  intentions  of  Gregory,  and 
Charles  either  spontaneously  or  at  the  secret  mstigation  of 
the  Guelphs  quietly  intimated  to  the  other  party  that  they 
would  all  be  massacred  if  they  remained  another  day  in 
Florence,  and  the  latter  knew  him  too  well  to  doubt  a  punc- 
tual execution  of  the  threat.  After  informing  the  pope  of  this 
they  all  suddenly  withdrew,  and  the  holy  father  himself  soon 
follo^ving  their  example  indignantly  retired  to  the  Castle  of 
Cardinal  Ubaldini  in  the  Mugello  where  he  passed  the 
remainder  of  the  summer,  leaving  Florence  under  an 
interdict.  A  hatred  of  this  treacherous  conduct  fiUed  Gre- 
gory's mind,  and  probably  influenced  his  desire  for  the  speedy 
election  of  a  German  emperor  strong  enough  to  check  the 
king's  ambition :  this  led  to  his  approbation  of  Rodolph  of 
Hapsburg's  election  in  1273  and  its  confirmation  by  the  gene- 
ral council  of  Lyon  the  following  year. 

The  feverish  sensibility  of  Florence  exposed  it  to  perturba- 
tion from  any  external  accident,  and  the  present  year  was 
signalised  by  an  expedition  to  assist  the  Guelphs  of  Bologna 


28^ 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


289 


A.D.  1274. 


who  were  then  struggling  ^"ith  the  opposite  faction  for  the 
mastery  of  that  city :  when  the  Florentines  arrived  the 
dissension  had  ceased  by  a  Nictory  of  the  former, 
who  however  refused  to  admit  them  within  the  town  lest  their 
furious  party  spirit  should  ruin  Bologna  as  it  had  done 
Florence,  and  the  Florentine  commander  showing  some 
natural  resentment  at  this  unamiable  reception  was  uncere- 
moniously murdered  by  the  people  -=.  The  effect  of  these 
unhappy  disputes  appeared  again  in  the  secession  of  Simone 
de'  Conti  Guidi  who  separating  from  his  brother  Count  Guido 
Novello  and  the  Ghibeline  party  placed  himself  under  the 
protection  of  Florence :  Pisa  too  was  in  the  same  agitated 
stite  from  the  two  factions  which  mider  their  chiefs  the 
Visconti,  judges  or  lords  of  Galium  in  Sardinia,  and  the 
Counts  of  Gherardesca  and  Donoratico  eternally  tormented 

the  community. 

It  lias  already  been  mentioned  that  the  former  did  homage 
to  the  pope  in  order  to  free  themselves  from  the  Ghibeline 
republic  and  acquire  a  protector  against  Henzius  King  of  Sar- 
dinia natural  son  of  Frederic  II.  This  was  considered  as 
rebellion  by  Pisa ;  but  more  expressively  condemned  by  their 
rivals  the  Ghibeline  Counts  of  Gherardesca  who  hitherto  had 
governed  the  city  while  the  Guelphic  Visconti  confined  them- 
selves to  their  insular  domains.  Two  of  the  Gherardeschi, 
zealous  Ghibelines,  had  followed  Conradine  and  shared  his  fate  ; 
but  Ugolino  della  Gherardesca ;  a  name  immortalised  by  Dante  ; 
now  chief  of  the  family,  had  marked  for  liimself  a  different 
career :  he  had  given  his  sister  to  Giovanni  Visconti  judge  of  Gal- 
lura  and  without  openly  renouncing  his  own  party  endeavoured  to 
gain  an  influence  with  both.  His  ambition  was  feared,  for  its 
object  was  the  lordsliip  of  Pisa ;  and  neither  his  friendship  nor 
enmity  with  the  Judge,  (who  had  returned  to  his  country  after 
its  reconciliation  with  the  pope,)  were  favourably  regarded  by 

*  R.  Malcspini,  cap.  cc. 


1 


the  Gualandi,  Lanfranchi,  Lismondi  and  other  ancient  Ghibe- 
lines then  directing  the  Pisan  government :  the  attempts  of 
both  were  dangerous  to  the  commonwealth  and  both  were 
punished ;  Visconte  with  banishment,  Gherardesca  by  incar- 
ceration. The  fii*st  took  refuge  at  Florence,  was  warmly 
received  and  assisted  with  troops ;  he  made  an  aggressive  war 
on  Pisa,  captured  the  town  of  Montelopoli  and  soon  after  died 
at  San  Miniato  leaving  his  son  Giovanni  or  Nino  de'  Visconti 
in  possession  of  all  his  powder  and  all  his  ambition. 

A.D.  1275. 

Ugolino  was  banished  shortly  after  with  the  principal 
Guelphs  of  Pisa,  and  making  common  cause  with  the  Lucchese 
and  Florentines  assisted  in  devastating  his  native  countr)\  A 
more  regular  war  now  became  inevitaVde ;  Pisa  took  the  field ;  her 
army  was  attacked  at  Asciano  by  the  united  forces  of  Florence 
and  Lucca  and  defeated  with  considerable  loss ;  the  castle  of 
Asciano  soon  surrendered,  and  being  immediately  ceded  to  Lucca 
the  whole  country  relapsed  into  its  usual  state  of  war  and  mutual 
animosity.  This  perverse  opposition  to  his  benevolent  inten- 
tions incensed  the  pontiff,  now  returning  from  France,  and 
contrary  to  his  wishes  he  was  compelled  by  a  flooding  of  the 
Ariio  to  pass  through  Florence  on  his  way  to  Rome  :  determined 
to  show  his  anger  he  only  took  off  the  interdict  for  the  few 
minutes  necessaiy  to  pass  through  the  city  and,  with  a  menac- 
ing vei-se  from  the  psalmist,  left  it  still  trembling  under  his 
displeasure-''.  Gregoiy  X.  expired  at  Arezzo  on  the 
1 0th  of  January  1276  after  a  short  and  busy  pontificate 
in  which  he  had  vainly  exerted  himself  to  tranquillise  Italy :  he 
had  filled  the  long  vacant  imperial  throne ;  united  the  Greek  and 
Latin  churches,  and  held  a  general  council  by  which  many  salu- 
tar)^  regulations  are  said  to  have  been  passed,  amongst  them  a 
decree  for  shutting  up  the  cardinals  in  Conclave  at  the  popes 

*  Malespini,  cap.  cc,  cci.,  ccii.,  cciii. — Aminirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  149. — Sismondi, 
Rep.  Ital.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  24. 

VOL.    I.  U 


290 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


291 


decease  and  suLjocting  them  to  certain  privations  until  a  new 
election  were  completed.  The  last  long  vacancy  had  alanned 
all  Christendom  and  made  Gregory  almost  as  eager  in  pre- 
ventinfT  the  recurrence  of  such  an  abuhe  as  he  was  in  sending 
Rodolph  of  Hapsburg  with  no  less  than  four  monarchs  under 
his  auspices  to  the  deliver}^  of  Palestine:  he  had  already 
accomplished  much  good  and  was  providentially  cut  off  at  the 
veiT  moment  when  his  honest  but  mistaken  zeal  was  leading 
him  into  miscliief*. 

Adhering  to  the  new  system  of  election  the  Cardinal  of 
Tarantasia  was  chosen  witli  the  name  of  Innocent  V.  He 
had  but  just  time  to  restore  peace  to  Genoa  ere  he  followed 
Gregory  to  the  grave,  and  a  successor  was  chosen  on  the  IQth 
of  July  under  the  name  of  Adrian  V.  who  idso  died  in  little 
more  than  a  month  making  room  for  John  XXI.  Neither  did 
this  pontiff  long  survive,  and  Nicholas  III.  who  succeeded  liim 
in  lt>77  being  alarmed  at  the  increasing  power  of 
Charles,  played  the  latter  off  so  dexterously  against 
Ro<lolph  that  he  dimmished  the  authority  of  both  f.  Charles 
under  vaiious  titles  was  absolute  master  of  Italy  ;  l»ut  Rodolph 

*  Malespini,    cap.    ccii. — G.    Villani,  sini  family  and  had  an  excellent  cha- 

Lil).   vii.,   cap.  i. — Muratori,   Annali  rac tor  before  he  became  [tope.     Dante 

1276.  is  said  to  have    been    too   severe  on 

t  Nicholas  III.  is  accused  of  simony  him  but  he  speaks  truth  of  his    nc- 

by  the  old  writers  :  he  was  of  the  Or-  potism.   (/n/trno,  Canto,  xix.) 

"  Sc  di  sapor  ch*  io  &ia  ti  cal  contanto 

Che  tu  abbi  pcro  la  ripa  scor>a, 

Sappi,  ch'  io  fui  vestito  del  gran  manio  : 
E  verauiente  fui  figliuol  delT  orso 

Cupido  SI  per  avanzar  gli  Orsatti, 

Che  su,  I'avere,  e  qui  mi  misi  in  borsa." 

If  to  know  who  I  am  doth  press  so  hard. 

That  this  alone  hath  brought  thee  down  the  bank ; 
Know  thou,  that  the  grand  mantle  once  I  wore  : 

And  a  true  offspring  proved  of  the  Bear, 

For  in  my  keenness  to  advance  the  cubs, 

On  earth,  my  wealth  I  pursed ;  and  here  myself. 


A.D.  1277. 


\ 


annomiced  his  intention  of  marching  to  Rome  for  the  purpose 
of    assuming   the   imperial  crown,  and  the  fomer   ^  j^^^ts. 
could  not  contemplate  this  event  without  uneasiness, 
while    the    pontiff's   friendshij)   became    necessary   to    each; 
Charles  had  no  title  to  the   vicarial  dignity  in  Tuscany  and 
both  that  and  the  senatorial  rank  of  Rome  were  by  the  tenns 
of  his  investiture  to  be  renounced  on  the  simple  demand  of  the 
church.     The  possession  of  Lombardy  and  Tuscany  was  the 
cause  of  dispute  between  the  king  and  emperor  but  Charles 
renomiced  both  along  with  his  Roman  honours  at  the  pope  s 
conmiand :  peace  was  then  made  between  them  and  the  king  s 
moderation  offered  as  an  example  to  the  emperor,  who  finally 
consented  to  grant  a  formal  charter  for  separating  the  provmces 
claimed  by  the  church  from  those  of  the  empire.     This  deed, 
vvithout  immediately  generating  any  active  assertion  of  autho- 
rity on  the  pontiff  s  part,  or  being  much  noticed  by  the  people, 
who  saw  in  it  no  diminution  of  their  freedom,  was  yet  the 
foundation  of  the  present  temporal  power  of  Rome  which  had 
been  graduallv  consolidating  itself  by  a  succession  of  nominal 
axiknowledgments,  hght  and  fleecy  in  the  beginnmg,  but  finally 
hardening  into  weight  and  density. 

While   Nicholas   thus  followed  the  uniform  policy  of  the 
church  he  at  the  same  time  was  zealously  attentive  to  the 
pacification  of  Italy,  and  employed  his  own  nephew  Cardinal 
Latino  Bishop  of  Ostia,  in  La  Marca,  Romagna,  Tuscany  and 
Lombardy,  with  authority  to  reconcile  the  conflictmg  factions. 
Aft^r  a  successful  termination  of  his  mission  in  Romagna,  where 
the  Geremei  and  the  Lambertazzi  of  Bologna  were  the  most 
conspicuous,  he  anived  at  Florence  with  an  imposing  escort 
of  tliree  hundred  Roman  knights,  and  was  received  with  the 
honours  of  the  Carroccio  by  all  the  magistracy,  clergy,   ^^  ^^to. 
and  citizens,  who  met  him  in  public  procession  at 
some  distance  from  the  gates.    Scarcely  a  state  in  Italy  needed 
so  much  the  presence  of  a  peace-maker ;  but  where  human 

u  '2 


292 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bjok  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


293 


passions  or  fancied  interests  are  opposed  to  public  tranquillity 
it  must  be  force  not  forms,  after  reason  fails,  that  will  preserve 
even  its  semblance.     Florence  at  this  time  was  relapsing  into 
its  usual  state  of  turbulence ;  the  Guelphic  nobility  had  become 
powerful  from  union,  and  msolent  from  success;  they  protected 
murderers  and  every  other  species  of  criminal  from  the  visita- 
tion of  justice  while  assassinations  and  crimes  of  all  descrip- 
tions filled  the  streets  of  the  capital :  power  and  riches  had 
banished  forbearance  and  augmented  pride ;  private  war  was 
common ;  the  Adimari,  one  of  the  most  potent  families  of  the 
repubUc,  were  at  variance  with  the  Donati  who  miable  alone 
to  oppose  them  were  aided  by  the  Pazzi  and  Tosinghi :  as 
these  clans,  numerous  in  themselves,  were  still  more  powerful 
in  adherents,  fierce  and  frequent  encounters  disturbed  the  town, 
frays  that  were  calculated  to  draw  a  whole  population  not  dis- 
posed to  tumult,  into  their  quarrel  and  thus  again  endanger  the 
Guelphic  interest.     The  chief  magistrates  and  captains  of  the 
Party  Giielph  therefore  determined  to  repress  such  disorders 
and  had  early  implored  the  assistance  of  Nicholas,  while  the 
Ghil>elines  seized  the  same  auspicious  occasion  to  have   the 
pacification  of  Pope  Gregory  completed  and  enforced  :  both 
were  in  accordance  with   the  pontiff's   general   objects   and 
received  with  corresponding  favour,  more  especially  as  the  old 
jealousy  of  Anjou  s  power  had  lately  been  augmented  by  a 
scornful  rejection  of  the  holy  father's  proposal  for  the  union  of 
their  families  ;  and  the  pacification  of  Florence  he  knew  would 
render  Charles  less  necessary  to  a  community  where  he  had 
artfully  fomented  dissension  to  preserve  his  own  influence  *. 

The  popes  feared  ever)i;hing  greater  than  themselves  in  Italy 
even  though  it  were  of  their  own  creation ;  by  attempting  to 
reduce  the  powerfid  they  filled  the  peninsula  vrith  war,  and 

•  Leon.    Aretino,     Lib.     iii". — Sim.  152.— Mecatti,      Stor.     Cronologic.i 

della  ToKi,  Annali. — Malespini,   cap.  di  Fircnze. — Sisinondi,  Rep.  Ital.,  vol. 

cciv.  and  ccv.  — Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  iu.,chap.  xxii. — Macchiavelli,  lib.  ii. 
liv.  and  Ivi— Ammiruto,  Lib.  iii.,  p. 


3 

I 

4 


often  raised  weakness  to  such  strength  as  in  its  turn  became 
an  object  of  poUtical  jealousy  and  apprehension.  Manfred 
was  not  mined  for  Charies  but  the  church,  and  this  prince  had 
now  to  become  a  mark  for  papal  indignation.  The  Cardinal 
Latino  entered  Florence  on  the  eighth  of  October  1279,  and 
was  received  by  the  Dominicans  of  Santa  Maria  Novella,  the 
convent  of  his  order ;  he  laid  the  first  stone  of  the  present 
church,  and  on  Sunday  the  19th  November  before  the  assem- 
bled commonwealth,  Scurta  della  Porta  being  the  royal  vicar, 
explained  his  mission  and  demanded  absolute  authority  from 
the  people  to  secure  its  faithful  and  efficient  execution :  this 
being  instantly  granted  the  whole  assembly  retired  from  the 
ancient  square  of  Santa  Maria  high  in  expectation  from  the 
character  and  vast  influence  of  this  able  churchman  *. 

Until  the  eighteenth  of  the  following  January  the  legate 
was  occupied  in  reconciling  private  interests,  allaying  appre- 
hensions, and  removing  individual  suspicions;    but  on  that 
day  accompanied  by  the  Archbishop  of  Bari,  the  Bishop  of 
Lucca,  and  several  Tuscan  prelates ;  having  previously  deh- 
vered  an  eloquent  discourse  on  the  necessity  of  con-  ^^  ^^^ 
cord;  he  commenced  his  arduous  task.     The  same 
spot  where  the  former  assembly  was  held  being  now  magni- 
ficently adorned  for  the  occasion,  the  pope's  legate  before  the 
Podesta,  the  party  Guelph,  the  council-general  of  three  hun- 
dred, that  of  the  ninety,  the  Credenza,  the  twelve  Goodmen, 
with  every  other  magistrate  and  member  of  the  commonwealth, 
gave  his  solemn  judgment  on  the  conditions  of  political  and 
private  peace  between  the  Florentine  citizens.     A  general 
reconciliation  was  proclaimed  between  Guelph  and  Ghibeline 
within  and  without  the  town,  to  be  sworn  to  by  both  parties 
under  the  severest  spiritual  and  temporal  penalties.     Confis 
cated  Ghibeline  property  with  the  interest  due  was  to  be 
restored  by  government  and  all  losses  made  good  on  either 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  153. 


2Q4 


FLOREiNTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


295 


side ;  every  sentence  against  Ghibelines  was  to  be  cancelled 
and  the  records  of  them  publicly  burned :  the  exiles  were  to 
return,  be  eligible  to  office,  and  free  from  arrest  for  debt 
during  four  months ;  and  besides  the  syndics  or  deputies  of 
the  two  factions  then  present,  a  number  of  the  heads  of  fiimilies 
were  selected  to  give  the  public  kiss  of  peace. 

Many  other  con(htions,  amongst  which  the  ecclesiastical 
interest  was  not  forgotten,  were  devised  to  insure  the  peima- 
uent  success  of  this  measure,  but  a  number  of  Ghibelines, 
whose  pacific  disposition  was  rather  doubtful,  were  to  remain 
at  the  frontier  during  the  pope's  pleasun  a-  hostages;  yet 
with  a  promise  of  release  the  moment  that  by  marriage  or 
otherwise  their  private  feuds  should  be  extinguislied.  The 
legate  then  endeavoured  with  force  or  persuasion  to  reconcile 
the  Guelphic  families  amongst  themselves,  chiefly  by  inter- 
marriages between  the  Adimari,  Pazzi,  Donati,  Tosinghi  and 
many  others ;  but  especially  the  Buoudelmonti  and  Uberti, 
who  however  continued  such  determined  foes  that  all  the  Car- 
dinal's authority  was  insufficient  to  force  tlie  former  even  into 
the  outward  forms  of  a  treaty. 

On  the  seventh  of  February-  both  factions  in  great  numbers 
publicly  ratified  the  conditions,  and  on  the  eighteenth  of  the 
same  month  they  gave  securities  for  the  payment  of  50,000 
marks  of  silver  in  case  of  their  violation,  half  of  which  was  to 
be  paid  to  the  pope's  treasury  and  the  rest  to  that  party  which 
had  been  faithful  to  their  promise :  particulai'  securities  were 
moreover  required  and  given  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  Feb- 
ruary, by  the  Counts  Guido,  the  Counts  of  Mangone,  the  Pazzi 
of  Valdamo,  and  the  Ubaldini  della  Pila ;  who  all  bound 
themselves  m  a  bond  of  a  thousand  marks  each  to  observe  the 
articles  of  pacification.  After  this  the  consuls  of  the  arts 
entered  into  some  further  engagement  on  the  seventh  of 
March,  and  thus  finished  this  great  attempt,  the  effects  of 
which  we  shall  be  able  to  judge  of  hereafter. 


[\ 


In  order  to  secure  a  fair  division  of  political  power  Cardinal 
Latino  new-modelled  the  government  by  creating  fouiteen 
Buonomini,  eight  Guelphs  and  six  Ghibelines,  or  according  to 
Macchiavelli  seven  of  each  faction,  chosen  by  the  pope  :  their 
term  of  office  was  two  months  or  perhaps  a  year,  for  writers 
differ.  Under  these  officers  assisted  by  Giovanni  di  Santo 
Eustachio  proconsul  of  the  Romans  and  captain  of  the  people, 
Florence  began  to  enjoy  some  tranquillity,  not  however  un- 
mixed with  apprehension  from  the  power  and  talents  of  Rodolph 
of  Hapsburg  whose  projected  descent  on  Italy  disturbed  all 


* 


j       parties  either  with  hopes  or  fean 

The  emperor  and  pope  were  friends,  but  long  experience 
had  proved  that  such  friendships  sooner  or  later  were  dis- 
\'  solved,  and  it  became  a  question  of  prudence  whether  it  were 
safer  to  refuse  or  receive  such  a  visitor  ;  even  Charles  himself, 
powerful  as  he  was,  seemed  to  dread  the  imperial  visit  and 
endeavoured  to  unite  his  family  by  marriage  with  the  house  of 
Hapsburg.  Besides  this  some  of  the  Ghibeline  cities  of  Tus- 
cany showed  signs  of  agitation  ;  the  pope  died  in  August ;  the 
Ghibelines  were  urging  Rodolph  to  make  good  his  pretensions 
in  Italy,  and  the  imperial  vicar  with  a  small  escort  had  already 
taken  up  his  residence  at  San  Miniato  al  Tedesco.  The  Flo- 
rentines and  Lucchese  refused  to  obey  him,  denying  any 
imperial  jmisdiction  in  their  cities  ;  and  he  not  being  sup- 
ported by  the  emperor  who  was  more  wisely  occupied,  fell 
quickly  into  contempt;  but  the  Florentines  perceiving  that 
considerable  advantages  might  be  quietly  gained  by  a  trifling 
expenditure,  managed  to  send  him  back  contented  into  Germany 
after  formally  confirming  all  the  privileges  they  had  ever 
received  from  the  emperoi-s  f . 

Charles  instead  of  being  the  lord  and  arbitrator  of  Italy  now 
saw  with  anger  that  he  was  reduced  to  the  simple  monarchy  of 

*  Malespini,   cap.  ccv. — Gio.  Villani,     rate,  Lib.  iii",  p.  153. 

Lib.  vii.,  cap.  Ivi. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.     f  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii",  p.  157. 

iio. — Leon  Arctino.  Lib,  iii".— Ainmi- 


296 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1281. 


the  Two  Sicilies ;  even  the  seignoiy  of  Florence  had  passed 
from  his  hands ;  his  enemies  were  everv^here  restored,  and 
the  Florentines  governing  themselves  under  the  protection  of 
a  pope  whose  authority  had  reduced  him  to  this  state  of  com- 
parative weakness.     But   in   the    midst   of  his  mortification 
Nicholas    III.    suddenly  died   of  apoplexy  at   Suriano   near 
Viterbo  and  Charles  determined  if  possible  to  influence  the 
coming  election  in  his  own  favour.     HuiT^ing  instantly  from 
Florence  to  Viterbo  where  the  cardinals  had  alreadv  assembled, 
and  finding  all  the  It^ilian  prelates  were  against  him,  he  made 
an  insurrection  in  the  city,  earned  oft'  the  two  Orsini  and 
Cardinal  Latino,  whom  he  confined,  while  the  rest  were  urged 
to  make  their  choice,  and  after  six  months'  hesitation,  being 
intimidated  by  the  continued  imprisonment  of  their  colleagues, 
it  fell  on  Simon  Cardinal  of  Saint  Cecilia  a  Frenchman 
completely  devoted  to  the  Sicilian  monarch.    The  new 
pope  took  the  name  of  Martin  IV.  and  became  the  tool  of  his 
imperious  patron  :   Bertoldo  Oi-sino  a  brother  of  Nicholas  was 
immediately  compelled  to  resign  the  government  of  Romagna 
into  the  hands  of  John  d  'Appia  one  of  Charles's  dependents, 
with  instructions  t^  make  sharp  war  against  the  Ghibelines 
of  that  country,  while  in  Tuscany  the  Lucchese  and  Florentines 
had  attacked  Pescia  which  the  latter  were  inclined  to  spare  but 
being  reproached  with  their  slackness  in  the  Guelphic  cause 
they  yielded  to  harsher  councils  and  destroyed  it  *. 

Charles,  again  elected  senator  of  Rome,  was  fast  recovering 
his  former  power,  and  schemes  of  higher  ambition  carried  his 
thoughts  to  Greece  when  a  sudden  explosion  in  Sicilv  dashed 
his  aspiring  edifice  to  ruins.  Ambition,  cruelty,  and  insatiable 
avarice  had  rendered  him  hatefid  to  his  subjects  who  too  late 
regretted  Manfred's  just  administration  and  their  own  infi- 
delity ;  human  patience  was  nearly  exhausted  and  all  things 

♦  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib  iii'>.-Scip.  Am-     AnnaJi,  Anno  I281.-Mecatti,  Storia 
nurato,  Lib.  i„o,  p.  157.-Muratori,     Chn>nologica  Fiorenta. 


(HAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


297 


> 


I 


tended  to  a  change  ;  Sicily  which  had  so  boldly  and  generally 
declared  for  Conradine  was  the  peculiar  object  of  Charles's 
hate  ;  new  taxes,  new  duties,  new  contributions  ;  confiscations, 
insults,  rapes,  and  every  sort  of  licentiousness,  marked  in  dis- 
gusting characters  the  rule  of  Frenchmen  in  that  unhappy 
island.  In  vain  did  this  miserable  people  implore  the  protec- 
tion of  the  church  ;  in  vain  did  the  popes  remonstrate  ;  the 
stem  and  insatiate  Charles  kept  steady  in  his  course  and  from 
the  wretchedness  of  one  nation  tried  to  extract  the  means  for 
rendering  others  as  miserable. 

Giovanni  di  Procida  a  nobleman  of  Salerno  devotedly  at- 
tached  to  the   house   of  Suabia   determined  to  liberate   his 
countr}'  from  the  cruel  yoke  of  Charles  and  his  tyrannical 
governors  :  he  was  a  man  of  great  wisdom  and  profound  talent ; 
bold,  secret,  and  indefatigable ;  an  eminent  physician,  for  in 
those  days,  and  particularly  at  Salerno,  medicine  was  one  of 
the  peculiar  studies  of  the  aristocracy  and  even  the  highest 
dignitaries  of  the  church.     He  had  been  the  intimate  friend 
and  physician  of  Manfred  and  his  father  Frederic  and  had 
taken  up  anns  for  Conradine  :  in  consequence  of  this  or  pre- 
viously, his  estates  were  confiscated,  and  after  the  melancholy 
end  of  that  young  prince  he  sought  refuge  at  the  court  of 
Aragon  under  the  protection  of  Queen  Constance  the  daughter 
of  Manfred.     Peter  the   Great,  king   of  Aragon  gave   him 
honours  and  estates,  but  attachment  to  the  memory  of  his 
friends,  hatred  of  the  living  tyrant,  and  pity  for  his  country, 
moved  the  heart  of  John  of  Procida  more  than  the  allurements 
of  ease  and  opulence,  and  led  him  to  stimulate  the  Spanish 
princes  to  the  rescue.     When  Conradine  was  beheaded ;  after 
a  short  address  he  threw  down  a  glove  amongst  the  people  as  a 
sort  of  gauge  of  battle,  to  revenge  liis  death,  or  as  some  say  as 
an  investiture  of  the  kingdom  to  his  sister  Constance  wife  of 
Peter  of  Aragon.     Procida  is  supposed  to  have  picked  up  the 
glove,  or  ling,  for  both  are  mentioned ;  and  now  in  all  the 


29S 


FT^ORENTTNE    inSTORY. 


[book  I, 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


299 


romantic  spirit  of  the  day  brought  it  to  Constiinee  as  a  proof  of 
her  right  to  the  Two  Sicilies*. 

Peter  heinjr  thus  fullv  satisfied  mih  his  consort's  1  estimate 
claims  only  mistrusted  his  individual  power  to  cope  with  so 
potent  an  adversaiy ;  but  Procida  encouraged  him  to  the  enter- 
prise and  first  selling  his  own  remaining  property  promised  to 
find  money  for  the  cause.  He  went  in  disguise  to  Sicily 
and  thence  crossed  over  to  Ciilabria  in  I'.^TO  but  he  was  soon 
convinced  that  nothing  could  be  accomplished  on  the  Con- 
tinent; the  power  of  the  French  barons  had  become  too  firm 
and  the  monarch's  eye  and  presence  were  everywhere.  The 
island  presented  a  ditferent  picture ;  there  the  conquerors  were 
more  scattered  ;  the  mountain  districts  almost  clear  of  them  ; 
the  native  barons  not  entirely  dejjrived  of  tlieir  authority, 
and  still  retauiing  considerate  inlluence ;  the  couit  far  distant, 
and  the  three  great  officers  who  governed  the  rountry  acting 
with  all  the  savage  insolence  of  delegated  and  irresponsible 
tyranny  were  at  the  same  time  hated  and  «!♦  -i  i^d. 

Cliarles  had  assembled  immense  forces  to  invade  Greece 
and  place  his  son-indaw  Philip  on  tlie  tlirone  of  Michael 
Palseologus  whose  subjects  had  revolted  because  he  enforced 
too  strict  a  conformance  witli  the  rites  of  the  Roman  church 
to  which  he  had  become  a  political  convert ;  on  the  other  hand 
he  had  been  excommunicated  by  Martin  IV.,  nominally  for  his 
slackness  in  performing  those  religious  dutie>,  but  really  to 
assist  Charles's  enteri)rise,  and  a  crusade  against  him  was 
accordingly  proclaimed  f .  The  costly  preparations  for  this  ex- 
pedition fell  heavily  on  Sicily,  and  the  eloquence  of  Procida 
kindled  the  latent  spirit  of  revenge :  from  Sicily  he  repaired 
to  Constantinople  and  convinced  the  Emperor  of  the  necessity 
of  fighting  the  imperial  battle  in  his  enemy's  dominions  and 

♦  Giannonc,   Stor.  Civile,   Lib.   xx.,     stowedhcr  rights  over  tliat  city  on  him. 
cap-  ^'  Vide  Costanzo,  Stor.  di  Napoli,  Lib.  i", 

t  The  Queen  of  Jerusalem  had  he-     p.  79. 


not  on  the  plains  of  Greece.  Pieceiving  secret  assurances 
of  support  and  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  Procida  returned 
by  Malta  where  he  had  an  interview  with  some  Sicilian  nobles ; 
they  confirmed  his  previous  statements  in  presence  of  the 
imperial  commissioners  who  accompanied  him,  and  from  Malta 
he  proceeded  to  Eome,  had  a  secret  conference  with  Nicholas  III. 
who  after  much  discussion  and  as  it  has  been  supposed,  with 
the  assistance  of  the  Emperor's  byzants,  was  finally  persuaded 
to  give  his  written  consent  that  Constance  sliould  attempt  the 
vindication  of  her  claims  to  the  throne  of  Sicily*.  Armed 
with  this  fonnidable  sanction  he  returned  to  Spain  but  the 
death  of  Nieholas  almost  immediately  after  his  arrival  at  Bar- 
celona threw  a  damp  on  the  expectations  of  the  kmg  while  it 
seemed  only  to  redouble  John  of  Procida 's  energy  :  preparations 
continued  under  the  pretext  of  an  expedition  against  the 
African  Moors  and  Pedro  did  m  fact  make  some  descents  on 
the  Barbary  roast  wlule  awaiting  tlie  commencement  of  a 
Sicilian  insurrection . 

Although  widely  spread  the  secret  was  preser\'ed  inviolate 
for  more  than  two  years  :  so  deep  was  the  suffering,  so  deter- 
mined the  revenge !  John  of  Procida  visited  Constantinople 
a  second  time  in  1281  bringing  back  with  him  twenty-five 
thousand  ounces  of  gold  for  the  use  of  the  expedition,  and  the 
promise  of  more ;  but  without  any  delay  he  again  passed  into 
Sicily  and  under  various  disguises,  by  means  of  this  gold,  a 
good  cause,  and  an  eloijuent  tongue,  soon  raised  the  enthu- 
siasm of  the  j)eople  to  the  same  level  as  his  own.  Without 
organising  any  specific  plot  he  left  the  passions  of  the  whole 
nation  ready  for  the  Ih'st  spark  that  the  breath  of  fortune  might 
blow  into  the  excited  mass,  and  amidst  the  imiversal  tyranny 
this  was  not  long  in  coming.  On  Easter-Monday  the  30th 
or  according  to  some,  the  last  day  of  March  P282  the  people  of 

*   Dante   probably  alludes   to  this   transaction  in  his    Inferno,  Canto   xix., 
verse  98.     (See  Sismondi). 


\ 


300 


FLORENTINE    HISTORT. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XL] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


301 


> 


A.D.  1282. 


Palermo  agreeable  to  their  custom  assembled  for  vespers  at 
the  church  of  Montreale  three  miles  from  the  towii : 
a  young  Sicilian  lady  was  there  insulted  l>y  a  French 
officer  who  instantly  fell  before  the  ready  weapons  of  the 
multitude.  "  Death  to  the  Frenchmen'  immediately  resounded 
on  ever}^  side,  and  not  a  single  individual  present  of  that 
nation  escaped :  the  storm  now  drove  on  to  the  city;  no  age  or 
sex  were  spai'ed,  all  that  was  French  or  likely  to  be  French, 
died  under  the  poniards  of  an  injured  people ;  even  native 
women  pregnant  by  French  husbands  shared  their  fate  lest 
any  of  that  detested  blood  should  l)e  warmed  by  a  Sicilian  sun. 
Four  thousand  victims  fell  that  night  in  Palermo  alone,  and  the 
flame  spread  wildly  over  all  the  island,  Bicaro,  Corileoni,  and 
Calatafimo  took  up  the  bloody  work  and  eight  thousand  of 
Charles's  followers  paid  the  forfeit  of  their  tyranny. 

One  bright  gleam  of  benevolence  plays  across  this  storm  of 
human  passions  and  exhibits  man  in  the  position  for  which  no 
doubt  he  was  intended  by  the  Creator  :  William  of  Porcelets  a 
nobleman   of  Provence,  had  alone  amongst   his   countiymen 
governed  justly  and  humanely ;  and  he  with  all  his  family 
were,   in  the  midst  of  the   tumult,   sent   honourably  across 
the  straits  and  safely  landed  in  Calabria.      The  insun*ection 
extended  over  every  proWnce  ;  the  banner  of  the  church  was 
everywhere  displayed ;  the  spirit  of  Procida  peiTaded  all,  and 
the  arrival  of  the  Aragonese  monarch  was  hailed  as  the  con- 
summation of  Sicilian  liberty.     Messina,  where  the  royal  vicar 
lived  and  the  greatest  force  was  concentrated,  remained  quiet 
for  a  month ;  then  burst  with  an  explosion  tliat  shook  the 
French  power  to  atoms  and  soon  became  the  first  object  of 
royal  vengeance.     Charles,  astonished  at  the  first  news  of  this 
insurrection,  was  utterly  confounded  at  the  loss  of  Messina ; 
he  implored  Heaven  for  a  gradual  fall,  if  he  were  doomed  to 
faU,  from  his  high  estate,  and  instantly  turned  the  strong 
current  of  his  Grecian  armament  on  the  rebellious  island :  the 


i 


^, 


^/l 


^ 


shock  was  tremendous ;  but  the  soul  of  an  injured  people  was 
still  opposed  to  the  tyrant;  yet  the  French  were  scarcely 
repulsed,  and  only  compelled  to  retire  by  the  timely  aid  of 
Spanish  auxiliaries.  Roger  de  Loria  destroyed  their  fleet ; 
the  two  kingdoms  were  separated,  and  the  Island  of  Sicily  fell 
to  the  house  of  Aragon*. 

Such  were  the  famous  "  Sicilian  Vespers  "  which  finished 
the  prosperity  of  Charies :  Italy  from  the  first  became  agitated; 
the  Lambertazzi  and  Ghibelines  of  Romagna  who  liad  been 
expelled  from  Bologna  and  fled  to  Forii ;  after  making  the 
most  humble  submissions  to  Marthi  were  repelled  with  insult : 
they  were  afterwards  attacked  by  Jean  d'  Appia  with  all  the 
bitterness  of  the  tyrant  whom  he  served  ;  but  in  a  treacherous 
attempt  to  get  possession  of  Forii  he  was  completely  bafiled 
and  his  troops  nearly  annihilated  by  Guido  di  Montefeltro  the 
Ghibeline  chief  of  that  city  f. 

These  and  other  events  excited  uneasy  feelings  in  the  mmds 
of  the  Florentine  Guelphs,  who  notwithstanding  a  nominal 
impartiality  in  the  distribution  of  offices,  really  governed  the 
republic  :  bound  therefore  both  by  treaty  and  mclination  they 
had  exerted  themselves  to  assist  the  Neapolitan  monarch  in  his 
present  need  and  reinforced  his  army  at  Messma  with  a 
company  of  knights  and  gentlemen,  more  remarkable  for  its 


*  We  here  take  leave  of  Ricordano 
Malcspini,of  whose  simple  chronicle  we 
have  used  Giunti's  Florentine  edition  of 
the  year  1568.  His  nephew  Giachetto 
continued  it  until  the  year  1286. — 
Giachetto  Malespiui,  cap.  ccix.— R. 
Malespini,  cap.  ccvi.,  ccvii.,  ccviii. — 
Gio.  Villani,  Lih.  vii.,  cap.  Ixi.,  &c. 
—  Muratori,  Annali,  1282.— Gian- 
none,  Stor.  Civ.,  vol.  ix..  Lib.  xx.,  cap. 
V. —Gibbon,  vol.  vii.,  chap.  lxii.--Sis- 
raondi,  vol.  iii.,  chap,  xxii.— Mariana, 
Historia  de  Espagna,  vol.  i",  Lib.  xiv., 
cap.  vi.— Leon«  Aretino,  Volguriz/u  da 


Donato  Acciaioli,  Lib.  iii°,  fol.  72. — 
Costanzo,  Lib.  ii°,  p.  79  tt  seq. 
t  Dante  alludes  to  this  defeat  in  the 
xxviith  canto  of  his  Inferno  as  well  as 
to  the  crime  of  advising  Boniface  VIIL 
how  to  get  the  city  of  Prenstina  from 
the  Colonna  ("  Lunga  promessa  con 
r  attcnder  corto'")  which  placed  him 
in  the  flames  of  hell  with  other  de- 
ceivers.— 

"  La  terra  che  fc'gia  la  lunga  prova, 
E  dei  franceschi  sanguinosa  mucchio 
Sotto  le  branche  verdi  si  ritrova." 


302 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


303 


quality  than  numbers,  under  the  command  of  Comit  Guido  de 
Battifolle  to  whom  with  six  hundred  companions  was  intrusted 
the  grand  pa\iHou  of  the  repuldic  as  a  peculiiu*  mark  of  respect 
to  the  royal  idol  of  their  faction  *. 

Still  however  bein^  uneasy  at  the  increasing  confidence  of 
the  adverse  party,  and  the  continued  success  of  Guido  di  Mon- 
tefeltro  in  Romagna,  two  hundred  men-at-arms  were  dispatched 
to  assist  the  church  in  that  province  under  Sinibaldo  de'  Pulci 
and  Gherardo  de'  Tonia(]uinci,  and  then  a  rigid  inquirj-  was 
ordered  about  the  social  condition  of  the  state,  where  murders, 
oppression,  and  every  sort  of  injustice  were  common,  and  in- 
creasing with  alarming  rapidity.  To  restore  order,  the  Podesta 
Matfeo  di  Maggi  was  hivested  with  more  extensive  authority, 
not  only  over  civil  otfenders  but  those  against  the  church  and 
religion,  and  the  captain  of  the  people  was  admonished  to 
maintain  the  peace  of  the  city  as  settled  by  cardinal  Latino  in 
1279.  In  addition  to  this  it  was  enacted  that  all  the  idle  and 
indigent  who  were  generally  parties  to  eveiy  outrage ;  unless 
they  could  exhibit  some  means  of  honest  living,  should^  as 
formerly  in  Athens,  be  expelled  from  the  city  and  dominions  of 
Florence. 

The  members  of  noble  families  were  at  the  same  time  com- 
pelled to  find  security  for  their  general  conduct  as  well  as  for 
the  cessation  of  their  private  wars  which  filled  the  town  with 
tumult :  but  as  it  was  necessar}-  to  give  foivc  and  action  to 
these  laws,  the  fourteen  Buonoimini  with  certain  other  re- 
putable citizens  were  authorised  to  select  one  thousand  men 
of  good  repute,  friends  of  public  peace  and  order  and  taken 
unequally  from  the  six  divisions  of  the  town,  its  a  civic  guard, 
each  company  having  its  peculiar  banner  and  Gonfalonier. 

*  This  pavilion,  which  was  only  given  retreat  of  Charles  into  Calahria  and 
on  great  expeditions  to  the  com-  was  long  exhibited  as  a  trophy  by  the 
mander- in -chief  of  the  republican  inhabitants  of  Messina. — (Vide  Leon- 
armies,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  ardo  Aretino,  Tradotta  da  Acciaioli, 
Measinians  at  the  repulse  and  hasty  Lib.  iii".) 


) 


) 


t 


That  of  the  Sesto  beyond  the  Amo  with  the  bands  of  San 
Pancrazio  and  Borgo  S.  Apostolo  which  bordered  the  river  on 
the  hither  side,  in  all  about  five  hundred  men,  were  com- 
manded by  the  cai)tahi  of  the  people,  but  the  rest  obeyed  the 
Podesta :  they  were  annually  renewed  in  great  form,  and  while 
under  arms  it  was  declared  milawfiil  for  any  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Florence  to  ass(3i]ible  in  a  body  or  even  quit  the  street  they 
inhabited. 

The  establishment  of  this  strong  police  left  the  government 
more  leisure  to  strengthen  their  external  relations  ;  and  under 
the  Podesta  Jacopino  da  Ilodelia  ;  Niccoluccio  degli  Uguccioni 
being  captain  of  the  people ;  an  offensive  and  defensive  league 
was  concluded  for  ten  years  with  Prato  Pistoia,  Lucca, 
Volterra,  and  Siena;  with  room  for  San  Gimignano,  Poggi- 
bonzi  and  Colle,  if  they  pleased  to  join :  by  this  a  confederate 
force  of  five  hundred  men-at-arms  was  to  be  in  constant  readi- 
ness under  the  command  of  Count  Guido  Salvatico  of  the 
Guidi  family.  None  of  the  allies  could  legally  begin  hostilities 
\vithout  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the  league,  and  all 
were  bound  to  assist  a  state  once  at  war  whether  foreign  or 
domestic :  tolls  and  duties  of  eveiy  sort  either  on  goods  or 
person  were  abolished  between  the  confederates  and  neither 
truce  nor  peace  could  l)e  concluded  except  by  common  con- 
sent. Thus  externally  fortified  but  still  tremblingly  alive  to 
every  Ghibeline  movement,  the  Guelphs  applied  themselves 
with  new  vigour  to  the  reorganisation  of  the  Florentine  con- 
stitution, and  established  a  form  of  goveiTiment  which  with 
some  alteration  contiimed  until  the  dissolution  of  the  republic 
in  153-2. 

Much  confusion  and  inconvenience  were  experienced  from 
the  necessity  of  assembling  fomteen  citizens  daily  to  discuss 
the  slightest  or  the  gravest  matters  of  general  government ; 
where  conflicting  ranks  and  factions  lengthened  debate  and 
obstructed  the  public  service :  a  more  decided  form  of  civic 


304 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


305 


democracy  was  therefore  resolved  on,  by  which  none  were  to 
have  a  place  in  the  commonwealth   that  did  not  really  or 
nominally  belong  to  one  of  the  incorporated  trades  of  Plorence. 
It  was  impossible  that  the  grating  enmity  of  two  such  factions 
as  Guelnh  and  GhibeUne  could  ever  allow  of  anv  concurrent 
and  harmonious  movement,  and  the  jealousy  which  all  parties 
entertained  of  the  aspiring  nobles,  several  of  whom  were  in 
the  council  of  fourteen,  gave  an  additional  check  to  the  opera- 
tions of  government.     Although  the  citizens  were  not  as  yet 
prepared  to  deprive  the  great  families  of  political  power,  they 
still  hoped  by  compelling  them  to  assume  the  homely  appella- 
tion of  tradesmen,  to  tame  that  pride  which  had  been  generated 
by  the  vain  title  of  nobility,  so  that  any  future  distinction  arising 
amongst  the  citizens  from  riches  or  worth   should   now  be 
reduced  to  a  nominal  e^iuality  under  the  general  title  of  Trades 
which  would  be  common  alike  to  patrician  and  plebeian.    This 
says  Scipione  Ammirato    *'  has  been  well    preserved  to  the 
present  time  in  the  word  "  Citizen  ;"  so  that  the  title  of  gentle- 
man is  assumed  now  more  as  a  foreign  than  a  native  distinc- 
tion."    Instead   therefore  of  the  fourteen  Buonomini,  three 
citizens  of  known  wisdom  and  moderation  were  appointed  to 
form  the  Seigniory  or  supreme  government  of  the  republic 
under  the  title  of  *'  Priors  of  the  Arts,"  a  name  given  to  them 
because  they  were  chosen  before  their  companions  for  the 
pohtical  mission,  as  Christ  selected  his  apostles  for  the  sacred 
mission  with  the  words  '' vos  estis priores' ^ .     The  design   of 
this   new  constitution  came  from  the  council  of  the  trade  of 
*'  Calimala'  or  foreign  cloth  merchants,  who  at  this  period 
were  considered  the  wisest  and  most  powerful  of  the  Floren- 
tine citizens,  and   whose   extensive   connexion   with   foreign 
countries  had   probably  enlarged  and  liberalised  their  ideas 
beyond  the  common  standard. 

•  Giac.  Malespini,    cap.   ccxxvi.    and     Ixiv.   and    Ixxix.  —  Scij..  Ammirato, 
ccxxxi, — Giov.  VUlani,   Lib.  vii..  cap.     Lib.  iii.,  p.  160. 


'1 


M 


The  first  Priors  were  Bartolo  de'  Bardi,  Bosso  Bacherelli, 
and  Salvo  Girolami,  for  the  respective  trades  of  Calimala, 
Bankers  and  Woolmerchants :  they  remained  in  office  two 
months  and  were  entitled  the  '' Seignory :''  at  the  second 
election  they  were  increased  to  six,  one  for  each  sesto  which 
also  gave  the  medical,  the  silk,  and  the  fur  trade  a  repre- 
sentative prior,  while  the  seventh  ''Art,'  that  of  the  Law,  had 
its  peculiar  imd  separate  influence  in  the  public  coimcils. 
This  Seignory,  which  with  the  captain  of  the  people  repre- 
sented the  majesty  of  the  Florentine  republic,  was  obliged  to 
inhabit  the  chambers  appointed  for  its  residence,  at  first  in 
the  Badia  of  Florence,  then  in  the  Palace  afterwards  built  for 
the  especial  seat  of  government :  they  lived  in  great  state  at 
the  public  charge  and  had  six  bailiffs  and  six  messengers  at 
their  orders  besides  superior  officers  and  domestic  serv^ants : 
they  were  not  allowed  by  day  ever  to  leave  their  residence 
except  on  public  service,  rarely  at  night,  and  then  only  with 
the  express  permission  of  their  president. 

Thus  were  they  magnificently  imprisoned  for  two  months, 
with  great  power  but  no  pay,  solely  intent  on  the  public 
senice  ;  and  ineligible  for  two  years ;  a  period  which  was 
called  the  '' Divieto''  or  prohibition:  the  government  was  in 
this  way  renewed  six  times  a  year  from  the  middle  of  June 
128'2 ;  and  for  a  long  time  no  great  inconvenience  seems  to 
have  resulted  from  the  frequent  changes  ;  but  when  their  wars 
became  more  extensive  and  complicated,  alterations  suited  to 
the  emergencies  were  found  necessary  and  adopted.  The 
priors  were  eligible  from  all  classes  gentle  or  simple  provided 
they  were  registered  on  the  books  of  some  trade ;  and  thus  the 
constitution  of  the  executive  government  continued  until  the 
formation  of  what  was  called  the  "  Secondo  Popolo^'  hereafter 
to  be  spoken  of  when  the  nobles  were  entirely  excluded  from 
power  and  a  Gonfalonier  of  Justice  created. 

The  Seignoiy  chose  its  successors  by  ballot  and  at  first  did 

VOL.  I.  X 


306 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


well ;  but  soon  changed  and  became  partial  in  its  administm- 
tion ;  attended  more  to  the  corruption  than  the  obser\'ation  of 
the  laws,  screened  kinsmen,  peculated,  neglected  the  helpless, 
overlooked  the  crimes  of  nobles,  and  committed  other  mis- 
demeanors, to  the  great  scandal  of  all  good  citizens  who  soon 
began  to  find  fault  with  a  government  where  the  Guelphic 
aristocracy  had  supreme  power. 

Yet  this  institution  proved  the  ruin  of  the  Florentine  nobles, 
because  they  were  under  various  pretences  at  different  times 
entirely  excluded  from  oflBce,  which  from  jealousy  of  each 
other  they  suilered,  and  by  grasping  at  too  much  lost  all :  it 
also  opened  the  way  to  an  ambitious  crowd  of  rising  fomilies 
who  with  increasing  riches  and  influence  overshadowed  the 
ancient  races  and  gave  a  new  complexion  to  the  city.  Old  and 
noble  names,  and  even  arms  were  changed  when  pride  once 
ceded  to  ambition  and  a  strong  desire  for  republican  honours  ; 
as  if  ashamed  of  mixing  their  time-honoured  titles  with  a  body 
of  simple  tradesmen.  This  also  assisted  in  reducing  every 
class  to  equality,  so  that  which  in  other  states  was  counted  an 
honourable  distinction,  in  Florence  was  considered,  for  the 
most  part,  vain  useless  and  even  hurtful.  But  many  still 
preserved,  in  pride  and  poverty,  their  ancient  names  and  cus- 
toms sooner  than  mix  in  the  society  or  be  dependent  for 
public  honours  on  a  comnmnity  of  merchants  *. 


Cotemporary   Monarchs. — England  :     Henry    III.,    Edward    I.,   1272. — 
Scotland  :   Alexander  III.,  1249.— France  :  Louis  IX.,  Philip  III.,  1270.— 


r 


•<■" 


CHAP.  XI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


307 


Castile  and  Leon:  Alphonso  X.,  1252. — Aragon  :  James  1.  (the  Con- 
queror), Pedro  III.  (the  Great),  1276. — Portugal  :  Alphonso  III  ,  Denis, 
1279. — Germany,  Interregnum.  —  Rodolph  of  Hapshurg,  1273.  Popes: 
Alexander  IV.,  Urban  IV.,  1261.— Clement  IV.,  1265.— Gregory  X.,  1271. 
-Innocent  V.,  1276.— Adrian  V.,  1276.— John  XXL,  1276.— Nicholas 
III.,  1277.— Martin  IV.,  1281.— Latin  Emperor  Baldwin  IL,  1237  to  1261. 
— Greek  emperors  restored:  Michael  Palasologus,  1261. — Andronicus,  1281, 


•  Thus  the  family  of  Tomaquinci, 
divided  into  the  Popoleschi,  Toma- 
buoni,  Giachinotti,  Cardinali  and  Ma- 
rabottini;  the  Cavalcanti  into  Mala- 
testi  and  Clampoli ;  the  Imortuni 
changed  to  Cambi,  &c.  The  principal 
families  now  rising  into  poUtical  im- 
portance were  the  Strozzi,  Acciajuoli, 


Albizzi,  Bucelli,  Mancini,  Rinaldi, 
Guicciardini,  Soderini,  Pitti,  Ricci, 
and  Altuiti. — Dino  Compagni,  Storia 
Fiorent.,  Lib.  i",  p.  5. — Scip.  Ammi- 
rato,  Lib.  iii",  p.  162. — Cantini  Saggi 
d'Antichiti^  Toscane,  vol.  iv.,  p.  1. — 
Macchiavelli,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  ii**. 


X    2 


30S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I 


/ 


CHAP.  Xll.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


309 


A.D.  1283. 


CHAPTER  Xll. 

FROM    A.D.    J282     TO    A.D.     J292. 

The  year  1283  commenced  at  Florence  with  unusual  tran- 
quillity ;  the  new  constitution  was  popular  and  respected,  and 
the  sweets  of  equality  and  freedom  were  tasted  by 
the  great  mass  of  citizens :  but  like  other  precious 
things  their  preser>-ation  was  coupled  with  great  anxiety, 
and  the  course  of  political  events  was  scanned  with  a  degree 
of  piercing  jealousy  that  left  nothing  unexamined  or  indif- 
ferent. For  this  reason  the  now  declining  fortune  of  the 
Ghibelines  and  consequent  peace  of  Romagna,  as  well  as  some 
recent  hostilities  between  Pisa  and  Genoa  were  events  that 
gave  as  much  undisguised  satisfaction  as  the  Sicilian  Vespers 
did,  in  secret,  to  the  Florentine  nation :  not  that  Charles  had 
lost  their  affections  or  that  they  desu*ed  to  see  any  new  poten- 
tate commanding  m  Italy,  but  his  military'  talent,  his  fortune, 
and  his  extreme  ambition  alarmed  them  for  their  own  inde- 
pendence. In  his  rage  against  Peter  of  Aragon  he  had  defied 
him  to  stake  the  fate  of  Sicily  on  single  combat  at  Bordeaux 
before  Edward  Plantagenet,  and  the  crafty  Spaniard  imme- 
diately accepted  tliis  challenge  too  hai)py  at  having  such  an 
opportunity  of  ^vithdrawing  his  adversar}^  from  the  immediate 
direction  of  a  war  in  which  he  was  so  much  superior  in  re- 
sources;  but  predetermined  never  to  brmg  the  duel  to  an 
issue.     Charles  visited  Florence  on  his  way  to  France  and  was 


i^:^ 


f 


received  with  high  honour  by  a  people  who  besides  being  per- 
sonally attached  to  him  were  in  full  enjoyment  of  a  prosperity 
to  which  he  had  mainly  contributed.  The  town  abounded  in 
festivities,  and  Anjou  promoted  them  by  knighting  several  of 
the  most  distinguished  inhabitants,  the  honour  of  knighthood 
being  then  considered  the  greatest  dignity  that  could  be  con- 
ferred and  scarcely  less  prized  by  the  city  than  the  individual 
citizen. 

Native  industry  and  the  last  few  years  of  peace  had  done 
much  for  Florence,  riches  were  abundant  and  extensively  dis- 
seminated, families  were  thriving  and  hearts  were  gay  and 
contented ;  conviviality  of  all  kinds  enlivened  the  town  "  Corti 
Baiidite "  or  open  houses,  were  common  to  the  age  and  no- 
where more  frequent  or  splendid  than  in  Florence.  The 
extent  of  these  entertainments  was  sometimes  excessive; 
amongst  others  the  Rossi  with  their  friends  and  companions 
amomiting  to  one  thousand  persons  dressed  in  white  under  one 
chief  called  the  ''Lord  of  Love,''  gave  a  constant  succession  of 
festivities  for  two  months;  every  stranger  of  any  note  that 
visited  the  city  was  received  like  a  prince,  feasted  and  attended 
upon  with  marked  courtesy  during  his  sojourn  amongst  them 
and  made  a  distinguished  guest  at  all  their  convivial  meetings. 
Balls,  suppers,  dinners,  music,  a  parading  of  the  town  in  bands 
with  flags  and  trumpets,  military  exercises  and  every  species 
of  amusement  foimed  the  occupation  of  this  joyous  company. 
Amongst  the  military  exercises  was  that  of  the  "  Armeggiatori  " 
so  prevalent  about  this  period,  and  borrowed  probably  from 
the  Saracens  ;  "  a  number  of  young  nobles  assembled  on  horse- 
back m  a  species  of  uniform  with  light-coloured  floating  mantles 
and  veiy  short  stirrups  in  the  Moorish  fashion,  and  when 
wishing  to  break  a  lance  they  stood  upright  in  these  stirrups, 
showing  off  their  fine  figures  and  activity  to  the  greatest 
advantage  *. " 

*  Giac.    Malespini,  c.  ccxix.— Giov.     — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii.,  pp.  153, 
Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  c.  Lxxxii.  and  Ixxxvi.     1 62. 


310 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  f 


CHAP,  xi:.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


311 


Such  festivities,  the  most  splendid  ever  seen  until  then  in 
Florence,  were  but  brief,  a  mere  pause  in  the  storm  of  discord 
which  ended  the  follo\sing  year  by  the  returning  blast  of 
strife. 

Hostihties  as  above   mentioned  had  recently  broken    out 
between  Genoa  and  Pisa ;  the  latter  although  nearly  alone  in 
the  late  Guelphic  war  had  displayed  great  courage  and  re- 
sources ;  her  riches  were  on  the  waters,  her  dominions  on  the 
coast  and  Iwsora  of  the  Meditermnean  :  from  Corvo  to  Ci\ita 
Vecchia  she  nded  the  Italian  shore  ;  Corsica,  Sardinia,  Elba, 
and  other  islets  in  the  adjacent  sea  for  the  most  part  obeyed 
her,  and  ui  the  Levant  and  Euxine  she  had  her  conmiercial 
establishments*.     She  could  ann  from  one  to  two  hundred 
gallies  and  other  vessels  (►f  war,  and  rivalled  Genoa  and  Venice 
as  one  of  the  three  great  maritime  powers  of  Italy  :  this  em- 
broiled her  with  the  former  but  need  not  have  raised  any 
jealousy  of  Florence,  which  not  being  a  naval  but  an  inland 
manufacturing  state  was  almost  dependent  upon  Pisa  fc»r  the 
principal  transit  of  her  merchandise.      It  was  therefore  the 
interest  of  both  republics  to  be  on  friendly  terms,  and  this 
seemed  well  understood  as  long  as  Florence  was  decidedly 
inferior;   but  when  the  latter  began  to  unfold  her  growing 
powers,  the  countenance  of  Pisa  changed,  and  being  of  opposite 
factions  they  became  the  most  deadly  enemies.   The  interests  of 
Venice  and  Pisa  clashed  but  faintly  and  common  hatred  to  Genoa 
prevented  greater  collision  :  they  had  fought  together  severely 
and  successfully  against  her  in  the  Levant,  and  Pisa  had  suc- 
ceeded in  impressing  such  a  salutary  respect  on  the  mind  of  the 
Genoese  as  served  to  maintain  a  sort  of  shadowy  peace  until 
the  year  1282  when  the  restless  temper  of  Sinoncello  judge  of 
Cinarca  in  Corsica,  a  traitor  to  both  nations,  first  roused  them 
from  this  state  of  dormant  hostility.      Sinoncello  had  been 
justly  driven  from  Coi-sica  by  the  Genoese  and  implored  the 

*   Flam,  dal  Borgo,  Diss,  iv.,  p.  201.— Giac.  Malespini,  c.  ccxvi. 


( 


protection  of  Pisa,  which  in  spite  of  his  former  treachery, 
through  mere  hatred  to  Genoa  embraced  his  cause,  and  derided 
her  ambassadors  who  were  sent  to  remonstrate :  insult  was 
returned  with  insult  and  a  war  was  the  consequence,  which 
ruined  Pisa  as  a  naval  power,  destroyed  her  commerce,  and 
finally  subverted  her  liberty. 

Porto  Venere  was  sacked  by  the  Pisan  squadron,  seventeen  of 
which  were  immediately  afterwards  lost  in  a  gale  ;  the  malcon- 
tents in  Sardinia,  who  had  shown  symptoms  of  revolt  were  awed 
by  a  fleet  of  fifty-four  gallies  which  on  its  return  was  blockaded 
and  partly  destroyed  by  the  Genoese;  another  squadron  was 
defeated  in  1285,  and  then  assistance  was  asked  of  the  Vene- 
tians, but  refused. 

The  energy  of  rage  and  disappointment  animated  Pisa,  a 
fleet  of  seventy-two  galleys  was  rapidly  equipped  and  manned 
with  her  bravest  and  noblest  citizens,  every^  family  was  afloat 
under  the  command  of  Count  Ugolino  della  Gherardesca  ;  but 
all  they  did  was  to  threaten  Genoa  with  idle  boastinc[  and 
shoot  silver  arrows  into  the  town  as  a  token  of  contemptuous 
superiority.  The  Genoese  galleys  were  dismantled  ;  but  stung 
with  the  insidt  they  soon  armed  a  fleet  of  eighty-eight  sail 
under  Uberto  Dona,  appearing  off  the  Porto  Pisano  with 
but  fifty-eight,  the  rest  being  kept  out  of  sight  to  deceive 
the  Pisans  and  induce  them  to  give  battle :  the  device  sue 
ceeded  and  both  fleets  were  engaged  on  the  6th  of  August 
1284  off  the  itjhind  of  Meloria  in  one  of  the  most  famous  and 
sanguinary  conflicts  recorded  in  the  annals  of  Italy. 

The  Pisans  were  inferior  in  force  but  strong  in  valour,  and 
the  battle  was  long  doubtful  when  the  captain-galley  sur- 
rendered after  a  desperate  struggle  hand  to  hand ;  for  the 
vessels  were  closely  grappled  and  the  fight  was  less  like  a 
naval  than  a  land  action.  At  a  critical  moment  the  detached 
squadron  dashed  into  the  fight,  Count  Ugolino  with  three 
galleys  fled,  the  rest  were  disheartened  and  the  glory  of  Pisa 


312 


FLORENHNE   HISTORY. 


[book  i. 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


313 


set  for  ever  in  the  bloody  waters  of  Meloria.  From  four  to 
five  thousand  are  said  to  have  been  killed,  from  ten  to  fifteen 
thousand  were  made  prisoners  ;  an  immense  number  of  galleys 
surrendered,  and  the  bravest  of  Pisan  chivalry  perished  in  this 
sanguinary  conflict.  Pisa  never  rose  from  the  blow ;  for 
Genoa  with  a  cruel  but  certain  policy  refused  all  ransom,  and 
the  few  captives  that  remained  after  fifteen  yeai*s'  imprison- 
ment, returned  a  broken  and  dejected  remnant  to  their 
countiy  *. 

This  disaster  which  left  Pisa  in  mourning  and  desolation 
was  considered  as  a  judgment  of  heaven  for  the  sacrilegious 
capture  of  the  prelates  at  the  first  battle  of  Meloria  in  1*241 : 
but  to  Ugolino,  who  aspired  to  the  lordship  of  the  republic,  it 
is  supposed  not  only  to  have  been  welcome  but  he  is  accused 
of  having  fled  from  the  combat  on  purpose  to  produce  such  a 
result ;  a  fact  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  substantiate  f. 

The  helpless  state  of  this  unhappy  people  was  taken  direct 
advantage  of  by  Florence  and  Lucca  who  backed  by 
all  the  antagonist  force  of  Tuscany  made  common 
cause  with  Genoa  for  their  destmction :  a  treaty  was  therefore 
concluded  by  Brunetto  Latini  and  Manetti  di  Benecasa  on 
the  part  of  Florence,  which  was  to  continue  for  twentv-five 
years  after  the  conclusion  of  peace.  In  this  her  mercantile 
interests  were  not  forgotten  either  with  Genoa  or  Lucca,  or 
even  with  the  Bishop  of  Volterra  who  ceded  several  places 
under  his  jurisdiction  to  the  Florentines,  which  had  been 
recaptured  from  Pisa  |.  The  result  of  all  this  was  an  imme- 
diate   invasion  of  the  Pisan  territory  by  the  allied   Tuscan 


A.D.  1284. 


*  After  this  battle  it  became  a  com- 
mon saying  that  if  any  one  wished  to 
see  Pisa  they  must  go  to  Genoa.  The 
accounts  vary  as  to  the  number  of  gal- 
leys on  either  side  in  this  battle  but 
all  agree  in  the  inferiority  of  the  Pisans 
in  physical  force  ;  a  minute  and  inte- 
resting account  of  it  may  be  seen  in 


Giustiniani,    Lib.   iii",  Carta   cvii.— 

Tronci.    Annali  Pisani. — Giustiniani, 

Ann.  di  Genoa. — Dal  Borgo,  Dissert. 

xi. — Interiano,  Istoria  di  Genoa,  Lib. 

iii",  p.  82. 

•f*  Muratori,  Annali,  1284. 

X  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii",  p.  164. 


forces  while  the  Genoese  attacked  the   coast  and  especially 
Porto  Pisano  with  success.     Pisa  now  reduced  to  the  last  leaf 
looked  to   Count  Ugolino  della  Gherardesca  as  the   citizen 
of  most  ability  in  this  exigence.     He  strongly  advised  imme- 
diate peace  with  Florence  which  never  could  rival  Pisa  as  a 
naval  power,  but  had  need  of  her  for  commerce,  and  which 
really  sought  no  mcrease  of  territory  but  made  war  from  mere 
party  hatred,  whereas  Genoa  had  ever  been  a  rival  and  impe- 
diment to  their  greatness.     Others  were  of  a  contraiy  opmion 
and  prevailed  ;  terms  were  offered  to  and  rejected  by  Genoa  ; 
conditions  were  then  granted  by  the  Florentines,  but  of  ex- 
treme rigour  and  not  without  briber}^ :  Count  Ugolmo  being 
podesta  of  Pisa  and  captaui  of  the  people,  also  a  Guelph  and 
friend  of  Florence,  was  considered  most  fit  to  conduct  this 
negotiation  and  readily  undertook  the  task  as  seconding  his 
endeavours  to  become  mler  of  his  countiy.    He  with-   ^^  ^^ 
out  hesitation  surrendered    Santa   Maria  a  Monte, 
Fuccechio,  Santa  Croce,  and  Monte  Calvole  to  Florence ;  exiled 
the  most  zealous  Ghibelines  from  Pisa  and  reduced  it  to  a  purely 
Guelpliic  republic  :  he  was  accused  of  treax^hery,  and  certainly 
his  own  objects  were  admh'ably  forwarded  by  the  continued 
captivity  of  so  many  of  his  countrymen,  by  the  bamshment  of 
the   adverse   faction,  and  by  the  friendship  and  support  of 
Florence.     But  whatever  might  have  been  Ms  ruling  motive 
he  acted  wisely  for  Pisa  which  must  have  immediately  fallen 
under  the  united  force  of  three  such  antagonists :  Genoa  was 
not  consulted,  Lucca  would  not  be  a  party  to  this  peace,  and 
Florence  was  blamed  by  both  for  saving  Pisa  and  breakmg 
her  solemn  engagement.     She  was  m  fact  becommg  jealous 
of  the  Ligurian  republic  and  felt  the  want  of  Porto  Pisano  as 
a  commercial  outlet :  yet  there  was  much  difficulty  m  the 
work  of  peace,  and  it  is  even  asserted  that  the  Florentme 
commissioners  were    bribed  with  wine-flasks  full   of  golden 
florins  sent  with  other  refreshments  by  Ugolmo  during  the 


3*4 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XII. 1 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


315 


negotiations 


The  conduct  of  this  ambitious  chief  seems 
however  to  have  been  con*ect  and  pohtic  ;  he  certainly  saved 
Pisa  from  destruction,  and  if  by  a  lucky  accident  his  own 
private  views  and  the  safety  of  his  country  were  identified  it 
makes  no  difference  in  the  immediate  policy  of  the  act  and  an 
able  man  would  naturally  take  the  best  means  of  preserving 
that  which  he  intended  for  his  own  subsequent  aggrandise- 
ment *. 

During  Charles's  romantic  expedition  to  Bordeaux  Roger  di 
Loria  had  been  active  on  the  Calabrian  shore,  and  afterwards 
by  repeated  insults  succeeded  in  drawing  the  Prince  of  Salerno 
from  his  anchorage  at  Castel-a-Mare  to  give  him  battle  in  the 
open  sea  where  on  the  fifth  of  June  1284  the  latter  was  de- 
feated and  made  prisoner  with  nearly  all  his  squadron.  As  the 
victors  afterwards  passed  by  the  promontor}^  of  Sorrento  a  de- 
putation from  the  inhabitants  came  on  board  with  an  offer- 
ing of  money  and  fruit :  but  seeing  the  Prince  of  Salerno  on 
deck  in  splendid  armour  siurounded  by  his  barons  they  mistook 
him  for  Loria  and  kneeling  presented  their  gift,  saying,  "  My 
'*  Lord  Admiral  deign  to  receive  this  little  present  from  the 
"  people  of  Sorrento  and  may  it  please  God  that  as  you  have 
"  taken  the  son  so  may  you  also  take  the  father :  and  remember 
"  that  we  were  the  first  to  come  over  to  you.'  The  Prince,  un- 
happy as  he  was  could  not  forbear  laughing,  and  turning  to  the 
Admiral  said,  "  These  people  are  wonderfully  faithful  to  my  lord 
*'  the  kinfj.''  Charles  returned  to  Naples  a  few  days  after 
with  a  reinforcement,  and  finding  both  in  that  town  and  other 
parts  of  the  kingdom  a  strong  disposition  to  revolt,  became 
so  exasperated  by  these  repeated  misfortunes  that  in  his  fury 
he  was  with  great  difficulty  prevented  from   setting  fire  to 


*  Giac.  Malespini,  c.  ccxvi.,  ccxx., 
ccxxi.,  ccxxv. — Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vii., 
cap.  Ixxx.,  xc,  xci.,  xcii.,  xcviii. — 
Muratori,  Annali,  1285. — Dal.  Borffo, 


Diss*,  xi.  —  Amniirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p. 
165.  —  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iil.  — 
Dante,  Inf.,  Canto  xxxiii. 


f^^ 


the  former  city :  he  indignantly  hurried  on  to  Brindisi  and 
collecting  all  his  army  sailed  to  Reggio  which  with  other  places 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  enemy :  but  too  much  rime  had 
been  lost  in  the  wild  chase  of  Don  Pedro  ;  the  town  resisted, 
the  siege  was  soon  raised,  and  the  baffled  monarch  returned  to 
Brindisi  and  dismantled  his  armament  for  the  winter.  On  his 
return  to  the  capital  he  heard  of  more  disasters  in  Calabria, 
but  still  unconquered  although  oppressed  by  misfortune,  he  died 
at  Foggia  in  January  1285  just  as  he  was  makmg  a  final 
effort  for  the  recovery  of  his  lost  dominions. 

Pope  Martin  IV.  who  had  been  the  humblest  of  his  slaves  in 
this  worid  soon  followed  him  to  the  next,  and  in  the  following 
April  was  succeeded  by  Jacopo  Savelli  a  noble  Ptoman,  under 
the  name  of  Honorius  IV.  Charles  was  a  bold  determined 
and  aspiring  prince,  of  that  high-reaching  and  vindictive  spirit 
that  relentlessly  trampled  down  every  form  of  humanity  when- 
ever it  moved  between  him  and  the  strong  excitement  of 
his  ambition. :  He  was  sincerely  regretted  by  the  Guelphs 
of  Florence  who  although  they  began  to  feel  some  apprehen- 
sion of  his  increasing  power  were  always  attached  to  his  person, 
for  diaries  was  wise  in  council,  firm  in  promise,  grave  and 
decent  in  his  habits,  generous  to  his  followers,  and  zealous 
in  ever}i;hing  that  he  once  undertook  to  accomphsh.  He  was 
a  favourite  because  they  had  all  the  benefit  of  his  good  qua- 
liries  without  his  tyranny,  and  his  great  personal  strength 
and  courage  were  no  small  recommendations  in  an  age  of 
chivali7  like  the  tliirteenth  century*. 

The  unusual  tranquillity  of  tliis  and  the  following  year  at 
Florence  induced  the  government  to  attend  to  domestic  im- 
provements and  one  of  the  most  urgent  of  them  was  to  restrain 
the  woridly  habits  of  the  clergy  within  such  decent  bounds 
as  might  at  least  insure  some  quiet  to  the  community ;  for 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.   vii.,  cap.    xciii.— Leon.    Aretino,  Lib.  iii«.— Ammirato, 
Lib.  iii",  p.  165. 


316 


FLOEENTINE    inSTORY, 


[book  1. 


CHAP.  Xll.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


317 


whether  arising  from  the  extreme  power  of  the  church  and  the 
consequent  insolence  of  its  minions,  or  from  the  continual  feuds 
of  a  pugnacious  age,  it  was  not  only  the  clergy  themselves  that 
habitually  carried  offensive  and  defensive  arms  beneath  their 
frocks,  but  theii'  dress  served  to  screen  less  sacred  ruffians  from 
the  visitation  of  justice.  A  decree  was  therefore  made  which, 
as  the  priests  were  inviolable,  condemned  their  nearest  male 
relation  by  the  father's  side  to  bear  the  punishment  awarded 
for  such  crimes  as  having  arms  concealed  under  the  clerical 
habit  Continued  peace  now  afforded  leisure  for  inquiiy  and 
several  other  grievances  pressing  in  divers  ways  on  various 
parts  of  the  community  were  removed  ;  amongst  other  thmgs 
was  the  appointment  of  slx  commissioners  to  inquire  mto  the 
double  payment  of  a  property- tax  mider  the  name  of  "  Alli- 
razione"  to  which  many  had  become  illegally  subject  from 
havmg  possessions  both  in  the  Contado  and  metropolis,  the 
taxes  levied  in  the  latter  under  the  above  denomination  freeing 
all  rural  possessions  within  the  former,  so  that  the  infiinge- 
ment  of  this  regulation  had  been  attended  with  considerable 
hardship.  Some  harder  restrictions  were  placed  on  debtors 
who  were  now  deprived  of  the  freedom  from  arrest  which  they 
enjoyed  at  fairs  and  under  other  peculiar  circumstances,  be- 
sides being  denied  the  hberty  of  defence  m  couits  of  justice 
unless  sufficient  security  were  offered  for  theu-  appearance. 
The  selling  price  of  bread  was  also  meddled  with  in  this  year 
of  pecuHar  scarcity,  and  seems  to  be  one  of  the  earliest  notices 
of  that  direct  official  interference  which  afterwards  became  so 
frequent  and  mischievous.  Nor  did  the  spirit  of  regulation  thus 
confine  itself;  the  aristocracy  was  always  an  object  of  jealous 
vigilance,  and  its  continual  and  overbearing  insolence  was  too 
sensibly  felt  to  leave  it  long  untouched  by  some  biting  legisla- 
tion. The  better  to  protect  the  people  all  nobles  were  now 
compelled  to  find  security  for  their  conduct  towards  artisans  ; 
and  if  the  property  of  the  latter  were  damaged  the  offender  was 


*^i 


¥' 


> 


bound  to  purchase  it  at  the  requisition  and  probably  at  the 
price  of  the  owner.  That  these  pinching  laws  were  necessary- 
to  check  the  oppressive  conduct  of  a  fierce  nobility  there  can 
be  little  doubt,  but  that  the  latter  had  abundance  of  provoca- 
tion from  the  gross  manners  and  truculent  insolence  of  a  body 
of  untutored  artisans  who  mistook  brutahty  for  independence 
seems  equally  probable. 

The  population  of  Florence  had  now  so  much  increased  that 
the  ancient  town  formed  only  the  centre  of  a  larger  city  em- 
bracinf^  it  on  every  side  ;  so  that  a  new  curcuit  of  walls  became 
an  object  of  positive  necessity  and  were  so  designed  as  to 
inclose  all  the  suburbs,  leaving  a  considerable  space  for  build- 
ings which  still  have  to  be  called  into  existence:  Amolpho  the 
famous  arcliitect  of  the  cathedral  was  intrusted  with  the  work, 
and  this  j-ear  he  first  laid  the  foundation  of  the  principal  gates 
and  existing  walls  of  Florence. 

The  primitive  edifices  beyond  Amo  were  scattered  dwellings 
interspersed  with  gardens  ;  afterwards  three  regular  streets  or 
suburbs  rose  gradually  into  notice,  two  of  them  lying  along  the 
river  above  and  below  the  old  bridge,  and  the  other  leading 
directly  to  it :  these  remained  long  without  walls  and  therefore 
private  towers  were  built  for  self-defence,  but  ultimately  the 
whole  suburb  including  the  adjacent  hill  was  protected  by  a 
wide  sweeping  rampart  with  three  fine  gates  leading  to  Arezzo, 
Pisa,  and  Siena.  Several  other  useful  works  were  undertaken 
at  the  same  time,  such  as  the  restoration  of  the  Badia  then 
crumbling  from  age,  the  erection  of  Orto-San-Michele  and  the 
fortification  of  several  towns  in  the  Florentine  territory  *. 

During  these  domestic  transactions  some  changes  had  oc- 
cun-ed  in  the  neighbouring  states  as  well  as  the  foreign 
Idngdoms  immediately  connected  with  Italian  politics :  Peter 
of  Aragon  died  from  a  wound  received  in  an  affair  with  a 

♦  Gio.  Tillani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xcix.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iii.— Scip.  Ammirato, 
Lib.  iii.,  p.  165,  et  seq. 


318 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.  D.  1286. 


French  detachment  during  the  siege  of  Gerona,  and  Phihp 
himself  died  soon  after :  Sicily  was  left  to  James,  the  second 
son  of  the  Aragonese  monarch  ;  Guido  di  Montefeltro  finally 
submitted  to  the  pope  leaving  the  church  paramount  in  Ro- 
magna,  and  Count  Ugolino  continued  his  ambitious  schemes  at 
Pisa.  Raised  to  the  highest  ofiBces  of  the  republic  for  ten 
years,  he  would  soon  have  l)ecome  absolute  had  not  his  own 
nephew  Nino  Visconte  judge  of  Gallura  contested  this  supre- 
macy and  forced  liimself  into  conjohit  and  equal  authority  : 
this  could  not  continue  and  a  sort  of  compromise  was 
for  the  moment  effected  by  which  Visconte  retired  to 
the  absolute  government  of  Sardinia.  But  Ugolino  still  cUs- 
satisfied  sent  his  son  to  disturb  the  island ;  a  deadly  feud  was 
the  consequence,  Guelph  against  Guelph,  while  the  latent 
spirit  of  Ghibelinism  wliich  filled  the  breasts  of  the  citizens 
and  was  encouraged  by  priest  and  friar,  felt  its  advantage : 
the  Archbishop  Ruggiero  Rubaldino  was  its  real  head,  but  he 
worked  ^vith  hidden  caution  as  the  apparent  friend  of  either 
chieftain.  In  1*287  after  some  sharp  contests  both  of  them 
abdicated  for  the  sake  as  it  was  alleged,  of  public  tranquillity ; 
but  soon  perceiving  their  error  again  united  and  scouring  the 
streets  with  all  their  followei-s  forcibly  reestablished  their 
authority.  Ruggieri  seemed  to  assent  quietly  to  this  new 
outrage,  even  looked  without  emotion  on  the  bloody  corpse 
of  liis  favouiite  nephew  who  had  been  stabbed  by  Ugolino ; 
and  so  deep  was  his  dissimulation  that  he  not  only  refused 
to  believe  the  murdered  body  to  be  his  kinsman's,  but  zealously 
assisted  the  count  to  establish  liimself  alone  in  the  government 
and  accomplish  Visconte  s  ruin.  The  design  was  successful ; 
Nino  was  overcome  and  driven  from  the  town,  and  in  1'288 
Ugolino  entered  Pisa  in  triumph  from  his  villa,  where  he  had 
retired  to  await  the  catastrophe  :  the  archbishop  had  neglected 
nothing  and  Ugolino  found  himself  associated  vnth  this  prelate 
in  the  public  government ;  events  now  began  to  thicken,  the 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


319 


count  could  not  brook  a  competitor  much  less  a  Ghibeline  priest : 
in  tlie  month  of  July  both  parties  flew  to  arms  and  the  arch- 
bishop was  victorious.     After  a  feeble  attempt  to  rally  in  the 
public  palace.  Count  Ugolino,  his  two  sons  Uguccione  and 
Gaddo;   and  two  young  grandsons  Anselmuccio  and  Brigata 
surrendered  at  discretion  and  were  immediately  imprisoned  in 
a  tower  afterwards  called  the  "  Torre  delta  fame  "*,  and  there 
perished  by  starvation.     Count   Ugolino   della   Gherardesca^ 
whose  tragic  story  after   five  hundred  years  still  sounds  in 
awfiil  numbers  from  the  lyre  of  Dante  f  was  stained  with  the 
ambition  and  darker  vices  of  the  age ;  like  other  potent  chiefs 
he  sought  to  enslave  his  country  and  checked  at  nothing  in  his 
impetuous  career :  he  was  accused  of  many  crimes  ;  of  poison- 
ing his  own  nephew,  of  failing  in  war,  making  a  disgraceful 
peace,  of  flying  shamefully  perhaps  traitorously,  at  Meloria, 
and  of  obstructing  all  negotiations  with  Genoa  for  the  return 
of  his  imprisoned  countrymen.     Like  most  others  of  his  rank 
in  those  frenzied  times  he  belonged  more  to  faction  than  his 
country  and  made  the  former  subservient  to  his  own  ambition  ; 
but  all  these  accusations  even  if  well-founded  would  not  draw 
him  from  the  general  standard;  they  would  only  prove  that 
he  shared  the  ambition,  the  cruelty,  the  ferocity,  the  reckless- 
ness of  human  life  and  suffering,  and  the  relentless  pursuit  of 
power  in  common  with  other  chieftains  of  his  age  and  country. 
Ugolino  was  overcome  and  suffered  a  cruel  death ;  his  family 
was  dispersed  and  his  memoiy  has  perhaps  been  blackened 
with  a  darker  colouring  to  excuse  the  severity  of  his  pmiish- 
ment;    but  his   sons  who   naturally  followed  their  parent's 
fortune  were  scarcely  impUcated  in  liis  crimes  although  they 
shared  his  fate,  and  his  grandsons  though  not  children  were 
still  less  guilty ;  though  one  of  tliese  was  not  unstained  with 

♦  The  remains  of  this  tower  still  exist  ing  to   the  Gualandi  family.     (Vide 

in  the  Piazza  de'  Cavalieri  on  the  right  Tronci,  Annali.) 

of  the  archway  as  the  spectator  looks  f  For  a  translation  of  this  passage  of 

towards  the  clock.     Its  former  name  the  Inferno  see  Appendix. 

was"  Lj,  Torre  delk  Sette  rie,"  belong- 


-  niWPE^^p^rr 


320 


FLORENTINE   UISTORY. 


[book  I. 


(HAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


321 


A.  D- 1287. 


hlood*.  The  archbishop  had  public  and  private  wrongs  to 
revenge,  and  had  he  fallen  his  sacred  character  alone  would 
probably  have  procured  for  him  a  milder  destiny  f . 
While  these  transactions  were  going  forward  at  Pisa  an  incident 
occurred  in  Florence  which  exemplifies  both  the  man- 
ner and  difficulty  of  executing  justice  against  powerful 
citizens  in  those  tiu'bulent  times  of  nominal  liberty  and  real 
licence.  Totto  Mazzinghi  of  Campi  chief  of  a  ferocious  race,  was 
condemned  for  murder  but  on  his  way  to  the  scaffold  a  rescue 
was  attempted  by  Corso  Donati  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  follow- 
ing :  before  tliis  could  be  accomplished  the  Campana  sounded 
the  citizens  ran  to  their  arms  and  horse  and  foot  rallied  round 
the  Podesta  crying  aloud  for  justice  ;  seeing  himself  so  sup- 
ported this  magistrate  immediately  changed  the  nature  of  his 
sentence,  such  was  their  notion  of  liberty,  and  instead  of  the 
more  dignified  punishment  of  decapitation  ordered  Mazzinghi 
to  be  drawn  ignominiously  through  the  public  streets  and  then 
hanged  hke  a  common  malefoctor.  After  imposing  a  fine  on 
the  ringleaders  of  this  outrage  the  Podesta  Matteo  da  Fogliano 
of  Reggio  dropped  all  further  proceedings  "  and  wan  much  com- 
mended by  every  body,  as  well  for  the  spirit  he  displayed  in 

Dante  has  used  a  poet's  license  in 
describing  them  as  innocent  children. 
—  (Vide  Dal  Borgo,  Dissert,  xi.,  p. 
40a  deir  Istoria  Plsana.)  In  '' Frag- 
menta  Historicf  Pisanre'^  (tomo 
xxiv,,  "  Scrip.  Ber.  Ital.'^)  we  learn 
"  That  the  archbishop  and  the  said 
Ghibeline  chiefs  kc.  with  battle  and 
fire  took  the  public  palace,  and  took 
Count  Ugolino  and  his  sons  and 
grandsons  and  kept  them  confined 
and  prisoners,  and  put  them  in  irons 
and  guarded  them  in  the  public  palace 
more  than  20  days  until  the  tower  of 
the  Gualandi  of  the  seven  streets  was 
prepared  ;  and  then  placed  them  in  the 
sai<l  prison  which  was  afterwards  called 
*  of  Famine.'^  " — We  here  take  leave 
of  Giachetto  Malespini's  continuation 
of  the  Chronicle  of  Ricordo  Malcspini. 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cxxi. — 
Tronci  Annali  Pisani.  —  Dal  Borgo, 
Dissert,  ii",  p.  99,  and  xi.,  p.  373. — 
Dante  Inferno,  Can.  xxxiii.  Roncioni. 
Ist.  Pisa.  Lib.  xi.,  pp.  63*2,  et  seq. — 
Sardo.  Chron.  Pisa.,  cap.  xliv. — Guido 
di  Corvaria,  torn,  xxiv.,  p.  694. — Scr. 
Rer.  Ital. 

+  An  unknown  author  (quoted  by 
Muratori  and  Dal  Borgo)  asserts  that 
Ugolino  was  fined  20,000  lire  and 
foo<l  denied  to  him  until  the  fine  should 
be  paid  :  but  this  is  scarcely  credible 
and  if  true  does  not  diminish  the 
atrocity  of  his  punishment.  Ugolino's 
grandson  Brigata  had  however  assas- 
sinated Giano  Scomigiani  one  of  Vis- 
conti's  friends  a  short  time  before, 
which  completed  the  rupture  between 
the  latter  and  Count  Ugolino,  so  that 


i'  « 


■ic*.Q- 


nrrnjiug  the  sentence  into  execution  as  for  his  prudence  in  de- 
vlininii  to  hrare  the  power  of  so  great  a  citizen  as  Corso  Donati 
hy  a  criminal  prosecution  against  his  person^.'' 

Another  law  of  this  period  exhibits  an  example  of  the  blind 
s(>verity  of  punishment  awarded  to  a  crime  which  was  becoming 
very  prevalent  throughout  Italy  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and 
which  in  Florence  may  periiaps  have  been  encouraged  by  the 
increasing  amount  of  marriage  portions,  a  circumstance  which 
rendered  it  difficult  for  any  but  the  opulent  to  marry  their 
daughters,  as  Dante  makes  Cacciaguida  lament  in  the  fifteenth 
canto  of  his  Paradise  f.     The  custom  of  concubinage  though 
not  strictly  moral  even  in  its  most  decent  aspect  and  which  is 
so  subversive  of  all  the  generally  received  principles  of  civi- 
lised society,  was  not  in  that  rough  age  visited  with  the  same 
indulgence   as   at   present;    population   in   those   times   was 
esteemed  the  strength  of  a  country,  and  as  this  pernicious 
habit  diminished  the  number  of  marriages  it  was  visited  >rith 
the  cruel  punishment  of  the  stake  and  the  faggot.     How  much 
of  this  severity  was  due  to  pure  monility  and  how  much  to 
the    cupidity  of  the   clergy  whose   fees  were   proportionally 
diminished,  no  documents  infonn  us,  but  it  may  be  fairly  sup- 
posed that  each  had  its  peculiar  influence  l 

Towards  the  beginning  of  the  preceding  winter  some  wariike 
symptoms  began  to  appear  in  and  about  Arezzo  a  city  whose 
political  movements  were  closely  connected  with  the  welfare 
of  Florence  in  consequence  of  the  numerous  Ghibeline  faction 
in  that  neighl)Ourhood :  the  Ghibelme  Bishop  Guglielmino,  a 

*  Gio.  Villani,  cap.  cxiv..  Lib.  iii.— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  167. 

+  Non  faceva  nasccndo  ancor  paura 

La  figlia  al  Padre,  ch(i  il  tempo  e  la  dote 
Non  fuggian  quinei  e  quindi  la  misura. 

A  daughter's  birth  as  yet  instill'd  no  fear     ^ 
Into  the  father's  heart,  lest  age  and  dow  r 
Should  pass  just  measure  on  the  part  of  eacli. 

+  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  168.     • 
VOL.    T.  ^ 


^^ns^wwwi^^ 


322 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


323 


powerful  and  ambitious  prelate  more  fitted  for  the  sword  than 
the  Breviar}',  had  surprised  the  strong-hold  of  Saint  Cecilia  in 
the  contado  of  Siena  as  a  step  towards  further  operations 
against  the  Guelphic  administration  of  that  state,  which  in 
r-^83  had  imitated  Florence  in  the  fonnation  of  its  executive 
goverament,  mider  the  name  of  the  ''Nine  Governors  and 
Defenders  of  the  community  and  people  of  Siena,'  or  as  they 
were  commonly  called  ''The Nine'' ^'.  Pope  Honorius  IV.  who 
had  followed  the  politics  of  his  family  rather  tlian  those  of  the 
church  expired  in  April  1*287  unregretted  by  the  Florentines; 
but  his  vast  power  coupled  with -the  Xeapolitun  monarch's 
captivity  and  the  long  vacancy  of  the  holy  see,  had  inspirited 
the  Ghibehnes,  so  that  the  warlike  Bishop  of  Arezzo  with 
great  temporal  dominion  was  eager  for  any  movement,  and  Flo- 
rence deemed  it  expedient  to  renew  the  Guelphic  league  and 
increase  its  force  to  lifteen  hundred  horsemen.  Arezzo,  whe- 
ther less  embittered  by  faction,  or  from  having  the  two  par- 
ties more  equally  balanced  in  public  opinion,  was  about  this 
epoch  governed  by  an  union  of  both  and  peace  sworn  to 
between  them:  the  citizens  however  after  the  example  of 
Florence  and  Siena  were  not  disposed  to  sleep  over  their 
liberty  but  rising  in  a  l)ody  elected  a  man  of  Lucca  as 
Governor  under  the  simple  denomination  of  "  Prior.'' 

This  officer  held  the  reins  with  a  determined  hand ;  he 
humbled  the  Pazzi  of  Val  d'Anio,  reduced  the  Ubertini,  and 
besieged  their  castles:  invested  the  Bishop  himself  in  his 
stronghold  of  Civitella,  and  made  the  laws  respected  every- 
where :  but  the  capture  of  Civitella  would  have  fallen  too 
heavily  on  the  whole  aristocratic  body ;  wherefore  they  sus- 
pended all  private  quarrels  and  excited  a  mutiny  in  the 
investing  army  which  obliged  the  Prior  to  raise  the  siege  and 
return  to  Arezzo ;  still  following  up  their  blow  they  suddenly 
entered  that  city,  killed  this  worthy  magistrate,  and  usurped 

•  Orl.  Malvolti,  Lib.  iii",  Tarte  ii",p.  50. 


<?» 


the  supreme  power,  with  the  usual  severities  of  death  and 
banishment -I'. 

Thus  left  to  themselves  their  old  quarrels  revived,  for  the 
nobles  agreed  in  nothing  but  their  hatred  to  popular  govern- 
ment; the  Guelphs  after  the  example  of  Florence,  and  perhaps 
stimulated  by  her  secret  councils,  attempted  to  overpower  the 
Ghibelines  ;  but  Guglielmino  with  the  aid  of  his  kinsmen  the 
Pazzi,  the  Ubertini,  and  other  adherents,  drove  their  opponents 
from  the  town  and  remained  its  masters.     Two  parties  were 
thus   expelled,   that  of  the  murdered  Prior,  or  of  popular 
government,  and  that  of  the  Guelphic  nobles:  both  were  power- 
ful, a  common  interest  united  them,  with  combined  forces  they 
captured  the  towns  of  Rondine  and  Monte  San  Savino,  and 
even  menaced  Arezzo  itself.    The  aid  of  Florence  was  solicited 
on  the  strength  of  former  friendship  and  a  common  hatred  of 
Ghibelinism ;   they  maintained  that  her  true  policy  was   to 
establish  a  Guelphic  government  in  Arezzo,  and  more  especially 
to  prevent  their  constant  enemies   the  Pazzi  and  Ubaldini 
from  becoming  paramount  in  that  state  which  would  inevitably 
happen  if  now  allowed  to  consolidate  their  power.     Although 
the   Florentines   ever  alive   to  the  dangers  of  a  Ghibeline 
ascendancy  were  predisposed  to  the  task,  there  is  still  reason 
to  believe  that  both  entreaties  and  menaces  were  first  tried 
without  effect  in  behalf  of  the  exiles  but  the  bishop  exaspe- 
rated at  the  recapture  of  Saint  Cecilia  to  which  Florence  had 
mainly  contributed  rejected   ever}^  proposal.     Five  hundred 
men-at-arms  were  therefore  sent  to  their  assistance  and  the 
whole  strength  of  the  League  was  promised,  but  coupled  with 
a  stipulation  that  no  peace  should  be  made  without  the  consent 
of  Florence  and  the  Guelphic  confederation!. 

War,  thus  ready  to  break  out  between  these  two  states, 

*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iii«,  Dino  Cam-  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iii°,  p.  55.— Dino 

pagni.  Lib.  i«.  Compagni,  Lib.  i%  p.  6.— Scip.  A  mmi- 

t  Giov.  Villani,  cap.  cxv.,  Lib.  vii«.—  rato,  Lib.  iii**,  p.  167. 

Y  2 


324 


FLOKENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XII  ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


325 


exhibited  a  more  favourable  aspect  to  the  Ghibelines ;  the  Im- 
perial Vicar  Prezzivalle  dal  Fiesco  of  Genoa,  chaplain 
A.P.  1288.  ^^^^  favourite  of  Pope  Honorius  IV.,  was  through  his 
mriuence  appointed  to  that  office  two  years  before  and  vainly 
endeavoiu-ed  to  reestablish  the  emperors  ancient  ri^^hts  in 
Tuscany :  at  Florence  liis  pretensions  were  haughtily  repelled, 
nor  did  he  then  succeed  better  at  Arezzo,  where  the  Guelphs 
rejected  him  as  an  imperialist,  and  the  Ghibelines  from  a  par- 
ticular dislilie  to  liis  Guelphic  family  tmd  nation.  He  wa>  ii<>n\ 
however  invited  to  Arezzo  and  soon  joined  the  bishop  ^Yith  some 
troups  and  all  the  imperial  intluence  :  to  this  was  added  the  im- 
plied favour  of  Pope  Nicholas  IV.  whose  opinions  were  gene- 
rally supposed  to  be  Ghibeline. 

In  February  12s7  Guglielmino  opened  the  campaign  by 
desultorv  inroads  on  the  Senese  and  Florentine  territories, 
strencrtheninc  himself  by  close  alliances  with  all  the  Tuscan 
Irhibelmes  that  ventured  to  declare  themselves  :  he  governed 
Arezzo  despotically,  drew  succours  from  Ilomagna  La  Marca 
and  Spoleto,  drove  the  Guelphs  from  Chusi  and  triumphed 
over  a  great  portion  of  Tuscany*.  Florence  perceived  the 
runiing  stonn  and  instimtly  prepjxi-ed  to  meet  it ;  feeling  the 
need  of  a  vigorous  eftbrt  they  assembled  the  tinest  army  that 
hail  ever  left  their  state  since  the  return  of  the  Guelphic 
faction  and  determined  to  make  war  in  the  enemy's  eountr}'. 
The  confederates  had  about  three  thousand  hr»ise  and  twelve 
thousand  foot,  all,  according  to  some  writers,  under  command 
of  llinuccio  Famese,  general  of  the  league ;  eight  hundred 
men-at-arms  led  bv  the  Podesta  Foseracco  of  Lodi  were  com- 
posed  of  the  "  CaraUate''  or  train-bands  of  Florence,  in  wliich 
every  opulent  citizen  enrolled  himself,  clothed,  armed,  and 
mounted  at  his  own  expense. 

Towards  the  end  of  May  P288  war  was  fonnally  declared 

♦  Gi«»v.  Villani,  Lib.  iii",  cap.  cxv.—     tino,  Lib.  iii".— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib. 
Dine  Campagni,  Cronica, — Leon.  Are-     iii",  p.  1 69. 


<'1 


w  1 


;i gainst  Arezzo  by  displaying  the  republican  standard  on  the 
al)bey  of  Eipoli  for  eight  days  previous  to  taking  the  field :  and 
this,  says  Villani,  "  was  the  custom  of  the  Florentines  in  those 
(lays  through  a  lordly  pride  and  greatness  of  mind,  for  they 
wished  that  their  issuing  forth  to  war  might  be  made  known  to 
their  enemies  and  all  the  world." 

In  the  beginning  of  June  the  confederates  invaded  Arezz<» 
;uid  being  too  strong  for  any  opposition  soon  reduced  about 
forty  places  in  the  Val  d'Ambra  with  the  usual  devastations  : 
Laterino  alone  withstood  them  for  eight  days  but  finally  sur- 
rendered at  discretion  through  the  treacheiy  of  Lupo  degli 
Uberti  the  governor  while  Guglielmino,  a  prince  of  the  empire 
in  liis  quality  of  bishop,  and  tlie  most  powerful  prelate  of  Italy 
remained  in  Arezzo,  not  being  strong  enough  to  take  the  field 
against  them.  The  allies  soon  appeared  before  that  city  and 
accordmg  to  the  prevalent  manners  insulted  the  Aretines  by 
celebrating  the  usual  Florentine  game  of  the  '' Palw^  on 
Saint  John's  day  under  their  very  gates ;  by  cutting  down  their 
great  elm  tree  which  it  was  then  the  custom  to  preserve  outside 
the  walls  of  towns  and  cities  as  a  spot  of  recreation  for  the 
inhabitants,  and  by  amusing  themselves  in  other  peaceful 
diversions  as  if  no  enemy  were  at  hand.  Arezzo  however  was 
too  strong  for  a  sudden  assault  and  after  a  while  all  the  forces 
but  those  of  Siena  returned  in  triumph  to  Florence,  the  latter 
commanded  by  Rinuccio  Famese  moving  by  Val-di-Chiana 
where  two  of  the  enemy's  captains  Buonconte  da  Montefelto 
and  Guglielmo  de'  Pazzi,  undertook  with  two  hundred  men-at- 
arms  and  two  thousand  infantry  to  discomfit  them :  this  was 
accomplished  by  an  ambuscade  at  the  Pieve  del  Toppo  when 
three  hmidred  of  the  principal  citizens  of  Siena  were  killed  or 
taken ;  and  the  loss  was  more  aggravated  by  the  death  of 
Famese  himself,  one  of  the  best  commanders  of  the  day 
although  here  out-generalled  *. 

*  G.  Villani  says  that  Count  Alexa7ider  of  Romena  was  at  this  time  Cap- 


326 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   Xll.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


327 


As  an  example  of  the  public  spirit  in  these  wars  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  a  citizen  of  Siena  named  Lano,  who  had 
expended  all  his  property  in  order  to  appear  with  some  distinc- 
tion in  the  confederate  camp,  hiiving  the  power  of  saving  him- 
self in  this  encounter  chose  rather  to  die  in  the  ranks  than 
return  poor  and  dishonoured  to  his  native  city  and  fell  in  a 
desperate  attack  which  he  made  singly  against  the  factors  *. 

This  defeat,  which  was  soon  followed  by  the  death  of  Ugolino 
and  the  destruction  of  the  Pisan  Guelphs,  gave  fresh  spirit  to 
their  adversaries  whose  faction,  identified  with  that  of  the 
emperors,  by  a  curious  anomaly  now  prospered  under  the 
auspices  of  two  powerful  bishops,  while  the  pope  himself  was 
imagined  to  be  secretly  attached  to  it;  so  much  had  the  original 
source  of  these  party  names  ceased  to  influence  them  while 
the  angry  spirit  still  remained  active  and  unmitigated. 

Notwithstanding  their  powerful  league  the  probable  union 
of  Pisa  and  Arezzo  discomposed  the  Florentines,  for  young 
Charles  of  Naples  still  occupied  the  prisons  of  Aragon  and  both 
pope  and  emperor  were  supposed  to  be  entirely  against  tliem  : 
nevertheless  they  showed  a  bold  countenance,  and  granted  the 
ambassadors  of  Lucca  and  Nino,  or  Ugolino  Visconti,  a  hundred 
men-at-arms,  while  they  interdicted  all  communication  with 
Pisa,  commanding  every  Florentine  subject  to  leave  that  city 
within  eight  days.  Lucca  lost  no  time  about  commencing  opera- 
tions and  in  August  took  Asciano  only  three  miles  from  Pisa, 
the  latter  being  too  unsettled  to  prevent  its  surrender.  The 
Florentines  followed  this  up  by  defeating  a  reenforcement  of 
two  hundred  horse  coming  from  the  Maremma  imder  the  Con- 
ticino  d'  llci  of  that  countrj'  who  with  most  of  his  people  was 

tain   of  the   I^eague   and    Malavolti,  *  Giov.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cxx, — 

jMTobably  with  truth,  that  Farncse  was  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iii°. — Scip.  Ammi- 

leader   of  the   Senese   and  that   the  rate.  Lib.  iii",  p.  170.— Pignotti,  Stor. 

battle  was   lost  by  the  treachen-  of  Tosc.,   vol.  iii",   p.  169. — Orl.  Mala- 

Nello  da  Pietro  of  Siena   who 'fled  volti,  Lib.  iii".  Parte  ii*,  p.  54. 
early  with  his  men. 


.1 


ii  ,'** 


\ 


made  prisoner  after  a  bloody  conflict,  an  exploit  considered  of 
such  consequence  that  the  captured  banners  were  hung  up  in 
the  principal  churches  and  the  constable  Bernardo  da  Ptieti  who 
commanded  the  Florentines  was  dubbed  a  knight  and  other- 
wise distinguished.    Nor  was  Arezzo  inactive ;  for  the  Guelphs 
having  incited  the  inhabitants  of  Corciano,  a  town  in  that 
contado  to  revolt  in  favour  of  Florence  the  former  rapidly 
assembled  an  army  for  its  recapture  while  the  latter  felt  its 
own  reputation  equally  involved  in  its  preservation.     This  was 
an  aff^air  of  time,  wherefore  only  about  a  thousand  cavaby^  and 
four  thousand  infantrj^  assembled  of  which  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  were  paid  troops,  the  remainder  beuag  the  regular 
battalions  of  independent  citizens.    In  this  expedition  was  first 
unfurled  the  royal  banner  bestowed  on  the  Republic  by  Charles 
of  Anjou,  an  honour  which  the  Florentines  prized  so  much  that 
they  gave  it  m  charge  to  one  of  their  most  distinguished  citizens 
Berto  de'  Frescobaldi,  and  it  ever  after  was  borne  as  a  standard 
of  supreme  dignity.     Corciano  being  now  closely  pressed  the 
Florentines  hurried  on  to  its  relief,  and  the  Aretines  unwilling 
to  hazard  a  night  assault  in  the  neighbourhood  of  such  an 
enemy  retreated  to  Arezzo,  but  to  save  themselves  from  the 
imputation  of  a  shameful  flight  defied  their  adversaries  to  a 
pitched  battle :  the  Florentine  general  accepting  this  took  up 
a  position  near  Laterina  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Amo  about 
ten  miles  from  Arezzo  in  expectation  of  their  arrival :  he  did 
not  wait  long,  for  the  enemy  was  soon  observed  to  occupy  a 
piece  of  rising  ground  on  the  opposite  bank,  the  river  being  so 
dr}^  that  neither  cavalry  nor  infantry  could  have  found  much 
difficulty  in  crossing,  but  as  the  Ghibeline  force  was  composed 
of  seven  hundred  men-at-arms  and  eight  thousand  foot,  the 
Florentine  spared  liis  troops  a  double  fatigue  in  passing  the 
river,  mounting  the  hill,  and  going  breathless  into  action: 
wherefore  challenging  his  antagonist  to  descend  and  fight  on 
equal  terms  he  was  answered  by  the  wary  Ghibeline  who  had 


328 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


been  busily  reconnoitreing,  that  it  was  not  his  custom  to  choose 
a  position  at  the  pleasure  of  an  enemy,  and  the  latter  returned 
to  iVrezzo  with  what  in  those  days  was  considered  little  honour. 
After  remaining  under  arms  until  nightfall  tlie  Florentine  anny 
pursued  its  march,  and  with  the  capture  of  some  to'^NHS  and 
much  additional  injury  to  the  country,  finally  anived  at  Flo- 
rence. But  scarcely  had  they  withdrawn  when  wild  (jhiheline 
hands  from  Arezzo  and  the  Casentino  poured  into  the  plains 
and  ravaged  all  the  country  as  far  as  Sieve  within  ten  miles  of 
the  capital :  thus  went  the  war,  the  peasantry'  suffering  equally 
from  friend  and  foe ;  for  the  Masnadien  of  either  host  main- 
tained a  tolerable  impartiality  m  their  inflictions,  and  neither 
mercy  nor  discipline  were  their  peculiar  attributes  *. 

The  year  1*288  finished  by  a  tremendous  tlood  which  over- 
flowed great  part  of  Florence,  demolished  the  palaces  of  the 
Spini  and  Gianfigliazzi  with  many  other  houses,  aiitl  devas- 
tating much  of  the  contado  made  a  melancholy  terniiiKition  to 
the  calamities  of  war :  this  was  the  fourth  of  sudi  sweeping 
visitations  in  less  than  twentv  vears,  alternatinjj  with  con- 
flagrations  of  a  more  destructive  nature,  which  coupled  with  a 
new  attempt  to  register  property  for  increased  tjixation  threw 
a  general  gloom  over  the  community. 

The  new  year  began  as  the  last  had  terminated  with 
miiversal  war,  Florence  being  the  great  centre  of  hos- 
tile movement:  in  conjunction  with  Siena  she  op- 
posed the  Aretines  in  the  south,  and  assisted  by  Lucca  fought 
Pisa  in  the  west :  the  new  Podesta  Ugolino  de'  llossi  of  Parma 
had  much  upon  his  hands,  for  the  whole  count r}-  was  in  arms 
and  the  fortune  of  war  various  and  fluctuating.  Tliere  were 
many  Ghibeline  families  at  Florence,  and  it  may  be  imagined 
that  in  the  surrounding  tumult  and  the  prosperous  state   of 


A.D.  1289. 


•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cxxii. 
cxxiii.  cxxiv. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib. 
\vP. — Scip.  Ammirato.  Lib.  iii**,  p.  173. 


— Sim.della  Tosa,  Annali. — Muratori, 
Annali,  1-288,  1289. 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


329 


their  faction  beyond  the   walls  they  were  not  unconcerned 
spectators  withm ;  the  Guelphs  were  so  well  aware  of  this,  that 
when  the  Aretines  at  the  beginning  of  March  invaded  them, 
cariying  fire  and  sword  almost  to  the  gates,  they  did  it  with 
impunity;    for  the  citizens  were  afraid  of  interaal  tmnults 
if  they  issued  out  to  chastise  an  enemy  whom  they  suspected 
of  having  a  secret  correspondence  within.     A  rigid  investiga- 
tion was^  consequently  instituted  into  the  conduct  of  all  Ghi- 
belines  and   the   most  suspicious   banished:   active   prepara- 
tions for  a  \igorous  warfiire  were  made  by  all  parties,  the 
Pisan  army  being  commanded  by  Count  Guide  of  Montefeltro 
a  chief  who  after  his  gallant  conduct  in  Romagna  had  been 
banished  by  the  late  pope,  but  now  broke  every  restriction  and 
with  all  his  family  was  excommunicated  ;  the  anathema  includ- 
ing even  the  city  of  Pisa  itself. 

In  November  P2s.^  Prince  Charles  of  Anjou  received  his 
liberty,  the  conditions  of  which  had  been  long  under  dis- 
cussion but  rejected  as  too  severe  by  the  late  pontiff :  the 
reigning  popi^  Nicholas  IV.  who  in  conjunction  with  Edward 
I.  hiterested  himself  like  his  predecessor  aboiit  the  prince's 
freedom  had  better  success.  The  principal  articles  were  that 
Chaiies  of  Anjou  should  move  the  French  king's  brother 
Charies  of  Valois  to  renounce  all  claims  on  the  kingdom  of 
Aragon,  which  had  been  given  to  him  by  Pope  Martin  IV. 
when  he  excommunicated  Pedro :  to  leave  James  brother  of 
Alphonso  in  quiet  possession  of  Sicily,  pay  thirty  thousand 
marks  of  silver,  and  deliver  up  his  three  sons  with  sixty 
Provencal  nobles  as  hostages,  and  if  he  failed  in  the  first 
condition   he   was    to   return   in   a  year  and    be    again    a 

prisoner*. 

His  cousin  of  Valois  would  not  consent  to  any  such  compro- 

*  Mariana,   Hist,    de    Espa^iia,   Lib.  ance    of    these    conditions    and   the 

xiv.,  p.  514,  and  Giov.  Villani,  Lib.  former   asserts   that    the  pope  disap- 

vii     cap  cxxv.,  say  that  three  years  proved  of  the  whole  treaty  as  having 

was  the  time  allowed  for  the  perform-  been  concluded  without  his  sanction 


i"HJPW? 


330 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


331 


mise  of  his  rights,  and  Nicholas  like  Honorius  was  much  too 
sagacious  to  allow  the  Sicilian  article  to  remain ;  even  James 
urged  his  brother  of  Aragon  not  to  consider  him  as  he  could 
take  good  care  of  himself,  wherefore  that  article  was  expunged 
from  the  treaty.    Charles  passed  through  Florence  where  he  was 
received  with  marked  distinction  in  May  I^hO  and  after  three 
days  proceeded  towards  Rome   with  a  weak  escort ;  but  the 
Florentines  healing  that  the  people   of  Arezzo   intended  to 
waylay  him,  quickly  assembled   three  thousand  uifantrj-  and 
eight  hundred  men-at-aims,  overtook  him  on  his  road   and 
escorted  him  safely  to  Bricola  on  the  confines  of  Or\ieto  and 
Siena.     For  this  serNice  permission  was   asked  to  cany  his 
banner  at  the  head  of  their  armies  as  they  had  already  done, 
and  for  one  of  his  nobles  as  their  general ;  both  requests  were 
granted  and  Americ  de  Narbonne  a  young  man  of  distinguished 
rank  was  appointed  to  that  office.     Charles  continued  his  jour- 
ney to  the  papal  court  then  held  at  Rieti  where  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  May  he  was  crowned  King  of  Sicily  Puglia  and  Jeru- 
salem, and  reinstated  in  all  his  father  s  rights ;    for  Nicholas 
although  at  heart  a  Ghibeline  knew  too  well  the  value  of  a 
prince'^who  acknowledged  the  pontiff  as  his  liege  lord  and  held 
his  dominions  only  by  peraiission  of  the  church.     By  the  same 
authority  was  he  absolved  from  all  his  oaths  to  Alphonso,  who 
with  James  of  Sicily  was  excommunicated,  and  the  ecclesias- 
tical tenths  granted  to  Charies  for  three  years  to  recover  that 
island.     James  in  order  to  keep  the  wai-  out  of  Sicily  attacked 
Calabria  but  unsuccessfully,  then  besieged  Gaeta  where  he  was 
hemmed  in  by  Charles,  and  so  embarrassed  that  had  not  ambas- 
sadors from  England  and  Aragon  arrived  on  a  mission  of  peace 
he  could  have  scarcely  escaped. 

By  the  King  of  England's  mediation  a  truce  was  concluded 

and  therefore  annulled  it  altogether,  translation  of  the  original  articles 
I  have  followed  Muratori  and  Gian-  from  Rymer.  (Acta.  Puhl.  Angl., 
none  especially  the  latter,  who  gives  a    pp.  149,  150.) 


1 


i< 


fiu 


¥ 


i 


i 


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#1 


H 


for  two  years  to  the  great  discomposure  of  the  Count  of  Artois 
who  had  governed  Naples  during  Charles's  captivity  and  now 
widi  several  other  French  barons  quitted  him  in  disgust  as  a 
man  who  would  never  do  anj^hing  worthy  of  record.  Charles 
nevertheless  governed  his  kingdom  in  comparative  peace  and 
wisdom;  encouraged  arts  and  learning,  and  gained  more 
real   gloiy  than   his  stern  and   relentless   sire  with  all   his 

victories  ^. 

After  this  monarch's  departure  Florence  assembled  all  her 
legions ;  as  the  great  Guelphic  families  whose  mfluence  had 
begun  the  war  were  still  eager  for  its  continuance  ;  but  many 
of  "the  more  peaceable  citizens,  being  as  doubtful  of  its  justice 
as  they  were  jealous  of  its  authors,  held  contrary  opinions : 
Gughelmino  on  the  other  hand  foresaw  that  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign would  endanger  his   own  possessions   and  wished  to 
negotiate ;  he  was  disposed  to  abandon  Arezzo  and  give  some 
of  liis  principal  towns  in  pledge  to  the  Florentines  on  having 
an  annuity  secured  to  him  of  three  thousand  florins  m  lieu  of 
their  revenue.     But  we  are  informed  by  Dino  Compagni  that 
there  was  at  this  moment  a  good  deal  of  dissension  amongst 
the  Florentine  priors,  of  whom  he  was  one ;  some  wished  to 
treat,  some  not ;  while  others  were  anxious  to  avoid  the  certain 
miserj^  of  war :  it  was  at  last  decided  to  accept  the  proffered 
garrisons  but  not  dismantle  them :   Prior  Dii-  di  Giovanm  a 
citizen  of  great  influence  was  accordingly  intrusted  with  full 
powers  to  treat  and  immediately  dispatched  Messer  Dura^zo,  a 
lately  dubbed  knight ;  to  secure  the  most  favourable  conditions 
from  Gualielmino.    This  prelate  now  wavered,  feeling  that  his 
negotiath^g  alone  might  be  considered  as  treachery ;  wherefore 
assembhng  his  supporters  of  the  Pa^zi,  Ubaldini,  Tarlati,  and 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cxxiv.,  vol.    ix.,   cap    ". '   ^^^^  j^^lli^'r 

cxxv    and  cxxx.— Simone  della  Tosa,  Ammirato,  Lib.  in»,  p.   1  /  a-— Leon, 

Ann^li!-Mu"tori,    Annali,    1288-9  Aretino,  Lib  iii".-Bonmsegni,  Stona 

-Giannone,  Stor.  Civile  di  Kapoli,  Fiorentina,  Lib.  i ,  p.  91. 


332 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


[book 


CHAP.  XH.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


333 


other  powerful  families,  with  Bonconte  di  Montefeltro  brother 
to  the  Pisan  general,  besides  many  bai'ons  (^f  Spoleio  and  La 
Marca,  he  advised  them  to  conchide  a  peace  with  Florenc' 
declaring  that  he  could  not  risk  Bibbiena,  which  if  tliev  did  not 
reinforce  he  would  make  hif,  own  terms.  Thes»^  auspicious  words 
filled  them  with  doubt  and  anger  both  of  which  would  howt\er 
soon  have  been  allayed  by  assassinating  the  bishop  if  liis  kins- 
man Gughelmo  de'  Pazzi  had  not  opposed  it :  Pa/.zi  ini,'enuously 
declared  that  he  could  have  been  well  contented  liad  the  thing 
been  done  without  his  knowledge,  but  being  once  consuhed  he 
would  never  consent  to  the  shedding  of  his  own  bloo.l .' 

Intelligence  of  these  events  ha\4ng  reached  Florenc  an 
immediate  invasion  was  the  result,  but  the  precise  point  of 
attack  remained  undecided  until  put  to  the  bidlot,  when  an 
mroad  on  the  province  of  Casentmo  canned  the  greater  number 
of  suffrages. 

The  new  royal  banner  was  now  intrusted  to  Gherardo  Vcn- 
traia  de'  Tomaquinci,  and  the  republican  standard  hoisted  as 
before  upon  the  towers  of  Ripoli  Abbey  with  the  apparent 
intention  of  penetrating  into  the  Aretuie  state  by  Incisa  and 
the  upper  Valdamo.    The  anny  under  Xarboime  marched  on  the 
•2nd  of  June,  but  instead  of  following  up  the  river-line  suddenly 
crossed  it,  moving  by  Ponte  a  Sieve  and  the  raoimtain  roads, 
though  with  considerable  danger,  and  after  mustering  on  Monte 
a  Pruno  halted  near  Poppi  on  the  high  road  to  Bibbiena.    The 
combined  forces  amomited  to  nineteen  hundred  men-at-arms 
and  eight  thousand  infantry,  all  old  soldiers  and  equal  to  any 
warlike  enterprise  :  amongst  them  were  a  hundred  Bolognese 
knights  and  the  young  Ghibelme  chief  Maghinardo  da  Susinana 
with  all  his  followers,  who  notwithstanding  his  adverse  faction 
had  attached  himself  to  the  Florentines  from  gratitude,  for 
their  honest  admmistration  of  his  domains  while  a  minor  under 
their  guardianship*. 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  c.\iix. 


The  possessions  of  their  old  enemy  Count  Guide  Novello, 
now  Podesta  of  Arezzo,  were  the  first  to  feel  the  Florentine 
brand  :  all  this  green  and  beautiful  district  with  its  gushing 
streams  and  woods  and  breezy  hills  now  lay  at  their  mercy ;  and 
Bibl>ieiia  must  soon  have  surrendered  if  the  Aretine  forces  had 
not  rapidly  advanced  to  its  relief.  The  relative  strength  of 
these  ai-mies  is  variously  stated ;  the  Ghibelines  do  not  appear 
to  have  assembled  more  than  nine  hundred  men-at-arms  and 
eight  thousand  foot;  but  flushed  with  last  year's  victory  and 
(^onfident  in  the  skill  of  their  generals'  and  their  solcUers' 
valour,  tlioy  taunted  the  Florentmes  with  paying  a  womanish 
regard  to  jjcrsonal  apjiearance  rather  than  to  the  manly  occupa- 
tion of  i>olibhhig  tiieir  arms,  and  scoffingly  dared  them  to  the 
combat  '■'•'' . 

The  two  armies  met  on  the  plain  of  Campaldino  in  the 
district  of  Certomondo  just  under  the  walled  town  or  "  CasteW 
of  Poppi  and  not  far  from  Bibbiena.  The  confederates  were 
drawn  up  in  four  divisions  of  unequal  strength;  the  front  was 
.•ouiposed  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  Imights  called  '' Fediton' 
who  mider  Vori  de'  C'crehi  were  destined  either  to  give  or 
receive  the  first  assault ;  these  were  supported  on  each  flank 
by  cross-bowmen  and  heavy  armed  foot  carrying  long  and 
slender  lances,  and  marshalled  in  the  form  of  a  crescent,  the 
centre  of  which  was  a  compact  body  of  chosen  mfantrj^  and 
mpu-at-arms.  The  second  fine  was  called  the  "  Heavy  Division;' 


^  *  No  mcnliou  is  made  in  tliis  war  of 

the  Carroccio  which  may  liavc  now 
begun  to  fall  into  disuse.  I  have  fol- 
lowed Scip,  Ammirato's  statement  of 
the  confeilerate  force  in  this  campaign, 
as  mustered  on  Monte  a  Primo ;  but 
Dino  Compagni  one  of  the  priors,  who 
M-rites  as  if  he  were  present  in  the 
battle,  and  Giov.  Villani  another  co- 
temporary  author  make  the  cavalry 
amount  only  to  1300  and  the  latter 


says  there  were  10,000  infantry.  All 
authors  agree  in  the  inferior  numbers" 
of  the  Aretine  anny;  but  Leonardo 
Aretino  makes  their  cavalry  900,  other 
authors  800  men.  Marchionne  di 
Coppo  Stefano  magnifies  the  force  of 
both  hosts,  the  Florentines  to  2500 
horse  and  9500  foot ;  the  Aretincs  to 
1700  horse  and  9900  foot.  (Vide 
Rubric  Ixxxi.,  Lib.  iii°.,  p.  47.) 


334 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[boor  I. 


and  arrayed  at  a  short  distance  in  rear  of  the  Feditori  to 
support  their  advance  or  cover  their  retreat ;  and  behind  all 
stood  a  third  line  where  the  baggage  under  a  sufficient  guard 
was  so  arranged  as  to  constitute  a  sort  of  defensive  work  behind 
which  the  front  divisions  might  retreat  and  reform  their  line. 
Apart  from  these  three  divisions  was  a  reser\'e  of  two  hundred 
men-at-arms  and  a  strong  body  of  Lucchese  and  Pistoian 
infantiy  under  the  famous  Corso  Donati,  then  Podesta  of 
Pistoia,  who  had  orders  not  to  stir  from  his  post  without  orders 
from  the  general  on  pain  of  death. 

The  Aretines  made  a  similar  disposition  of  their  troops,  but 
put  three  hundred  hoi'semen  in  their  Ime  of  skinnishers  and 
amongst  them  twelve  knights  of  great  prowess  whom  they 
called  their  Paladius.  Thus  marshalled,  both  armies  awaited  the 
signal  of  battle,  "  Narhotme,''  '*  Cavaliers,''  being  the  Guelphic 
cry  and  **  San  Donato "  the  rallying  word  of  their  enemies. 
Almeric  used  few  expressions  of  encom'agement  further  than 
reminding  his  men  that  in  front  were  the  same  Ghilelines 
whom  they  had  so  often  overcome ;  but  Messer  Barone  de' 
Mangiadori  of  Samminiato,  a  veteran  soldier,  thus  addressed  the 
men-at-arms.  **  Gentlemen,  in  our  Tuscan  battles  it  was  once 
*'  the  custom  to  seize  on  victoiy  by  an  impetuous  onset,  they 
*'  lasted  but  a  brief  space  and  few  were  killed,  for  it  was 
*'  not  then  usual  to  shed  much  blood  :  now  these  things  are 
*'  changed  and  victory  is  secured  by  remaining  steady  in  our 
"  ranks ;  wherefore  1  advise  you  to  stand  firm  and  let  your 
"  adversaries  begin  this  day  s  attack."  On  the  other  side  the 
bishop,  who  commanded  in  person  and  was  probably  forced 
into  the  field  by  the  suspicions  of  his  colleagues,  made  a  long 
encouraging  harangue,  urging  the  Aretines  to  remember  their 
ancient  greatness  and  fight  gallantly  for  their  own  glory  and 
the  imperial  cause  *.    The  Senese  still  burned  with  the  shame 

•  The  Bishop  was  so  short  sighted  that  he  asked,  "  What  white  trail  is  that 
before  mef*"    "  The  Florentine  bucklers^'  was  the  answer. 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


335 


of  their  late  discomfiture ;  Almeric  de  Narbonne  was  indig- 
nant at  the  recent  insult  to  his  king ;  and  the  bishop's  life, 
honour,  and  estate ;  all  depended  on  that  day's  combat.     It 
was  like  most  of  these  conflicts,  a  battle  of  individual  courage 
and  almost  personal  hatred,  therefore  the  more  deadly;  the 
mere  frenzy  of  internal  war :  the  cliiefs  of  either  army  were 
well  known  to  eachother;    many  of  the  soldiers  must  have 
been  intimate ;  theyspoke  the  same  language,  professed  the 
same  faith,  were  alike  in  manners  customs  and  country ;  con- 
nected   by  ties   of  kindred   and   commerce;    even   choosing 
their  governors  from  amongst  each  other,  and  only  divided  by 
a  spirit  of  discord  whose  source   had  long  vanished,  whose 
existence  was  desolation,  and   whose   object   was   incompre- 
hensible. 

Both  armies  now  only  awaited  the  signal,  the  trumpets  blew 
a  charge,  and  their  brazen  notes  reverberated  from  rank  to 
rank  until  the  air  was  filled  with  the  warlike  clangour :  the 
Aretines   spmug   boldly   forward;   the   Guelphs    stood    firm 
fierce  and  resolute :  the  fonner  charged  so  vigorously  that  the 
Guelphic  Feditori  were  driven  back  and  recoiled   on   their 
second  line  :  knighthood  was  bestowed  on  both  sides,  the  battle 
now  became  rough;  the  Guelphic  Feditori  rallied  and  the  sup- 
porting wings  closed  round  their  antagonists ;  but  the  bishop 
and  his  chiefs  pushed  fiercely  forward  and  the  Gliibeline  knights, 
flushed  with  success  by  a  vigorous  charge,  broke  boldly  through 
the  Guelphic  infantry :  the  dust  now  rose  in  one  dense  mass 
dimming  the  light  of  day,  and  beneath  this  murky  cloud,  amidst 
the  storm  of  battle  many  Gliibeline  soldiers  crawled  under  the 
horses'  bellies  and  with  long  sharp  knives  ripped  them  asunder; 
divei-s  knights  were  thus  treacherously  unhorsed,  and  the  day  for 
a  whfle  went  hard  with  Florence  :  her  second  line  was  borne 
back  on  the  third  and  the  shouting  Gliibelines  were  pressing 
on  bravely  though   carelessly,   as   being  assured  of  the  vic- 
tory.    At  this  crisis  Corso  DonaU  who  bound  by  the  rigid 


336 


FLORENTINE    HISTOBY 


[book  I. 


orders  of  his  cliief  luul  remained  an  impatient  >speetator  of  the 
tight,  could  no  lonjijer  contain  himseh'.  "What!  ^olditrs,"  he 
exclaimed,  '*  are  we  to  look  thus  tiimely  <>n  in  order  to  relate 
*•  the  accidents  of  this  days  battle  to  the  Priors  .if  Florence 

after  our  comrades  have  perished,  or  must  I  risk  my  head 
"  for  tilt  -afety  and  honour  of  the  army  '.'  llather  let  us  charge 
*'  bravely,  and  if  we  fail,  why  then  let  us  die  gloriously  with 
**  our  companions  like  valiant  men  and  in  the  thickest  of  the 
**  fight :  but  if,  as  I  hope,  God  gives  us  the  victor}',  let  who 
-'  will  come  to  Pistoia  for  my  head."  So  saying,  \N-ith  his  two 
hundred  knights  he  dashed  deep  into  the  enemy's  Hank  and 
l>eing  rapidly  followed  by  his  own  uifantiy  ere  that  of  the 
Ghibelines  could  support  their  horse,  he  checked  the  enemy's 
onset  and  rallied  the  Gueli)hic  legions.  The  bishop  ordered 
up  his  reserve  under  Count  Guido  Novello  who  lir>i  delayed, 
and  afterwards  fled  when  he  saw  the  Ghibelines  batfled  and 
retreating.  The  gallant  ]»ishop  tried  hard  to  rally  his  followers 
but  in  vain,  the  day  was  lost :  so  seeing  his  uion  tailing  on 
ever}-  side  he  charged  madly  hito  the  thickest  of  the  fight 
when  he  could  easily  liave  escaped,  and  died  like  a  soldier. 
Guslielmo  fell  noblv  bv  his  side;  Buonconte  and  Lotto  da 
Montefeltro  were  also  slain  with  other  chiefs  of  note ;  many 
Guelphs  had  not  even  come  mto  action  until  the  rout  began, 
and  the  Ghibehnes  overcome  by  superior  numl»ers  lost  the  day 
through  the  cowardice  of  Guido  Novello  and  the  skill  and 
courage  of  Corso  Donati. 

The  carnage  was  great  in  battle,  greater  in  the  pursuit ;  the 
peasantr}-,  plundered  by  l)Oth  sides,  had  no  pity  on  the  losers, 
and  seventeen  hundred  Gliibeline  soldiei-s  lay  bleeding  in  the 
green  woods  and  valleys  of  the  Casentino.  Many  Guelphs 
were  wounded,  but  few  killed,  and  liad  they  promptly  marched 
on  Arezzo  the  war  might  have  been  finished  by  its  capture  : 
but  delay  gave  time  for  preparation,  and  the  Aretines  proved 
as  they  did  after  the  battle  of  Monteaperto,  that  there  was  still 


CHAP,  xn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


337 


spirit  enough  left   to  defend  their  city  when  everything  had 
perished  in  the  field  *. 

The  immediate  effect  of  this  victory  was  the  surrender  of 
Bibbiena  Civitella,  Rondine  and  many  other  strongholds,  and 
a  wider  range  for  plmider  devastation  and  bloodshed :  eight  days 
were  thus  wasted  against  the  express  orders  of  the  Florentine 
government  which  directed  an  immediate  march  on  Arezzo,  and 
when  that  city  was  at  last  invested  the  army  found  an  ill- 
fortified  place,  but  brave  defenders,  all  under  the  command  of 
Tarlato  a  chief  of  spirit  and  abiUty  who  now  governed  the 
Aretines.  Twenty  days  did  they  remain  before  Arezzo,  wasting 
the  country  round  and  continually  insulting  the  people ;  thirty 
dead  asses  with  mitres  on  their  heads  were  thrown  in  derision 
over  the  ramparts ;  games  were  celebrated  and  a  Palio  was  run 
for  under  the  walls ;  every  means  of  conquest  were  tried,  with  but 
little  impression  on  the  place,  and  none  on  the  hearts  of  the 
citizens.  Some  of  the  Florentine  leaders  appear  to  have  been 
bribed,  for  when  an  opening  was  at  last  made  in  a  weak  point 
and  the  storming  party  already  in  the  breach  they  suddenly 


*  This  battle  was  fought  on  Sunday 
11th  June  and,  says  Giov.  Villani, 
"  The  news  of  the  said  victory  arrived 
at  Florence  the  same  day  and  the  self 
same  hour  that  it  was  fought :  for  after 
dinner  the  Lords  Priors  having  retired 
to  sleep  and  to  repose  themselves  after 
their  anxiety  and  late  consultation  of 
the  previous  night;  a  knocking  was 
suddenly  heard  at  their  chamber  door 
with  the  cry  of  *  Rise  up  for  the 
Aretines  are  defeated:''  and  having 
arisen,  and  opened,  they  found  nobody, 
and  their  servants  outside  heard  no- 
thing; hence  there  was  great  marvel, 
and  it  was  held  to  be  wonderful  before 
any  one  had  anived  from  the  army 
with  the  intelligence ;  it  was  at  the 
hour  of  vespers.  And  this  is  the  truth, 
for  I  heard  it  and  saw  it ;  and  all  the 

VOL.    I.  J 


Florentines  wondered  whence  this 
could  have  come,  and  they  were  in 
agitation.  But  when  those  arrived  that 
came  from  the  army  and  reported  the 
news  in  Florence  there  were  great  re- 
joicings" &c  (Vide  G.  V.  Lib.  vii.,  cap. 
cxxxi.)  Dino  Campagni,  one  of  the 
Priors,  does  not  mention  this  curious 
tale;  but  both  Leonardo  Aretino  and 
Scip.  Ammirato  relate  it  as  an  un- 
doubted fact,  and  all  well  authenti- 
cated facts  are  worth  relating  if  it  were 
only  for  the  chance  of  some  future 
explanation.  It  was  in  this  battle  of 
Campaldino  that  the  Poet  Dante  first 
used  his  sword  and  proved  his  courage. 
Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cxxxi.  Dino 
Campagni,  Lib.  i°,  p.  8. — Leon.  Are- 
tino, Lib.  iv. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii. 
p.  176  ;  Simone  della  Tosa,  Annali. 


338 


^LORE^'TI^'E  histokt. 


[book   I. 


CHAP.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


339 


turned  and  retreated,  no  man  knew  why,  and  the  Aretines 
making  a  vigorous  sally  during  the  same  night  demolished 
engine,  tower,  and  camp,  and  forced  tlieir  enemy  to  raise  the 

siege. 

Leaving  garrisons  in  all  the  captured  towns  the  army 
returned  to  Florence  with  diminished  triumph,  but  its  recent 
feilure  covered  by  the  splendour  of  previous  exploits,  and  was 
received  with  great  pomp  in  the  capital :  Almeric  de  Narbonne, 
with  the  Podesta  Ugolmo  de'  Rosso  of  Parma  made  their  entry 
under  rich  canopies  of  cloth  of  gold  held  by  the  knights  of 
Florence,  and  the  gallimt  Bishop  of  Arezzos  helmet  was 
suspended  as  a  trophy  in  the  church  of  San  Giovanni  where  it 
remained  until  the  reign  of  the  Medici.  The  Guelphic  influence 
rose  high  by  this  fortmiate  campaign;  Chusi  expelled  the 
Ghibelines ;  Lucca  attacked  tlie  Pisans  with  the  aid  of  four 
hundred  Florentine  horse ;  a  party  in  Arezzo  became  jealous 
of  Tai'lato ;  they  offered  to  betray  the  city  and  the  Florentine 
troops  were  already  on  their  march  when  all  was  discovered 
by  the  dying  confession  of  a  conspirator,  so  they  returned 
to  Florence.  But  that  republic  being  still  bent  on 
subjugating  Arezzo,  fresh  armies  were  equipped 
without  better  success;  fifteen  hundred  horse  and  sk  thousand 
infantry  made  no  impression  on  anything  except  the  defence- 
less inhabitants;  they  wreaked  then-  vengeance  on  Guido 
Novello's  town  of  Poppi,  burned  his  palace  and  brought  off  his 
armoury  in  triumph,  an  armoury  that  had  been  furnished  with 
cross-bows  from  the  stores  of  Florence  while  he  revelled  there  in 
all  the  enjoyment  of  supreme  Ghibeline  power.  The  Florentines 
now  required  their  own  with  usury,  as  had  been  foretold  him 
by  Count  Tegrino  when  he  ostentatiously  exhibited  these  stolen 
arms :  some  assistance  was  afterwards  afforded  to  Nino  Visconti, 
and  a  desultory  warfare  waged  in  the  Pisan  state:  Leghorn  and 
Porto  Pisano  were  taken,  four  towers  which  stood  in  the  sea  at 
the  latter  place,  and  the  lighthouse  of  Meloria,  were  demolished; 


A.D.  1290. 


I 


A.D.  1291. 


A.D.  1292. 


and  villas  and  palaces  and  even  the  port  itself  shared  the  same 
destiny,  for  vessels  filled  with  stones  were  sunk  at  its  mouth  in 
order  to  render  it  impassable  to  ships  of  burden. 

Sunilar  scenes  were  acted  duruag  the  next  year 
when  Almeric  de  Narbonne  was  chosen  to  command 
the  League:  m  1292  the  Pope  endeavoured  to  reestablish 
tranquillity  but  died  ere  he  could  accomplish  it,  and 
under  Gentile  Orsino  a  Roman  Guelph,  an  army  of 
2500  horse  and  8000  foot  was  led  against  the  Pisans. 

In  the  last  expedition  to  Arezzo  the  Feditori  received  a  pen- 
non from  the  state  bearing  the  arms  of  Charles  of  Anjou  quar- 
tered with  the  red  lily  of  Florence;  in  the  present,  this 
pennon  and  the  royal  standard  of  Anjou  were  given  in  charge 
to  Narini  de'  Mozzi  and  Geri  de'  Spini,  both  of  them  knights 
and  of  distinguished  families  :  the  army  then  invested  Pisa  but 
accomplished  little  although  Guido  was  too  weak  to  oppose  it 
in  the  field,  and  after  the  usual  round  of  insult  and  devastation 
for  three-and-twenty  days,  returned  to  Florence  which  they 
found  in  all  the  ecstasy  of  religious  excitement.  A  painting  of 
the  Virgin  on  one  of  the  pilasters  of  Orto-san-Michele  had  per- 
formed miracles,  and  the  whole  population  bowed  in  reverential 
awe ;  the  domenican  and  minor  orders  had  the  honesty  or 
jealousy  to  doubt  the  fact  and  oppose  themselves  to  the  uni- 
versal delusion  but  only  lost  the  good  opuiion  of  the  Floren- 
tines for  their  pains*. 

While  rejoicings  still  ran  high  for  the  victory  of  Campaldino 
a  deputation  of  two  hundred  inhabitants  of  the  Mugello 
country  made  a  complaint  against  the  chapter  of  Florence 
cathedral  to  which  they  owed  some  suit  and  service:  it 
appeared  that  the  canons  wanted  to  sell  them  to  the  Ubaldini 
family,  much  to  the  injury  of  themselves  and  the  republic,  and 
they  prayed   that  two  thousand  five  hundred  lu:e  might  be 

*  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cliv. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ill — ^S.  Ammirato,  Lib. 
iii.,pp.  180,  182,  &c. 

Z  2 


1 


340 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAF.  XII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


341 


paid  to  the  chapter  in  order  to  free  them  from  such  bondage : 
their  request  was  granted  and  a  law  immediately  passed  pro- 
hibiting either  Florentine  or  foreigner  from  presuming  to  pur- 
chase any  such  jurisdiction  in  the  republican  dominions  under 
penalty  of  a  hundred  lire  for  every  legal  agent  employed  and 
the  nullity  of  the  purchase. 

TVTien  enthusiasm  had  somewhat  abated  and  the  expenses 
of  war  began  to  sober  pubhc  feeling,  new  cares,  new  fears, 
and  old  jealousies  sprang  up  apace  and  shadowed  for  a  wliile 
the   general    brightness :    the    whole  war  charge  amounting 
to   tliirty-sLx   thousand   golden   florins   was   to    be    defrayed 
by  Florence,  and  a  tax  of  six  and  a  quarter  per  cent,  on  pro- 
perty was  to  be  levied  to  meet  it :  but  the  people  suspect- 
ing the  nobles  of  a  design  to  throw  most  of  this  burden  on 
the  shoulders  of  merchants  and  artisans  lost  no  time  in  pre- 
paring new  measures  of  defence  against  this  expected  aggres- 
sion :    the   result  was   that   five  more  trades,  called   *'  Arti 
minori "  or  inferior  arts,  with  arms  and  shields  and  banners, 
were  added  to  the  original  seven  and  formed  a  body  of  twelve 
powerful  corporations  united  and  equipped  for  mutual  support 
and  protection*. 

Florence  was  now  in  a  more  flourishing  condition  than  it 
had  ever  before  attained ;  wealth  had  augmented,  population 
increased,  every  class  of  the  people  could  easily  live  and 
thrive  by  their  own  industry,  and  this  growing  prosperity 
lasted  for  some  years :  in  consequence  of  such  joy,  says  Vil- 
lani,  "  Every  year  at  the  beginning  of  May  parties  of  young 
gentlemen  freshly  attired  and  holding  temporary  courts  in- 

•  The  seven  superior  trades,  called  the  Retailers  of  Cloth ;  the  Butchers ; 
"  Arti  maggiori"  were  the  Law ;  the  the  Shoemakers;  the  Masons  and  Car- 
"  CcUimala "  or  foreign  cloth  mcr-  penters  and  the  Farriers  and  Lock- 
chants  ;  the  Bankers ;  the  Wool  trade ;  smiths. — G.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap. 
the  Physicians ;  the  Silk  trade ;  the  cxxxii.  —  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iii., 
Furriers ;  the  five  inferior  arts  now  p.  182. 
added,  called  "ilrti  miTwn,"  were 


I 


closed  with  boards  and  covered  with  drapery,  were  to  be  seen 
in  various  quarters  of  the  city ;  and  others  of  dames  and  dam- 
sels dancmg  through  the  streets  with  comely  youths  in  graceful 
order  with  instruments,  and  garlands  of  flowers  upon  their 
head,  and  in  a  continual  round  of  enjoyment  of  dmners,  and 
suppers,  and  games,  and  other  diversions  *."    This  prosperity 
had  however  been  considerably  affected  by  two  events  which 
occurred  the  preceding  yeai'  in  the  East  and  West ;  one  was 
the  storming  of  Acre  by  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  in  consequence 
of  an  infamous  breach  of  peace  by  the  Christians,  and  the  con- 
sequent destmction  of  that  great  commercial  centre  of  the  two 
extremities  of  the  civilised  worid.     The  other  was  the  seizure 
of  eveiy  Italian  in  his  kingdom  by  Philip-le-Bel  of  France,  on 
pretence  of  usury,  but  really  to  extract  enormous  ransoms  for 
their  release  ;  now  the  Florentine  merchants  were  exceedingly 
numerous  in  that  country  and  the  commonwealth  almost  en- 
tirely depended  on  its  foreign  trade,  wherefore   this  act  of 
tyranny  was  sensibly  felt  throughout  the  whole  state,  and  by 
such  slender  threads  is  the  welfare  of  a  purely  commercial 
nation  bound  together !     How  precarious  such  prosperity,  how 
unstable,  how  fleeting  such  national  power  If 


CotemporaryMonarchs.-England:  Edward  L-Scotland  :  Alexander  IIL, 
Margaret,  John  Baliol  (129-2).-France  :  P^^P  JIJ-'  ^^'^  ^^^^^^''IW 
Caslle  aid  Leon:  Alphonso  X.,  Sancho  IV.  (  284).-Aragon :  Pedr^II 
Alphonso  IIL  (1286),  James  II.  (1291).-Portugal:  I>f  ^/^  (1279).-Oer. 
many:  Rodolph,  Adolphus  (l292).-Popes  :  Martm  IV.  (1281),  Hononus 
IV.  (1285),  Nicholas  IV.  (1287).-Grcek  Emperors:  Andronicus  (1281). 

•  Gio.  ViUani,  Lib.  vu.,  cap.  cxxxii.      t  G.  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  cxlvii. 


3i2 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


FROM    A.D.    1293    TO    A.D.    130l». 


A.I).  1293. 


Continual  wars  had  in  some  measure  repressed  the  spirit 
of  civil  discord  in  Florence ;  but  as  outward  enemies  became 
weaker  and  the  republic  stronger ;  as  trade  augmented 
the  general  wealth,  and  plunder  enriched  individuals ; 
the  same  weapons  which  liad  been  blmited  in  external  con- 
flict were  soon  readjusted  for  internal  quarrels.  The  mass  of 
people  wishing  as  was  their  interest  to  live  under  the  law, 
while  the  great  struggled  to  get  above  it,  long-continued  har- 
mony was  impossible  :  hitherto  the  fear  of  Ghibeline  govern- 
ment had  partially  stifled  all  other  disorders,  but  the  moment 
that  party  ceased  to  be  formidable  bad  blood  broke  loose  and 
scarcely  a  week  passed  without  some  insolence  or  injury  to  a 
weaker  neighbour. 

Proud  from  their  wealth,  fierce  from  their  warlike  habits ; 
sudden  and  quick  with  their  weapon,  and  careless  of  blood ; 
wounds  and  death  were  common  incidents  amongst  nobles 
whose  power  defied  the  law  and  insulted  its  ministers  :  there 
was  no  individuality  in  crime  when  a  whole  femily,  its  friends 
and  kinsmen,  espoused  the  cause  of  a  culprit ;  not  in  the 
tribunals,  but  armed  cap-a-pie,  with  lance  in  hand  and  helmet 
on  the  head.  The  penalty  of  crime  was  exacted,  severely 
exacted,  by  the  private  vengeance  of  noble  families,  but  the 
hand  of  law  was  a  mere  shadow,  and  public  example  worse 


CHAP,  xni.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


343 


than  a  nullity.     While  respect  for  each  other  produced  some 
show  of  order  amongst  themselves  it  imposed  no  restraint 
on  their  insolence   or  violence  to  weaker  and  less  opulent 
citizens;    so   that  contumely,   outrage,   spoliation,  and  even 
personal    chastisement  were    common    occurrences   amongst 
these  lordly  republicans.     The  people  had  frequently  tried  to 
abate  this,  aaid  bit  by  bit  some  little  was  accomplished,  but 
more  in  form  than  substance ;  for  while  their  political  pnvi- 
leges  were  nominally  diminished  by  creating  Priors  as  well  as 
by  the  recent  incorporation  of  mmor  trades ;  the  anger  and  in- 
solence of  great  families  were  proportionably  augmented.   Some- 
thing more  became  necessary  to  curb  the  power  of  clanship  and 
overcome  an   habitual  respect  for  ancient  blood,  heightened 
as  it  was  by  military  services,  an  audacious  spint,  and  the 
power  of  wealth  and  numbers :  few  therefore  were  bold  enough 
to  accuse  a  noble,  still  fewer  dared  to  bear  witness  agamst 
one  •  and  even  when  condemned  by  the  tribunals  the  judges 
would  rai-ely  venture  to  execute  a  sentence.     Thus  while  the 
people  cried  aloud  against  this  grievance  and  demanded  re- 
dress,  not  one  was  found  hardy  enough  to  lead  the  cause  of 
justice  against  aristocratic  tyranny;  and  even  when  the  ques- 
tion was  discussed  hi  popular  assemblies,  the  mode  of  relief 
was  not  so  easily  discovered.     The  nobility  ridicuhng  such 
scenes  of  impotent  declamation  continued  to  domineer  over  the 
many  ;  that  many  dreadmg  aristocratic  resentment  even  more 
than  the  loss  of  their  own  individual  property ;  and  abject 
slavery  would  probably  have  succeeded  if  dissensions  amongst 
the  nobles  themselves  had  not  saved  the  country  *.     Yet  that 


»  The  principal  families  at  private 
war  with  each  other  at  this  period 
were  the  Adimari  and  Tosinghi ;  the 
Rossi  and  Toniaquinci ;  the  Bardi  and 
Mozzi ;  the  Gherardini  and  Manieri ; 
the  Cavalcanti  and  Buondelmonti ; 
part  of  the  Buondelmonti  and  Gian- 


donati ;  the  Bisdomini  and  Falconieri ; 
the  Bostichi  and  Foraboschi ;  the  Fo- 
raboschi  and  Malespini  ;  the  Frcsco- 
baldi  between  themselves  ;  the  Do- 
nati  the  same  ;  besides  many  others. 
Vide  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  i*^. 


344 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


I'i^;!^ 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


345 


country  was  called  a  republic,  and  was  a  republic  as  far  as 
this  ;  tliat  the  power  of  choosing  the  form  of  government  and 
making  their  own  laws  was  in  the  hands  of  the  people  :  but 
the  enacting  of  good  laws,  and  the  power  of  executing  them 
afterwards,  are  wide  asunder;  and  it  was  in  the  latter  that 
Florence  failed  and  suffered.  She  was  compelled  to  be  un- 
just to  secure  justice ;  cruel  to  insure  humanity ;  and  tyrannical 
for  the  enjoyment  of  liberty.  The  crisis  required  this,  for 
when  men  place  themselves  above  the  law  a  power  beyond  the 
law  becomes  necessarj'  to  restrain  them,  and  the  severe  but 
honest  spirit  of  the  Florentine  reformer  can  scarcely  be  ques- 
tioned :  extreme  cases  need  extreme  remedies,  and  generally 
produce  those  who  have  the  head  to  conceive  and  the  hand  to 
administer  them.  Such  was  Giano  della  Bella  a  patrician  of 
ancient  race,  of  some  opulence,  and  a  respectable  following; 
but  enrolled  amongst  the  citizens  and  devoted  to  popular 
government:  a  gross  personal  insult  from  Berto  Frescobaldi 
first  kindled  the  spirit  of  this  patriot  into  action,  and  his  sense 
of  human  dignity  revolted  from  the  imperious  domination  of 
the  nobles,  whose  pride  he  resolved  to  humble  while  he  raised 
the  people  s  authority  to  its  legitimate  standard  *. 

For  the  sake  of  perspicuity  it  may  be  now  mentioned  that 
the  whole  population  of  Florence  was  at  this  time  separated 
into  two  great  classes,  the  "  Grandi "  and  the  "  Popolo :  "  or 
the  Nobles  and  People :  but  as  the  latter  was  itself  sub- 
divided mto  "  Popolani  "  and  '*  Plebei  "  three  distmct  classes 
really  existed,  namely  "  Graftdi,"  '*  Popolani;'  and  "  Plebei  " 
or  Nobles,  People,  and  Plebeians,  by  which  names  they  will 
for  the  present  be  distinguished.  The  first  were  denominated 
*'  Grandi "  from  a  feeling  of  reproachful  envy :  the  second 
were  rich  merchants,  traders,  and  other  professional  men  who 
usually  shared  in  the  government:  the  third  was  the  mere 

♦  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  i«,  p.  10.—     Leon.    Aretino,    Lib.    iv",    p.    62.— 
Oio.    Villani,   Lib.   viii",  cap.   i".—     Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iv«,  p.  187. 


^fci 


'/I 


t 


"■  Plehs  "  for  whom  every  access  to  public  honours  was  virtually 
closed.  These  last  naturally  sided  with  their  immediate 
superiors,  more  perhaps  from  common  hatred  to  the  nobles 
than  any  peculiar  attachment  or  cordiality  of  feehng,  as  they 
aftei-wards  proved  when  disappointed  in  their  more  sanguine 
expectations  -'. 

In  this  state  of  things  Giano  della  Bella,  who  is  described 
by  his  friend  Dino  Compagni  as  a  ''wise,  valiant,  and  good 
ma?i,"  began  to  accomplish  his  work:  privately  reasoning  with 
every  individual  of  spirit  or  influence  he  dwelt  painfully  on 
the   increasing   an'ogance   of  the   nobles   and   correspondmg 
apathy  of  the  people ;  he  endeavoured  to  convince  each  auditor 
that  tamely  bearing  such  wrongs  in  his  own  person  was  a 
virtual  aid  to  the  aristocracy  in  abasing  the  whole  nation,  which 
was  rapidly  sinking  into  servitude  by  the  action  of  this  most 
poisonous  mfluence.     The  evil  though  augmented  had  not  yet 
become  too  inveterate  for  cure,  but  if  one  stood  idly  waitmg 
for  another  they  would  all  be  overtaken  by  irreparable  ruin. 
These  words  worked  silently  through  different  ranks  until  the 
whole  popular  mass  fermented  and  a  common  spirit  of  resistance 
agitated  the  commonwealth.     Public  feeling  being  thus  pre- 
pared, Giano,  then  one  of  the  Priors,  in  conjunction  with  many 
powerful  citizens  assembled  the  people  and  harangued  them  on 
the  general  ineptitude  of  Florentme  government  for  repressing 
aristocratic  licentiousness  which  intimidated  judges,  despised 
rule,  scared  witnesses,   dragged  plaintiff  and  defendant  by 
armed  force  from  the  tribunals,  and  with  an  inflated  spirit 
soared  proudly  above  every  law  of  the  commonwealth  f.     "  If 


SH 


*  Mich.  Brute,  Stor.  Fior.,   Lib.  1°, 

p.  77.  .    ^ 

f  The  principal  pereons  that  united 
with  Giano  della  Bella  were  Duccio 
and  Lione  Magalotti— Toso  Mancini — 
Lapo  Talenti— Doudto  Alberti— Al- 
bizzo  CorbinelU — Buomnsegna  Becca- 


^ughi — Baldo  Ruffoli — Giovanni  Agli- 
oni  and  Rosso  Bucherelli.  Giano  en- 
tered oflace  as  one  of  the  Priors  on  15th 
February,  1292,  (1293)  according  to 
an  old  MS.  "  Priorista;'  agreeing 
with  Dino  Compagni' s  statement. 


1 


346 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


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I  were  not,"  said  he,  "  to  judge  of  your  condition  by  my  own, 
which  notwithstanding  my  rank,  my  power,  and  my  following, 
has  not  escaped  the  insolence  of  the  great,  I  certainly  would 
never  have  meddled  with  this  enterprise,  because  I  should 
have  found  a  fitting  opportunity   to   revenge   my  private 
injuries;  but  well  knowing  your  helplessness  and  unable 
any  longer  to  look  calmly  on  the  destruction  of  our  state, 
which  preserving  delusive  forms,  has  lost  all  the  substance 
of  freedom,  and  is  in  a  worse  condition  than  those  miserable 
cities  that  are  ruled  by  the  caprice  of  a  single  tyrant :    for 
instead  of  one,  we  tremble  at  the  nod  of  many ;  and  where 
they  have  hope  that  the  death  of  a  monster  may  one  day 
end  their  sufferings,  we  on  the  contraiy  have  no  such  con- 
solation, for  our  t}Tants  hydra-like  are  continually  sproutmg 
and  thus  rendering  our  pains  immortal.     Let  us  then  in- 
stantly quit  all  womanish  complaining  and  scotch  this  serpent 
ere  it  gather  strength  enough  to  strangle  us.     As  all  our 
wo  proceeds  from  evil  government,  from  a  combination  of 
weakness   in  the  judges  and   strength  in  the  culprits,  we 
must  reinforce  the  one  while  we  diminish  the  power  of  the 
other,  for  not  imtil  we  do  this  will  our  sufferings  terminate. 
I  know  well  the  danger  of  my  words,  but  a  citizen's  duty  is 
to  speak  boldly,   ay  and  act  so  too  when  the  good  of  his 
country  demands  it:    Public  liberty   is   composed  of  two 
ingredients ;    of  good  laws  and  their  just  administration ; 
when  these   are  stronger  than  individuals  then  is  liberty 
maintained ;  but  when  there  are  citizens  powerful  enough  to 
defy  both,  then  is  it  abandoned.     Such  truths  will  be  best 
appreciated  by  those  who  have  the  great  for  their  neighbours 
either  in  town  or  country,  for  what  things  have  we  that  they 
have  not  coveted  ?    And  once  longed  for  by  what  law  have 
they  ever  been  restrained  from  robbing  us?    Nor  are  our 
persons  less  in   danger:   have   we  not  seen  the  citizens 
scourged,  and  driven  barbarously  from  their  homes;  have 


ti 


CHAP.  XIII,] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


347 


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we  not  beheld  rapine,  fire,  wounds,  and  even  death  itsel  f 
inflicted  with  perfect  impunity  by  this  dangerous  nobility  ? 
the  culprits  are  known !  Reckless,  insolent,  contemptuous, 
they  ride  through  our  streets  dreaded  even  by  the  chief 
magistrates  of  the  republic ;  and  this  is  what  some  of  us  call 
liberty !  You  have  numerous  laws  existing  against  violence, 
murder,  robbery,  and  other  outrages,  let  these  be  called  into 
immediate  action  and  let  more  be  added  if  requisite.  They 
will  be  requisite ;  for  you  cannot  bind  a  giant  with  pack- 
thread :  cords  therefore  for  the  little,  but  chains  and  cables 
for  the  great,  as  our  present  ties  are  too  feeble  to  restrain  them. 
Be  neither  cold  nor  negligent,  neither  make  complaints  of 
your  legitimate  rulers  if  you  will  not  step  forward  to  support 
us.  Let  us  bestir  om'selves,  the  government  requires  a 
head;  let  us  create  one  to  whom  the  standard  of  justice  shall 
be  intrusted  as  well  as  the  power  to  make  it  respected.  Let 
a  thousand  citizens  be  enrolled  as  his  guard,  taken  in  succes- 
sion from  every  sesto,  who  will  compel  the  great  to  obey  those 
long-neglected  laws  which  from  time  to  time  have  been 
promulgated  to  curb  their  insolence  and  repel  their  audacity. 
Let  them  be  deprived  of  every  public  honour  and  office,  that 
to  their  private  prepotency  may  not  be  added  the  weight  of 
public  authority :  let  public  fame  be  sufficient  to  condemn 
them  who  by  terror  drive  every  accuser  and  witness  from 
the  courts,  and  let  each  individual  be  responsible  for  the 
crimes  of  his  kinsman,  since  all  unite  in  opposition  to  the 
laws.  Such  laws  would  be  cruel  in  any  well-ordered  society 
but  in  extreme  evils  pity  is  more  dangerous  than  rigour. 
Would  to  heaven  that  we  could  all  live  amicably ;  but  this 
proud  aristocracy  not  only  scorns  our  society  and  tramples 
on  our  laws,  but  like  some  wild  ferocious  animal  lashes  its 
own  sides  and  roars  with  ungovernable  fury :  look  at  its  own 
fierce  conflicts  and  deadly  feuds,  struggles  for  power  led  on 
by  private  hate :  look  at  the  broils,  the  wounds,  the  murders 


348 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


349 


*'  in  oiir  streets  and  then  tell  me  if  we  can  safely  delay  our 
"  remedy.  The  state  is  now  at  peace ;  no  foreign  enemy 
"  hangs  on  our  frontier  to  divert  attention  from  domestic 
"  good,  let  us  therefore  improve  an  occasion  the  neglect  of 
*'  which  may  doom  us  to  everlasting  sorrow*." 

This  address  was  heard  with  that  deep  interest  which  a  com- 
mon sentiment  of  danger  instils  into  the  multitude,  filling  each 
individual  heart  with  a  genenxl  spirit  of  resistance  to  the 
oppressors :  a  commission  was  immediately  appointed  to  revise 
the  statutes  and  report  on  the  efiBciency  of  existing  laws  for 
the  maintenance  of  order  and  prompt  execution  of  justice. 
Such  commissions  were  not  new;  by  an  ancient  custom  of 
Florence  these  courts,  then  called  "  Ordini  cVArhitrato''  or 
"  courts  of  arbitration,"  were  periodically  formed  A\ith  com- 
plete legislative  authority  for  such  a  resisal  and  alteration  of 
the  laws  as  the  progress  of  society  or  other  change  of  circum- 
stances rendered  necessary.     The  Podesta  Taddeo  de'  Bruxati 
of  Brescia  and  Currado  da  Soncino  of  Milan,  captain  of  the 
people,  were  joined  to  the  Priors  in  this  office  and  the  result  of 
their  labour  was  a  code  of  regulations  called  the  "  Ordinances 
of  Justice"  ('*  Ordinamenti  della  Giiistizia')  by  which  the  aris- 
tocracy was  at  once  reduced  from  its  palmy  state  of  insolence 
to  complete  subjection.     It  was  decreed  that  none  but  real 
merchants  or  tradesmen  should  thenceforth  be  elected  priors, 
and  that  every  nobleman,  even  every  family,  if  any  of  its  mem- 
bers enjoyed  the  dignity  of  knighthood,  should  be  excluded 
from  the  government :  the  office  of  prior  could  not  be  refused, 
and  an  oath  faithfully  to  execute  its  duties  was  ordered  to  be 
taken  before  the  Captain  of  the  People  who  with  the  old  priors, 
the  consuls  of  the  superior  trades,  and  the  assistance  of  such 
respectable  citizens  as  they  pleased  to  call  in,  was  to  elect  a 
prior  from  each  sesto  every  two  months  as  usual.     Two  mem- 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii®,  cap.  i°. —     Aretino,   Lib.   iv.— Scip.   Ammirato, 
Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  i«,  p.  10.— Leon.     Lib.  iv.,  p.  1 86, 


hers  of  the  higher  trades  were  joined  with  the  above  from  ever;' 
sesto  and  from  amongst  them  was  elected  the  gonfalonier  of 
justice,  but  by  secret  vote,  which  became  null  if  any  of  his 
family  were  amongst  the  seignory.  Thirty-three  of  the  noblest 
families  of  Florence  were  permanently  excluded  from  the  office 
of  prior  without  even  the  power  of  recovering  their  civic  rights 
by  the  exercise  of  a  trade ;  and  the  government  was  authorised 
to  add  the  names  of  any  others  who  by  their  conduct  should 
render  themselves  subject  to  the  action  of  the  new  law,  so  that 
the  list  soon  augmented  to  seventy- two  families*.  This  ex- 
clusion from  political  power  was  founded  not  only  on  their 
lawless  insolence  and  contempt  for  every  social  obligation,  but 
also  on  their  partiality  as  ministers  of  the  country  wherever 
their  own  order  was  in  question ;  and  it  became  a  common  sub- 
ject of  complaint  with  the  people  that  no  energy  was  ever  dis- 
played by  the  priors  while  a  nobleman  was  amongst  them. 

When  a  crime  was  committed  by  one  of  the  aristocracy 
public  fame  alone,  as  Macchiavelli  seems  to  assert,  or  the 
notoriety  of  the  fact  supported  by  two  witnesses  as  we  learn 
from  every  other  writer,  were  sufficient  to  condemn  him,  and  his 
relations  became  answerable  for  his  crime  f:  if  fined  they  were 
forbidden  to  aid  him  in  discharging  the  penalty,  and  a  subse- 
quent peace  with  the  offended  party  did  not  save  the  culprit. 
If  the  punishment  were  pecuniary  five  years'  prohibition  from 
office  was  added ;  but  if  a  citizen  were  killed  or  badly  wounded 
the  gonfalonier  and  podesta  mth.  all  the  civic  guard  were  or- 
dered to  proceed  to  the  offender's  house  and  destroy  it  without 
mercy. 

Finally  to  secure  the  liberty  of  accusation  without  fear  of 
personal  consequences,   two   boxes   called  "  Tamburi,''  were 


*  The  catalogue  is  to  be  found  in  the  Luigi,  p.  14. 

"  Istoi'ic  di  Giovanni  (7am6/."     In  f  Macchiavelli  evideiitlv  means  the 

vol.  XX.  of  "  Delizie   degli  Eruditi  same  as  other  writers,  but  is  often  loose 

Toscani''''  dal  Fra  lldefonso  da  San  in  his  expressions. 


350 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


placed  at  the  residences  of  the  podesta  and  captain  of  the 
people  respectively  for  the  reception  of  secret  charges  against 
the  great ;  and  the  latter  in  consequence  of  their  own  quarrels 
were  unable  to  oppose  such  injustice*. 

These  laws  were  unjust  because  they  entailed  the  offences 
of  criminal  fathers  upon  unoffending  children,  and  they  were 
impoHtic  in  leaving  no  room  for  repentance,  but  on  the  con- 
trary they  exasperated  even  to  desperation  a  high-spirited  and 
powerful  body  whose  faculties  might  have  been  employed  to 
the  public  advantage  ;  still  they  show  how  sharply  the  commu- 
nity had  been  goaded  into  this  course  of  vengeance  when  a  man 
of  Giano's  character  became  the  author  of  so  rigorous  a  decree. 

A  sheet  of  parchment  filled  with  even  the  most  admirable 
regulations  is  still  mere  parchment  unless  supported  by  an 
armed  force,  or  else  by  public  opinion,  of  which  it  is  or  ought  to 
be  the  concentrated  expression ;  but  in  this  instance  both  were 
necessary,  and  one  produced  the  other.  The  citizens  were 
divided  into  twenty  companies  of  fifty  men  each,  afterwards  in- 
creased to  a  hundred,  and  ultimately  to  two  hundred ;  making 
a  national  guard  of  four  thousand  men  under  the  Gonfalonier 
of  Justice,  so  called  from  the  ''gonfalon  "  or  standard  of  justice 
by  which  he  was  always  preceded.  This  banner  was  marked 
with  a  red  cross  in  a  white  field  and  was  substituted  for  the  two 
ancient  "  Vexilli "  or  flags  of  justice,  as  the  present  guard  was  for 
the  two  thousand  infantry  previously  attached  to  them :  each 
company  had  smaller  flags  with  a  simiLir  device,  and  at  the  sound 
of  the  Campana  all  were  bound  to  assemble  in  arms  (provided 
at  the  public  charge)  under  the  window  of  the  Gonfalonier 
where  the  great  banner  of  justice  floated. 

This  magistrate  was  essentially  civil,  not  military,  though  en- 
compassed by  all  the  circumstance  of  war :  his  force  was  the 
embodied  will  of  the  community  arrayed  against  the  enemies  of 


*  This  act  of  accusation  was  called  **  Tamburagione^*  and  the  accused  was 
said  to  be  "  Tamburato."' 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


351 


justice  and  the  disturbers  of  public  tranquillity.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  have  attf'ned  the  age  of  forty-five  before  a  citizen  could 
be  elected  to  the  office  of  gonfalonier  of  Florence,  the  highest 
dignity  of  the  republic  :  he  was  obliged  to  live  with  the  priors 
but  had  no  power  beyond  them  in  debate  ;  his  great  authority 
being  at  the  head  of  armed  citizens  in  execution  of  the  laws. 
Thus  aristocratic  vice  not  only  strengthened  the  freedom  it  was 
endeavouring  to  destroy  but  laid  the  foundation  of  its  own  ruin, 
for  the  rank  of  noble  now  became  a  positive  detriment  and 
almost  a  mai-k  of  infamy :  it  is  possible  that  even  the  most 
guilty  amongst  them  may  not  have  deserved  such  treatment, 
(yet  there  is  an  old  prejudice  in  favour  of  ancient  lineage  and 
illustrious  biith  that  tells  strongly  for  the  people)  but  it  shows 
how  solicitous  any  privileged  order  should  be  to  conceal  those 
ofiensive  powers  which  an  intelligent  public  only  suffers  while 
unmolested  by  their  exercise  ;  when  made  more  prominent  by 
a  contemptuous  demeanour,  without  any  peculiar  excellence  in 
parties,  they  will  undermine  what  they  are  meant  to  support 
and  ultimately  ruui  the  edifice  *  . 

The  first  decided  act  of  the  new  government  was  against  the 
powerful  family  of  Galigaj  one  of  whom  in  France  had  killed  a 
member  of  the  ignoble  house  of  Benivieni:  on  the  news  of  this 
Dmo  Compagni  the  historian,  who  was  the  third  gonfalonier, 
immediately  proceeded  to  the  dwellings  of  that  family  and 
destroyed  themf.  This  was  a  sharp  beginning  and  not 
universally  approved  of  by  the  capricious  spmt  of  the  time,  so 
that  it  became  difficult  to  act ;  for  when  property  was  totally  de- 
molished according  to  law,  it  was  exclaimed  against  as  cruelty, 
and  if  partially  spared  the  gonfalonier  was  a  coward :  justice 
was  therefore  frequently  sacrificed  to  personal  fear. 

Although  the  great  were  so  reprehensible  the  people  them- 

♦Gio.  Villani,   Lib.  viii,,  cap.  i".—    Lib.iv.,p.  186.— Giov.Cambi,  Istorie, 
Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  i«,  p.  1 1  .—Leon.    p.  9.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  u«>. 
Aretini,   Lib.    iv.— Scip.   Ammirato,    f  Ancient  Pnonsta  Mb. 


352 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIII,] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


353 


selves  were  far  from  immaculate ;  the  former  were  bold,  inso- 
lent,  tyrannical,  but  open  ;  many  of  the  latter  unjust,  cumiing, 
selfish  and  dishonest ;  as  well  as  turbulent  proud  and  ambi- 
tious :  the  legal  profession  in  every-  department  was  especially 
noted  for  its  misdeeds,  and  the  judges  interpreted  the  laws  as 
suited  their  own  convenience  ;  the  whole  fraternity  of  butchers 
was  particularly  notorious  for  its  insolence,  bnitality,  dishonesty 
and  turbulence.      To  such  people  the  conscientious  and  impar- 
tial, but  searching  reforms  of  Giauo  della  Bella  were  anything 
but  welcome  after  the  gi'eat  aristocratic  enemy  had  once  been 
humbled :   many  therefore   who  had  joined  liim  agamst  the 
nobles  began  to  tremble  when  the  course  of  his  public  measures 
was  likely  to  impinge  upon  their  ovm  peculations  ;  jealous  ad- 
versaries started  up  on  every  side  and  the  aristocracy  was  much 
too   sagacious  not  to   Uxke  advantage  of  the  occasion.     The 
nobles   hated  him  as  a  deserter  from  his  order  and  the  de- 
stroyer of  their  power,  and  this  hate  was  augmented  by  his  in- 
creasing severity ;  for  the  people  exulted  in  their  humiliation 
and  the  biting  character  of  the  laws  against  them,  the  effects  of 
which  became  so  powerfiil  and  indiscriminate  that  no  accused 
person  could  now  escape  punishment  without  tlie  government 
being  abused  for  its  partiality  ;  thus  the  simple  act  of  accusa- 
tion was  virtually  sufficient  to  condemn  a  noble. 

Indignant  at  this  injustice  the  aristocracy  complained  that 
**  if  a  nobleman  s  horse  happened  to  whisk  its  tail  in  the  face  of 
*•  a  citizen;  or  if  one  pushed  another  by  accident  in  a  crowd,  or 
»♦  even  if  children  of  different  ranks  quarrelled  at  their  armise- 
'' ments,  accusations  were  instantly  preferred:  and  were  their 
•*  homes  to  be  demolished  for  such  trifles  ?  "  But  hate  had  de- 
stroyed justice,  humanity,  and  sound  policy,  and  their  griev- 
ances  were  utterly  disregarded :  Giano  seems  to  have  pushed 
rigour  to  excess,  and  it  is  even  asserted  that  in  one  instance 
his  public  authority  was  made  subservient  to  private  and  per- 
sonal revenge  :  whether  this  charge  be  just  or  not  is  now  diffi- 


/ 


N 


¥ 


cult  to  prove ;  he  probably  was  not  perfect ;  but  he  belonged 
to  the  unhappy  race  of  reformers  and  fell  a  \^ctim  to  the  malice 
of  implacable  enemies  and  the  treachery  of  pretended  friends  : 
he  fearlessly  attacked  abuses  that  others  shnmk  from,  and  de- 
fended measures  that  others  cowardly  abandoned,  but  all  in  the 
cause  of  justice ;  wherefore  being  as  much  feared  by  his  poli- 
tical enemies  as  he  was  honoured  by  the  people  he  pushed 
boldly  forward  in  the  cause  of  freedom  and  reform. 

Thus  tormented,  the  great  were  deep  in  their  threats  of  ven- 
geance, and  these  being  reported,  both  fear  and  anger  umted  in 
giving  a  keener  edge  to  the  sword  of  retributive  justice.  The 
Magalotti,  a  powerful  race  and  kinsmen  of  Giano,  were  at  the 
head  of  the  Popolani,  many  of  whom  although  unadorned  with 
the  title  of  nobles  were  ranked  amongst  the  great  in  conse- 
quence of  their  wealth  and  influence ;  and  some  of  them  as 
forward  as  the  genuine  nobility  themselves,  to  rum  Giano  and 
trample  on  their  humbler  countrymen.  These  faithless  citizens 
and  indignant  nobles  held  separate  councils  for  a  common 
object:  the  first  idea  of  both  was  to  kill  the  refoi-mer;  but  as 
his  works  were  more  formidable  than  his  person  and  tlieir  fear 
of  the  plebeians  great,  a  more  effective  and  subtle  course  was 
resolved  on  in  both  conclaves. 

It  so  happened  that  the  principal  conspirator's  amongst  the 
Popolani  were  united  with  Giano  della  Bella  in  the  commis- 
sion, then  sitting  in  the  church  of  Ognissauti,  for  the  revisal  and 
reform  of  the  laws ;  and  there,  while  absent,  it  was  resolved  to 
make  use  of  his  public  virtue  for  his  own  destruction.  "  He 
*'  is  a  just  man,''  they  cunningly  exclaimed,  "  let  2is  explain  to 
"  him  the  ivicked  actions  of  the  butchers,  an  evil-disposed  race  and 
''fruitful  in  rillany:'  At  the  head  of  this  trade  was  a  rich 
butcher  or  cattle-dealer,  called  Pecora,  who  supported  by  the 
Tosinghi  family  displayed  infinite  arrogance,  menaced  the 
priors  and  openly  practised  every  sort  of  deceit,  to  the  great 
detriment  of  the  community.     These  things  being  brought 


VOL.  I. 


A  A 


> 


334 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


355 


under  the  peculiar  notice  of  Giano  he  impatiently  exclaimed 
"  PerUh  the  city  sooner  than  tolerate  such  villany,''  and  im- 
mediately devised  new  laws  to  restrain  them.  A  similar  appeal 
was  then  made  to  his  sense  of  justice  against  judges,  notaries, 
and  all  the  legal  profession,  who  intimidated  the  syndics  tliat 
periodically  investigated  their  official  conduct,  and  menaced  those 
that  would  expose  their  peculation  and  punish  their  misdeeds  ; 
who  procured  new  and  unnecessary  appomtments,  and  main- 
tained causes  in  court  for  three  and  four  years  without  giving 
judgment ;  so  that  even  if  wishing  to  relinquish  a  suit,  par- 
ties could  not  do  it  in  consequence  of  the  dexterity  with  which 
they  entangled  the  proceedings  and  drew  their  profits  from 
delay.  *'  Let  new  laws  he  made  to  bridle  so  much  iniquity,'' 
replied  Giano  indignantly;  whereupon  information  was  instantly 
given  to  the  lawyers  and  butchers  of  Florence  that  he  was 
preparing  for  their  destruction.     Thus  the  ti-ain  was  laid. 

This  eagerness  of  lawyers  to  reform  the  very  abuses  by 
which  they  throve,  probably  excited  suspicion  in  their  colleague 
Dino  Compagni  who  quickly  detected  the  conspiracy  and 
informed  della  Bella;  at  the  same  time  advising  him  not 
to  play  their  game  by  pushing  these  laws  further  for  the 
moment,  but  attend  to  his  personal  safety ;  "  Bather  let 
"  the  city  perish  than  suffer  such  iniquity  to  continue  "  was  still 
the  fearless  answer  of  Giano. 

Those  of  the  commission  who  were  not  in  the  plot  wished  to 
examine  further  ere  they  legislated ;  but  "  with  more  boldness 
than  wisdom,"  says  Dino  Compagni,  Giano  threatened  them 
even  with  death  and  imprudently  hurried  the  affiiir.  Meanwhile 
the  nobles  were  discussing  this  same  subject  in  the  church  of 
Saint  James  beyond  Arno,  Messer  Berto  Frescobaldi,  who  had 
formerly  insulted  della  Bella,  giving  his  voice  for  death. 
•'  These  dogs  of  the  people,"  said  he,  "  have  deprived  us  of 
"  honours  and  office,  and  not  daring  to  enter  the  palace  we 
"  cannot  plead  our  own  cause ;   nay  if  we  even  venture  to 


>» 


'*  chastise  a  servant  our  houses  are  instantly  demolished  ! 
"  Wherefore  I  advise  that  we  should  break  away  at  once  from 
'•  such  disgraceful  bondage  :  let  us  arm  for  the  attack  and 
"  slaughter  friend  and  foe  amongst  the  people,  nor  hold  our 
*'  hand  as  long  as  we  can  find  any  to  slay,  so  that  neither  our- 
"  selves  nor  our  children  may  be  overcome  by  them."  This 
advice  although  approved  and  applauded  was  thought  too 
hazardous  and  they  reso^red  to  try  and  disunite  the  community 
by  propagatmg  the  factious  cry  of  ''The  state  being  in  danger 
from  the  Ghibelines  "  and  the  establishment  of  secret  agents  to 
corrupt  the  people  and  set  them  against  Giano  della  Bella. 

These  machinations  continued  working  until  the  beginning 
of  1-295  when  a  sudden  movement  of  the  populace  brought 
everythuig  to  a  crisis :  Corso  Donati  in  a  private  feud  had 
killed  and  wounded  some  of  the  followers  of  Simone  Galas- 
trone,  and  complaints  were  made  to  the  Podesta  by  both  par- 
ties;  but  either  from  the  corruption  of  that  officer  or  his 
judge,  Corso  was  acquitted  and  Galastrone  whose  servant  had 
been  killed,  was  condemned.     The  citizens  saw  this  injustice, 
attributed   it  to   bribery,    denounced  the   Podesta  as   their 
enemy,  ran  to  the  palace  mth  fire  in  their  hands,  and  cries  of 
''Death,  death  to  the  Podesta!''  and  soon  destroyed  everj^- 
thing  within  the  building.     Corso  Donati  and  the  magistrate 
escaped  by  the  roof  but  the  whole  tumult  is  said  to  have  been 
more  the  effect  of  hatred  to  the  former  than  any  regard  for  justice. 
Giano  della  Bella  who  was  with  the  priors  when  this  riot 
bef^an  instantly  mounted  his  horse  and  attempted  to  save  the 
Podesta,  confident  that  the  people  would  listen  to    ^  ^  ^^^ 
him ;    but  on   the  contraiy  he  too  was  threatened 
and   compelled  to    retire :   the   confusion  lasted   imtil    next 
(lay,    while   nobles,    judges,    and    notaries,    with    many    of 
the  more  powerful  citizens,  all  detesting  Giano,  were  indus- 
triously  laying  the    blame   entirely   to   him.      New    priors 
were   suddenly  elected,    even  before    the    old   had  finished 

A  A  2 


356 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


otBce,    and  all  enemies  of  the  reformer.      No   sooner  were 
they  installed  than  an  accusation  was  preferred  tigaiust  Giano 
for  insurrection,  for  attacking  the  Podesta,  and  other  infractions 
of  his  own  ordinances  of  justice :  the  populace  armed  to  pro- 
tect him,  and  his  brother  had  already  put  himself  at  their  head 
when  Giano  perceiving  that  he  was  betrayed  by  tliose  he  most 
trusted,  urged  by  his  kmsman  Magalotti  who  was  secretly  jea- 
lous of  his  power,  and  being  moreover  averse  to  commence  a 
rivil  war,  retired  on  the  fifth  of  March  1^95  not  without  ex- 
I)ectations  of  being  recalled  by  a  people  for  whom  he  had  thus 
sacrificed  hunself  -.    He  was  condemned  >\ith  all  his  family,  and 
died  in  exile !      His  houses  were  ruined  and  several  other 
citizens  shared  his  fate ;  whence,  says  Vilhmi,   "  Much  mis- 
chief accrued  to  our  city ;  and  especially  to  the  people,  be- 
cause he  was  a  more  loyal  and  straightfonvard  'Popolano' 
and  lover  of  the  public  good  than  any  man  in  I'lorence,  and 
one  who  added  to  the  common  prosperity  without  subtmcting 
anything  from  it.      He   was  presumptuous,   and   ^indictive, 
and  revenged  himself  on  the  Abati  his  neighbours  with  the 
power  of  the  community :  and  it  may  be  that  for  these  trans- 
gressions  he  was,   by  his  own  laws,  mifaiily  and  without  a 
crime  condemned   by   the  unjust  f.      And  this  is  a  strikmg 
example  for  those   citizens  who   are  to  come,   to  beware  of 
attempting  to  make  themselves  masters  over  their  fellow  citi- 
zens and  of  being  too  presumptuous;  let  them  be  content 
with  an  equality  of  citizenship.     For  the  same  people  who 
assisted  them  to  ascend  will  certainly  betray  them  and  try 


*  pino  Compagni,  Cron. — Giov.  Vil- 
lani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  i,  and  viii, 
t  I  have  followed  Dino  Compagni  al- 
most entirely  in  what  relates  to  his 
friend  Giano  della  Bella :  he  only 
differs  from  Villani  (who  in  this  speaks 
doubtingly  and  from  hearsay)  in  plac- 
ing Giano  with  the  priors  when  the 
tumult  began,  instead  of  at  his  own 


house,  a  circumstance  which  would 
however  go  far  to  clear  him  of  having 
had  any  share  in  the  tumult,  even 
that  of  only  advising  the  people  to  as- 
semble round  the  gonfalonier  of  jus- 
tice (instead  of  taking  the  law  into 
their  own  hands)  and  sending  his  bro- 
ther with  them  for  that  purpose. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


357 


to  pull  them  down :  and  in  ancient  and  modem  times  it  has 
ever  happened  at  Florence  that  whosoever  made  himself 
head  of  the  people  has  always  been  humbled  by  the  same 
people,  who  are  never  inclined  to  give  due  praise  or  acknow- 
ledge merit." 

Many  of  Giano's  friends  were  fined,  others  banished  like 
himself  for  contumacy:  he  was  praised  and  blamed  by  the 
citizens  as  suited  their  faction  or  character,  but  sincerely 
lamented  by  the  poor  who  in  his  fall  saw  the  ruin  of  their  own 
influence  and  the  loss  of  their  only  disinterested  advocate. 

From  that  time  all  the  authority  of  government  remained 
in  the  liands  of  the  powerful  and  wealthy  burgesses  or  "  Popo- 
lani  Grassi;'  as  they  now  began  to  be  called,  and  so  bitter 
was  the  feeling  of  the  leaders  of  this  faction  against  their 
exiled  countr3^nan  that  not  being  content  with  setting  a  price 
on  the  head  of  him  and  liis  adherents,  they  even  included  his 
daughter  Caterina,  wife  of  Galassino  de'  Castellani,  in  her 
father  s  condemnation  *. 

During  these  important  transactions  the  substance  of  Floren- 
tine peace  and  prosperity  seems  to  have  been  scarcely  affected ; 
a  few  prominent  actors  opposed  by  a  distinct  faction,  although 
unsteady  in  their  several  parts  performed  a  drama  of  deep 
and  agitating  interest ;  but  except  at  intervals,  the  gi'eat  body 
of  the  people  were  off  the  stage,  as  mere  spectators,  or  fol- 
lowing their  own  private  occupations.  Peace  was  concluded  on 
favourable  terms  with  Pisa,  the  war  of  Arezzo  had  virtually 


♦  Gio. Villani,  Lib.viii.,  cap.viii.— Dino 
Compagni,  Lib.  i.— S.  Ammirato, 
Lib.  iv.  By  a  MS.  Priorista  of  an 
ancient  date  now  in  the  author's  posses- 
sion it  appears  that  the  names  of  the 
Gonfaloniere  and  Priors  who  con- 
demned Giano  della  Bella  were  Ghe- 
rardo  Lupicini— G**.  Lippo  del  Velluto 
— Banchino  di  Giovanni  Tavemiere — 
Gheri  Paganetti — Bartolo  Orlandini — 


Andrea  da  Cerreto — Sotto  del  Mi- 
glorc  Guadagni  who  entered  office  on 
15th  February  1294  of  the  Florenre 
Calendar  and  1295  of  ours,  and  this 
agrees  with  Dino  Compagni's  state- 
ment except  in  Banchino  di  Giovanni 
being  called  a  Tavemiere  instead  of 
Beccaio,  names  used  indiscriminately 
by  the  ancient  Florentines. 


33S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHIP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


359 


ceased,  and  Tuscany  was  once  more  in  profound  tranquaiity  • 
the  Guelphs  and  Count  Ugolinos  famUy  were  restored,  Guido 
of  Montefeltro  was  ungratefully  dismissed  by  the  Pisans,  and 
a  Podesta  or  captain  of  the  people  placed  by  the  membere  of 
the  Guelphic  league  for  four  years  over  that  republic.     A  reci- 
procal exemption  from  all  tolls  and  duties  whether  on  gcK)ds  or 
person  (a  remarkable  feature  in  all  Florentine  treaties)  was 
agreed  to  by  Pisa  and  the  cities  of  this  confederacy.     Thus 
peace  and  commerce  were  reestablished,  and  so  little  interrupted 
by  the  mtemal  broils  of  Florence  that  its  gates  were  thrown 
open  by  day  and  by  night ;  no  tolls  were  demanded  ;  and  the 
government  m  order  to  avoid  new  ta.xes  sold  the  ancient  walls 
and  certam  lands  within  and  round  the  town  to  those  whose 
possessions   were   contiguous.      Besides  this   the   republican 
dominions  were  increased  by  the  submission  of  Poggibonzi 
Certaldo.  Gambassi,  and  Catignano ;  by  the  capture  of  seven 
towns  with  then-  respective  territories  from  the  Counts  Guido 
and  many  more  in  the  JIugeUo  unjustly  retained  by  that  familv' 
as  well  as    the  Ubaldini  and  other  rural  chieftains.      New 
hospitals  were  founded,  new  gates  opened,  new  churches  erected 
aqueducts  constructed,  the  Baptistry  repaired  and  beautified' 
and  the  convenience  of  the  city  improved ;  all  signs  of  a  strong 
current  of  national  prosperity  beneath  the  troubled  surface  for 
the  new  walls  alone  were  a  work  of  e.xceeding  cost  and  lalwur, 
and  the  enormous  fabric  of  Santa  Croce  was  a  monument  only 
surpassed  by  the  more  splendid  eathedrel.    Powerful,  energetic 
and  feared  by  the  neighbouring  states  Florence  led  the  Tuscan 
chivaky  and  submitted   to  no  appearance  of  indignity      A 
criminal  had  absconded  and  taken  refuge  at  Pnito  ;°upon  this 
a  smgle  messenger  was  sent  to  demand  the  culprit  under  the 
penalty  of  10,000  lire  for  any  minecessary  delay :  the  people 
of  Prato,  to  assert  their  independence,  and  probably  under  some 
s«;ret   mfluence   from    Florentine   faction,    showed   no  sim 
of  obedience,  upon  which  the  republican  troops  were  rapidly 


*>^ 


armed  and  ready  to  enforce  submission  when  the  malefactor 
was  delivered  up  and  the  fine  immediately  paid. 

Amongst  other  regulations  of  this  period  the  year  U94  was 
remarkable  for  the  promulgation  of  a  law  which  forbade  women 
to  appear  personally  in  any  court  of  justice,  and  the  Podesta 
CapL  of  the  People,  or  any  other  functionary  were  prohibited 
under  a  severe  penalty  from  listening  to  them,  because  they 
were  "a  sea^  esteemed  to  he  very  davgerous  »»/»»«";'''»i'  ™* 
Zne  ofjmticer    But  there  were  other  impediments  besides 
women ;  the  statutes  of  the  city  courts  had  become  so  numerous 
and  contradictory  that  under  the  eleventh  Gonfalomer  Buonac- 
cmo  Ottabuoni  a  committee  of  fourteen  citizens  ^^^o'^'ff 
to  reduce  them  to  order  and  perspicuity  by  diminishing  their 
number  and  reconciling  discrepancies*. 

In  July  1291  the  empire  became  vacant  by  the  death  ol 
Rodolph  of  Hapsburgh  and  considerable  dissension  arose  between 
the  supporters  of  his  son  Albert  Duke  o  Austna  and  hose  of 
Winceslaus  King  of  Bohemia;  but  the  dispute  was  set.1^  by 
the  Archbishop  of  Metz  through  whose  influence  Adolphus 
Comit  of  Nassau  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  Kmg  of  the 

Romans  in  May  1392.  .    ,  ,  .       •     xi,„„„v,tc 

In  the  month  of  April  1292  while  mdulgmg  m  thought, 
of  eastern  wars  and  sacred  conquests  like  many  of  his  pre- 
decessoi-s    Pope  Nicholas  IV.  was  surprised  by  death     he  is 
t       n^U  a^  attached  to  the  Ghibelines,  perhaps  because 
he  was  less  of  a  partisan  than  other  pontiffs,  but  his  actions 
d     n"    support   this  assertion.      The   Holy   See   remained 
unoccupied  until  July    1294   when    Pietro    Moroni  a  ^r 
hermit  of  the  Abruzzi  mountains,  a  man  of  great  sancUty 
was   chosen  and    assumed   the   tiara   under   the   name    rf 
Celestine  V.  but  from  his  extreme  age  a^^  mexpenence   Ins 
habits  of  soUtude,  and  contempt  of  worldly  grandeur ,    he 
lounced  the  papacy  in  the  following  December  and  returned 

«  Scip.  Aramirato,  Lib.  iv. 


360 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


to  his  cell  *.  Celestine  was  succeeded  by  Benedetto  Gaetano 
a  man  of  learning  and  sagacity  who  took  the  name  of  Boni- 
face VIII.  played  a  consi)icuous  part  hi  Itahan  stoiy  and 
was  damned,  while  yet  living,  by  the  bitter  pen  of  Dante  f . 

After  the  fall  of  Giano  della  Bella  the  seignory  renewed  the 
Guelphic  League ;  principally  through  fear  of  a  French  knight 
of  lK)ld  and  entei-prising  character  called  Jean  de  Chalon  who 
being  sent  with  the  Pope's  approval  as  imperial  vicar  m  Tuscany 
had  joined  the  Ghibehnes  of  Arezzo :  he  was  originally  intro- 
duced by  the  nobles  with  five  hundred  f<jllowers  into  Florence 
to  assist  them  against  Giano  ;  but  this  aid  proving  unnecessary 
they  attempted  to  defmud  him  of  his  reward ;  he  then  joined  the 
Aretmes  and  with  the  Pope's  interference  ultimately  succeeded 
in  gaining  the  above  |)ost :  in  return  he  agreed  to  betray  the 
Aretines,  but  on  being  discovered  retired  with  all  the  wealth  he 
had  amassed  into  Burginidy. 

The  nobles  were  now  fully  convinced  of  the  pernicious  effects 
of  disunion  and  hastened  a  general  reconciliation,  being  deter- 
mmed  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  their  order :  wherefore  iissem- 
bUug  their  retainers,  or  *•  Fedeir  as  they  were  then  called,  and 
adorned  in  all  that  pomp  and  magnificence  of  arms  then  so 
prevalent,  they  demanded  as  a  matter  of  form  some  mitigation 
of  the  ordinance  of  justice;  but  having  already  alienated  the 
plebeians  from  the  "Popolani  Grassi"  on  account  of  the  latter  s 
desertion  and  betrayal  of  Giano,  they  hoped  to  have  the  sup- 


*  Celestine  V.  is  supposed  to  be  meant 
by  Dante  in  "  V(mbra  di  Colui  che 
fece  per  viltate  il  gran  rlftito."'' 
(Inferno,  Canto  iii  )  The  poet  assur- 
edly would  not  have  acted  so. 
t  Muratori,  Annali,  1293.  —  Dante, 
Inferno,  Canto  xix. 
J  The  confederate  force  was  500  horse 
as  before,  but  it  was  recommended  to 
the  different  cities  to  send  as  many 
"  Cavalieri  di  Corrado''  as  possible 


and  that  each  should  have  his  "  Cor- 
vallo  Armigerd"  or  war-horse,  and 
ronzino  or  hack.  The  former  to  be 
harnessed  in  iron,  cotton,  or  other 
material    fit  for   defence.      Of  these 

cavaliers  Florence  was  to  supply  166 

Lucca  114 — Siena  104 — Pistoia  47 

CittA  di  Castello  20— Voltcrra  18— 
Prato  15 — Colle  5 — San  Gimignano 
7 — and  Poggibonzi  4.  No  Aretine 
was  admitted. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLOKENTINE   HISTORY. 


361 


port  of  the  former  against  a  government  which  had  so  deceived 
them,  and  moreover  kept  all  the  power  to  themselves.  The 
nobles  were  too  sagacious  to  believe  that  the  popolani  were 
really  inclined  without  compulsion  to  relax  these  laws,  merely 
because  they  had  found  it  convenient  to  unite  with  them  in 
ruinhig  Giano  della  Bella ;  but  they  entu'ely  mistook  the  temper 
of  the  plebeians  who  though  more  easily  led  astray  by  appear- 
ances are  yet  generally  correct  in  their  object,  and  now  sus- 
pected a  coalition  of  both  parties  against  themselves ;  wherefore 
having  previously  sent  six  trusty  men  to  join  in  and  watch  the 
deliberations  of  the  priors,  one  from  each  sesto,  and  resolving 
to  \vithstand  the  nobles,  immediately  took  to  their  arms. 

The  nobles  also  assembled  in  three  divisions :  at  the  Mer- 
cato-Nuovo  under  Geri  Spini ;  at  the  clim-ch  of  San  Giovanni 
mider  Forese  degli  Adimari ;  and  under  Vanni  de'  Mozzi  at  the 
piazza  of  that  family  beyond  Amo  which  commanded  the  bridge 
of  Rubaconte.  The  citizens  drew  up  at  the  palace  of  the 
Podesta  opposite  to  the  Abbey,  and  at  that  of  the  priors  who 
then  occupied  the  houses  of  the  Cerclii  behind  San  Brocolo :  the 
nobles  were  superior  in  cavalr}%  arms,  and  military  skill ;  the 
people  in  numbers  and  determination,  yet  both  were  doubtful 
of  the  event.  At  this  crisis  some  friars  and  other  moderate 
men  came  foi-ward  as  the  friends  of  either  side  and  effected  a 
reconciliation:  the  nobles  were  reminded  that  they  had  lost 
their  power ;  not  from  the  presumption  of  the  people  but  their 
own  crimes  which  had  driven  the  latter  to  extremities ;  that  the 
attempt  to  recover  by  violence  what  had  been  forfeited  by  mis- 
conduct was  an  error  worse  than  the  first  and  would  only  ruin 
the  city  without  gaining  their  object ;  but  on  the  contrar}^  tend 
to  render  then-  condition  worse  :  for  as  nobility  was  only  a 
name  ; — a  mere  opinion, — sustained  by  reputation,  not  force  ; 
the  ver}^  moment  that  a  people  suffering  from  its  misused  power 
lose  their  habitual  reverence  for  its  antiquity,  it  becomes  a 
gaudy  bubble  and  breaks  with  the  breath  of  an  infant.     The 


362 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


363 


plebeians  on  the  other  hand  were  advised  to  consider  the  claims 
of  the  nobles  ;  to  reject  anj  that  threatened  their  own  liberty, 
but  not  to  shut  their  ears  to  the  rights  of  justice  and  lenity 
which  was  all  that  their  adversaries  now  demanded:  the  former 
however  were  not  so  easily  convinced,  they  had  been  oppressed 
by  one  and  deceived  by  the  other  party,  and  it  was  only  the 
authority  of  the  Priors  and  Gonfalonier  Veri  Baldonini  that 
finally  succeeded  in  restoring  peace  with  this  slender  con- 
cession; namely,  that  for  the  future  three  witnesses  should 
be  necessary  to  prove  the  notoriety  of  aristocratic  crime  ;  even 
this  was  too  much  for  the  plebeians  and  shortly  after  annulled, 
yet  it  completely  unveiled  aristocratic  weakness  and  the  growing 
strength  of  the  people.    Both  parties  thenceforwai-d  only  sought 
the  means  of  overcoming  each  other,  the  people  being  ever 
uppermost,  and  for  further  security  partly  disarmed  the  nobles 
by  compelling  them  to  sell  their  large  cross-bows,  (a  veiy  expen- 
sive and  much  prized  weapon)  to  the  republic. 

All  this  induced  many  of  the  quieter  and  less  powerful 
aristocrats  to  demand  admittance  into  the  class  of  popolani,  a 
favour  willingly  granted  to  those  who  could  be  trusted,  because 
it  thinned  the  opposite  ranks  and  increased  general  secu- 
rity*. The  plebeians,  angry  and  disappointed  at  any  compro- 
mise having  been  made  with  the  great,  insulted  the  seignorj- 
when  they  retired  from  office  and  called  aloud  for  the  return  of 
Giano  della  Bella :  this  alarmed  the  Popolani  so  much  that  the 
Pope's  interference  was  implored,  and  Boniface  who  hated  Giano 
for  some  bold  proceedings  agamst  the  church  when  Podesta 
of  Pistoia,  threatened  every  body  with  excommunication  who 
presumed  to  advocate  his  cause. 

Things  however  generally  remained  tranqml  and  the  country 
improved  in  commerce  and  prosperity  until  the  year  1300  when 
the  spirit  of  civil  discord  again  spread  its  sable  puiions :  taking 

•  Gio.  Vilkni,  Lib.  viil,  c.  xiL— Dine  Compagni,  Lib.  i.~Scip.  Ammirato, 
mo.  iv«  ' 


( 


advantage  of  this  calm,  and  fearful  of  an  alliance  between  the 
nobles  and  the  potent  famHies  of  Pazzi  and  Uberti  ^  ^  ^^ 
in  the  Upper  Val  d'Amo,  the  government  resolved 
to  hold  them  in  check  by  the  erection  of  two  strong  towns  on 
their  frontier ;  the  first  between  Figgine  and  Monte  Varchi 
which  after  the  tutelar  saint  was  called  San  Giovanni ;  the  other 
on  the  Amo  over  against  the  states  of  the  Uberti,  named 
Castlefranco :  to  the  inhabitants  of  both  was  granted  an  ex- 
emption from   all  public   contributions  for  ten  years  which 
soon  nursed  them  up  into  places  of  considerable  size  and 

importance. 

Troops  were  sent  in  1296  to  the  defence  of  Bologna  which 
had  been  for  some  time  in  hostility  with  the  Marquis  of  Ferrara, 
but  being  fearful  of  new  troubles,  with  the  express  condition  of 
not  being  employed  in  offensive  warfare.  The  next  year  ^^  ^^^^ 
a  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded  with  Perugia ;  the 
Guelphic  League  was  renewed,  and  the  strong  castle  called  the 
Pa/rt;j^oPu6;ico(nowPalazzoVecchio)  was  commenced  ^^  ^^^ 

in  1298  for  the  residence  and  security  of  the  seignory, 
which  in  the  late  disturbances  had  been  exposed  to  the  attacks 
of  the  nobles.      By  demolishing  the  houses  of  the  Uberti  and 
other  Ghibelines,  and  purchasing  the  dwellings  of  the  Foraboschi, 
space  was  gained  for  the  present  palace  and  the  square  before 
it :  the  resources  of  Florence  must  have  been  at  this  time  im- 
mense, when  notwithstanding  wars  and  domestic  broils  she  was 
able  to  carry  on  nearly  at  the  same  time  the  building  of  Santa 
Croce,   the   cathedral,   the   church   of    Ortosanmichele,    the 
Palazzo  Vecchio  and  the  vast  circuit  of   ramparts   ^^^^^^ 
with  all  their  numerous  and  lofty  towers,  besides 
several  other  mmor  improvements.     These  walls  had  been  dis- 
continued after  1285  but  were  now  resumed  with  fresh  ardour 
in  conjunction  with  the  other  great  works  which  still  remain, 
to  excite  our  admiration  of  their  grandeur  soUdity  and  beauty. 
The  city,  says  MacchiaYelli,  was  never  in  a  more  flourishing 


364 


FLOREXTTNE   HISTORY 


li 


[book  f. 


state  than  at  this  epoch ;  full  of  people,  riches,  and  reputation  ; 
all  Tuscany,  as  friends  or  subjects,  obeyed  her;  thirty  thousmid 
citizens  able  to  carry-  arms  in  the  capital  with  seventy  thousand 
more  m  the  rural  districts  were  ready  to  take  the  field  at  the 
shghtest  signal  from  the  government :  and  although  anger  and 
suspicion  separated  the  nobles  and  the  people,  their  effects 
were  slight,  scarcely  even  perceptible,  and  the  great  body  of 
inhabitants  hved  in  peace  and  unity. 

The  result  of  this  tranquillity  was,  that  Uterature  flourished, 
men  of  talent  appeared,  paintmg  revived,  the  arts  were  culti- 
vated, the  citizens  vied  ^vith  each  other  m  the  splendour  of  their 
domestic  arcliitecture,  and  the  name  of  a  Florentine  merchant 
became  respected  throughout  the  worid :  Florence  feared 
neither  her  own  exiles  nor  the  imperial  power,  nor  any 
single  state  in  Italy ;  but  strong  in  her  democratic  rule  and 
free  institutions,  would  have  rolled  smoothly  forward  if  her  path 
had  not  been  once  more  broken  up  by  the  violence  of  domestic 
faction*. 


Cotemporary  Monarchs.— England  :  Edward  I.— Scotland :  John  Baliol, 
(1292).— Interregnum  to  1 306.— France  :  Philip  IV.,  (1225).— Castile  and 
Leon  :  Sancho  IV.  Ferdinand  IV.,  (1295).— Aragon  :  James  II.,  (1291).— 
Portugal  :  Dennis,  (1279).— Germany  :  Adolphus,  (1292).  Albert  I.,  (1298). 
Popes :  Nicholas  IV.,(12«7).  Celcstine  V.,  (1294).  Boniface  VIII.,  (1294). 
Greek  Emperor:  Andronicus,  (1281). 


♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  %nii.,  cap.  xii.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iv.— Scip.  Ammirato, 
Lib.  IV. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii. 


n 


CHAP.    XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


365 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


FROM  A.D.  1300    TO  A.D.  13  08. 


A.D.  1300. 


The  year  1300  commenced  with  great  rejoicing  throughout 
Clii-istendora ;  it  was  that  of  the  first  jubilee.  By  a  natui'al  and 
sagacious  union  of  religion  and  finance  Pope  Boni- 
face the  Eighth  granted  complete  absolution  to  all 
who  passed  a  given  number  of  days  in  visitmg  the  several 
Roman  shrines  and  confessionals  with  sincere  and  humble 
repentance ;  and  as  the  existence  of  this  virtue  was  believed 
on  the  sinner's  affirmation,  it  is  probable  that  none  were  disap- 
pointed ;  wherefore  two  millions  of  fortunate  souls  were  saved 
from  perdition  during  that  happy  year,  and  with  man^ellous 
gam  to  the  treasury.  Indeed  so  serious  and  universal  was  this 
new  devotion  that  for  twelve  months  together  Rome  had 
never  less  than  two  hundred  thousand  pilgrims  within  her 
walls  independent  of  the  native  population,  wliile  multitudes 
of  every  rank  age  and  sex  thronged  the  Italian  roads.  And 
in  this  well-imagined  pilgiimage  all  the  great  thorough- 
fares of  Italy  are  described  as  presenting  the  appearance  of  a 
contmual  procession,  or  rather  an  army  in  full  march  ;  pea^e 
was  universal,  and  perfect  security,  with  abundance  of  every- 
thin<T  for  everybody  who  had  the  means  of  payment :  Rome 
was  plentifully  supplied  and  enriched;  its  inhabitants  made 
fortunes  by  the  vast  concourse  of  visitors  that  crowded 
their  streets,   where  however  numbers  of  both  sexes  were 


366 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


ii 


[book  I. 

trampled  to  death  in  the  midst  of  their  sacred  occupation  *. 
Contmual  streams  of  gold  and  silver  kept  pouring  into  the 
church-coffers,  the  spontaneous  overflowings  of  religious  love  • 
and  two  pnests  were  stationed  night  and  day  at  the  slirine  of 
bt.  Paul  with  purse  in  hand  to  receive  these  incessant  offer- 
ings for  eternal  salvation. 

To  this  singular  display  of  festive  piety  repaired  also  the 
annaJast  Giovanni  Villani;  and  there  like  his  prototype  Males- 
pmi  did  the  contemplation  of  ancient  Rome  inspire  him  with 
the  Idea  of  wntmg  a  histo^'  of  his  own  comitn-,  which  he  com- 
menced at  his  return  to  Florence  f. 

Peace  still  reigned  in  this  capital,  but  a  rich  ambitious  and 
high-spmted   nobility   were    unwilling   to  succumb,   and  the 
source  of  cnil  dissension  was  still  unexhausted:  Uie  fire  though 
boned  was  not  extinct;  deep  and  still  burning,  but  scarcely 
mible,  ,t  threw  out  occasional  warnings  that  were  only  lost  upon 
the  young  the  gay  and  the  thoughtless.     Superstition  also  lent 
Its  aid :  tlie  old  wasted  statue  of  Mars,  at  the  base  of  wliich 
Buondelmonte  was  murdered,  had  been  dismounted  the  vear 
before  to  complete  some  new  buildings,  but  by  mistake  instead 
of  lookmg  east  as  formerly,  it  was  replaced  with  the  face  north- 
wards, and  this  was  received  as  a  shiister  augury  although  no 
S)-mptoms  of  misfortune  then  appeared.     According  to  Dino 
tompagm  Florence  was  at  this  time  niled  with  little  justice  • 
some  powerful  and  dishonest  men  had  contrived  to  mise  an  in! 
digent  gentleman  of  Padua  to  the  dignity  of  Podesta,  a  man 

"  Come  i  Roman  per  lo  cscrcito  molto, 
L'anno  del  Giubbileo,  su  per  lo  Ponte 
Hannoa  passar  lagente  modo  tolto  :  "" 
"  Che  da  un  lato  tutti  hanno  la  fronte 

Verso  '1  Castello  e  vanno  a  San  Pietro  : 
iJall  altra  sponda  vanno  in  verso  '1  monte." 
t  G.  ViUani,  Ub.  viii.,  cap.  xxxvi.-Muratori,  Annali  1300. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


367 


willing  to  be  the  tool  of  private  vengeance  and  cupidity ;  justice 
was  therefore  openly   sold,   the   innocent  oppressed  and  the 
guilty  absolved  at  the  will  of  these  rulers  which  always  was  law 
to  their  creature.     But  public  spirit  ran  too  high  to  bear  this, 
the  citizens  soon  rose,  and  putting  him  and  his  minions  to  the 
torture  detected  his  iniquity:  Monfiorito  of  Padua  was  there- 
fore imprisoned  and  although  he  finally  escaped,  the  republic 
twice  refused  to  deliver  him  over  to  the  Paduans  who  had  sent 
successive  embassies  to  demand  the  release  of  their  countrjTnan. 
The  general  calm  of  Florence  was  first  disturbed  by  a  private 
quarrel  between  two  neighbouring  families.     Vieri  de'  Cerchi 
chief  of  a  race,  ignobly  descended,  but  wealthy  merchants,  vdth 
a  princely  establishment  and  numerous  chents,  was  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  his  family,  a  man  of  general  popularity  and  of 
an  easy  disposition  not  unmixed  with  talent :  they  were  all  liked 
by  the  Popolani  for  their  amiable  and  unambitious  temper ;  by 
every  class  of  Ghibeline  because  they  were  not  persecutors 
when  in  power ;  by  the  poor  nobility  for  the  convenience  of 
their  wealth ;  and  by  the  plebeians  for  their  decided  disapproval 
of  Giano   della   Bellas  banishment:    so  that  -without  much 
trouble,  it  was  thought  they  might  have  mastered  the  republic 
if  talents  and  ambition  had  seconded  the  opportunity.     The 
Donati  and  Pazzi,  near  whom  they  had  houses  in  town  and 
countiy,  were  of  ancient  and  illustrious  families  but  not  near 
so  rich,  and  felt  mortified  by  the  overshadowing  pomp  of  their 
upstart  neighbours,  whom  they  despised  for  their  vulgarity  and 
hated  for  their  ostenbition.      At  the  head  of  these  was  Corso 
Donati  the  same  who  had  fought  at  Campaldino,  a  man,  accord- 
ing to  Compagni,  resembling  but  more  cruel  than  the  Roman 
Catiline :  "  gentle  of  blood,  beautiful  in  person,  polished  in 
manners,  of  pleasing  conversation,  a  subtle  intellect  and  a  mind 
ever  intent  on  evil.     By  habit  and  genius  a  soldier,  he  carried 
his  warlike  propensities  into  civil  life  and  assembled  a  crowd  of 
followers,  all  obedient  to  the  nod  of  this  popular  cliieftain.    He 


N     U 


368 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


369 


performed  great  services,  did  much  mischief,  caused  numerous 
burumgs  and  robberies,  amassed  considerable  spoil,  and  raised 
himself  to  high  authority:  vain-glory- was  his  idol,  and  from  his 
excessive  pride  he  was  suniamed  "  The  Baron  "  so  that  when 
he  rode  through  Florence  he  was  frequently  saluted  with  cries 
of  *'  Long  live  the  Baron*.'' 

The  enmity  between  these  potent  families  was  augmented 
by  Corso  s  recent  marriage  with  an  heiress  of  the  GavHle  race 
agamst  the  wishes  of  her  own  relations  as  well  as  her  kmsmen 
the  Cerchi ;  also  by  a  subsequent  suspicion  of  his  ha^dng  been 
accessory  to  the  death  of  two  young  men  of  the  latter  house 
who  were  poisoned  in  the  prisons  of  the  Podesta  wliile  in  con- 
finement  for  a  private  affray.     This  mutual  \\\-vd\\  continued 
long  without  any  overt  act  that  disturbed  the  public  peace 
while  both  parties  were  assiduously  strengthening  their  alli- 
ances.   Pope  Boniface  who,  as  was  said,  -got  into  the  pontificate 
like  a  fox,  ruled  like  a  lion,  and  died  like  a  dog^  was  closely 
connected  with  his   bankers  the  Spini,  and  other  monied  men 
of  Florence  friends  of  Donati,  therefore  endeavoured  to  re- 
concile  the  families,  and  sent  for  Vieri  to  Rome  ;  but  the  Cerchi 
was  intractable,  assured  the  pontiff  that  he  had  no  quarrel 
with  anybody  and  therefore  needed  no  reconciliation  :    this 
nettled  the  pride  of  Boniface,  who  was  accustomed  to  prompt 
obedience,  and  estranged  him  from  that  party.     Matters  con- 
tmued  gettmg  woi-se  :  the  Cerchi  although  Guelphs  and  Po- 
polani  had  all  the  old  Ghibelme  famihes  on  their  side,  some 
from  hatred  of  Donati  and  others  from  private  feuds  or  personal 
lujuiy;  amongst  the  last  was  Guido  Cavalcanti,  the  celebrated 
fnend  of  Dante,  a  bold  melancholy  man  who  loved  sohtude 
and  hterature ;  but  generous  brave  and  courteous,  a  poet  and 
philosopher  and  one  that  seems  to  have  had  the  respect  and 
adnuration  of  his  age.     Corso  Donati  by  whom  he  was  feared 
and  hated,  would  have  had  him  murdered  while  on  a  pOgrimage 

*  Dino  Compagni,  Ub.  ii.,  p.  43. 


\ 


to  Saint  James  of  Galicia ;  on  Ms  return  this  became  kno\vn 
and  gained  him  many  supporters  amongst  the  Cerchi  and  other 
youth  of  Florence  :  he  took  no  regular  measures  of  vengeance 
but  accidentally  meeting  Corso  in  tlie  street  rode  violently 
towai'ds  him  casting  his  javelin  at  the  same  time  :  it  missed  by 
the  tripping  of  liis  horse  and  he  escaped  with  a  slight  wound 
from  one  of  Donati's  attendants.  Cavalcanti  was  son-in-law  to 
Farinata  degli  Uberti  and  therefore  perhaps  not  altogether 
indisposed  to  the  Ghibelines,  but  the  Cerchi  were  his  intimate 
friends  and  accompanied  liim  in  the  assault  on  Donati :  all  this 
embittered  the  feud  ^'  and  Corso's  continual  sarcasms  on  Vieri 
which  were  duly  reported  by  the  buffoons,  (the  gossips  of  that 
age),  were  not  calculated  to  soften  their  mutual  asperity.  Thus 
was  the  stonn  fast  gathering  when,  like  two  angry  clouds,  the 
stubborn  factions  of  the  Biancld  and  Neri  poured  in  their 
influence  and  brought  it  down  in  blood. 

"  Aiise  ye  wicked  citizens  filled  as  ye  are  with  infamy:  take 
"  the  sword  and  the  torch  in  your  hands  and  spread  wide  your 
"  malevolence.  Proclaim  aloud  your  iniquitous  desires,  your 
"  infernal  purposes.  Delay  no  longer ;  go,  and  destroy  the 
"  beauty  of  your  city ;  shed  the  blood  of  your  brethren ;  divest 
"  yourselves  of  laitb  and  of  love  ;  deny  aid  and  service  to  each 
other ;  sow  all  your  falsehoods,  they  will  fill  the  granaries  of 
your  children ;  do  even  as  Sylla  once  did  in  Rome :  for  all 
the  crimes  he  committed  in  ten  long  years  Marius  revenged 
"ma  single  day.  Think  ye  that  almighty  justice  hath  fainted '.' 
"  Even  tliat  of  the  world  will  render  one  for  one.  Look  at 
"  your  ancestors  ;  see  if  they  gained  by  contention !  Delay  no 
'*  longer  miserable  men,  for  one  day  of  war  consumes  more  than 
"  is  regained  in  many  years  of  peace,  and  small  is  that  spark 
"  that  brings  a  mighty  empire  to  destruction!  ".     Such  is  the 

•  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani  attributes  tins  house  with  another  lady  the  wife  of 

quarrel  to  some  words  spoken  in  jest  Filippo  de'  Bianchi. 

by  Vieri  de'  Cerchi   to   the    wife   of  +  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  i*'  and  ii<^. — 

Bernardo  Donati  while  dining  at  his  Giov.  Villani.  Lib.  viii",  cap.  xxxix. 

VOL.   I.  BE 


i( 


<( 


<( 


370 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


niAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


371 


impassioned  burst  of  indignation  -SNith  which  Dino  Compagni 
reproaches  his  countrymen,  and  it  was  no  imaginarj^  picture  ! 
Very  soon  there  was  neither  male  nor  female,  gi-eat  or  small, 
noble,  poplano,  or  plebeian ;  priest  or  friar ;  that  were  not 
di\ided  on  one  side  or  the  other  of  this  unhappy  quarrel,  the 
connexion  of  which  with  Pistoia  now^  demands  our  attention*. 
Twenty  miles  north-west  of  Florence  under  the  mountains 
that  dinde  Tuscany  from  Modena  lies  the  city  of  Pistoia  on  a 
spot  traditionally  mentioned  as  the  scene  of  Catiline's  defeat 
and  death  by  Petreius,  and  the  ferocious  disposition  of  her 
earlier  inhabitants  might  encourage  a  supei'Stitious  belief  in 
the   assertion ;    for   she  is   better  kno\Mi  in  history  by  the 
virulence  of  her  factions  and  the  peculiar  malignity  of  her 
private  feuds  than  by  any  act  of  virtue  or  magnanimity  in  her 
citizens  f .      One  of  these  petty  dissensions  not  only  destroyed 
her  own  peace,  such  as  it  was,  but  in  kindling  the  inflamma- 
bility of  Florence  spread  over  Tuscany  and  even  contaminated 
a  great  part  of  Ptomagna  I. 

The  noble  houses  of  Cancellieri  and  Panciatiche  had  early 
assumed  the  leading  of  the  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  factions  of 
Pistoia,  and  during  the  whole  of  the  tliirteenth  centurj-  had 
continued  fighting  with  such  bitteniess  that  even  these  party 
names,  the  cause  of  their  original  enmity,  were  lost  in  the  fury-  of 
private  war  the  two  factions  becoming  distinguished  by  family 
appellations  alone.  The  chiefs  of  these  parties  were  formidable 
even  to  the  republic  itself,  whose  wars  crimes  and  misfortunes 
were  all  laid  by  the  people  to  their  charge :  the  democratic 
government  of  Pistoia  therefore  natiu'ally  detested  the  nobles, 


*  Istorie  Pistolesi,  p.  1. — Leon  Are- 
tino,  Lib.  iv.,  lol.  67. 

f  "  Ah  Pistoia,  Pistoia,  che  non  stanzi 
D'incenerarti,  si  che  piii  non  duri, 
Poiche'n  mal  far  lo  seme  tuo  avanzi  f 
(Dante,  Inferno,  Canto  xxv). 

And  Petrarca  in  bis  beautiful  sonnet  on 


Cino's  death, 

*'  Pianga  Pistoia,  e  i  cittadin  {K-rversi." 

For  more  minute  details  of  these  disas- 
trous times  in  Pistoia  see  the  coterapo- 
rary  "  Istorie  Pistokse,"  Anno  1300. 

X  6.  Malavolti,  Lib.  iii",  Parte  ii",  p. 

61. 


1 


1 


w 


and  in  1285  declared  them  ineligible  to  public  office,  pub- 
lished a  particular  code  of  regulations  affecting  them  alone, 
and  decreed  that  when  any  commoner  disturbed  the  public 
peace  he  should  immediately  be  ennobled  as  the  severest 
chastisement  for  his  turbulence.  In  the  general  revolution  of 
parties  after  Manfred's  death,  the  Cancellieri  had  chased  their 
Ghil)eline  adversaries  from  the  town  and  a  cruel  war  was 
waged  in  the  beautiful  and  romantic  mountain  of  Pistoia, 
where  the  possessions  of  both  were  situated.  The  Cancel- 
lieri although  excluded  from  government  were  rich  and  nume- 
rous and  the  exile  of  their  rivals  gave  them  a  complete 
ascendancy:  eighteen  knights  of  the  golden  spur,  and  a 
Imndred  men-at-anns,  all  bearing  the  name,  and  none  beyond 
the  fourth  degree  of  blood,  besides  numerous  allies  and  depend- 
ants, rendered  this  family  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Italian  nobility.  They  domineered  over  the  city  and  contado, 
outraged  everybody,  committed  many  cruel  actions,  put  num- 
bers to  death,  were  tyrants  every\vhere,  yet  none  dared  even 
to  accuse  them ;  so  great  was  their  power  of  vengeance  !  * 

It  happened,  about  the  year  1295,  that  several  young  kins- 
men of  the  Cancellieri  race  were  carousing  in  a  wine-house,  and 
when  heated  by  drink  Carlino  son  of  Gualfredi  maltreated  his 
cousin  Amadore  or  Dore  son  of  Guglielmo :  they  belonged  to 
different  branches  of  the  same  family  long  distinguished  by  the 
surnames  of  Bianchi  and  Neri  in  consequence  of  an  ancestor 
bavin"  married  two  wives  one  of  whom  called  Bianca  gave  the 
appellation  to  her  descendants  while  the  collateral  race  was 
contradistinguished  by  the  opposite  colour.  Saint  Peter  in  his 
definition  of  thank  worthiness  asks  "  What  glory  is  it  if  when 
"  ye  be  buffeted  for  your  feults  ye  shall  take  it  patiently  ?  But 

*  G  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxxviii.—  Rep.  Ital.,  vol.  iii.,  cap.  xxiv.,  p.  1 1 7.— 

Istorie  Pistolesi  dalV  Anno  1300,  al  Flam,   dal  Borgo,    Diss.  i.   sopra   la 

1 348.— M.  Angelo  Salvi,  Historic  di  Storia  Pisana,  p.  4,  note. 
Pistoia,  Parte  i%  p.  262.— Sismondi, 

bb2 


372 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


373 


'*  if  when  ye  do  well  and  suffer  for  it,  ye  take  it  patiently,  tliis 
"  is  acceptable  with  God."    And  something  of  this  sort   the 
ancient    Pistoians   appear   to   have  taken  uiversely  as  their 
standard  of  revenge:    it  was  no  satisfaction  to  wreak  their 
mahce  on  liiin  who  did  the  injur}- ;  tliat  was  but  simple  retalia- 
tion, an  unoffending  ^^ctim  was  in  their  code  indispensable  to 
perfect  vengeance.     They  argued  that  as  an  innocent  person 
had  fii-st  suffered  there  could  not  be  complete  reciprocity  unless 
avengement   also   stnick  the   guiltless  head;    the   offender's 
death  was  the  simple  vmdication  of  justice,  and  expected ; 
therefore  could  not  inflict  so  sharp  a  pang  on  his  kindred  as 
the  sudden  murder  of  an  unoffending  man,  mure  especially  if 
he  were  peculiarly  amiable  and  well-beloved.     To  carr}-  out 
this  principle  Amadore  who  was  of  the  Black  taction  retired 
from  the  company  and  hid  hunself  armed  in  a  convenient  place, 
where    the   same    evening   seemg    Carlino's    l)rotlier    Vanni 
passhig,  immediately  called  him,  and  ignorant  of  the  quarrel 
the  latter  approached  without  hesitation :  Dore  then  suddenly 
fell   upon   him,   gashed  his   face,    and   nearly  succeeded   iii 
cutting  off  a  hand  :  thus  mangled  he  escaped  and  his  relations 
prepared   for   revenge.      Guglielmo   apprehensive   of  fomily 
strife   at   once  delivered  his  son  into  Gualfredo's  power  to 
receive   any   punishment   that    pleased   him   to   inflict;    the 
latter  insensible  to  the  spirit  of  this  condu.t  coolly  led  the 
offender  into  a  stable  and  chopped  off  his  right  hand  upon  the 
edge  of  the  manger ;  but  revenge  was  not  considered  perfect 
until  he  had  also  gashed  his  face.     "  Now;'  said  he,  *'  go  and 
inform  thy  father  that  with  deeds,  not  words,  such  injuries  are 
revenged  *  ". 

Tliis  was  considered  too  cruel  even  for  Pistoian  ferocity ; 
Bianchi  and  Neri  flew  to  arms  intent  on  vengeance  for  the 
double  outrage ;  and  as  the  Cancellieri  were  connected  with 


n 


almost  all  the  noblesse  of  Pistoia  the  city  was  soon  in  a 
general  tumult :  the  spirit  spread  like  a  conflagration,  their  vas- 
sals caught  the  flame,  all  the  country  armed,  and  from  that  time 
forth  civil  war  in  various  forms  incessantly  filled  the  Pistoian  ter- 
ritoiy  mitil  stopped  by  the  iron  hand  of  Cosimo  de'  Medici  in  the 
middle  of  the  sLxteenth  century.  If  one  man  were  more 
particularly  respected  for  his  viitues  and  peaceable  habits,  or  in 
any  way  distinguished  beyond  his  associates,  he  was  sure  to  be 
marked  as  the  peculiar  victim  of  adverse  vengeance :  thus  the 
judge  Pero  de'  Pecoroni  was  murdered  on  the  bench  while  in 
the  act  of  administering  justice;  Bertino  de'  Virgiolese  an 
adherent  of  the  "  Whites,"  the  most  noble  and  virtuous  Imight 
of  Pistoia,  was  afterwards  stabbed  by  the  same  parties  ;  Bene- 
detto, or  Detto,  de'  Cancellieri  was  in  his  turn  sacrificed  for 
this,  because  he  was  the  most  beloved,  the  wisest,  and  the 
ablest  of  the  Neri ;  Braccino  de'  Fortebracci  fell  in  a  similar 
manner;  houses  and  towers  were  armed  and  attacked  with  fire 
and  sword,  darts,  cross-bows,  stones,  and  mangonels  showered 
death  into  the  streets ;  frequent  sallies  brought  the  factions 
hand  to  hand,  and  then  the  lance  the  sword  and  the  poniard 
decided  the  day's  encounter.  Such  was  the  habitual  state  of 
this  distracted  town  until  1'299,  when  even  the  Podesta's  guard 
was  resisted,  beaten,  and  one  of  his  principal  officers  and 
companions  killed,  by  Chello  de'  Cancellieri  and  Vanni  Fucci ; 
upon  this  he  instantly  broke  his  official  wand  in  presence  of 
the  seignor}%  renounced  his  high  office  and  retired  to  his  native 
town  of  Bergamo.  The  city  thus  left  without  a  governor 
remained  in  complete  anarchy ;  a  new  Podesta  arrived  but 
accomplished  little ;  the  "  Whites  "  gained  ground  and  com- 
pletely ruled  Pistoia ;  the  Contado  was  equally  distrax^ted  and 
the  whole  frame  of  society  had  nearly  given  way  when  the 
leading  popular  citizens  determined  to  call  in  the  aid  of 
Florence. 

It  cannot  be  supposed  that  such  violent  contentions  could 


d 


374 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


£book  I. 


couunue,  without  affecting  opinions  in  a  city  so  closely  connected 
by  neighbourhood,  politics,  and  family  alliances,  as  the  latter 
was  with  Pistoia :  exiles  from  either  faction  had  already  been 
received  by  Uieir  friends,  and  the  relationship  of  the  Donati 
wth  the  Neri,  of  the  Circhi  with  the  Bianchi,  prepared  the  way 
for  a  similar  division  of  Florentine  parties  *.     The  wise  and  pru- 
dent of  either  city  at  length  assembled  to  devise  some  cure  for  this 
increa^mg  madness,  and  it  benig  of  great  importance  to  Florence 
that  Pistoia  should  remain  tranquil,  slie  gladly  accepted  the 
seiguopr  or  Balia  of  that  republic  for  three  years  as  offered  by 
Its  ambassadors      The  lordship  of  a  state  in  those  days  was  an 
extrajudicial  and  legislative  power  conferred  for  a  given  time 

'";  .*  r,?"^  °uT''  "  "1'«'««<"-«'"P  which   concentrated 
within  Itself  the  whole  power  of  the  republic  without  beino 
supposed  to  infringe  its  liberty  or  political  rights  :  it  was  an 
unsafe  proceeding,  yet  often  resorted  to  in  perilous  times,  as  if 
to  show  more  conspicuously  the  imperfection  of  pure  republican 
government.  The  Priors  immediately  nominated  a  newPodesta 
and  Captain  of  the  People ;  new  Anziani  were  chosen  in  equal 
numbers  from  each  faction,  elected  monthly,  and  presided  by  a 
.  Oonfalonier  of  JusUce  ;  the  chiefs  on  both  sides  were  banished 
to  Florence,  where  it  was  vainly  hoped  a  reconciliation  might 

me,  IT  ff  r  '^  ""  '"'''°"'^'  "'  "'"'  P^-^rf-'  SoJm. 

ment  f     Bu   men  are  more  prone  to  absorb  the  vicious  passions 

than  the  better  qualities  of  their  neighbours;  the  latter  are 

troublesome  and  mvolve  some  acknowledgment  of  inferiority  • 

the  former  are  insensibly  imbibed,  more  congenial,  alas,  to 

man  ;  and  Florence  was  notin  that  temperate  state  that  mH  t 

eceive.-ith  impunity  an  importation  of  sucli  firebrands  as  ike 

Cancelhen  of  Pistoia.  Discontent  was  still  deep,  and  a  powerful 

p.  17.  ristolcsi,     18,  &c--Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iv.,  M. 

t  Hist.  Pistolesi,  pp.  1  to  19 -rj.      onT  c'^*    ^'"°'"'^^«'    Lib.    iv.,  p. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


375 


aristocracy  deprived  of  its  just  share  of  public  honours  could 
not  long  run  smoothly  with  a  stem  determined  democracy,  mi- 
less  accompanied  by  some  great  external  object  tf  common  and 
absorbing  interest.  In  Florence  there  was  an  absorbing  interest, 
but  it  was  the  struggle  for  power;  and  begat  turbulence. 
Delia  Bella  was  in  exile,  but  discontent  had  not  been  banished 
with  him :  the  discontent  of  a  nation  is  never  the  work  of  an 
individual ;  a  smgle  hand  may  collect  and  concentrate  the  ill 
humoui-s  of  a  state  and  adapt  them  to  its  own  purposes  good 
or  bad;  but  their  root  must  have  previously  existed  and 
an  individual's  destruction  or  banishment  will  leave  the  evil 
unabated  '•'. 

The  Frescobaldi,  friends  of  Corso  Donati,  were  appointed  to 
receive  the  Neri  while  the  Bianchi  became  inmates  with  Vieri 
de'  Cerchi  and  his  Idnsmen :  twelve  of  the  principal  famihes 
supported  Coi-so  Donati  besides  many  othei-s  of  inferior  note, 
and  a  multitude  of  the  rich  popolani  divided  on  both  sides ; 
about  eighteen  great  houses  followed  the  Cerclii,  including  most 
of  the  old  Ghibelines,  because  this  family  having  arisen  since 
the  great  struggle  between  the  factions,  its  members  although 
Guelphs  had  no  enmity  against  them  and  had  spent  much  in 
conciliating  an  impoverished  nobihty.  Thus  the  city  was  once 
more  divided  ;  the  Guelphic  party  was  itself  divided;  nay  each 
house  was  divided  ;  and  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  again  frowned 
in  open  hostility :  from  the  nobles  the  poison  dropt  among  the 
people  ;  and  here  also  were  families  divided  against  themselves, 
father  against  son,  brother  against  brother ;  but  as  yet  no  blood 
was  spilt  f. 

*  It  is  to  this  struggle  of  the  Bianchi  and  Neri  that  Dante,  who  was  a  principal 
actor,  makes  Ciacco  allude  in  the  sixth  canto  of  his  Inferno  : — 

"  Depoi  lunga  tencione 
Veranno  al  sangue,  e  la  parte  selvaggia 
Caccera  Taltra  con  molta  ofFensione,  &c." — (Bargigi*s  Text.) 

+  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iv.,  fol  67.— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  205. 


376 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 

m  universal  festivity;  young  men  and  maidens  uniting  in  4 

aad  festive  companies  sung  and  danced  in  the  open  places  of 

he  cU,for  man,da,s  together:  amongst  others  tl  JlTone 

n  the  Piazza  of  Santa  Trinita  on  the  1st  of  May  ^vhere  all 

dance   and  in  consequence  a  great  concuun.e  of  people  had 
crowded  the  street;  amongst  them  were  the  Cerchi  Ld  Donatt 
on  ho^eback  m  complete  annour,  on  account  of  their  mut" 
and  increasing  enmity.      There  were  about  thirty  mZtTd 
g  ntlemen  on  each  side  besides  sen.nts  and  followrid 

an  e,  d^sdainfu^  glances  were  reciprocally  exchanged,  swords 
^I  owed  and  after  a  shaip  skirmish  in  which  niany^  reTim 
^e  combatants  parted  with  increased  bitterness  of  feeH^' 
21^^  the  fet  blood  dmwn,  and  both  parties  bent    n  ":: 

tlrn   W  .  they  now  first  assumed  the  distinctive  names  of 

Bun^Iu    and  ''  Nerr  which  ^-ithout  affecting  their  poHtica 
P-ciples  as  Guelph  or  Ghibeline  sufficiently  marke'd  S 

Jwhoi?"^'  I'V'  ^'^^  """^^P^  ''''  ^^^-^-  ^^^--«  seeing 
^e  whole  population  engaged  on  either  side  and  the  greaf 

Camet^l   fT""  ^^  .^'^'^^^"^^  "^  ^^^  ^^^^  -S 
a^d  Id  f^  .        '^'"^'^  ^"'^^  ^^^^  ^1^1  ^"elphic  chamcter 

n.T.     ^^^f^^"^^  «^  Acquasparta  was  accordingly  dis- 
patched ^th  full  authority  to  accommodate  all  differences 
he  demanded  equal  powers  from  the  Florentines  and  th     wire 

Te^tf  or  am^  'f  ""^'^^  ''  ^^P^'^  ^^^^^  ^^t  when 

refuses     The  C     T'  '"  ''''""  ^^  ^^^^  ^*  ^^^  P^^-ply 

relused     The  Cerchi  were  predominant;  the  Legate  wished 

to  distnbute  honour  and  nffi^^  n  -^^b^^^  wisned 

Honour  and  office   equally  amongst  all  parties, 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


377 


and  failing  in  this  he  departed,  leaving  the  city  under  an  in- 
terdict*. 

The  Bianchi  were  well  aware  that  their  adversaries  possessed 
tlie  Papal  countenance,  and  became  still  more  convinced  of  this 
when  on  Saint  John's  Eve  they  saw  the  Consuls  of  the  Arts,  as 
they  walked  in  procession  with  their  annual  offerings,  insulted 
and  beaten  by  a  party  of  nobles  who  exclaimed,  "  We  are  the 
»irn  that  (jaincd  the  victory  of  CampahUno  and  you  have  ousted 
us  front  office  and  honour  in  our  native  city.''    Such  an  outrage 
coupled  \N-ith  a  secret  meeting  of  Donati's  faction,  (who  resolved 
to  ask  the  Pope's  assistance  in  sending  for  one  of  the  French 
princes  to  assume  the  lordship  of  Florence  and  reduce  the 
Bianclii),  roused  the  general  anger  f.     The  Priors ;  and  Dante 
amongst  the  number ;  called  a  meeting  of  the  government  and 
many  citizens,  in  wliich  the  historian  Dino  Compagni  was  in- 
cluded, and  there  determined  to  banish  several  chiefs  of  both 
factions  ;  the  Neri  to  Castel  della  Pieve  on  the  Roman  frontier, 
the  Bianchi  to  Sarezzano :  amongst  those  so  exiled  were  Corso 
and  Sinibaldo  Donati  with  some  of  the  della  Tosa,  Pazzi,  Spini, 
and  Manieri  families :  and  of  their  rivals,  Gentile,  Torrigiano 
and  Carbone  de'  Cerclii  with  Guido  Cavalcanti  and  others.   The 
latter  immediately  obeyed,  but  the  Neri  were  more  obstinate 
and  had  even  organised  a  conspiracy  with  the  knowledge  of 
Acquasparta  who  had  engaged  a  Lucchese  army  to  cooperate ; 
but  they  were  finally  induced  to  yield,  and  the  Lucchese  being 
intimidated  by  the  \igour  of  government  Florence  was  saved 
from  a  bloody  revolution. 

Some  time  before  this  however,  ua  the  month  of  December, 
many  families  had  assembled  to  celebrate  the  obsequies  of  a 
lady  in  the  Piazza  de'  Frescobaldi :  it  was  the  custom  at  such 
meetmgs  for  the  citizens  to  sit  m  the  lowest  place  on  rush- 
mats,  and  the  cavaliers  and  doctors  higher  up  on  the  surround- 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  c.  xl.— Dino     iv.,  p.  206.— Dante,  Parad.,  Cant.  vii. 
Compagni,  Lib.  i«.— S.  Ammirato  Lib.    t  Antica  Prionsta,  MS. 


I 1 


378 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CIUP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


379 


ing  benches,  so  that  the  Cerchi  and  Donati  who  did  not  enjoy 
this  dignity  were  opposite  to  eacli  other  on  the  ground  :  it  so 
happened  that  one  of  them  either  to  aiTarige  his  dress  or  for 
some  other  purpose  stood  suddenly  upright :  full  of  suspicion 
the  advei-se  party  instantly  started  to  their  feet  and  laid  hands 
on  their  swords  ;  their  rivals  did  the  same  and  an  aflray  began, 
but  was  soon  arrested  by  the  interference  of  other  citizens*. 

Florence  nevertheless  became  more  and  more  tumultuous, 
for  the  poison  had  spread  even  to  the  country  districts : 
the  Bianchi  assembled  and  attacked  the  Donati,  but  were 
repulsed  with  loss  from  Porta  San  Piero  :  soon  after  a  band  of 
the  Cerchi  were  intercepted  on  their  return  from  the  country  by 
a  strong  body  of  the  Donati  and  many  wounded  on  both  sides : 
for  these  tumults  several  of  each  faction  were  heavily  fined ; 
the  Donati  went  to  prison  sooner  than  pay,  and  some  of  their 
antagonists  followed  this  example  against  the  advice  of  Vieri : 
the  whole  population  even  to  the  priesthood  was  now  divided 
between  the  two  factions ;  nobles,  middle  classes,  poorer  citizens, 
all  partook  of  the  general  frenzy :  the  Ghibelines  in  expectation 
of  better  treatment  held  to  the  White  Faction ;  the  friends  of 
Giano  della  Bella  did  the  same  from  indignation  at  his  fate ; 
Guido  Cavalcanti  embraced  this  cause  from  hatred  to  Corso 
Donati ;  Naldo  Gherardhii  from  a  private  feud  with  the  Ma- 
nieri,  kinsmen  of  Donati;  the  Scali  and  Lapo  Salterelli 
because  they  were  related  to  the  Cerchi;  Berto  Frescobaldi 
being  in  debt  to  the  Cerchi,  broke  from  his  family  and  attiiched 
himself  to  his  creditors ;  Goccia  Adimari  did  the  same  from  a 
quarrel  with  his  kinsmen  ;  Bernardo  Adimari  because  he  was 
their  companion ;  and  three  of  the  della  Tosa  family  from  hatred 
U)  Rosso  their  chief,  who  had  deprived  them  of  certain  honours  : 
besides  these  there  were  the  Mozzi,  the  greater  part  of  the 
Cavalcanti,  and  several  other  noble  families  who  followed  their 
standard. 

*  Gio.  ViUani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xli. — Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  i.,  p.  19. 


1 


The  Donati's  adherents  were  attached  by  similar  ties,  and  in 
this  as  in  most  political  and  religious  factions,  where  public 
good  or  the  love  of  morality  rarely  enter,  the  Cerchi  having 
most  wealth  and  most  power  had  consequently  most  followers  ; 
but  Corso  Donati  was  far  beyond  Vieri  Cerchi  as  the  leader  of 
a  party,  although  Macchiavelli  asserts  that  the  latter  was  equal 
to  him  in  every  quality. 

As  the  Bianchi  w^ere  only  banished  to  maintain  an  appear- 
ance of  impartiality  their  recall  was  soon  procured  on  pretence 
of  the  unwholesome  air  of  Sarezzano,  where  Guido  Cavalcante 
had  already  fallen  sick,  and  died  soon  after  his  return.  "  It 
was  a  gi-eat  misfortune,"  says  ViUani,  "  because  he  was  a  philo- 
sopher and  a  virtuous  man  in  many  things,  but  a  little  too 
sensitive  and  passionate  -  ".  In  the  meantime  Corso  Donati  and 
his  friends  took  advantage  of  their  place  of  exile,  and  knowing 
Pope  Boniface  s  strong  leaning  towards  the  Neri,  re-  ^  ^  ^^^ 
paired  to  Rome  where  they  insisted  on  the  necessity 
of  immediate  support  by  the  presence  of  a  French  prince. 

At  Pistoia  whose  citizens,  says  Dino  Compagni,  "  are  natu- 
rally cruel,  wild,  and  quarrelsome,"  the  Neri  were  completely 
discomfited  and  driven  from  the  town:  Siena  escaped  these 
factions  altogether,  but  at  Lucca  the  Wliites  in  attempting 
to  expel  their  antagonists  were  themselves  overcome  and 
banished;  amongst  them  the  Interminelli  to  which  family 
belonged  the  celebrated  Castruccio  Castracani  then  about 
twenty  years  of  age :  they  retired  to  Ancona ;  there  he  lost 
both  parents  and  proceeded  the  same  year  to  England,  where 
under  the  auspices  of  Edward  the  First  he  is  supposed  princi- 
pally to  have  learned  the  art  of  war  and  laid  the  foundation  of 
his  futm-e  greatness. 

The  intrigues  of  Corso  Donati  had  filled  the  mind  of  Boni- 
face with  apprehension  for  the  fate  of  the  Guelphic  rule  in 
Florence,  and  Charles  of  Valois  who  happened  to  be  then  at 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xlii. — Dante,  lufcrno,  Canto  x. 


380 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Rome  on  his  way  to  Sicily,  was  easily  persuaded  to  employ  a 
vacant  interval  in  governing,  no  matter  how,  a  city  so  wealthy 
as  Florence.  A  popular  and  well-intentioned  seignory  Iiad 
been  elected  in  October  1301,  and  the  citizens  indulged  in 
hopes  of  peace :  the  captains  of  the  Party  Guelph  also  sup- 
ported them  and  they  tried  hard  but  without  success  to  restore 
tranqmllity:  every^  overtiu-e  was  suspected  by  the  Xeri;  no 
tranquillity  they  said  could  be  permanent  until  the  Cerchi  were 
destroyed ;  and  this  could  not  be  without  the  min  of  the  city 
itself,  so  extensive  was  their  influence. 

In  this  state  of  paities  Charles  of  Valois  arrived  at  Siena 
and  immediately  dispatched  an  embassy  to  Florence,  nominally 
to  aiinounce  him  as  a  peace-maker  but  really  to  sound  the 
public  mind  al>out  his  reception  :  they  were  very  soon  satisfied, 
for  the  Bianchi  had  already  become  unpopuhir  from  the  arro- 
gance of  power,  and  a  thousand  tongues  were  ready  to  welcome 
the  royal  governor.      The  seignor}-  determined  to  reply  by 
their  o^Mi  envoys  and  immediately  ordered  the  council-general 
of  the  party  Guelph  and  the  several  trades  that  were  governed 
by  consuls  to  state  in  writing  whether  it  was  tlieir  pleasure 
that  diaries  of  Valois  should  be  admitted  into  I'lorence      All 
answered  in  the  affirmative  both  by  acclamation  and  in  writing 
except  the  Bakers  who  boldly  insisted  that  he  neither  should 
be  admitted  nor  honoured,  for  he  only  came  to  min  the  city 
Messer  Donato  d'  Alberto  Restori  was  then  dispatched  to  an- 
nounce his  free  admission,  but  only,  after  having  executed  a 
formal  instrument  in  writing  pledging  himself  neither  to  inter- 
fere ^vith  their  laws  nor  liberties  ;  at  the  same  time  advising  the 
pnnce  not  to  make  his  entiy^  on  All-Saints-day,  a  festival  at  which 
the   populace  were   usually   excited   with    new  .vine  whence 
disagreeable  consequences  might  ensue. 

Dmo  Compagni  made  one  more  attempt  to  reconcile  parties 
and  for  this  purpose  assembled  all  the  chief  citizens  in  the  Bap- 
tistry-, where  with  a  short  impressive  speech  he  induced  them  to 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


381 


an  apparent  reconciliation  which  they  confirmed  with  solemn 
oaths  at  the  very  fount  where  they  had  all  been  baptized : 
amongst  these  Rosso  dello  Strozza  was  the  first  to  weep  and 
take  the  proffered  oath,  as  he  was  soon  the  first  that  with  cruel 
acts  and  fmious  aspect  led  on  his  frantic  followers  to  the 
destruction  of  their  country. 

Charles  of  Valois  entered  Florence  on  the  fomth  of  Novem- 
ber 1301  with  eight  hundred  horse  of  his  own  immediate 
retainei-s ;  but  on  various  pretences,  from  Lucca,  Siena,  Perugia 
and  other  places,  in  sixes  and  tens  and  twenties  he  mustered 
four  hmidred  more ;  so  that  with  the  support  of  a  recldess 
foction  and  twelve  hundred  men-at-arms  he  was  perfect  master 
of  the  city.  He  was  received  with  great  honour,  and  dis- 
mounting at  the  houses  of  the  Frescobaldi  in  the  place  of  the 
same  name  occupied  that  post  along  with  the  Spini  Palace  at 
the  opposite  end  of  the  bridge  of  La  Trinita ;  thus  with  the 
possession  of  all  the  left  bank  of  the  river  he  commanded  one 
of  the  principal  communications  with  the  right. 

So  posted  and  prepared  he  nogotiated  with  and  deceived  the 
Priors ;  at  his  desire  the  Florentine  guard  of  the  Oltr'  Amo 
gates  was  withdrawn  and  replaced  by  Frenchmen :  the  people 
were  confounded  and  alarmed;  the  Bianchi  prepared  but  not 
vigorously  for  defence ;  the  government  was  weak  and  vacil- 
lating ;  fearful  suspicious  and  aware  of  danger,  they  yet  trusted 
to  royal  protestations  and  were  oveiTeached  by  royal  villany  *. 
The  rich  fortified  their  towers  and  houses  ;  the  Scali  in  whom 
great  confidence  was  placed  by  the  Whites,  lived  opposite  to 
the  Spini  and  both  houses  were  strong  and  important :  the  Spini 
tried  to  soften  their  neighbours  by  false  declarations  of  their 
own  real  object ;  they  called  it  the  old  cause  of  nobles  against 
the  people,  not  Neri  against  Bianchi ;  the  Buondelmonti  did 
the  same  to  the  Gherardini,  the  Bardi  to  the  Mozzi ;  and  thus 
with  many  others.     These  arts  succeeded  in  softening  several 

*  Dante,  Purg.,  Canto  xx. 


'  W^^M  tPiP  U  %mWi 


I 


332 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


383 


adverse  chiefs,  and  their  followers  began  to  lose  courage ;  the 
Ghibelines  seeing  this  apprehended  treachery  to  themselves 
by  the  very  men  in  whom  they  had  most  confided,  and  a  fearful 
suspicion  penaded  all  that  faction. 

The  gate  of  San  Brancazio  was  seized  by  the  Tomaquinci 
in  despite  of  the  government,  which  soon  saw  itself  abandoned 
and  powerless;  the  baser-minded  citizens  made  a  merit  of 
protecting  the  Neri  who  now  no  longer  wanted  their  aid ;  or 
compared  with  great  complacency  the  late  tumults  with  the 
tranquillity  they  were  now  about  to  enjoy  under  the  wing  of  a 
foreigner :  the  republican  standard  was  displayed  at  the  palace 
windows,  but  none  came  to  defend  it ;  the  rural  forces  were 
ordered  to  arm ;  but  they  hid  their  ensigns  and  dispersed ; 
even  the  exiled  Bianchi  of  Lucca  in  consequence  of  ill-usage 
departed  full  of  suspicion,  and  many  other  adherents  went  over 
to  the  opposite  party. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Florence  when  Corso  Donati  returned 
from  exile  and  by  the  connivance  of  Charles  passed  the  Amo 
from  Ognano,  but  the  gates  of  the  old  walls  being  shut  he  went 
round  to  the  postern  of  Pinti  near  San  Piero  Maggiore,  situated 
between  his  own  houses  and  those  of  the  Uccellini :  bv  the  aid 
of  his  friends  inside  he  soon  forced  this  barrier  and  with  only 
twelve  companions  entered  the  city.  "  Long  live  Corso,  long 
live  the  Baron'  was  echoed  everj^here,  and  with  a  rapidly-col- 
lected but  numerous  following  he  instantly  proceeded  to  the 
prisons  and  Podesta  s  residence  l)Oth  of  which  he  forced  open  ; 
and  finally  mastering  the  Prior's  palace  dismissed  those 
magistrates  to  their  homes. 

On  the  first  news  of  his  coming  Schiatta  de'  CanceUieri  who 
commanded  three  hundred  men  for  the  city  wanted  to  oppose  him 
and  might  easily  have  prevailed ;  but  Vieri  de'  Cerchi  trusting 
to  public  feeling,  which  however  was  no  longer  with  the  Bianchi, 
would  by  no  means  suffer  it  and  thus  put  the  finishing  hand  to 
his  own  destruction.     The  Priors  had  complained  of  Charles's 


connivance  at  this  outrage  as  an  infraction  of  the  treaty,  but  he 
disclaimed  any  knowledge  of  Corso  s  proceedmg,  spoke  high 
and  loudly  of  taking  vengeance  on  the  culprit,  and  aided  by 
the  Podesta  deceived  so  skilfully  as  to  induce  Scliiatta  Cancel- 
lieri  and  Lapo  Salterelli,  two  of  the  principal  Bianchi,  to  propose 
that  hostages  from  the  chiefs  of  both  factions  should  be  de- 
livered over  to  him  in  order  that  he  might  have  a  clear  field  for 
justice  and  put  an  end  to  the  existing  disorders. 

The  suggestion  was  adopted  and  the  Neri  submitted  cheer- 
fully, conscious  that  they  were  going  to  a  friend,  but  .the  Bianchi 
witii  fear :  Charles  instantly  dismissed  the  former,  the  latter  he 
"  kept  that  night  without  straw  or  mattress  like  condemned 
criminals."     This  was  the  climax  of  public  consternation ;  the 
Campana  tolled  and  tolled  but  no  citizen  answered  ;  no  horse- 
man  was  seen  ;  no  armed  footman ;  two  of  the  Adimari  alone 
came  with  their  retainers  to  the  palace  and  liastHy  retired  at 
sight  of  its  desolation :  the  people  were  amazed  and  confounded, 
for   '*  that  veiy  evening  appeared  in  the  heavens  over  the 
public  palace  a  vermilion  cross  a  palm  and  a  half  in  breadth 
and  twenty  braccia  long  in  appearance,  with  the  arms  some- 
thing shoiter ;  it  remained  about  as  long  as  a  horse  would  take 
to  inin  two  courses  in  the  lists  ;  whence  those  who  saw  it,  and 
I  that  cleariy  saw  it,  could  easily  comprehend  that  God's  anger 
was  kindled  against  our  city*". 

The  priors  at  length  resigned,  and  the  Neri  rode  triumphant 
over  the  whole  city ;  prisoners  and  vagabonds  of  every  descrip- 
tion were  let  loose  and  in  full  activity ;  there  was  no  govern- 
ment ;  man  was  left  to  himself  and  his  passions,  his  own 
prowess  saved  or  his  weakness  lost  him ;  the  timid  hid  from 
their  enemies,  the  brave  fought,  the  innocent  bled ;  there  was 
no  redress :  the  hand  of  murder  was  abroad  and  red ;  the  torch 
flew  wildly  and  rapidly  on  the  storm ;  plunder  heaped  up  its 

*  No   other  author  but   Dino  Compagni  mentions  this  appearance.     (Lib. 
i^  p.  42.) 


384 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


3S5 


bloody  hoard;  the  Bianchi  were  despoiled,  their  daughters 
married  by  force  for  their  inheritance ;  their  sons  slaughtered ; 
and  this  continued  six  long  days  and  nights  without  a  pause  ; 
and  ever  and  anon  as  the  blaze  of  some  fired  palace  suddenly 
flared  up  against  the  sky,  Charles  would  ask  in  mockery  "  What 
bright  light  is  that  1 "  and  smiled  when  told  it  was  a  common 
hut  or  poor  man  s  cabm,  while  screams  and  yells  and  lamenta- 
tions filled  the  heated  air. 

Throughout  this  infernal  drama  the  armed  form  of  Donati 
was  seen  hke  a  fiend  at  every  turn,  seeking  in  vain  for  the  Cerchi 
with  furious  aspect,  and  voice  calling  on  them  in  loud  and 
passionate  defiance.  He  was  disappointed.  The  Cerchi  amazed 
at  this  bloody  crisis  and  fearing  the  frenzy  of  the  populace 
more  than  the  fury  of  the  great,  were  for  the  most  part  in 
safety;  but  Donati  had  revenge,  for  much  and  noble  blood  then 
flowed  to  drown  his  hatred. 

When  food  for  murder,  flames  and  plunder  was  exhausted 
in  Florence,  this  still  insatiate  maniac  sallied  mto  the  country- 
and  for  eight  days  longer  performed  the  second  act  of  the 
eventful  tragedy ;  robbing  bummg  and  murders,  rooting  up 
vines  and  ohves,  ravaging  a  whole  district  without  cessation  or 
remorse,  were  the  dismal  changes  of  the  drama*. 

Charles  who  during  the  above  transactions  had  failed  in  a 
plot  to  assassinate  the  Priors,  thus  completed  his  first  step 
towards  the  pacification  of  Florence  ;  a  new  set  of  priors  were 
appointed  by  the  Neri,  "infamous  citizens,  but  powerful  in 
their  faction,"  and  to  perfect  the  transaction  Canti  de'  Gabrielli 
d'Agobbio  was  made  Podesta;  a  man  who  with  much  evil  per- 
formed some  good ;  and  Tedici  Manovelli  became  Gonfalonier 
of  Justice. 

With  these  tools  Charies  of  Valois,  a  prince  of  inordinate 
expense  and  rapacity,  began  his  work  of  cruelty  and  extortion, 

♦  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  ii.— Giov.  Vil-    tino,  Lib.  iv.— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib 
lani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  adix.— Leon  Are-    iv.,p.  214. 


¥. 


and  at  the  very  ''fountain-head  of  goW  as  Pope  Boniface 
designated  Florence  he  asked  the  pontiff  for  a  subsidy  *  ! 

But  the  dreadful  scenes  in  that  unhappy  town  outstripped 
even  the  pontiff's  anger  and  at  the  prayer  of  Vieri  and  the 
exiled  Bianchi  he  again  despatched  Cardinal  Acquasparta  to 
restore  tranquillity:  a  formal  but  hollow  reconciliation  took 
plaxie  cemented  as  usual  by  intermarriages  between  the  rival 
families  ;  but  when  the  legate  again  began  to  talk  of  office  and 
public  honours,  Donati  and  his  party  like  their  opponents 
refused  any  compromise  and  the  cardinal  was  once  more  com- 
pelled to  quit  the  anathematized  city. 

Parties  thus  nominally  but  not  really  at  peace  and  money 
being  Valois'  object,  no  means  were  spared,  no  nice  scruples 
prevented  its  accomplishment:  death,  exile,  torture,  fines, 
imprisonment;  all  were  put  in  activity  under  legal  forms 
and  official  authority,  prince  and  podesta  dividing  the  spoil 
between  them,  while  inferior  chiefs  were  allowed  to  attend 
to  their  own  individual  interest.     Thus  the  Donati,  Rossi, 

*  It  is  these  melancholy  transactions  that  Dante  in  the  xxth  Canto  of  his 
Purgatory  makes  Hugh  Capet  foretel  with  such  bitterness 

"  Tempo  vegg'  io,  non  molto  dopo  ancoi, 
Che  tragge  un  altro  Carlo  fuor  di  Francia 
Per  far  conoscer  meglio  c  se  e  i  suoi. 

Senz  'anne  n'  esce,  e  solo  con  la  lancia, 
Con  la  qual  giostro  Giuda,  e  quella  ponta 
Si  eh'  a  Fiorenza  far  scoppiar  la  pancia. 

Quindi  non  terra,  ma  peccata  ed  onta 
Guadagnera  per  se  tanto  piu  grave, 
Quanto  piu  lieve  simil  danno  couta." 

"  I  see  the  time  at  hand. 
That  forth  from  France  invites  another  Charles 
To  make  himself  and  kindred  better  known. 
Unarmed  he  issues,  saving  with  that  lance 
Which  the  arch-traitor  tilted  with ;  and  that 
He  carries  with  so  home  a  thrust,  as  rives 
The  bowels  of  poor  Florence.     No  increase 
Of  territory  hence,  but  sin  and  shame 
Shall  be  his  guerdon  ;  and  so  much  the  more 
As  he  more  lightly  deems  of  such  foul  wrong."  {Gary's  Daiite.) 


VOL.  I. 


C  C 


3S6 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.  ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


387 


Tomaquinci  and  Bostichi  were  everywhere  tyrants  extortioners 
and  oppressors ;  the  last  not  even  scrupling  to  apply  the  torture 
at  mid-day  within  their  own  palace  in  the  Mercato  Nuovo. 

They  undertook  to  protect  the  dwelling  of  a  friend  for  a 
hundred  florins,  received  the  money  and  plundered  it  them- 
selves ;  then  offering  to  exchange  this  property  for  a  certain  farm 
of  superior  value,  they  took  possession  and  refused  with  a  sar- 
castic answer  to  pay  the  difference.  This  was  friendship  !  what 
then  was  their  enmity  ?  False  accusations,  peijury,  rape,  tor- 
ture, robbery,  threats,  and  incarceration ;  ever}-  evil  that  springs 
from  avarice,  hatred,  revenge,  anarchy,  and  boundless  power : 
many  in  this  way  acquired  state  and  riches  while  their  victims 
were  pining  in  exile  and  poverty ;  none  escaped  from  private 
or  public  rapacity ;  no  tie  however  sacred  diminished  it ;  friend- 
ship, kindred,  marriage ;  nothing  could  turn  men  from  their 
insatiate  avarice  and  inextinguishable  hate:  friends  became 
enemies,  brother  abandoned  brother,  the  son  his  father,  all 
affection*,  all  humanity  was  spent,  and  neither  mercy  nor  pity 
remained  in  the  breast  of  any*. 

On  Christmas-day  according  to  ancient  custom,  a  sermon 
was  preached  in  the  great  square  of  Santa  Croce  to  which 
Simone  Donato  the  favourite  son  of  Corso  was  listening  with 
his  armed  attendants,  when  Niccola  de'  Cerchi,  his  mother's 
brother,  passed  with  some  followers  on  his  way  to  a  villa  at 
Rovezzano :  but  scarcely  had  the  latter  reached  Ponte  ad 
Affrico  when  he  was  unexpectedly  overtaken  and  attacked  by 
Simone  who  without  any  quarrel,  excited  alone  by  fiery  blood  and 
party  spirit,  without  preconceived  plan  or  provocation,  in  the 
middle  of  a  discourse  from  the  pulpit  on  Christ's  nativity,  and  its 
blessings  of  peace  and  goodwill  to  man,  suddenly  determined  to 
murder  his  own  maternal  uncle  !  He  succeeded,  but  received  a 
mortal  stab  from  the  expiring  victim,  of  which  he  died  the  follow- 
ing evening ;  and  thus  sowed  new  seed  for  next  year's  harvest. 

*  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  ii". 


Although  the  Cerchi  were  entirely  innocent  of  tliis  affray  their 
rivals  fomid  many  defenders  in  an  administration  di- 
rected, though  unofficially,  almost  entii-ely  by  them-  ^'^'  ^^^' 
selves;  and  while  the  afiair  was  pending  a  real  or  false  conspiracy 
became  public  the  object  of  which  was  to  reinstate  the  Bianchi 
by  means  of  Pierre  Ferrant  one  of  Valois'  officei-s  :  certain  letters 
were  produced ;  but  supposed  to  have  been  forged  by  the  Donati 
to  screen  Simone 's  guilt ;  wliich  inculpated  the  Cerchi,  Adimari, 
Tosinghi,  Gherardini  and  all  their  white  adherents  :  they  were 
cited  to  appear,  condemned  for  contumacy,  banished,  their 
houses  i-uined  and  their  estates  confiscated.  About  six  hmidred 
citizens  of  distinction  were  by  this  and  other  decrees  dispersed 
over  the  world  on  various  charges:  amongst  them  Dante 
AUfjhieri,  who  was  condemned  by  a  retrospective  law  which  em- 
powered the  Podesta  to  take  cognizance  of  crimes  supposed  to 
liave  been  committed  by  any  of  the  Priors  during  their  official 
capacity,  notwithstanding  the  customary  legal  absolution  given 
at  the  expiration  of  office*. 

The  revolutionary  judge  of  a  successful  faction  could  never 
be  at  a  loss  for  a  crime  wherewith  to  charge  an  absent  enemy ; 
and  as  Dante  appears  to  have  opposed  a  grant  of  public  money 
to  that  judge's  rapacious  master  Charles  of  Valois,  and  also 
leaned  strongly  to  the  white  faction ;  there  is  abundant  reason 
for  this  iniquitous  i)unishment  f ;  but  if  any  credit  be  due  to  the 
novelist  Sacchetti  his  misfortunes  were  remotely  occasioned  by 
a  piece  of  double-dealing  with  one  of  the  Adimari  whose  pait 
he  promised  to  take  before  the  Executor  of  Justice,  and  yet  not 
only  deceived  him  by  a  malicious  trick  but  suggested  a  fresh 


*  Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Toscani,  vol. 
xii.  —  Monumenti,  p.  250. — Vita  di 
Dante  da  Filippo  di  Cino. 
•f*  In  a  volume  of  records  in  the  Ar- 
chives of  the  Reformations  at  Florence 
containing  the  minutes  of  Council 
which  debated  on  the  expedience  of 

C 


subsidising  Charles  of  Valois,  there  is 
written,  in  nearly  the  same  hand,  in 
the  margin  these  words  "  Becmise 
Dante  opposed  tfiis  provision^  was 
the  true  secret  cause  of  his  exile'" 
(Vide  Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Tosca^ii, 
vol.  xii.,  p.  259.) 

C  2 


388 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


339 


accusation  by  which  the  penalty  was  doubled  ;  an  offence  which 
the  Adimari  never  forgave  *.  Dante's  first  condemnation  was 
on  the  twenty-seventh  of  Januar}^  1302  his  second  on  the  tenth 
of  March  following  by  which  he  and  fourteen  more  are  faith- 
fully promised  to  be  burned  alive  if  ever  they  should  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Florentine  government:  there  is  a  strange 
mixture  of  Latin  and  Italian  in  the  first  decree  as  if  they  had 
purposely  chosen,  says  Sismondi,  the  most  barbarous  combina- 
tion of  language  to  condenm  the  poet  and  fomider  of  Italian 
literature  f . 

This  great  poet's  name  is  placed  by  Dino  Compagni  in  the 
same  list  of  proscription  \N-itli  Petracco  the  son  of  Parenzo  dall' 
Ancisa  and  father  of  Peti-arca ;  but  as  the  stream  of  banish- 
ment was  kept  continually  flowing  under  the  malign  influence 
of  Valois,  the  exiles  of  many  days  are  probably  there  included, 
and  at  no  time  can  the  chronological  order  of  tliis  historian  s 
fiacts  be  entirely  depended  on  *. 

The  Bianchi  being  thus  in  a  manner  destroyed  as  a  faction 
Florence  remamed  in  the  power  of  their  rivals  Corso  Donati, 
Rosso  della  Tosa,  Pazzino  de'  Pazzi,  Geri  Spini,  Betto  Brunel- 
eschi,  the  Buondelmonte,  Tomaquinci  Frescobaldi,  Nerli, 
Rossi,  Pulci,  Bostici,  Agli,  Bai'di,  Bisdomini  Rucellai  and  many 
others  in  town  and  countr}',  all  stained  by  their  participation 


*  This  account  is  improbable,  1  st,  be- 
cause it  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  bold 
and  liberal  character  of  Dante,  and 
2nd  because  the  "  ExeciUore  di  (riv^- 
tizia'"'  was  not  then  in  existence  but 
t  Dante  (Infer.,  Canto  xxiv.)  makes 
in  the  verse  beginning 


created  five  or  six  years  later.  Anything 
is  however  possible  to  the  spirit  of  poli- 
tical faction,  so  the  fact  might  be  true 
and  the  anachronism  have  slipped  Sac- 
chetti's  recollection.  (Novello,  1 1 4.) 
Vanni  Fucci  predict  these  misfortunes 


"  Apri  gli  orecchi  al  mio  annunzio,  et  odi : 
Pistoia  in  pria  di  Negri  si  dimagra ; 
Poi  Firenze  rinnova  genti  e  modi." — 

Also  Deliz.  Erud.  Toscani,  vol.  xii.,  p.     1.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  214,  &c. 
258.— Sismondi,  vol.  iii.,  p.  199.  — M.  di  Coppo   Stefani,   Rub.  218, 

.^  Gio.  Villam,  Lib.  viii.,  c.  xlix.  and    &c.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii«. 


in  the  recent  outrages.  Schiatta  de'  Cancellieri  retired  to 
Pistoia  wliich  with  several  other  places  he  put  into  a  state  of 
defence  ;  Chai'les  and  the  Neri  attacked  it  and  were  repulsed ; 
Montale  was  occupied,  Serravalle  taken  by  the  Lucchese  and 
Florentines,  the  Pazzi  andUbaldini  of  Val  d'Amo  were  chastised, 
and  the  Bianchi  everywhere  beaten ;  after  which  the  army, 
seven  thousand  strong,  returned  to  Florence.  The  arch-fiend 
of  Valois  with  teeming  coffers  and  gratified  passions  finally  left 
that  devoted  city  on  the  fourth  of  April  1302  followed  by  one 
deep  and  miivei'sal  curse  :  he  had  been  sent  there  to  make  peace 
and  kindled  a  blaze  of  domestic  war;  he  went  to  Sicily  to 
make  war,  and  concluded  an  ignominious  peace ;  then  slunk 
back  to  France  with  eternal  disgrace  to  himself  and  his  country*. 

The  remainder  of  this  year  was  spent  in  detecting  real  or 
fancied  conspii'acies  between  the  exiles  and  their  friends  in 
Florence,  and  under  the  Podesta  Folcieri  da  Calvoli  di 
Romagna  a  fierce  and  cruel  instrument  of  the  black  faction 
many  were  tortured  and  executed  without  mercy  and  even  a 
poor  idiot  of  the  Galegai  family  was  inhumanly  beheaded  : 
Tignoso  de'  Macci  expired  under  the  tormentor's  hands ;  and 
when  the  frantic  mother  of  two  young  Donati  (who  had  been 
condemned)  with  dishevelled  hair,  and  arms  crossed  upon  her 
breast,  kneeled  in  the  street,  and  in  the  name  of  God  implored 
Messer  Andrea  da  Cerreto  to  save  her  innocent  children.  '*  / 
"  am  on  my  way  to  the  Palace  for  that  purpose,''  replied  the  inex- 
orable judge  and  instantly  led  them  forward  to  execution  f . 

In  the  month  of  March  the  exiles  with  m  auxiliary  force 
from  Bologna,  the  Ghibelines  of  Romagna,  and  the  Ubaldini 
clans,  entered  the  province  of  Mugello  with  eight  hundred 
men-at-arms  and  six  thousand  infantry,  and  led  by  Scarpetta 
degli  Ordilaffi  da  Forli,  took  Pulicciano  along  mth  another 
fortress  and  endeavoured  to  reduce  the  whole  province:  the 
Florentines  quickly  mustered  their  forces,  and  joined  by  the 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  1.         f  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  51. 


390 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


391 


Lucchese,  marched  against  them,  but  the  Bolognese,  who  had 
been  deceived  about  the  internal  condition  of  Florence,  on  seeing 
so  vigorous  a  demonstration  retreated  in  alarm,  and  the  remain- 
der of  this  formidable  army  retired  as  they  best  could  with  the  loss 
of  their  baggage,  many  killed,  and  some  of  the  principal  leaders 
of  the  white  Guelphs  made  prisoners.     Amongst  these  was 
the  judge  Donato  Alberti  a  zealous  Guelph :  he  was  led  into 
the  town  tied  on  the  back  of  an  ass  and  cruelly  tormented  ; 
then,  while  still  hanging  in  agony  to  the  mstrument  of  torture, 
was  exposed  for  the  derision  of  the  citizens  and  afterwards 
beheaded  by  virtue  of  a  law  of  which  he  himself  was  the 
author  *.     All  the  prisoners  were  put  to  death  and  unjustly, 
even  according  to  the  prevailing  customs,  which  allowed  refugees 
to  make  such  attempts  for  their  own  reestablishment  without 
l)emg  more  liiible  to  the  extreme  penalty  than  prisoners  of  war 
who  break  from  confinement.     Guelph  and  Ghibeline  captives 
were  nevertheless  indiscriminately  executed,  and  the  conse- 
quence was  a  closer  union  of  the  sunivors  of  both  factions  under 
the  common  name  of  Bianchi ;  for  until  then  there  never  had 
been  perfect  cordiality  between  these  two  branches  of  the  white 
faction,  and  tliis  made  Corazza  Ubaldini  of  Signa  observe, 
*'  There  were  so  many  Ghihelines,  and  so  many  more  who  wished 
•'  to  be,  that  the  makimj  them  by  force  was  a  foolish  action." 

The  confidence  of  the  Neri  now  was  so  much  increased  that 
in  concert  with  the  Marquis  of  Ferrara  they  secretly  attempted 
to  get  possession  of  Bologna  trusting  to  the  cooperation  of  their 
friends  within  that  town  :  the  wliite  refugees  however  discovered 
the  plot  and  baffled  them,  so  that  the  only  result  was  an 
accession  of  influence  to  this  faction  in  Bologna  and  a  league 
with  Forli  Faenza,  Pisa,  Pistoia,  Count  Frederic  of  Monte- 
feltro,  Bernardino  da  Polenta  and  the  Bianchi  of  Florence  f . 

These  plots,  persecutions,  and  destruction  of  banished  men 
scarcely  affected  the  general  tranquilHty ;  Corso  Donati  alone 


♦  Gio.  Villani,Lib.  viii»,c.  Ixi. 


t  Dino  Compagiii,  Lib.  ii.,p.  83. 


\1 


A.D.  1303. 


was  discontented  at  not  occupying  that  place  in  the  state  govern- 
ment which  he  felt  both  his  talents  and  rank  deserved ; 
for  in  despite  of  revolution  the  government  was  still 
democratic,  and  Corso  with  all  his  influence,  though  he  might 
have  made  the  priors  his  tools,  could  never  change  its  character 
nor  materially  alter  the  ordinances  of  justice.  Rosso  della  Tosa, 
Pazzino  Pazzi  and  Geri  Spini  with  a  powerful  train  of  rich 
citizens  or  "  Popolo  grasso,''  completely  directed  the  seignor}-, 
and  it  was  this  party  that  Corso  Donati  attempted  to  pull 
down :  complaining  that  the  people  were  oppressed  with  taxes 
and  other  vexations,  and  despoiled  of  their  substance,  wMe  the 
great  were  enriched,   he  demanded  an  investigation  of  the 
public  accounts  hi  order  to  see  where  such  enormous  sums 
had   been  expended.      There  was   some  foundation  for   the 
charge ;  great  scarcity  of  food  had  reduced  the  city  almost  to 
famine,  and  increased   discontent  was   produced  by   general 
suffering,  while  every  one  knew  that  large  sums  had  been 
levied  which  were  never  expended  on  war:  the  government 
however  had  only  been  able  to  avert  starvation  by  an  enormous 
outlay  on  com,  and  this  was  the  principal  source  of  the  expense 
and  accusation,  which  was  pressed  in  the  various  councils  and 
warmly  applauded  by  the   people.     Donati  now  joined   the 
Cavalcanti  and  Lottieri  della  Tosa  Bishop  of  Florence,  both  of 
the  white  faction,  besides  several  other  nobles ;  many  remained 
neutral  while  some  few  joined  the  priors  and  popolani  who 
between  pride  and  anger  were  determined  not  to  yield,  so  that 
after  satisfying  the  people  by  an  inquiiy  into  each  oppressive 
and   \dolent  act    that   was   alleged  to    have    occurred,  they 
prepared  to  repel  both  Donati's  accusation  and  ambition  by 

force  of  arms. 

Towers  and  houses  were  instantly  fortified,  the  bishop's  palace 
was  turned  into  a  stronghold,  streets  were  barricaded,  and  every 
thing  prepared  for  civil  war :  many  of  the  middle  classes  joined 
Donati  from  a  belief  in  his  honest  intentions  and  the  necessity 


392 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


393 


of  controlling  public  expenditure,  others  because  they  had 
the  same  views  as  himself;  but  the  general  government  was 
far  from  being  unpopular.  The  Gherardini  reenforced  it  with  a 
powerful  following  of  their  country  retainers ;  the  Spini,  Pazzi, 
and  Frescobaldi  lent  their  aid ;  Florence  was  tilled  with  rural 
forces,  returned  exiles,  and  foreigners ;  every  house  mustered 
its  vassals  and  clients,  and  terror  was  again  busy  in  the  town. 
Battle,  robber}',  murder,  and  conflagration  again  roared  tri- 
umphant ;  law,  order,  government,  were  again  trampled  in  the 
dirt;  and  another  struggle  of  evil  passions,  of  unmitigated 
rrime,  and  universal  wickedness  began ;  the  flame  once  more 
spread  into  the  country  where  similar  scenes  were  repeated, 
and  the  whole  frame  of  society  seemed  rent  asunder  when  at 
the  request  of  the  seignory  a  strong  body  of  Lucchese  troops 
appeai'ed  and  reduced  everything  to  order. 

The  '*  Baiia  "  or  Dictatorship  of  the  republic  was  immedi- 
ately decreed  to  them,  and  although  with  considerable  jealousy 
on  the  part  of  many  Florentmes,  they  by  a  firm  determined 
conduct,  without  any  bloodshed,  succeeded  in  restoring  tran- 
quillity. New  priors  were  appointed,  both  parties  were  dis- 
armed, the  people  were  left  in  full  possession  of  their  liberties, 
and  then  the  pacificators  returned  with  distinguished  honour  to 
Lucca  *. 

Corso  Donati's  attempt  at  supremacy  was  thus  checked ;  but 
it  cost  nearly  two  months  of  civil  war  and  sixteen  days'  sacrifice 
of  national  independence  to  a  powerful  neighbour  who  might 
have  taken  advantage  of  it  to  the  detriment  of  the  repubhc. 
The  priors  and  their  party  were  indignant  that  any  single 
citizen  should  at  his  own  caprice  be  able  to  plunge  the 
whole  commonwealth  into  anarchy!  now  for  the  sake  of  a 
minion,  again  for  his  own  misdeeds ;  sometimes  for  a  faction, 
sometimes  for  the  disputes  of  nobles  and  people ;  and  above 

♦  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  ii°.--Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixviii.— N.  Macchia- 
velli,  Lib.  ii°. 


i'l 


all. for  questioning  their  honest  administration  of  the  pubhc 
money,  in  which  according  to  Villani,  they  were  perfectly 
blameless. 

Boniface  VIII.  was  dead ;  a  life  of  pride  ambition  and  intrigue 
was  closed  in  misfortune  madness  and  suicide,  but  his  successor 
Benedict  IX.  a  pontiff  of  mild  and  indulgent  character  and 
free  from  party  spirit,  sent  the  Ghibeline  cardinal  of  Prato 
invested  with  full  powers  by  the  government  to  accommodate 
matters  at  Florence,  and  for  a  while  his  exertions  were  success- 
ful: he  soon  perceived  that  amongst  nobles  only  was  the 
return  of  the  Bianchi  positively  displeasing,  while  to  the  popo- 
lani.it  was  not  only  indifferent  but  in  a  manner  desired  as  a 
countei-poise  to  the  aristocracy  of  the  black  faction.  Every 
effort  of  banished  men  they  argued,  was  directed  against  the 
whole  city,  but  if  restored,  their  exertions  would  be  exclu- 
sively opposed  to  the  nobility  which  would  weaken  both,  and 
leave  the  government  still  with  the  people. 

The  cardinal  therefore  cautiously  introduced  this  subject, 
and  favoured  by  the  popolani  made  some  progress  in  set- 
tling the  conditions  of  restoration ;  even  Ghibeline  deputies 
from  Arezzo ;  where  Dante,  Petracco,  and  the  Cerchi  had  as- 
sembled ;  were  introduced,  and  the  treaty  drew  towards  a  con- 
clusion when  the  black  nobles  fearful  of  consequences  forged 
letters,  as  if  from  the  legate  to  the  Bianchi ;  which  they  pre- 
tended to  have  intercepted,  inviting  them  to  profit  by  actual 
circumstances  and  surprise  the  town.  This  set  the  whole  people 
in  a  tumult,  no  explanation  was  suffered  for  an  instant;  the  car- 
dinal retired  to  Prato  where  he  was  equally  unsuccessful  and 
even  in  personal  danger;  no  better  fortune  awaited  him  atPistoia, 
so  that  angry  and  mortified  he  laid  the  first  city  under  an  inter- 
dict and  returned  to  Florence  where  he  was  once  more  baffled 
by  the  Neri.  He  nevertheless  had  strengthened  the  people  by 
reviving  the  old  gonfaloniers  of  companies,  and  reestablished 
concord  between  many  families ;  but  tumults  hourly  augmented 
and  the  cardinal  seeing  the  impossibility  of  restoring  order 


394 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


395 


quitted  Florence  in  despair  exclaiming  in  an  indignant  tone  to 
the  assembled  j^eople,  '*  Since  i/ou  will  have  war  atul  anathemas 
"  and  will  neither  hear  nor  obey  the  messenger  of  ilirist  s  vicar ^ 
'*  nor  hare  peace  or  repose  amongst  yourselves,  remain  as  yon  list, 
"  with  the  malediction  of  Heaven  and  the  Holy  Church  upon  your 
"  heads:"  So  saying  he  pronounced  the  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation, and  joined  the  pope  at  Pei*ugia  who  confirmed  the  curse 
and  sanctioned  all  his  proceedings  *. 

Scai-cely  had  the  cardinal  departed  when  civil  war  resumed 
its  terrors ;  the  party  which  had  acted  with  him  including  all 
the  "AVhites"  and  (jhibelines  in  Florence  both  nobles  and 
popolani  united  against  the  Xeri,  the  Bianchi  from  hatred  and 
the  rich  popolani  from  a  jealousy  of  aristocratic  power  which  was 
again  fast  increasing.  The  principal  chiefs  of  the  white  taction 
were  the  Cavalcanti,  the  Gherardini,  the  Pulci  and  Cerchi, 
with  the  populiu-  houses  of  the  Magalotti,  Peiiizzi,  Antellesi, 
Albizzi,  Strozzi,  Ricci,  Alberti,  Acciaioli,  Mancini,  Baroncelli 
and  many  others,  all  strong  in  arms  and  followers.  On  the 
other  side  were  Rosso  della  Tosa,  Pazzino  Pazzi,  Geri  Spini, 
Betto  Bmnelleschi  and  the  Cavicciuoli  branch  of  the  Adimaii  : 
Corso  Donati  was  ill  of  the  gout,  and  remained  neuter  from 
anger  against  these  chiefs  as  well  as  from  a  desire  of  weakening 
both  parties  by  mutual  struggles  while  he  prcpaied  to  take 
advantage  of  their  lassitude.  Battles  first  began  between  the 
Circhi  and  Giugni  at  their  houses  in  the  Via  del  Garbo;  they 
fought  day  and  night  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Cavalcanti  and 
Aptellesi  the  former  subdued  all  that  quarter:    a  thousand 

*  It  is  to  this  that  Dante  alludes  in  that  fine  burst  of  indignation  against 
Florence  which  opens  the  26th  Canto  of  the  Inferno, 

"  Godi,  Fiorenza,  poiche  se'  si  grande, 

Che  per  inare  e  per  terra  batti  V  all, 

E  per  lo  Inferno  il  nonie  tuo  si  spande." 

Rejoice  O  Florence,  since  thou  art  so  great 
That  both  by  sea  and  land  j  ou  flap  your  wings, 
And  even  in  hell  thy  name  is  widely  spread. 

Also  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixix. — Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  iii.,p.  62. 


rural  adherents  strengthened  their  bands,  and  that  day  might 
have  seen  the  Xeri's  destruction  if  an  unforeseen  disaster  had 
not  turned  the  scale.  A  certain  dissolute  priest  called  Xeri 
Abati  pnor  of  San  Piero  Scheraggio,  false  to  his  family  and  in 
concert  with  the  Black  chiefs;  consented  to  set  fire  to  the 
dwellings  of  his  own  kinsmen  in  Orto-san-Michele ;  the  flames, 
assisted  by  faction  spread  rapidly  over  the  richest  and  most 
crowded  part  of  Florence  :  shops,  warehouses,  towers,  private 
dwellings  and  palaces,  from  the  old  to  the  new  market-place, 
from  Vacchercccia  to  Porta  Santa  Maria  aiid  the  Ponte  Vecchio; 
all  was  KA\<d  broad  sheet  of  fire :  more  than  nineteen  hundred 
houses  were  consumed ;  plunder  and  devastation  revelled  un- 
checked amongst  the  flames,  whole  races  were  reduced  in  one 
moment  to  beggar}%  and  vast  magazines  of  the  richest  merchan- 
dise were  destroyed :  the  Cavalcanti  one  of  the  most  opulent 
families  in  Florence  beheld  their  whole  property  consumed  and 
lost  all  com'age  ;  they  made  no  attempt  to  save  it,  and  after 
almost  gaining  possession  of  the  city  were  finally  overcome  by 
the  opposite  faction.  The  artificial  fire  used  by  Xeri  Abati  on 
this  occasion  was  a  peculiar  composition  which  left  a  blue  mark 
on  the  earth  where  it  fell ;  it  could  be  carried  in  a  pipkin  into 
which  arrows  were  dipped  and  shot  off"  to  any  distance  so  that  no 
house  was  safe ;  and  with  this  did  Rosso  della  Tosa  from  the 
Mercato  Vecchio  set  all  Via  Calimala  in  a  flame  ;  it  was  also 
used  as  a  torch  or  ball,  and  in  such  form  Sinibaldo  Donati  wrap- 
ped the  Cavalcanti  property  in  one  wide  sheet  of  inextinguishable 
fire.  The  Podesta  appeared  during  this  conflagration  with  a 
strong  guard,  but  government  was  also  a  faction,  or  rather  for 
the  moment  annihilated :  Maruccio  Cavalcanti  and  others  pro- 
posed to  fire  the  Xeri's  houses  and  as  the  former  were  still 
strong  in  arms  though  homeless,  this  would  have  probably 
secured  the  victory,  but  being  utterly  cast  down  they  slunk  away 
and  concealed  themselves  among  the  dwellings  of  their  friends, 
but  found  no  shelter ;  so  that  again  attacked  and  driven  from 


390 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


the  city  they  fled  to  Siena,  or  took  refuge  in  their  own  castle  of 
the  *'  Stinche  "  and  other  places. 

Meanwhile  the  citizens  remained  terror-struck  and  astounded 
at  the  extent  of  their  calamity  yet  feai*ful  of  complaining,  he- 
cause  those  wlio  did  it ;  many  of  whom  having  alike  suffered; 
tyrannised  at  the  head  of  the  government :  there  was  a  gene- 
ral apprehension  too  that  the  nohles  would  attempt  to  annul 
the  ordinances  of  justice  and  resume  all  their  ancient  power 
JLS  they  had  already  their  wonted  insolence ;  and  this  would 
certainly  have  heen  accomplished  if  jealousy  and  quarrels 
amongst  themselves  had  not  compelled  the  whole  to  court  the 
people  -''. 

This  catastrophe,  which  occurred  on  the  tenth  of  June,  con- 
firmed and  justified  the  legate's  judgment  and  so  discomposed 
the  pontiff  that  he  summoned  twelve  of  the  principal  cliiefs  to 
answer  for  their  conduct.  Amongst  these  were  Corso  Donati, 
Pazzino  de'  Pazzi,  Geri  Spini  and  Rosso  della  Tosa,  who  heing 
the  great  leadei-s  in  eveiT  revolution  the  legate  ad\'ised  should 
l)e  with  all  their  friends  and  followers,  (a  hundred  and  fifty 
men-at-arms  hesides  retainers)  detained  at  court  in  order  to 
leave  a  clear  field  for  the  operations  of  the  Ghihelines  whom 
he  was  so  anxious  to  reinstate  in  their  honours  and  posses- 
sions. For  this  puqx^se  letters  were  clandestinely  despatched 
to  Pisa,  Bologna,  Arezzo,  Pistoia,  and  even  Piomagna  to  all 
the  Ghihelines  and  white  faction  urging  them  t(»  assemble 
promptly  and  secretly  on  a  given  day  near  Florence  and 
make  themselves  masters  of  the  town.  As  there  was  a  hint 
that  the  pontiff  had  sanctioned  this  proceeding  every-  exile 
rose  with  fresh  courage,  and  most  of  them,  with  more  zeal 
than  wisdom,  arrived  two  days  hefore  the  time  at  Lastra,  a 
small  village  about  two  miles  from  Florence  on  the  Bologna 
road,  yet  with  such  conduct  and  secrecy  that  except  by  their 
friends  nothing  was  known  in  that  city  about  their  coming  or 


•  Dino  Compa^i,  Lib.  iu". — Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii",  cap.  Ixxi. 


CHAP.   XIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


397 


immbers,  which  amounted  to  sixteen  hundred  men-at-anns  and 
nine  thousand  infantry. 

Tolosato  degli  Uberti  with  a  considerable  force  from  Pistoia 
was  to  have  taken  the  chief  command  but  as  this  officer  being 
more  true  to  his  time,  had  not  yet  arrived,  II  Baschiera  de' 
Tosinglii,  a  young  nobleman  of  no  experience,  pushed  raslily  on 
next  moniing  with  all  but  the  Bolognese  contingent  and  en- 
teiing  by  the  Portii  san  Gallo,  for  the  walls  were  as  yet  unfi- 
nished, carried  a  strong  barricade  across  the  street  of  that  name 
and  established  himself  on  the  twentieth  of  Julv  in  the  heat 
of  a  burning  sun,  at  the  present  Piazza  di  San  Marco  without 
any  means  of  procuring  water.  Here  the  troops  remained 
under  arms  with  white  banners,  olive  garlands,  and  naked 
swords,  shouting  nothing  but  "  Peace  Peace,''  and  using  no 
violence  :  they  expected  to  be  welcomed  by  a  large  body  of 
citizens  and  would  have  been  so  but  for  the  number  of  Tuscan 
Ghihelines  in  their  ranks,  all  enemies  to  Florence,  wherefore 
every  citizen  held  to  the  ruling  party  and  determined  to  resist. 

A  detachment  of  Ghibelines  pushed  on  and  carried  the 
Poita  degli  Spadaj,  then  entering  the  Place  of  San  Giovanni 
they  found  scarcely  seven  hundred  men  of  all  arms  to  oppose 
them :  had  they  been  supported  complete  success  must  have 
followed,  but  being  promptly  attacked  and  galled  with  large 
cross-bows  they  w^ere  forced  to  retire :  the  bad  news  soon 
reached  Lastra  with  the  usual  exaggeration,  whereupon  the 
Bolognese  took  flight  and  retreated.  Meeting  Tolosato  degli 
Uberti  on  their  way  they  were  detained  by  him  for  a  moment 
but  neither  pniyers,  menaces,  nor  the  truth  of  the  fact  would 
induce  them  to  return,  and  their  conduct  being  by  this  time 
known  to  the  main  body  fdled  them  with  a  similai'  panic,  they  fell 
back  in  confusion  abandonhig  their  arms  without  even  being 
followed  by  the  townsmen.  Some  few  masuadieii  pursued 
them,  some  prisoners  were  taken,  many  were  lulled,  and  several 
perished  from  excessive  heat ;    the  whole  anny  finally  dis- 


TiW»» 


iWJU^K^-W 


398 


FLORENTINE    HiSTORT. 


[book  I. 


persed,  and  thus  ended  this  well-planned  expedition  hy  a  too 
eager  zeal  and  premature  execution. 

Just  about  this  epoch  Pope  Benedict  expiretl  at  Perugia  and 
left  the  Neri  of  Florence  more  at  libeity  to  carry  on  their  wars 
against  the  Bianchi   but  without  any  cessation    of  disorder 
withui  the  city:  Talano  degli  Adimari  was  coiilined   in   tho 
public  palace  and  al)out  to  be  condemned   on  sonic  serious 
charge  when  the  whole  family  suddenly  risin^^  attacked  and 
woimded  the  Podesta  and  many  of  his  attendants  ;  forcibly  en- 
tered the  palace  and  rescued  their  kinsmiui  without  any  oppo- 
sition or  subsequent  punishment;   wherefore  tliat  officer,   by 
name  GiUolo  Puntagli  da  Parma,  broke  his  wand  of  office  and 
left  the  city  in  disdam.     Twelve  citizens  were  innnediately 
elected  to  execute  the  duties  under  the  name  of  the  twelve 
"  Podestadi "  who  ruled  until  a  new  magistrate  was  appointed. 
A  desultory  but  active  warfare  still  continued  agahist  the  Ghi- 
belines  without ;  the  town  or  Castelh  dcUe  Stinche  in  the  vd- 
di-greve,  which  its  lords  the  Cavalcanti  had  excited  to  revolt, 
was  taken,  and  the  captives  confined  in  a  prison  just  at  that 
time  erected  on  some  ground  formerly  belonging  to  the  Uberti 
which  ever  since  has  bonie  the  name  of  tht   ■'  Stluchc :"  ^  the 
Valdipesa  was  next  invaded,  Montecahi  taken,  and  a  bri>k  war 
ever}-where  maintained  against  the  exiles.     Tb.-  rest  L>i  this 
year  was  quiet,  but  measures  were  in  progress  to  reduce  Pis- 
toia  which   under  Tolosato  degli   Uberti,  sui>i)orted   by  Pisa 
Bologna  and  Arezzo,  had  hitherto  been    the  great  rallpng 
point  of  the  white  faction f. 

In  1305  negotiations  were  begmi  with   Lucca  and  finally 

A.D  1305.  **^^^^  repuUics  agreed  never  to  quit  tlie  siege  of  PiJ- 

toia  until  it  suiTendered.     Charles  the  Second  of  \a- 

pies  was  requested  to  send  his  son  Robert  Duke  of  Calabria  as 

•  This  ancient  prison  has  since  been     l.vxiv..  Ixxv— Dino   Compa-ni,  Lib 
demolished.  jjjo  i    _ 

t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  riii",  cap.  Ixxiii., 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


399 


commander  of  the  allied  armies,  who  arrived  in  April  with 
three  hundred  Aragonese  and  Catalonian  horse  and  a  strong 
body  of  infantry:  the  Florentines  marched  on  the  2'2nd  of 
May  1305  and  joined  their  allies  under  the  walls  of  Pistoia 
wliich  was  closely  invested  at  about  nine  hundred  yards  dis- 
tance with  compact  lines  of  circumvallation  connected  by  strong 
redoubts.     The  Duke  then  issued  a  proclamation  that  all  who 
wished  to  leave  the  city  might  do  so  within  thi'ee  days,  safe  in 
goods  and  person,  but  those  who  remained  should  be  held  as 
rebels  and  tmitors  to  the  king  of  Naples,  and  men  whom  any- 
body might  put  to  death.     Such  was  the  style  and  authority  of 
generals   in  those  heroic  days!     Many  of  both   sexes   took 
advantage  of  this,  and  then  there  began  a  cruel  warfare  of  retali- 
ation ;  of  hanging,  blindhig,  cutting  off  men  and  women's  feet 
and  noses,  and  driving  tlieni  back  to  the  city  walls  thus  muti- 
lated  to  wring   the    liearts  of  their  families.     Battles  were 
fought  and  gallant  deeds  accomplished,  the  besiegers  from  their 
number  having  always  the  adviuitage,  and  war  went  briskly  on 
nntil  Clement  V.  who  ha<l  succeeded  Benedict ;  by  the  Cardinal 
of  Prato's  advice  despatched  two  legates  to  the  array  as  peace- 
makers ;  the  Lucchese  and  Florentines  refused  any  obedience 
and  were  excommunicated ;  but  the  Duke  obeyed  so  far  as  to 
withdraw  personally  from  the  war,  leaving  his  troops  under 
Diego  della  Ratta  to  continue  the  siege.     Distress  amongst 
the  ""inhabitants   increased;   provisions  failed,  and  starvation 
drove  away  every  liner  feeling  of  humanity ;  the  ties  of  affec- 
tion were  forgotten,  men  became  savage,  the  father  expelled 
his   son  and   his  daughter  from  his  home,  and  the  son  his 
lather;   the  once-loved  wife  was  driven  from  her  husband's 
arms,  and  the  young  giris  thus  cast  upon  the  world  were  sold 
as  slaves  to  the  highest  purchaser !     Yet  the  Pistoians  still 
held  out,  vamly  expecting  their  deliverance  from  Pisa ;  Pisa 
indeed  suppUed  them  with  money  but  dared  not  march  or  ven- 
ture to  offend  the  Florentines  ;  and  all  hope  of  succour  from 


400 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


401 


A.D.  1306. 


Bologna  whence  the  Bianchi  had  been  recently  expelled,  was 
also  abandoned,  wherefore  on  the  tenth  or  eleventh 
of  Apiil  l'30t)  after  eleven  months'  siege  Pistoia  ca- 
pitulated. A  Florentine  and  Lucchese  assumed  the  offices  of 
Podesta  and  Captain  of  the  People ;  the  con t ado  was  diWded 
between  the  two  allied  states  only  a  mile  of  territory  being  left  to 
the  citizens ;  the  walls  were  razed,  the  ditches  filled,  the 
towers  houses  und  palaces  of  the  wliite  faction  demolished  ; 
contributions  of  the  most  grinding  nature  were  levied ;  justice 
was  sold  by  the  two  victor  chiefs  ;  the  exiled  Bianchi  of  Pi- 
teccio  devastated  the  surrounding  couiitr}^  ami  robbed  the  now 
open  city  with  impunity,  often  hanguig  up  the  citizens  in  deri- 
sion near  the  town !  such  was  war  m  those  dark  days  of  per- 
sonal enmity ;  and  such  it  may  be  again,  even  in  these  enlight- 
ened times,  if  tlie  i)atience  of  mankind  be  once  exhausted  bv 
excessive  suffering  ■'*. 

A  siege  of  sucli  duration  was  felt  severely  both  by  the  army 
and  the  two  alhed  states  ;  the  Florentine  troops  were  relieved 
every  twenty  days  by  the  train-bands  of  each  sesto,  but  great 
numbers  of  the  peasantry  were  ruined  by  a  f(»rced  sen  ice  dur- 
ing the  whole  siege  at  their  own  expense  :  to  Florence  the  cost 
was  so  great  that  a  new  and  oppressive  mode  of  taxation  em- 
phatically cidled  the  ''Saw  "  was  adopted ;  it  was  a  diunial 
poll-tax  of  one,  two,  or  three  lire  according  to  circumstances,  on 
all  the  Ghibelines  and  Bianchi  whether  present  or  absent,  even 
though  in  exile  :  besides  this  every  father  of  a  family  who  had 
sons  able  to  serve  was  compelled  to  pay  a  certain  tax  if  within 
twenty  days  the  latter  were  not  seen  ui  arms  before  Pistoia. 

The  Cardinal  Napoleone  Orsini,  who  had  just  excommuni- 
A  D  1307    ^^^^^^  ^^^    Bolognese   and   deprived   them  of  their 
university  for    banislung   tlie  Gliibelines,    a  conse- 
quence of  Florentine  intrigue,  having  also  failed  to  succour 

•   IstoriePi3lolesi,p.77.— DiuoCompagni,  Lib.  iii«.- Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii., 
cap.  Ixj^xii. 


^1 


Pistoia  and  seeing  the  articles  of  capitulation  shamefully  broken, 
retired  m  anger  to  Arezzo  and  m  1307  by  the  pope's  command 
assembled  a  formidable  anny  to  chastise  the  Florentmes.   The 
latter  nothing  daunted  mustered  a  force  of  three  thousand  men- 
at-arms  and  fifteen  thousand  foot  with  which  they  took  the  field 
in  May  and  marched  straight  uito  the  enemy's  territory  by  the 
Val  d'  Ambra,  ravaging  the  country  and  reducing  many  towns, 
until  they  at  last  sat  down  before  Gargonza  a  place  about  thu-ty 
miles  south-east  of  Arezzo  leaving  Florence  completely  exposed. 
The  prelate  was  too  well  advised  not  to  perceive  their  error, 
and  wislimg  to  rid  the  country  of  such  mtruders  marched  with 
his  whole  force  due  north  by  Bibbiena  and  Romena  giving  out 
that  Florence  itself  was  his  object,  where  he  was  sure  of  a 
strong  party  :  his  advance  w^as  soon  known  at  the  capital  and  a 
messenger  instantly  dispatched  to  recall  the  troops ;  the  latter 
were  ah'eady  in  march,  yet  so  hmiied  and  disordered  that  a 
thousand  soldiers  from  Arezzo  might  by  a  night  attack  have 
completely  defeated   them.     The   cardinal   had   been   before 
urged  to  bring  the  Florentines  to  a  decisive  engagement,  which 
they  studiously  avoided,   and   he  constantly  refused;    being 
probably  deceived  by  then*  artful  promises  of  obedience  ;  but 
the  Ghibeline  chiefs  seeing  the  occasion  neglected  and  having 
no   confidence   in   theh  leader   gradually  fell  off  and  never 
assembled  more.     The  Neri  then  sent  Betto  Brunelleschi  and 
Geri  Spini  as  envoys  rather  to  turn  him  into  ridicule  than 
really  to  treat  of  peace  but  at  the  same  time  performing  the 
real  object  of  then-  mission  which  was  to  sow  the  seeds  of 
dissension  amongst  the  people  of  Ai'ezzo,  in  which  they  were 
for  the  moment  successful.     The  cardinal  was  soon  removed 
from  his  military  post  and  retired  with  no  credit  and  almost 
universal  contempt  to  the  easier  duties  of  the  capital  *. 

These  wars  and  tumults  had  so  much  increased  the  nobles' 

•  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  iii«,  p  72.—     Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iv°.—S.  Ammirato, 
Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixxxix. —     Lib.  iv.,  p.  234. 
VOL.    I.  I>  D 


402 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


403 


power  and  audacity  that  other  citizens  took  the  alarm  and 
resolved  on  a  revisal  of  the  constitution  :  Niccolo  di  Prato  had 
done  something  hy  reviving  the  long  disused  companies  which 
were  for   some   reason  now  unknown   reduced   to   nineteen, 
but  with  great  and  important  powers.      This  prelate  whose 
great  object  was  a  restoration  of  the  Bianchi,  immediately 
perceived  that  his  \iews  were  likely  to  meet  with  less  opposition 
from  the  popolani  than  the  nobles,  for  reasons  already  given ; 
also  that  the  latter  were  comparatively  weak  unless  supported 
by  their  clients  and  adherents  amongst  the  people  themselves, 
and  that  union  amongst  the  last  was  alone  wanting  to  insure 
their  safety.  Wherefore  to  court  their  good  will  he  commanded 
that  every  citizen  should  be  enrolled  in  these  companies,  not 
according  to  his  trade,  but,  for  tlie  sake  of  more  rapid  union, 
according  to  his  street  and  parish  ;  none  of  the  nobles  were 
permitted  to  belong  to  these  coqis  nor  even  to  quit  their  houses 
while  the  latter  were  under  arms ;  and  in  case  of  outrage  done 
by  a  noble  to  any  uihabitant  the  Gonfalonier  of  his  company 
was  bound  to  give  him  immediate  redress  and  defend  liim  if 
necessary  by  force  of  arms.     If  a  popolano  happened  to  be 
killed  instant  vengeance  was  to  be  taken  on  the  noble  homi- 
cide by  the  whole  company,  and  even  public  money  supplied 
on  occasion  to  the  nearest  kinsman :  thus  as  regarded  the 
aristocracy  the   humblest  citizen  in   Florence   on   receiving 
an  injury  found  himself  instantly  at  the  head  of  a  greater 
following  than  the   proudest  noble,  and  with  a  certainty  of 
additional  support.  The  same  regulation  was  extended  to  some 
parts  of  the  Contado,  not  however  so  much  for  the  sake  of 
mutual  aid  as  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  having  recourse  for 
protection  to  any  of  the  rural  nobility.     "  After  this,"  said  the 
cardinal,  "let  me  hear    no   more  complaints  of  the  people 
against  the  nobles"*. 

Such  was  the  rigorous  system  that  became  now  reorganised, 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii«.,  cap.  Ixxxvii.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  iv.,  fol.  72. 


■    'I*  r 

k.>:J 


■''» 


.1 


in  wliich  every  company  had  its  peculiar  banner  with  some 
honorary  distinction  and  privileges  at  public  festivals ;  heavy 
fines  were  levied  for  being  absent  when  the   gonfalon  was 
displayed;    the   Gonfaloniers   were    elected   half-yearly,    and 
during  that  time  were  liable  to  be  called  to  the  comicils  of  the 
priors  mider  the   name  of    colleagues.      Another  important 
alteration  was  the  institution  of  a  new  office  under  a  magistrate 
of  great  authority  called  tlie  "  Executor  of  the  Ordinances  of 
Justice,''  whose  especial  duty  was  to  prosecute  the  aristocracy 
for  offences  against  the  people  and  this  was  often  performed 
with  excessive  rigour:  the  first  executor  of  justice  was  Matteo 
Teniibili  dAmelia  who  coming  in  the  month  of  March  was 
knighted  by  a  public  decree  and  soon  infused  a  salutary  dread 
into  tlie  nobility  amongst  whom  these  reforms  awakened  a 
deeper  feeling  of  discontent  anger  and  mortification*.      In 
order  to  distinguish  themselves  in  a  more  decided  manner 
from  tlie  new  and  unnatural  mixture  of  Guelph  and  Ghibeline 
which  had  been  formed  under  the  aristocratic  names  of  Bianchi 
and  Neri,  the  citizens  on  the  present  occasion  determmed  to 
assume  the  more  homely  denomination  of  "  The  Good  Guelphic 
People,''  while  at  the  same  time  they  charged  all  their  stand- 
ards of  companies  as  well  as  tlie  red-cross  banner  with  the  arms 
of  their  ancient  hero  Charles  of  Anjou  f. 

The  city  still  remaining  under  an  interdict,  (for  Cardinal 
Orsini  had  for  the  third  time  cursed  it  on  leaving  Arezzo,)  and 
the  people  becoming  heedless  of  papal  indignation  as  well  as 
hopeless  of  pardon,  bethought  themselves  of  making  the  most 
of  their  damnation  as  regarded  finance  by  levjdng  a  heavy 
tax  on  the  clergy  to  support  the  war;  this  was  executed 
with  such  rigour  that  the  monks  of  Florence  Abbey  rebelled, 
and  shutting  their  gates  against  the  tax-gatherers  rang  all  their 
bells  in  defiance  :  the  people  became  exasperated  broke  into 
the  convent  and  robbed  and  outraged  tliem ;  and  as  a  punish- 


Sacchetti,  Nov.  114. 


t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixxxvii. 
D  D  2 


404 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


meiit  for  ha\iQg  rung  their  bells  pulled  down  the  helfry-tower 
to  nearly  half  its  height  by  order  of  the  government. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  troubles  the  city  was  embellished, 
the  streets  and  squares  improved  and  enlarged,  and  the  common 
stream  of  business,  except  where  interrupted  by  a  jx)sitive  mis- 
fortune like  the  late  conflagration,  ran  smoothly.  In  August 
the  seignory  reconciled  the  two  powerful  families  of  Tosinghi 
and  Cavalcanti  which  were  both  afterwards  released  from  exile  : 
sixteen  citizens  were  elected  to  control  the  expenditui'e  of  public, 
moneys  and  reduce  surpertluous  officers,  who  had  multiplied 
so  much  as  to  impede  business  while  the  public  treasure  was 
wasted  in  unnecessar}'  salaries :  the  holders  of  clipped  money 
were  fined  if  they  were  bankei-s  or  dealers  in  the  precious  metals ; 
sumptuary'  laws  against  the  vanity  of  women  were  renewed ; 
no  chaplets  or  crowns  of  gold  or  silver  nor  any  Jewels  could 
be  longer  worn,  and  fathers,  brothers,  and  husbands  were  made 
answerable  for  all  female  transgressions  of  this  vain  and  venial 
nature.     So  ended  the  year  1307  *. 


Cotemporary  Monarclis. — England  :  Edward  1.,  Edward  II.  (1307). — Scot- 
land :  Robert  Bruce,  (1308).— France  :  Philip  IV.  (the  Fair).— Aragon  :  Jacob 
II. — Castile  and  Leon  :  Ferdinand  IV. — Portugal:  Denis. — Germany:  Albert 
of  Austria. — Naples  :  Charles  II.  (of  Anjou). — ^Sicilv  :  Frederic  II.  (of  Aragon). 
Popes:  Boniface  VIII.,  Benedict  IX.  (1303), '  Cleuicnt  V.  (1305).— 
Greek  Emperor  :  Audronicus  Pala-ologus. — Ottoman  Empire :  Othman,  1 306". 

*  Gio.  Vaiani,  Lib.  viii®,  cap.lxxxix. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  236. 


[>"^ 


CHAP.   XV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


405 


CHAPTER   XV. 


FROM   A.D.  1308  TO  A.D.   1317. 


The  calm  but  momentary  satisfaction  which  follows  political 
success  is  quickly  disturbed  by  the  uneasiness  of  those  whose 
merit  may  be  more  highly  appreciated  by  themselves   ^^  ^^^ 
than  their  comitrj^men,  and  the  supposed  ingratitude 
of  the  latter  is  therefore  proportionably  magnified.     Thus  it 
was  with  Corso  Donati,  who  although  decidedly  the  most  able 
man  of  his  party  was  also,  if  not  the  most  ambitious,  certainly  the 
most  vain,  restless,  and  dissatisfied :  those  in  power  were  ever  the 
objects  of  his  jealousy,  and  his  halls  as  occasion  suited  offered 
defence  and  refuge  to  the  discontented  of  all  parties.    His  power 
talents  and  personal  influence  were  still  so  fonnidable  as  to 
make  him  universally  feared,  and  when  his  ruin  was  decreed 
the  accomplishment  was  no  easy  matter  until  he  had  been  first 
rendered  an  object  of  suspicion  in  the  public  mind :   he  had 
lately  married  the  daughter  of  Uguccione  della  Faggiola  cliief 
of  the  Romagna  Ghibelines  and  then  paramount  in  Arezzo, 
and  this  alone  was  enough  to  awalien  public  jealousy  and 
contammate  every   action.      Rx)sso  della  Tosa,   Pazzino  de' 
Pazzi,    Geri  Spmi  and   Berto  Brunelleschi   formed  a  cabal 
wliich  keeping  strictly  united  absorbed  all  the   power   and 
honours  of  the  state  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  Donati,  and  a 
private  quarrel  ^vith  Pazzmi  augmented  their  mutual  hatred. 
They  were  far  from  blameless,  and  Corso  with  great  plausibility 


406 


FLORENTINE    HISTOEY. 


fBOOK   I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


407 


and  peculiar  eloquence  contrived  to  render  them  odious  to 
many  even  of  their  former  adherents ;  amongst  these  were  the 
i3ordoni  and  Medici,  the  latter  now  appearing  for  the  first 
time  to  take  a  prominent  part  in  public  affairs.     The  Bordoni 
were  very  poweiful  hi  Pistoia  Carmignano  Pmto  and  other 
places ;  the  Medici  had  a  considerable  following,   and  Coi-so 
Donati  himself  was  always  surrounded  by  numerous  retainers  • 
so  that  with  the  aid  of  (.ther  chiefs  and  many  rich  popokni  his 
party  assumed  a  bold  and  serious  character.     But  his  enemies 
were  not  idle ;   reports  were  industriously  circulated  that  he 
aspired  to  supreme  authority,  and  supported  l)v  his  ambitious 
tather-m-law  was  plotting  against  public  liberty!      Tlie  accusa- 
tion was  probably  false ;  but  his  late  marriage  witli  a  Ghibe- 
hne    his  numerous  retainers,  and  his  splendid  establishment, 
^luch  m  luxury  and  magnificence  surpassed  evei^- sober  notion 
of  cnic  grandeur  and  equality,   all  conspired  to  spreaxl   an 
uneasy  distmstfiU  feelhig  in  the  public  mind  which  even  his 
genenil  popularity  could  not  overcome.      Yet  he  had  many 
foUowers  amongst  the  nobility;  the  Rossi,  Bardi,  Frescobaldi, 
Toniaqmnci  and  Buondelmonti  were  ever  ready  to  attack  a 
popular  government  and  the  detested  ordinances  of  justice 
and  a  great  body  of  the  citizens  tot^illy  disbeUeved  the  stories 
that  were  circulated  agamst  him. 

The  lower  classes  are  commonly  accused  of  inconstancy,  but 
It  is  generally  to  the  m^m,  not  the  cause  :  their  chiefs  betray 
them,  or  they  are  made  to  believe  so,  and  at  once  cast  them  off 
with  one  of  those  violent  bursts  of  feeling  that  belong  to  an 
undisciplined  multitude  thrown  suddenly  on  its  own  resources 
by  deceitful  leaders  :  thek  object  though  indistinct  remains 
unchanged  and  wliile  ^ithdmmng  their  confidence  hold  firm 
t.3  their  pomt,  although  like  an  miskilful  disputant  they  may 
note  early  define  the  question;  and  thus  did  popular  favour 
shrmk  from  Corso  Donati  from  the  moment  he  was  accused  of 
plottmg  against  the  freedom  of  his  count^^     With  a  large 


,M 


body  of  adherents  he  advanced  to  the  public  palace  and 
demanded  a  complete  change  in  the  administration ;  the  other 
party  also  armed,  and  mutual  reproaches  succeeded,  but  the 
factions  separated  at  tliis  time  without  bloodshed.  The  popu- 
larity of  Corso  was  now  thoroughly  undermined,  and  the  pnors 
after  sounding  the  Campana  for  a  general  assembly  of  the 
armed  citizens,  laid  a  formal  accusation  before  the  Podesta 
Piero  Branca  d'  Agobbio  against  him  for  conspiring  to  over- 
throw the  liberties  of  his  couutiy  and  endeavouring  to  make 
himself  Tyrant  of  Florence:  he  was  immediately  cited  to 
appear,  and  not  complying  from  a  reasonable  distmst  of  his 
judges,  was  within  one  hour,  against  all  legal  forms,  con- 
demned to  lose  his  head  as  a  rebel  and  traitor  to  the  com- 
monwealth. 

Not  willing  to  allow  the  culprit  more  time  for  an  armed 
resistance  than  had  been  given  for  legal  vindication,  the 
Sei^moi-v,  preceded  by  the  Gonfalonier  of  justice,  and  followed 
by  die  Podesta  the  captaui  of  the  people  and  the  executor ;  all 
attended  by  their  guards  and  officers ;  issued  from  the  palace, 
and  with  the  whole  civic  force  marshalled  in  companies  with 
banners  fljing  moved  forward  to  execute  an  illegal  sentence 
against  a  single  citizen,  who  nevertheless  stood  undaunted  on 
i-kio  fipifiTice 

Corso  on  fu-st  hearing  of  the  prosecution  had  hastily  barri- 
caded all  the  approaches  to  his  palace,  but  disabled  by  the  gout 
could  only  direct  the  necessaiy  operations  from  his  bed ;  yet  thus 
helpless,  thus  abandoned  by  all  but  his  o^ii  immediate  friends 
and  vassals;  suddenly  condemned  to  death;  encompassed  by 
the  bitterest  foes,  with  the  whole  force  of  the  republic  banded 
against  him,  he  never  cowered  for  an  instant  but  courageous  y 
determined  to  resist  until  succoured  by  Uguccione  della  Faggiola 
to  whom  he  had  sent  for  aid.  This  attack  continued  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  day  and  generally  with  advantage  to  the 
Donati,  for  the  people  were  not  unanimous  and  many  fouglit 


f 


408 


FLOBENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE  HISTORY. 


409 


unwillingly,  so  that  if  the  Rossi,  Bardi,  and  other  friends  had 
joined  and  Uguccioni's  forces  amved,  it  would  have  gone  hard 
with  the  citizens.  The  former  were  intimidated,  the  latter 
turned  back  on  hearing  how  matters  stood ;  and  then  only  did 
Corso's  adherents  lose  heart  and  slink  from  the  barricades 
while  the  townsmen  pm-sued  their  advantage  by  breaking  down 
a  garden  wall  opposite  the  Stinche  prisons  and  taking  their 
enemy  in  the  rear.  This  completed  the  disaster,  and  Corso 
seemg  no  chance  remaining  fled  towards  the  Casentino  but 
bemg  overtaken  by  some  Catalonian  troopers  in  the  Florentine 
senice  he  was  led  back  a  prisoner  from  Rovezzano.  After 
vamly  endeavouring  to  bribe  them,  imable  to  support  the 
indignity  of  a  public  execution  at  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  he 
let  liimself  fall  from  his  horse  and  receiving  several  stabs  in 
the  neck  and  flank  from  the  Catalan  lances  his  body  was  left 
bleeding  on  the  road  until  the  monks  of  San  Sahi  removed  it 
to  their  convent  where  he  was  interred  next  monmig  with  the 
greatest  privacy*.  Thus  perished  Corso  Donati  "the  wisest 
and  most  worthy  knight  of  his  time ;  the  best  speaker,  the 
most  experienced  statesman ;  the  most  renowned,  the  boldest, 
and  most  enterprising  nobleman  in  Italy :  he  was  handsome  in 
person  and  of  the  most  gracious  manners  but  very  worldly,  and 
caused  infinite  disturbance  in  Florence  on  account  of  liis  am- 

•  It  is  of  this  death  that   Dante  makes    Forese,  Corso   Donati's   brother 
prophesy  in  the  24th  Canto  of  his  Purgatory.     The  poet  had  reason  to  say, 

"  Pcrocch^  '1  luogo,  u'  fui  a  viver  posto, 
Di  giomo  in  giorno  piii  di  ben  si  spolpa, 
Ed  a  trista  ruina  par  disposto. 

Or  va',  diss'  ei,  che  quei  che  piii  n'  ha  colpa, 
Vegg'  io  a  coda  d'  una  bestia  tratto 
\  erso  la  vaile,  ove  mai  non  si  scolpa. 

La  bestia  ad  ogni  passo  va  pili  ratto, 
Crescendo  sempre,  infin  eh'  ella  '1  percuote, 
E  lascia  *1  corpo  vilmente  disfatto. 

Xon  hanno  molto  a  volger  quelle  rote, 
(E  drizzo  gli  ocche  al  ciel)  ch'  a  te  fia  chiaro] 
Cid  che  '1  mio  dir  piii  dichiarar  non  puote." 

For  trarislation  see  Appendix. 


I. 


bition"*.    Yet  says  MacchiavelU  "  He  desei-ves  to  be  placed 
amongst  the  rarest  citizens  Florence  ever  produced,  and  if  his 
party  and  comitry  suffered  great  evil,  they  also  received  much 
good  at  liis  hands"t.     ''  People  now  began  to  repose  and  his 
unhappy  death  was  often  and  variously  discussed  axjcordmg  to 
the  feelings  of  friendship  or  enmity  that  moved  the  speaker, 
but  in  truth  his  life  was  dangerous  and  his  death  reprehensible. 
He  was  a  knight  of  great  mind  and  name,  gentle  in  manners 
as  in  blood ;  of  a  fine  figiu'e  even  in  his  old  age,  with  a  beautiful 
countenance,  delicate  features,  and  a  fair  complexion ;  pleasing, 
wise ;  and  an  eloquent  speaker.     His  attention  was  ever  fixed 
on  important  things,  he  was  intimate  with  all  the  great  and 
noble,  had  an  extensive  influence,  and  was  famous  throughout 
Italy.'    He  was  an  enemy  of  the  middle  classes  and  their  sup- 
porters, beloved  by  the  troops,  but  full  of  malicious  thoughts, 
wicked  and  artful.     He  was  thus  basely  murdered  by  a  foreign 
soldier  and  liis  fellow-citizens  well  Imew  the  man,  for  he  was 
instantly  conveyed  away :  those  who  ordered  his  death  were 
Rosso  della  Tosa  and  Pazzino  de'  Pazzi  as  is  commonly  said 
by  all    and  some  bless  liim  and  some  the  contrary.     Many 
believe  that  the  two  said  knights  killed  him,  and  I  wisliing  to 
ascertaui  the  tmth  inquired  diligently  and  found  what  I  have 
said  to  be  tme":.      Such  is  the  character  of  Corso  Donati 
which  has  come  down  to  us  from  two  authors  who  must  have 
been  personally  acquainted  with  this  distinguished  chief  but 
opposed  to  each  other  in  the  general  politics  of  their  country 

Gherardo  Bordoni  who  had  fought  steadily  for  Corso  to  the 
last  also  shared  his  fate  and  fell  by  the  spear  of  Boccaxjcio 
Cavicciuli  de^li  Adimari  as  he  was  crossing  the  Affrico  streamlet 
in  the  plain  of  San  Salvi ;  and  as  a  specimen  of  party  feebng 
or  private  rancour,  it  may  be  added  that  the  dead  man's  hand 
was  cut  off  by  the  victor  and  cai'ried  in  triumph  like  a  trophy 

*  Gio.  ViUani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xcvi.  t  MacchiavelU,  Lib.  ii. 

X  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  m.,  p.  /o. 


410 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


411 


to  Florence  where  it  was  nailed  to  the  house  door  of  Fedice 
Adimari  his  private  enemy. 

A  domestic  calm  followed  the  close  of  Corso  Donati's  tempes- 

A.D.  1309.  ^^^^  ^'^^^^  ^^  ^'^^  ^  ^^'^^^  "*^  symptoms  of  disturbance 
appeared;  for  with  the  aid  of  Uguccione  della  Fag- 
giola,  who  aimed  at  the  lordship  of  Arezzo,  Tarliiti  of  Pietramala 
was  overcome  and  exiled  by  the  Gueli>h>^  of  tluit  city.      They 
immediately  made  peace  with  Florence  and  sinking  all  party 
dilTerences  amongst  themselves  endeavoui'ed  by  a  coalition  with 
the  (jhibelines  to  rule  under  the  name  of  the  ''  Onru  Party:' 
This  however  could  not  last,  and  in  April ;  only  four  months 
after  their  expulsion ;  the  Tarlati  returned  in  force,  drove  the 
Guelphic    and   green    party   from   Arezzo  with   considerable 
bloodshed  and  broke  ihe  peace  with  Florenc.    About  the  same 
period  the  Bianchi  and   Ghibelines   of  Prato  overcame   the 
Guelpliic  faction  but  with  tlie  aid  of  Florence  and  Pistoia  it 
was  quickly  reinstiUed  Florence  remaining  in  possession  of  the 
town.     An  expedition  was  afterwards  sent  into  the  Aretine 
dominions  which  performed  the  usual  round  of  insults  and 
devastation  up  to  the  city  waUs;   but  the  most  interesting 
event  of  this  period  was  the  spontiineous,  general  and  suc- 
cessful resistance  of  the  Pistoians  against  a  l)ai'barous  attempt 
of  the  Lucchese  to  destroy  their  half  of  the  city,  an  attempt 
which  even  by  Florence  was  stigmatised  as  infamous  and  finally 
defeated. 

Ever  smce  its  fall  Pistoia  had  been  govenied  with  excessive 
rigour  and  even  cruelty  by  both  nations ;  the  podestas  and 
captains  from  each  republic  practised  one  continued  system 
of  spoliation  oppression  and  outrageous  insult;  every  suc- 
cessive magistrate  enriched  himself  at  the  expense  of  the 
community  and  even  the  very  wives  and  daughters  of  the 
citizens  were  forcibly  taken  from  their  homes  to  satisfy  the 
cupidity  of  their  oppressors.  By  continuing  this  tyranny,  with 
a  civil  war  raging  around ;  deprived  of  their  territory ;  their 


4*  #j^ 


ramparts  demolished ;  and  their  city  open  to  every  Ghibelme 
incursion,  the  inhabitants  of  Pistoia  had  been  brought  to  such 
a  state  of  miserv  and  desperation  that  they  were  ready  to  rush 
into  any  action'  however  desperate  to  break  away  from  their 
tyrants.     The  Lucchese  were  even  more  hated  and  tyrannical 
than  the  Florentines  and  had  so  exasperated  their  victims  that 
on  the  appearance  of  a  new  governor  of  no  substance  and  low 
condition  thev  plumply  refused  to  receive  him,  certain  that  he 
was  only  sent  to  b:ittcn  on  public  peculation  and  injustice. 
Instantly ;  as  we  are  told  by  the  anonymous  cotemporary  author 
of  the  ^^Istorie  Pistohsir  "  As  if  by  the  will  of  God  there 
arose  a  great  rumour  in  the  city  which  seemed  like  a  divme 
voice  from  heaven,  so  that  everj^body  cried  out :  '  Let  the  town 
be  fortified:      And  mthout  any  delibemtion,  men,   women, 
children,  and  nobles  seized  on  planks,  iron,  and  timber,  and 
laying  them  all  round  the  city  began  a  wooden  rampart  on  the 
site  of  its  ruined  walls.    This  was  commenced  about  nme  m  the 
moniing,  and  at  evening  prayer  the  whole  town  was  palisaded  ; 
they  then  commenced  the  ditches  on  the  side  of  Lucca." 

The  new  governor,  Tomuccio  Sandoni,  on  seeing  this  burst 
of  feelincT  hastily  retired  and  fresh  troops  were  soon  in  full 
march  from  Lucca  to  crush  the  revolt;  but  the  citizens  bemg 
resolved  on  a  bloody  resistance  assembled  all  their  rural  adhe- 
rents, sent  away  their  children  mth  eveiy  moveable  of  value 
declaring  that  it  was  better  to  die  once  than  be  murdered  a 

thousand  times.  -     ^    ^ 

It  was  at  this  crisis,  when  the  Lucchese  army  had  arrived  at 
PontelmicTo  two  miles  from  Pistoia,  that  Lippo  Vergellesi  the 
Florentine  commander  at  Sambuca  with  the  sanction  of  his 
aovemment  interfered,  and  by  persuasion  and  threats  succeeded 
in  arresting  their  march :  they  accordingly  retired  to  Serra- 
valle  and  ambassadors  from  Siena  arriving  as  peace-makers  it 
was  finally  settled  that  the  barricades  should  be  instantly 
destroyed  and  remain  so  for  eight  days  under  the  protection  of 


412 


florenttnt:  history. 


[book  I. 


Siena  to  satisfy  the  honour  of  Lucca ;  after  which  the  Pistoians 
were  at  liberty  to  reerect  their  walls,  and  although  still  bound 
to  have  a  Lucchese  podesta  they  themselves  were  permitted  to 
choose  him.  The  Senese  ambassadors  returned  home  but 
discord  still  continued  in  Pistoia  between  the  peace  and  the 
war  party ;  for  scarcely  had  fear  subsided  when  old  contentions 
arose,  and  the  everlasting  contest  once  more  convulsed  tliat 
unfortmiate  community*. 

The  deaths  of  Albert  of  Austria,  Charles  of  Naples,  and 
Azzo  of  Este  all  occurred  about  this  period  and  considerably 
affected  the  pohtics  of  Italy :  from  the  house  of  Este  sprung 
the  first  of  those  tyrants  that  afterwards  became  so  notorious 
throughout  the  cities  of  Lombardy :    Azzo  VIII.  made  his 
natural  son  Fresco  s  child  heir  to  his  property  in  preference 
to  his  own  brother  Francesco,  and  a  family  struggle  was  the 
consequence  :  this  suited  the  ambition  of  Venice  which  imme- 
diately sent  assistance  to  Folco  the  grandcliild,  while  the  pope 
declared  for  Francesco  from  similar  motives.     The  pontiff  how- 
ever soon  claimed  the  city  of  Ferrara  as  a  possession  of  the 
church  by  virtue  of  unperial  chplomas,  and  the  selfishness  of 
Venice  became  soon  apparent ;  Cardmal  Amaud  de  Pellagrue, 
Clement  the  Fifth  s  nephew,  was  invested  with  both  temporal 
and  spiritual  power  to  prosecute  the  ecclesiastical  claims,  which 
he  promptly  exercised  by  preaching  a  crusade  agahist  the  Vene- 
tians.    The  Florentines  tired  of  their  own  excommmiication, 
and  superstitious  about  tlie  success  of  an  anathematised  nation's 
affairs,  seized  this  occasion  to  reconcile  themselves  with  the 
church,  and  sending  a  considerable  reinforcement  to  the  papal 
army  were,  along  with  the  Bolognese,  principally  instrumental 
in  gammg  a  complete  and  bloody  \'ictoiy^  over  the  Venetians  on 
the  seventeenth  of  September  1300,  with  the  destruction  of  sk 
thousand  men.     The  city,  and  all  its  allies  for  six  years  back 
was  of  course  immediately  absolved  and  once  more  the  Floren- 

♦  Stone  Pistolesi,  Ed.  di  Prato,  1835,  p.  82,  &c.-G.  Vilkni,  Lib.  viii,  cap.  cxi. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


413 


tines  rejoiced  to  find  themselves  in  their  natural  position  as 
friends  of  the  Holy  See  *. 

Robert  Dulve  of  Calabria  succeeded  Charles  II.  of  Naples 
and  in  June  1309  was  crowned  at  Avignon  by  Clement  V. ;  but 
the  death  of  Albert  King  of  the  Romans  was  a  more  important 
event  m  Italian  politics  :  Albert  had  been  exclusively  employed 
in  extending  his  personal  authority  and  aggrandising  the  house 
of  Austria ;   his  ambition  was  great  and  his  injustice  propor- 
tional :  Vienna  and  Styria  had  revolted ;  he  was  at  war  with 
tlie  Swiss  republics  of  Berae,  Zurich,  and  Friburg,  and  attempted 
tlie  subjection  of  Uri,  Scliwitz,  and  Undervvald,  wliich  driven  to 
extremities  expelled  Ms  ministers  and  founded  the  Swiss  Con- 
federation.    Having  also  cheated  his  nephew  John  of  Austria 
of  his  inheritance   and  insulted  hun  by  biting   expressions, 
tlie  young  man  with  some  other  discontented  gentlemen  mur- 
dered him   at  the  passage  of  the  Reuss  between  Stein  and 
Baden,  almost  under  tlie  walls  of  Habsbourg,  and  in  sight  of  all 
Ms  attendants,  who  had  just  crossed  over  to  the  opposite  bank 

of  the  river. 

Pliilip  the  Fair  on  hearing  of  tMs,  instantly  demanded  the 
popes  aid  m  securing  the  empire  for  his  brother  Charles  of 
Valois  who  had  dready  made  himseK  so  notorious  at  Flo- 
rence :  but  Clement  hated  and  feared  the  destroyer  of  Boni- 
face, and  advised  by  the  Cardinal  of  Prato  gave  an  empty 
assent,  while  by  a  secret  despatch  he  urged  the  electors  to 
an  immediate  choice  if  they  wished  to  escape  French  influ- 
ence, indicating  Henry  of  LiLxembourg  as  the  man  in  ever}- 
respect  best  adapted  to  their  interests.     This  election  accord- 
ingly took  place  m  November  1308,  and  Henry  was  crowned 
the  following  April  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  with  the  pope's  appro- 
bation f. 

*  Miiratori,  Annali,  1308-9.-G.  Vil-  f   Gio.  Villam,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xciv 

lani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  ciii.-Scip.  Ammi-  ci.,  cii.-Muraton,  Annali    An.  1308. 

rate.  Lib.  v.,  p.  241.— Sismondi,  Rep.  — Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  in  .  . 
Ital.,  v.  iii.,  p.  242. 


414 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


415 


A.D.  1310. 


Henry  VI.  among  the  emperors  and  the  seventh  of  that 
name  amongst  the  kings  of  Germany,  had  little  or  no  power 
but  his  connexions  and  personal  character  gave  him  consider- 
able influence  ;  not  for  the  extension  of  his  authority  in  Ger- 
many, for  there  was  too  much  jealousy  in  that  ipiarter,  but  for 
an  entrance  into  the  long-neglected  field  of  Italy  which  since 
the  death  of  Frederic  II.  liad  been  utterly  abandoned  by  the  em- 
perors and  completely  severed  from  the  empire.  Yet  the  magic 
of  the  imperial  name,  the  title  of  the  Roman  CiBsar,  still  re- 
tained a  strong  hold  on  the  obedience  of  Aus.)nia,  and  even 
adverse  states  opposed  him  with  a  consciousness  of  their  own 
impropriety  *. 

Duiing  all  this  time  hostilities  continued  between  Florence 
and  Arezzo  and  in  the  month  of  June  when  the 
former  was  preparing  a  fomiidable  armament  an  im- 
perial messenger  arrived  to  forbid  any  further  prosecution  of 
the  war,  for  Arezzo,  as  he  asserted,  belonged  to  the  emperor 
who  would  restore  tranquillity  on  his  amval  in  Italy.  This 
startling  announcement  caused  some  alarm  at  first  but  it  was 
finally  disregarded ;  the  army  marched,  and  after  insulting 
Arezzo  and  committing  the  accustomed  outrages  returned  to 
the  capital  leaving  however  a  strong  redoubt  well  garrisoned 
within  two  miles  of  that  city  which  would  itself  have  fallen  if 
some  of  the  Florentine  nobles  had  not  found  the  war  too  lucra- 
tive to  allow  of  its  bemg  promptly  terminated  f . 

Henry  of  Luxembourg  advanced  during  the  summer  as  far 
as  Lausanne  where  he  received  ambassadoi-s  from  most  of  the 
Italian  states  and  factions ;  all  jiarties  hoped  sometliing  from 
his  coming  ;  those  in  authority  for  its  continuance  through  liis 
favour,  those  in  exile  for  a  restoration  to  their  home ;  the 
Guelphs  from  his  alliance  with  the  pope,  aiid  the  Ghibelines 
from  his  imperial  dignity.  The  cities  of  the  Guelphic  league 
had  also  prepared  their  embassies  but  becoming  aware  of  liis 


•  Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital ,  v.  Hi. 


+  Gio.  Villuni,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  cxix. 


I 


t 


high  pretensions  and  determination  to  restore  the  exiled  faction 
they  unwisely  resolved  to  keep  aloof  for  awhile  and  act  as  cir- 
cumstances imight  dictate;   this  alienated  the  emperor  who 
before  was  indisposed  to  disturb  them,  while  the  Pisans  with 
better  policy  sent  him  sixty  thousand  florins  and  a  warm  in\*i- 
tation  to  cross  the  Alps  -^   He  made  this  passage  in  the  month 
of  September,  and  in  October  was  joyfully  received  at  Asti 
although  accompanied  by  a  slender  retinue :  all  the  Lombard 
-tyrants  were  soon  in  motion  and  eager  to  court  him ;   Guidotto 
della  Torre  of  Milan  off'ered  boastingly  to  lead  him  over  Italy 
with  his  hawk  on  his  glove  and  the  rest  sought  him  in  a  sunilar 
manner.     Henry  made  no  exclusive  professions,  or  any  distinc- 
tion of  party,  but  admitted  cliiefs  of  every  faction  into  his  coun- 
cil ;  promised  his  favour  and  protection  to  all,  but  distinctly 
announced  that  no  authority  was  legitimate  that  did  not  emanate 
from  the  empire  :  wherefore  every  city  was  formally  summoned  to 
reenter  under  that  dominion  and  all  exiles  were  recalled.      He 
knew  this  to  be  popular  with  the  citizens  generally,  but  the  great 
rulers  of  Lombardy  reluctantly  saw  themselves  compelled  to 
resign  their  dignities  and  receive  them  again  as  imperial  fiefs  : 
Guidotto  della  Torre  alone   demuiTed;    he   had  fomed  an 
alliance  with  the  Guelphic  League  of  Tuscany,  had  as  great  an 
army  and  more  money  than  the  emperor,  in  whose  court  were 
his  own  nephew  the  Archbishop  of  Mflan  with  whom  he  had 
quaiTelled,  and  his  arch-enemy  Matteo  Visconti.     After  two 
months  spent  in  reforming  Piedmont  and  everj^where  sub- 
stituting imperial  Vicars  for  Podestas,  recalling  exiles  and 
assuming  the  supreme  government  of  the  cities,  the  emperor 
moved  on  towards  Milan,  haughtily  commanding  that  his  quar- 
ters should  be  prepared  in  the  public  palace  then  occupied  by 
the  Torriimi,  and  that  these  chiefs  should  meet  him  unarmed 
at  the  head  of  the  citizens  outside  of  the  town.     Henry  came 
with  the  most  exalted  notions  of  divine  right,  yet  willing  when 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  i-\.,  c.  vii. 


416 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


not  opposed  to  govern  as  justly  as  any  prince  was  expected  to 
govern  in  those  days. 

"  He  came  do\vn  "  says  Dino  Compagni,  "  descending  from 
city  to  city  and  bringing  peace  to  each  as  if  he  were  an  angel  of 
Ood,  and  receiving  the  faith  of  all  until  he  aiTived  near 
Milan  *."  The  people  eveiy-^vhere  had  hailed  him  as  a  bene- 
fiactor,  and  Guidotto  della  Torre  knowing  that  his  townsmen  also 
entertained  similar  opinions  pmdently  detennined  to  take  the 
lead  of  all  and  obey  the  mandate.  The  example  of  Milan  was 
followed  by  the  rest  of  Lombardy ;  deputies  poured  in  from 
every  state  to  assist  at  the  coronation  imd  swear  allegiance  to 
the  emperor:  tliis  ceremony  took  place  on  Christmas-day. 
Genoa  and  Venice  alone  refusing  under  various  pretences  to 
take  the  oath.  To  please  the  citizens  Henry  was  crowned  at 
^lilan  instead  of  INIonza  with  the  ancient  iron  crown,  wliich  was 
an  imitation  of  "laurel  leaves  in  thin  steel,  pohshed  and 
shining  as  a  sword,  and  with  many  large  pearls  and  other 
stones  "  f . 

Early  in  1311  the  Florentines  foreseeing  what  a  dangerous 
use  might  be  made  of  their  own  e.xiles  by  a  prince  so 
bent  on  \'indicating  the  imperial  authority,  issued  a 
decree  by  which  on  payment  of  a  trifling  fine  all,  with  certain 
exceptions,  were  restored :  a  selection  was  made  of  those  who 
were  thus  allowed  to  return  and  another  decree  j)romulgated, 
by  which  the  excepted  families  under  the  formal  denomination 
of  "  Escettati "  were  declared  for  ever  mcapable  of  pardon,  and 
even  the  sound  of  their  names  was  forbidden  in  the  public  coun- 
cils. Ever  afterwards  when  a  general  indenmity  was  pro- 
claimed for  the  ''  Fuontsciti''  or  exiles,  the  clause  ''Salve  le 
famiglie  escettati"  was  invariably  introduced  ^ 

Henry  was  indefatigable  in  business  and  made  rapid  pro- 
gress in  the  work  of  pacification;  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibelines 

*  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  78.         X  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xvi.  and 
t  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  79.         cccxx.  (note.) 


A.D.  1311. 


4 

■I- 


CHAP.  XT.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


417 


mutually  complained  of  his  partiality  while  calmer  people 
gave  him  credit  for  his  even  justice ;  but  the  Guelphs  in 
consequence  held  back  and  the  emperor  must  have  soon  dis- 
covered that  the  opposite  faction  were  his  only  real  adhe- 
rents as  having  everything  to  hope  and  nothing  to  fear  from 
his  protection.  Verona  would  not  listen  to  his  proposal  of 
recalling  the  Guelphs  after  a  banishment  of  sixty  years,  and 
Can  della  Scala  and  his  city  were  much  too  strong  for  any 
attempt  to  enforce  it ;  this  chief  was  one  of  Henry's  earliest 
adherents,  and  the  emperor  however  well  disposed  to  neutrality 
must  have  felt  internally  pleased  with  the  resolution  :  besides 
both  himself  and  his  followers  were  poor  and  supplies  could  be 
more  easily  procured  by  good-will  than  coercion. 

Money  was  as  a  matter  of  course  demanded  freely  of  the  dif- 
ferent states,  and  the  Visconti  and  Torriani  of  Milan  each 
eager  for  the  emperor's  support,  or  his  expulsion,  xied  with 
each  other  in  augmenting  the  original  demand  which  by  their 
rivalry^  was  doubled  to  the  utter  dismay  of  the  citizens,  who 
vainly  unplored  some  abatement  from  the  emperor.  Hostages 
were  required  from  both  parties  as  honourable  attendants  on 
the  court,  amongst  which  were  included  the  rival  chiefs,  and 
the  dissatisfaction  arising  from  this  act  was  used  by  Matteo  Vis- 
conti, (a  much  abler  as  well  as  a  more  cunning  man  than  his 
opponent)  to  excite  an  msurrection  against  the  Germans  by  a 
pretended  coalition  with  him  :  in  the  midst  of  the  tumult  how- 
ever he  suddenly  quitted  the  Milanese  side  and  joining  the  em- 
peror's party  defeated  the  credulous  Torriani,  burned  all  their 
houses  and  finally  drove  them  from  the  to^n,  of  which  the  Vis- 
conti became  from  that  moment  masters. 

This  revolt  although  imsuccessful  was  followed,  principally 
through  Florentine  influence,  by  similar  insurrections  in  all  the 
Guelphic  cities ;  the  lately  restored  exiles  were  again  banished 
and  the  imperial  vicars  deposed  ;  but  bemg  executed  suddenly 
and  without  concert  the  risings  were  weak  and  unstable: 
VOL.  I.  E  E 


418 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[booe  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


419 


Crema,  Cremona,  Lodi,  and  Como  all  submitted  and  some  were 
treated  with  great  cnielty :  Brescia  alone  stood  fimi,  and  under 
the  unfortunate  Teobaldo  Brusati  made  a  gallant  resistance 
against  all  the  efforts  of  Henr}\  Teobaldo  was  taken  prisoner 
in  a  sally  but  like  Regulus  he  scorned  to  save  his  own  life  by 
urging  his  countrjmen  to  peace,  and  writing  from  his  prison  to 
inspire  them  with  new  courage  was  put  to  a  scarcely  less  cruel 
death  *.  Immediately  after,  no  less  than  sixty  Germans  were 
seen  dangling  in  retahation  from  the  battlements  of  Brescia. 
The  emperor's  brother  subsequently  fell ;  the  summer  was  now 
spent,  Henry  fomid  himself  baffled  by  a  single  city  and  his 
honour  involved  in  its  captm'e  ;  yet  impatient  to  get  to  Rome  he 
wished  to  try  the  force  of  spiritual  arms  but  the  legates  who  ac- 
companied him  refused,  because  excommunication  when  men's 
passions  were  inflamed  with  civil  war  failed  they  said  in  its 
effect,  but  they  tried  the  milder  course  of  persuasion  and  suc- 
ceeded. A  capitulation  was  signed  which  saved  the  imperial 
reputation  and  put  sixty  or  seventy  thousand  florins  into  his 
treasury  while  the  Brescians  after  severe  suffering  preserved 
their  lives  and  property  f . 

He  then  repau^ed  to  Genoa  which  was  convulsed  by 
quarrels  between  the  Ghibeline  house  of  Spinola  and  the 
Guelphic  families  of  Doria,  Fieschi,  and  Grimaldi.  For  the 
first  time  this  proud  republic  submitted  itself  to  a  foreign 
master,  not  thi'ough  fear  or  compulsion,  but  from  a  conviction 
of  its  utility  in  the  suppression  of  domestic  factions  and  as 
a  public  testimonial  of  gratitude  for  the  impartial  exertions 
of  Henry  to  restore  puUic  tranquillity  J.  The  Genoese 
sovereignty  was  given  to  him  for  twenty  years   and    Uguc- 


*  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  82. — 
Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xi. — 
Corio,Hist.  Milano,  Parte  ii«,  folio  174. 
— Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital.,  vol. 
p.  259. 
f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xx. 


iii», 


t  Paulo  Intcriano,  Ristrctto  delle 
Historic  Genovese,  Lib.  iii**,  fol.  90. 
— Agostino  Giustiniano  Vescovo  di 
Nebio,  Aunali  di  Gcnova,  Lib.  iv., 
carta  cxvi. 


clone  della  Faggiola  made  his  vicar;  but  money  was  again 
required  and  again  by  means  of  Florentine  intrigue  ^^  ^^^^ 
and  subsidies  new  disorders  broke  out  in  Lombardy. 
Robert  King  of  Naples  also  became  alarmed  and  dispatched 
ambassadors  to  Henry  at  Genoa  which  in  tlie  beginning  pro- 
mised peace,  but  Rome  being  almost  simultaneously  occupied  by 
Piince  John  of  Naples  with  a  strong  force  to  oppose  Henry  and 
the  Gliibelines,  they  prudently  withdrew  and  both  sovereigns 
prepared  for  hostilities  '•'. 

The  Guelpliic  league  of  Tuscany  of  which  King  Robert  was 
the  aclviiowledged  leader,  had  sent  troops  in  the  previous  Octo- 
ber to  occupy  the  passes  of  the  Bolognese  Apennines ;  also  to 
Sarzana  and  the  Lucchese  territory  in  order  to  stop  the  empe- 
ror's advance,  and  Heniy  had  al)0ut  the  same  time  dispatched 
Pandolfo  Savelli  and  Niccolo  Bishop  of  Botronte  as  liis  har- 
bmgers  into  the  states  of  Bologna  and  Florence  ;  but  their 
approach  excited  a  tumult  in  the  former  city  and  they  were 
repelled  with  some  personal  danger.  Shaping  their  course  for 
the  latter  they  arrived  at  Lastra  when  the  agitation  became 
extreme  and  the  presence  of  all  the  Florentine  exiles  in  the  impe- 
rial army  set  the  current  of  public  opinion  strong  against  themf . 

Their  advent  had  been  previously  amiounced  by  a  special 
messenger  and  a  council  was  assembled  which  after  long  debate 
made  proclamation  that  these  were  ambassadors  from  the  tyrant 
king  of  Germany  who  had  destroyed  as  many  as  he  was  able  of 
the  Lombard  Guelphs,  and  was  now  on  his  way  to  ruin  the 
Florentines  and  restore  their  enemies,  while  by  an  embassy  of 
priests  he  wished  to  destroy  Florence  under  shadow  of  the 
church ;  therefore  full  liberty  was  given  to  any  one  to  rob  ami 
outraffi'  them  with  imjmnitij.  Their  envoy  who  had  retired  to 
his  inn  was  afraid  to  move,  and  the  ambassadors  although 
warned  of  their  danger  by  the  exertions  of  a  friend,  foolishly 

*  Muratori,  Annali.— Sismondi,  Ital.    +    Gio.    Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xxi. 
Rep.,  vol.  iii",  p.  261.  and  xxvii. 

E  E    2 


420 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


421 


remained  at  Lastra  for  the  night ;  a  mob  quickly  assembled ; 
and,  as  Villani  asserts,  with  the  secret  not  the  open  sanction  of 
the  priors ;  attacked,  insulted,  plundered,  and  would  probably 
have  murdered  them  if  the  Podesta,  pressed  by  another  tumult 
in  their  favour  and  at  the  intercession  of  the  above-named 
friend,  had  not  recovered  their  property ;  but  refusing  to 
hear  their  mission  they  were  escorted  lieyond  the  frontier 
where  Comits  Guidi  gave  them  honourable  welcome  in  th(^ 
name  of  both  Guelph  and  Ghibeline.  Safe  in  these  lords'  ter- 
ritory they  made  it  a  rallying  point  against  I'lorence,  esta- 
blished an  imperial  tribunal  at  CiWtella,  between  Siena  and 
Arezzo,  before  which  these  two  republics  as  well  as  Florence 
and  several  other  cities  were  summoned  and  the  disobedient 
condemned  for  contumacy :  except  Florence  Siena  Chiusi  and 
Borgo  San  Sepolcro,  all  acknowledged  the  imperial  mandate  so 
that  the  insulted  deputies  were  enabled  to  rejoin  the  emperor 
at  Pisa  in  the  month  of  March  with  a  respectable  body  of  Tus- 
can auxiliaries  *. 

The  empress  died  in  the  previous  November  at  Genoa  and 
about  the  same  period  the  Florentines,  a  detachment  of  whose 
troops  had  joined  King  Piobert  at  Rome,  were  cited  to  appear 
at  the  imperial  court  \vithin  forty  days,  under  pain  of  condem- 
nation in  goods  and  person  wherever  they  should  be  found  f . 
The  mandate  remained  unheeded  but  an  order  was  immediately 
dispatched  to  warn  the  merchants  of  their  danger,  and  soon  after 
a  reinforcement  of  two  hundred  Neapolitan  men-at-arms  joined 
them. 

In  this  state  of  things  Hemy  of  Namur  arrived  at  Pisa  by 
sea  with  a  few  followers  and  commenced  hostilities  against 
Florence  :  the  emperor  followed  in  March  round  whom  the 
Pisans  flocked  with  a  frank  generous  enthusiasm,  and  devotion 
to  his  cause  that  far  surpassed  annhing  he  had  hitherto  met 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix  ,  cap.  xxvi .— Sismondi,  Ital.  Rep. 
f  Muratori,  Annali,  1312. 


•»    L 


HI 


with  in  Italy.     They  supplied  him  with  galleys,  troops,  and 
money ;  made  him  absolute  Lord  of  Pisa,  offered  to  suspend  their 
constitution  in  his  favour,  and  instantly  renewed  hosUlities, 
with  Lucca,  Florence,  and  the  Tuscan  league :  Henry  remained 
with  them  until  the  22nd  of  April  collecting  soldiers  and  at 
the  head  of  fifteen  hundred  men-at-arms  marched  on  towards 
F^me.     He  was  opposed  at  the  Ponte  Molle  by  Prince  John 
t)f  Naples  but  easily  forcing  this  passage,  crossed  the  Tiber  and 
entered  the  capital.      In  conjunction  with  the  Colonna  faction 
and  Senator  he  soon  mastered  the  greater  part  but  could  make 
no  impression  on  the  quarter  of  the  Vatican  wliich  was  defended 
by  Prince  John,  and  therefore  on  the  20th  June  and  agamst  all 
ancient  usage  was  compelled  to  have  his  coronation  performed 

in  the  Lateran*. 

The  city  was  divided  in  feeling,  and  the  emperor's  position 
80  precarious  that  he  retired  to  Tivoli  at  the  end  of  August 
and  moved  towards  Tuscany  ravaging  the  Perugian  terntor>' 
on   his  wav,  being  determined    to   bring   Florence  and    all 
her  allies  to  submission.     At  Arezzo  he  was  honourably  web 
comed  and  thence  marcliing  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Amo 
invaded  the  Republic:   Caposelvole  immediately  surrendered, 
Montevarchi  resisted  bravely  for  three  days;    San  Giovanni 
next  fell ;  Fegghini  soon  followed,  and  all  the  Florentine  troops 
amounting  to  eighteen  hundred  men-at-arms  were  concentrated 
round  Incisa  on  the  Amo  to  dispute  the  imperial  progress. 
Satisfied  with  a  sullen  opposition  they  refused  the  offered  combat, 
for  their  allies  had  not  yet  joined  neither  were  they  regularly 
commanded :  the  emperor  on  seeing  this  immediately  turned  the 
fortress  of  Incisa  by  difficult  mountain  passes  and  under  the 
guidance  of  Florentine  exiles  pushed  forward  a  detachment  to 
occupy  Montelfi  which  a  strong  body  of  the  enemy  were  approach- 
ing for  the  same  pui-pose.    The  Florentines  were  attacked  sud- 
denly and  driven  back  on  the  main  body  of  their  army  at  Incisa 

•  Muratori,  Annali. 


422 


FLORENnSE    IIISTOKY, 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTOET. 


423 


where  they  remained  that  night  entirely  cut  off  from  Florence, 
while  the  imperial  army  took  up  a  position  two  miles  nearer  that 
capita]  and  after  a  short  consultation  marched  directly  towards  it. 
At  San  Salvi  they  encamped,  and  a  sudden  assault  would  pro- 
bably have  carried  the  city,  for  the  inlmbitant.s  w,-re  taken  by 
surprise,  were  in  a  stale  of  consternation,  and  could  scarcely 
beheve  that  the  emperor  was  there  in  person ;  their  natural  enero^ 
soon  returned,  the  Gonfaloniei-s  assembled  (heir  companies  the 
whole  population  armed  themselves,  even  t,>  the  bishop  and 
clergy ;  a  camp  was  formed  within  the  walk,  the  outer  ditch 
palisaded,  the  g,ites  closed,  and  thus  for  two  days  they  re- 
mained hourly  expecting  an  assault.     At  last    their   cavalry- 
were  seen  returning  by  various  ways  and  in  small  detiichments- 
succours  also  poured  in  from  Lucca,  Prato,  Pistoia,  Volterra' 
Colle,and  SanGimignano;  and  even  Bologna,  I'.imini,  Ikvenna 
Faenza,  Cesina,  Agobbio,  Citta  di  Castello  with  several  other 
places  rendered  their  assi.stance :  indeed  so  great  an.l  extensive 
was  Florentine  influence  and  so  rapid  the  communication,  that 
^vlthln  eight  days  after  the  investment  four  thousand  men-at- 
arms  and  mnumerable  infantry  were  assembled  at  llorcnce  ' 

As  this  was  about  double  the  imperial  cavaln-  and  four  time'; 
Its  infantiy  the  city  gates  were  thrown  open  and  business  pro- 
ceeded as  usual  except  through   that   entrance   immediately 
opposite  to  the  enemy.    For  two  and  fi.rty  davs  did  the  emperor 
remam  within  a  mile  of  Florence  ravaging  all  the  countn-  but 
maiong  no  impression  on  the  town  ;  after  which  he  raised  the 
siege  and  moved  to  San  Casciano  eight  miles  south  of  the 
capital,  where  receiving  reinforcements  from  Pisa  and  Genoa  the 
norentines  thought  it  necessa^'  to  strengthen  their  defences 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Amo.    The  war  was  then  carried  on  by 
frequent  skirmishes,  until  winter  and  sickness  forced  the  impe- 
A.D.  1313.   ™"*'-''  """  Poggibonzi,  which  was  restored  to  its 
_^  ongmal  position  on  the  hill  and  took  the  name  of 

Poggio  or  CasieUo  Imperiale."   Here  the  emperor  remained. 


«' 


suffering  much  from  want  and  continual  alarms;  with  Siena 
in  his  rear  and  Florence  in  front;  all  the  roads  occupied,  both 
flanks  infested,  his  detachments  cut  off,  and  a  continual  waste 
of  men  and  money  until  the  ninth  of  March,  when  he  moved 
to  Pisa  and  prepared  for  a  new  campaign  *. 

The  Florentines  had  thus  from  the  first,  without  niuch  mili- 
tary skill  or  enterprise,  proved  themselves  the  boldest  and 
bitterest  enemies  of  Henry;  their  opposition  had  never  ceased; 
by  letters  promises  and  money,  they  corrupted  all  Lombardy , 
Ghiberti  of  Parma,  Guidotto  della  Torre,  Cremona,  Brescia, 
Reggio,  the  cardinals,  the  king  of  France  and  even  the  pope 
himself  were  all  assailed  by  Florentine  subsidies  and  Florentme 
intrigue :  for  this  the  people  were  pressed  to  the  utmost,  but 
believing  that  it  was  for  the  maintenance  of  their  liberty  were 
cheerful  givers.     Yet  party  quarrels  did  not  cease :  to  the  four 
former  chiefs  of  the  Neri  had  been  added  Tegghmio  Frescobaldi 
and  Gherardo  Ventraia;  these  sis  compelled  the  Podesta  to 
decapitate  Masino  Cavalcanti  and  one  of  the  Gherardmi ;  they 
ruled  the  priors  at  their  pleasure,  disposed  of  every  office  in 
the  state,  condemned  or  absolved  whom  a^d  when  they  ple^^ed 
and  were  absolute  masters  of  the  commonwealth.     The  chiet 
of  these,  ru.sso  della  Tosa,  died  from  the  effects  of  a  fal    m 
1309.     "God,"  says  Dino  Compagni,  "had  been  expectmg 
him  a  long  time  for  he  was  above  seventy-five  years  old       He 
was  an  aUe-minded  knight,  the  source  of  discord  in  Florence 
an  enemy  of  the  people,  a  friend  of  tyrants.     This  was  he  who 
separated  the  entire  Guelphic  party  into  Bianchi  and  Neri ;  he 
it  waB  that  kindled  civil  dissension ;  this  was  the  man  that  wiA 
cares  intrigues  and  promises  kept  others  under  him     True  to 
the  black  faction  he  persecuted  the  white ;  on  him  the  circum- 
jacent states  of  his  own  party  depended  and  with  him  alone 
did  they  treat."    "  His  two  sons  and  a  young  relation  were  alter- 
wards  made  knights  by  the  influence  of  his  party ;  much  money 

.  Cio.  Vaiani.  Ub. «..  from  caD.  «x,.  to  xlix.-Mu«tori.  Annali. 


f.* 


'? 


424 


FLORENHNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


425 


was  given  to  them  on  this  occasion  and  they  were  called  '  The 
Knights  of  the  Spinning  Wheel,'  because  their  pensions  were 
charged  on  the  earnings  of  poor  women  who  lived  by  such  em- 
ployment." 

In  the  following  February  Betto  Bruneleschi  the  hardest, 
most  insolent,  and  most  imperious  of  the  black  faction  also 
disappeared.     '*  He  was  of  a  Glubeline  fomily,"  says  Dino, 
'*  rich  m  money  and  possessions,  but  hated  by  the  people 
because  in  times  of  scarcity  he  used  to  lock  up  his  com ;  sayin<t, 
'  /  will  have  such  a  price  for  it  or  not  sell  it  at  all.'     He  perse- 
cuted the  Bianchi  and  Ghibelines  for  two  reasons ;  first  to  gain 
favour  with  the  dominant  faction,  and  secondly  because  he  never 
could  hope  forgiveness  for  liis  apostacy."  '*  He  was  an  eloquent 
man,  much  employed  in  embassies,  intimate  with  Boniface  VIII. , 
was  the  principal  author  of  Corso  Douati's  misfortune,  and  so 
addicted  to  evil  that  he  cared  neither  for  God  or  tlie  world  but 
veered  about  as  suited  his  own  inclination.     He  died  by  the 
hands  of  two  young  Donati  while  engaged  in  a  game  of  chess 
to  the  great  joy  of  many,  for  he  was  an  infamous  citizen"  *. 

The  third  of  the  four  nders  of  Florence  Pazzmo  de'  Pazzi 
soon  followed  his  companions;  he  also  was  the  victim  of 
domestic  vengeance;  the  death  of  Masino  Cavalcanti  was 
neither  forgotten  nor  forgiven  by  that  powerful  family  which 
could  muster  sixty  men-at-arms  of  the  name  alone  and  held 
the  ruling  powers  m  detestation.  In  January  \ni^  Paffiera 
Cavalcanti  hearing  that  Pazzino,  attended  only  by  one  servant, 
was  gone  out  to  try  a  falcon  on  the  dry  bed  of  the  Arno  neai* 
Santa  Croce,  instantly  mounted  and  followed  him  with  some 
of  the  Brunelleschi  who  attributed  the  death  of  their  kinsman 
Betto  to  liis  contrivance.  Pazzhio  soon  guessed  their  errand 
and  fled  towards  the  stream  but  was  overtaken  by  Cavalcanti  s 
javelin  and  afterwai'ds  dispatched  in  the  water.  The  Pazzi 
and  Donati  who  had  become  friends  instantly  armed  and  the 

•  Dino  Compagni,  Lib.  iii",  p.  90.— Simone  della  Tosa,  Annali,  An.  1309,  &c. 


.1 


] 


V 


Cavalcanti  in  their  turn  were  attacked;  ^amcade  sptang  up 
in  a  moment,  friends  mustered  hastily  on  every  side,  the  della 
'  W  the  Wciuinci,  the  Scali,  the  Agli,  the  Lucardesi  and 
1  othe^weri  in  amis;  the  people  ^'^^^^^^ 
willin<rlv  in  this  strife,  three  palaces  of  the  Cavalcanti  were 
againlurniug  and  the  town  once  more  in  mid  disorder. 

After  tranciuillity  haA  been  partially  '^^^^or'^d  the  Pa^z 
■tccused  their  advei-saries  hefore  the  priori  and  forty-eight  of 
the  Cavalcmiti  were  imme.Uately  condemned  m  person  aBd 
property  and  that  family  again  expelled  from  Florence.  Two 
sons  aiul  two  Idnsmen  of  Pa^zhio  were  made  ^Bights  by  the 
people,  for  he  was  generally  popular,  as  a  rewa.-d  for  his  enices 
and  e;en  pensioned  at  the  public  charge  by  those  whom  he 
ruled  and  favoured  while  alive. 

Gen  Sphii  alone  remained  of  all  the  chief  persecutors  o 
Corso  Doiati,  and  he  lived  in  doubt  and  anxiety  from  the  recen^ 
honom-able  restoration  of  that  family  with  the  Bordom  ^d  thei^ 
friends  to  a  country  whence  they  had  been  so  lately  banished 
with  shame  and  injuiy.     Not  content  w;ith  their  revenge  on 
Betto  Bmnelleschi.  the  kinsmen  of  Corso  Donati  ^f^^^f^ 
pay  those  honours  to  this  chiefs  memory  which  their  sudden 
exile  had  before  rendered  impossible :  wherefore  assembhng 
all  their  friends  and  followers  they  issued  m  comi^ete  armour 
from  the  houses  of  the  Donati,  proceeded  direct  to  the  church  of 
Sa.1  Salvi  and  disintemng  the  old  chieftam's  festered  con^se  bore 
it  away  to  Florence  in  martial  pomp  and  sullen  triumph ;  as  then 
fathe.^  had  that  of  Rustico  Marignolli.     «-,  pnestj^d 
funeral  songs  did  honour  to  tlie  dead ;  bands  of  armed  kmght. 
guarded  the  bier,  and  while  the  sacred  rites  contmued,  drew  roum 
Ae  church  in  menacing  array,  with  solemn  dehance  to  their 
enemies.     In  this  impressive  mode  were  the  last  dute^pei^ 
formed  for  him  whose  life  had  been  a  continued  scene  of  amed 
tumult,  and  who  even  in  death  seemed  to  be  denied  the  qme 
of  the  grave ;  for  the  msatiato  spuit  of  Donati  they  said  still 


426 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


walked  the  earth  crj'ing  for  vengeance  on  those  false  friends 
who  first  deserted  him,  then  conspired  against  him,  and  finally 
brought  him  to  an  ignominious  end^=.      "  Thus,"  exclaims 
Dino  Compagni  at  the  end  of  his  chronicle ;  "  Thus  our  city 
continues  tormented ;  thus  obstinate  in  evil  deeds  remain  our 
citizens  ;  and  what  is  done  to-day  is  blamed  to-morrow.     Sages 
are  wont  to  say  '  that  a  wise  man  does  nothing  to  repent  of: 
But  in  this  city  and  by  these  citizens  nothhig  is  done  how- 
ever praiseworthy  that  is  not  blamed  and  stigmatised  as  evil. 
Men  km  each  other  and  no  law  pimishes  the  criminal,  but 
according  as  he  hath  friends  or  money  to  spend,  so  is  he 
acquitted  of  the  crime.     O  wicked  citizens  !  Ye  thiit  have  cor- 
rupted and  vitiated  mankind  by  your  evil  customs  uud  unhal- 
lowed gains!     Ye  are  those  wlio  have  introduced  every  evil 
habit  into  the  world,  and  now  the  worid  will  leward  you !   The 
emperor  with  all  his  powers  will  come  upon  you  and  plunder 
you  by  sea  and  land"f. 

The  devastation  of  the  countrj-  by  imperial  annies  fully 
accomplished  this  prediction  but  neither  filled  the  emperor's 
coffers  nor  saved  his  troops  from  disease  and  suffering.  An 
embassy  from  Frederic  King  of  Sicily  brought  him  a  small 
supply  at  Poggibonzi  and  enabled  him  to  ni.n  e  to  Pisa  where 
he  immediately  issued  a  process  agjiinst  the  llorentiues  de- 
priving them  of  ever}'  honour  and  jurisdiction,  displacing  their 
judges  and  notaries,  fining  the  community  one  hundred  thousand 
marks  of  silver,  condemning  the  princijial  citizens  in  goods  and 

*  i,^'?^^^/'""?^^^'    Lib.   iiio.— Gio.  patriotism  occasionally  perhaps  do  in- 

IlrlTn'T  i  U'^''  ^^fj^^"i  — S-  Am-  j«ry  to   his  judgment  as  an  author, 

mirato,  Lib  v«,  p.  248.  Although  a  Ghibeline  in  disposition 

t   We  here  take  leave  of  Dino  Com-  he  seems  to  have  held  to  the  Guelphs 

pagni  whom  Muratori  prefers  both  for  as   a   political   bodv  and  is  honestly 

style  and  choice  of  matter  to  Males-  bitter   against    all    who    opposed    his 

pmi  and  even  to  Gio.  Villani  himself:  views  for  reconciliation  and  domestic 

wIr/lV''°P    n'^.^'y"^""''^^     P^"^^-  •"«  ^^"?"«ge  '«  beautiful  and 
latter   hat  balances  all  the  fervid  and     all  his  impassioned  bursts  of  eloquence 

hXnlnt  tT'"''  /u  ^^""'  ''^"'"     ^'^  ""  '^'  ''^^  of  generosity,  huianitjr 
indignant   feelings  of  humanity   and     and  peace. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


427 


t 


i 


■*) 


person ;  forbidding  the  republic  to  coin  gold  or  silver  money 
and  alloTOig  Ubizzino  Spinola  of  Genoa  and  the  Marqms  of 
Monfermto  to  counterfeit  the  golden  florin  of  the  republic. 

Against  King  Robert  of  Naples  simite  denunciations  were 
rhrected  all  of  which  were  subsequently  annulled  by  the  self- 
arrogated  power  of  Clement  V.      Some  irregular  hostihties 
were  maintained  by  partisans  during  Henry's  stay  at  F^a, 
which  gave  rietrasanta  and  Sarrezzano  to  the  impenalists;  but 
the  emperor  now  tmiied  all  his  energies  to  the  conquest  of  Naples 
>is  the  first  step  towiu-ds  that  of  Italy  itself.    For  tliis  he  formed  a 
league  with  Sicily  and  Genoa,  assembled  troops  from  Germany 
and  Lombardy;  filled  his  treasury  in  various  ways,  and  soon 
fomid  liimself  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  German 
cavahy  and  one  thousand  five  hundred  Italian  men-at-arms, 
besides  a  Genoese  fleet  of  seventy  galleys  under  Lamba  Dona 
and  fiftv  more  supplied  by  the  King  of  Sicily  who  with  a  thousand 
men-at-arms  had  already  mvaded  Calabria  by  captunng  Reggio 
and  other  places.     On  the  5th  of  August  the  emperor  marched 
from  Pisa  by  the  Vale  of  Elsa  towards  Siena;  near  which  some 
skirmishing  took  place  and  passing  forwai-d  encamped  at  Mon- 
teaperto  where  an  indisposition  which  he  had  previously  felt  at 
Pisa  began  to  gather  strength:  from  Monteaperto  he  moved  on 
to  the  baths  of  Macereto  in  the  plain  of  Filetta  and  thence  to 
Buonconvento  twelve  miles  from  Siena  where  the  illness  gained 
ground  and  he  expired  on  the  24th  of  August  1313. 

The  intelligence  of  this  event  spread  joy  and  consternaUon 
amongst  his  friends  and  enemies ;  the  army  soon  separated,  and 
his  oin  immediate  followers  with  the  Pisan  auxihanes  earned 
his  body  back  to  Pisa  where  it  was  magnificently  mterred^. 

Thus  died  Henry  of  Lu..embom:g  an  able  prince  who  accom- 
plished great  things  with  scanty  means :  he  is  descnbed  by 
cotemporan-  writers  as  wise,  just,  and  gracious,  a  good  catholi^ 
sincere  in  mind,  magnanimous  in  heart,  and  strong  and  secure 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix°,  cap.  xlix.,  1.,  li.,  lii-.  li"- 


428 


FLORENTINE    mSTORY. 


[book  I. 


in  arms ;  of  the  middle  size  witli  good  features  but  a  slight 
cast  in  the  eye.      Possessed  of  great  talents  and  perseverance 
he  was  active  and  indefatigable  in  business,  temperate,  loving 
peace,  never  depressed  by  misfortune  nor  elated  by  success 
wherefore  he  was  feared  beloved  and  reverenced.     Lord  yf  u 
small  and  powerless  state  he  was  placed  on  the  imperial  throne 
to  serve  a  political  purpose  ;  but  without  money  authority,  or 
any  other  influence  save  that  of  his  persomil  character  and 
kindred.     He  nevertheless  allayed  the  jealousy  of  the  German 
princes,  reconciled  their  nmtual  contentions,  and  directed  his 
whole  thoughts  to  the  recovery  of  Itiily ;  arriving  without  army 
or  resources  he  yet  managed  by  the  single  force  of  his  genius 
to  raise  the  one  and  accumulate  the  other.    He  pacified  factions, 
restored  exiles,  vindicated  the  imperial  authority,  gained  friends 
and  allies  and  finally  equipped  an  immense  army  for  the  con- 
quest of  Naples  where  llobert  had  no  equivalent  force  to  oppose 
him,  and  would  probably  have  retired  to  France  for  personal 
safety. 

The  Florentines  have  been  accused  of  causing  his  death  by 
bribing  a  Dominican  friar  to  give  him  a  poisoned  wafer  iii 
administering  the  sacrament ;  but  there  seems  no  just  reason 
t»  credit  this  tale :  his  health  began  to  suik  under  the  effects 
of  fatigue  and  suffering  at  the  siege  of  Florence  ;  perhaps  even 
at  Rome  or  under  the  walls  of  Brescia,  and  although  he  at  last 
expu-ed  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  the  full  extent  of  his  maladv 
was  probably  concealed  while  at  Pisa  and  on  the  march,  in 
order  not  to  dishearten  his  soldiers*. 

Death  saved  the  Italians  from  his  sovereignty,  but  his  life 
might  have  made  them  a  strong,  united,  mid  'ultimately  an 
mdependent  people  :  Florence  also  was  saved,  for  such  talents 
so  supported  must  have  finally  triumphed  f. 

Nevertheless  the  repubhc  occupied  a  noble  position.    Putting 

•    Muraton\   AnnaJi,    I313.-Flam.     Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  caps.  i.  and  xlix.- 
dalBorgo  Dissert,  n*  p  88.  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  v«,  p.  260.-Mura- 

t    Dino   Compagni,    Lib.  iii<\_Gio.     tori,  Annali. 


/ 


1| 


\ 


CUAP.   XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


429 


themselves,  says  Sismondi,  at  the  head  of  the  Guelphic  party, 
the  Florentines  embraced  in  their  negotiations  the  politics  of 
all  Italy.     Already  leagued  \sith  Lucca,  Siena,  and  Bologna 
they  sought  the  friendship  of  Guido  della  Torre  in  1311  before 
his  expulsion  from  ]\Iilan  by  the  Yisconti  and  did  not  desert 
him  in  his  misfortunes :  they  not  only  excited  Brescia  to  revolt 
but  supplied  the  inhal)itants  with  money  against  the  emperor 
who  l)esieged  it  in  person  ;  they  kindled  a  spirit  in  Padua  that 
Can  della  Scala  could  not  easily  extinguish  ;  they  bribed  Parma 
to  make  an  open  declaration  agjiinst  the  German  Prince  and 
even  sent  troops  to  Piome  to  oppose  his  coronation.      Lastly 
they  extended  their  negotiations  to  the  courts  of  France  and 
Avignon  and  were  apparently  tlie  first  to  conceive  the  notion 
of  connectmg  together  all  the  members  of  .the  great  European 
republic  by  a  balance  of  power  that  might  secure  the  general 
independence.     Those  who  now  see  nothing  but  inconvenience 
in  the  system  of  annual  parliaments  would  do  well  to  consider 
that  these  enlarged  views  and  plans  of  universal  politics,  more 
or  less  followed  by  European  sUitesmen  ever  since  the  four- 
teenth centur}%  originated  in  a  shopkeeping  democracy  whose 
executive   government  was   changed   six    times  a  year  in  all 
its  principal  branches,  and  in  which  the  mmisters  who  com- 
menced any  negotiation  or  other  important  matter  could  scarcely 
have  expected  to  be  in  office  at  its  termination.     Florence  was 
small  but  free,  and  more  than  commonly  enlightened  for  the 
a^e ;  its  people  of  an  acute  and  searching  intellect,  fidl  of 
industiy  and  elasticity,  and  perfectly  comprehending  the  general 
interests  of  the  commonwealth :  its  counsels  were  exclusively 
<Tuided  by  the  most  able  heads  of  those  branches  of  commerce 
by  which  it  was  enriched:  populariy  chosen,  they  expressed 
the  will  of  their  constituents  but  did  not  allow  the  especial 
concerns  of  their  trade  to  overlay  those  of  the  community, 
nor  was  there,  save  the  national  but  impolitic  principle  of 
exalting  maiuifactures  above  agriculture,  any  demand  for  ex- 


I 


430 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


elusive  protection  from  particular  branches  of  industiy ;  each 
ceded  a  little  and  the  machine  rolled  smootlily  on  until  extra- 
neous accidents  paralysed  its  more  wholesome  action.  The 
leadiuj^  trades  were  then  at  Florence  what  thev  now  are  in 
England,  united  and  powerful  bodies  with  many  foUowei-s ;  but 
inclosed  in  the  naiTow  precmcts  of  a  single  city  and  sharing 
directly  in  the  government  they  both  imbibed  and  imparted 
knowledge  at  home  while  their  feelers  extendmg  over  all  the 
known  world  ilirected  a  stream  of  riches  and  intelligence  to  the 
centre.  Nor,  mitil  the  Medici  sapped  the  repul»lic,  after  the 
iiristocracy  and  Ghibelines  fell,  was  there  any  party  that  from 
mere  faction  or  love  of  political  power  vitiated  the  measures  of 
the  state  in  its  exterior  policy  ;  because,  ^^^th  the  exception  of 
a  certain  number  of  noble  families,  every  citizen  might  expect 
to  be  called  in  liis  timi  to  the  head  of  affairs,  while  the  regular 
emoluments  were  too  small,  the  period  of  office  too  short,  and 
the  duty  too  severe  to  make  public  employment  on  these 
accomits  alone  the  object  of  illegitimate  ambition. 

Florence  showed  great  moral  courage  in  her  determined 
opposition  to  Henrj'  VII.  but  her  military  \irtues,  in  the  opinion 
of  Sismondi,  had  already  begun  to  decay  ;  yet  nearly  four  hun- 
dred gentlemen  of  the  highest  rank  and  most  distinguished 
families  (their  names  are  still  extant)  perished  or  were  taken 
prisoners  in  the  bloody  battles  of  Montecatini  and  Altopascio 
affording  ample  proof  of  their  courageous  spirit :  and  nearly 
six  hundred  more  belonging  to  the  contado  may  be  added  to 
the  number  who  thus  suffered  for  their  countrv ;  all  servinj^ 
gratuitously* ! 

Their  tranquillity  during  the  siege  was  calculation,  not 
cowardice;  they  had  double  the  emperor's  numbers,  but  the 
Germans  were  always  more  formidable  troops  than  the  Italians  ; 
a  defeat  would  have  lost  the  city  where  the  party  of  their 
exiles  was  strong ;  yet  their  gates  were  never  shut  nor  their 

♦  Sismondi.  Repub.  Ital.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  272. — Toscana  Illustrata,  p.  321. 


.) 


7 


> 


CHAP,  XV.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


431 


usual  business  interrupted :  the  result  justified  this  caution  for 
public  safety,  not  a  brilliant  victory,  was  their  object. 

The  pernicious  system  of  employing  foreign  mercenaries  had 
nevertheless  been  long  gaining  ground  amongst  all  the  Italian 
states;  they  were  at  this  period  called  '' Catalans ^  but  al- 
though adopting  the  name  were  totally  unconnected  with  that 
fierce  company  of  all  nations  who  under  Roger  de  Flor  still 
held  together  when  disiuis.sed  in  130^  by  Frederic  of  Sicily 
and  carried  terror  and  desolation  through  Greece  and  Asia. 
They  may  be  considered  as  the  first  "  Condottieri "  havmg 
been  employed  by  the  Greek  Emperor  Andronicus  against  the 
Turks  and  Bulgarians :  their  less  famous  imitators,  composed 
of  French  Spanish  and  other  adventurers,  sold  themselves 
at  a  given  j)rice  to  any  purchaser  without  having  a  spark  of 
the  nobler  and  more  generous  feelings  of  a  soldier*. 

This  system  swelled  gradually  from  the  few  retainers  of  tui-- 
bulent  citizens  like  Corso  Donati,  to  the  subsequent  employ- 
ment of  large  public  armies ;  and  the  despicable  character  of 
men  who  thus  sold  their  blood  and  conscience,  together  with 
the  inlluence  of  increasing  trade  the  natural  enemy  of  war ; 
besides  other  causes ;  gradually  brought  the  profession  of  arms 
into  disrepute  at  Florence  :  but  it  was  not  until  after  the  middle 
of  this  centuiy  that  the  military  spirit  received  its  greatest  shock ; 
the  wadike  nobility  was  then  completely  subdued  ;  long  and  ex- 
pensive contests  began  w^th  Milan,  soldiers  became  more  plentiful 
than  money,  and  the  militaiy  service  of  country  gentlemen  was 
allowed  to  be  exchanged  for  an  equivalent  pecuniary'  contribution. 
Tliis  gradually  deadened  national  spirit  and  encouraged  the 
employment  of  mercenaries  with  all  their  train  of  necessarjr  evil  f . 
There  are  periods  when  the  general  cause  of  Hberty  may  be 
supported  on  a  foreign  soil ;  when  native  tyi-anny  may  be  best 
opposed  in  the  ranks  of  a  stranger ;  when  the  universal  rights 

•Sismondi,  vol.  iii.,  p.  214.— Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii",  cap.  li. 
t  Leonardo  Aretino,  Lib.  vii",  p.  Ul. 


432 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY, 


433 


of  man,  of  tlie  ^eak  and  the  injured,  may  be  vindicated  by 
assisting  a  country  in  wliich  we  have  no  apparent  interest,  or 
even  where  the  art  of  war  may  be  learned  >)y  those  destined  to 
defend  their  own.  These  are  generous  and  legitimate  motives 
for  assistance ;  but  the  mere  gladiator  who  changes  sides  as  the 
scale  preponderates,  and  kills  for  gold  alone,  is  only  a  tolerated 
i-uffian  on  a  larger  scale  and  disgraces  the  name  of  soldier. 

With  such  companions  the  Florentines  became  every  day 
less  inclined  to  serve,  more  especially  as  the  general  l)elief  in 
their  own  opulence  had  raised  the  market  price  and  therefore 
increased  the  difficulty  of  procuring  their  mnsom  far  above 
that  of  any  other  Tt^ilians  ;  so  that  various  circumstances  con- 
curred to  change  the  ancient  mihtaiy  spirit  and  substitute 
foreign  mercenaries  for  the  unpaid  valour  of  devoted  citizens*. 

The  sudden  death  of  Henry  VII.  elated  the  Guelphs  as 
much  as  it  depressed  the  Ghibelines  and  completely  changed 
the  political  position  of  Italy :  but  the  Pisans  had  most  cause 
to  mourn,  for  they  joined  him  with  a  generous  confidence,  sti- 
pulated notliing  for  themselves,  expended  two  millions  of 
tlorins  in  his  ser^•icei  supplied  him  with  ships  and  soldiers, 
made  his  cause  their  own  with  a  zeal  that  springs  only  from 
unity  and  sincerity  of  heart;  and  after  all  this  they  found 
themselves  exposed  single-handed  to  the  resentment  of  those 
they  had  provoked  for  his  sake. 

Perplexed  but  not  daimted,  they  soon  resumed  their  native 
energy  and  even  endeavoured  to  retain  the  imperial  army  in 
their  pay :  but  the  Germans  indisposed  to  war  after  the  em- 
peror died,  were  far  more  anxious  to  recross  the  Alps  than 
remain  any  longer  in  Italy.  Frederic  of  Sicily,  who  had 
landed  at  Pisa  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  what  he  had  heard 
while  at  sea,  was  not  bold  enough  to  undertake  their  defence 
and  declmed  the  honours  of  the  commonwealth ;  so  after  the 
Count  of  Savoy  and  Henry  of  Flanders  had  successively  refused 

*  Goro  Dati,  Storia  di  Firenzi,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  37. — Sismondi,  vol  iii.,  p.  273. 


II 


) 


this  dangerous  distinction,  the  Pisans  confided  their  city  to  the 
care  of  Uguccione  da  Faggiola  then  imperial  vicar  at  Genoa 
and  one  of  the  ablest  of  Gliibeline  captains,  who  with  a  thou- 
sand German  horse  cheerfully  undertook  its  defence  and  fully 
redeemed  his  pledge. 

Arriving  at  Pisa  in  September  1313  he  immediately  marched 
against  Lucca  and  after  ravaging  the  whole  country  mocked 
and  insulted  the  citizens  even  under  their  walls :  civil  discord 
between  the  Obizzi  and  Bernarducci  repressed  the  wonted 
energy  of  Lucca  and  disgusted  Florence,  which  thus  bore  all 
the  burden  of  war  on  its  own  shoulders,  for  the  King  of  Naples 
wholly  bent  on  recovering  Sicily  was  anxious  for  tranquillity  in 
the  north,  and  the  Pisans  in  general  far  from  being  blinded 
by  success  were  eager  to  be  friends  with  a  sovereign  whose 
power  was  extremely  fonnidable*. 

Robert  was  now  senator  of  Pome,  and  besides  Provence  and 
Naples  had  been  acluiowledged  Lord  of  Romagna  Florence 
Lucca  Ferrara  Pavia  Alexandria  and  Bergamo  besides  several 
fiefs  in  Piedmont ;  and  the  pope  was  about  to  create  him  impe- 
rial vicar  in  Italy  during  the  vacancy  of  the  empire.  An  am- 
bassador was  dispatched  from  Pisa  to  Naples  and  a 
treaty  concluded  which  promising  to  reestablish  ge- 
neral tranquillity,  began  by  restoring  the  exiled  Guelphs  of 
that  republic  to  their  countiy. 

But  peace  was  not  the  object  of  Uguccione ;  his  trade  was 
war,  and  as  Podesta  of  Pisa  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  men-at- 
arms  besides  a  private  council  of  his  own  creation  invested 
with  all  the  powers  of  the  state,  he  felt  himself  strong  enough 
to  rule  it.  and  determined  to  renew  the  war  with  fresh  vigour. 
Pisa  could  scarcely  have  selected  a  man  more  fitted  to  retrieve 
her  affaks  or  extend  her  fame  or  usurp  her  liberties.  Bom, 
as  is  supposed,  of  an  obscure  but  rather  opulent  family  amongst 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  \nii.,  cap    Iviii.     Muratori,  Annali,  1313, — Sismondi, 
— S.   Ammirato,  Lib.  v.,  p.  26L —     vol.  iii.,  p.  297. 
VOL.  I.  F  F 


434 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


those  Apennines  that  border  on  the  city  of  San  Sepolcro  he 
had  been  from  childhood  both  a  Gliibeline  and  a  soldier ;  he 
took  an  active  part  iu  the  civil  wars  of  Arezzo  and  full  of  cou- 
rage and  ambition  had  proved  himself  one  of  the  ablest  men  of 
his  daj  either  in  the  field  or  the  cabinet.     Of  a  fierce  aspect, 
proud  demeanoui',  and  unrelenting  heart,  he  was  admirably 
adapted  to  the  spirit  of  tlie  age  iu  which  he  lived :  he  wore 
more  ponderous  arais,  was  stronger  and  taller  than  the  usual 
measure  of  man  and  as  much  celebrated  for  his  personal  prowess 
in  the  field  as  for  the  nobler  qualities  of  a  general  and  a  states- 
man.    His  individual  feats  were   sometimes   magnified   into 
superhuman  exploits  resembling  the  fabled  deeds  of  ancient 
Paladins  and  excited  the  admiration  of  the  soldiers  as  much  as 
his  military  talents  commanded  their  respect  and  confidence. 
In  one  battle  we  are  told  that  being  on  foot,  wounded  in  the 
knee,  and  alone  amidst  the  enemy ;  he  yet  made  good  his  re- 
treat and  rejoined  his  companions  ^ith  a  well-battered  helmet 
and  no  less  than  four  battleaxes  and  thirteen  arrows  fixed 
in  his  long  and  heavy  buckler.     No  chief  was  better  fitted 
to  restore    confidence    to   a   dispirited   people   than    Uguc- 
cione  da  Faggiola,   and  all  the  power  of  Pisa  wtis  frankly 
intrusted  to  him :  he  was  the  first  to  discontinue  the  ancient 
mode  of  going  out  to  war  at  fixed  seasons  and  finishing  the 
campaign  at  certain   stipulated   times;  on  the   contrary,    by 
keeping  the  field  throughout  the  year  and  merely  using  the 
capital  as  a  camp  to  retire  upon  he  so  harassed  the  Lucchese 
that  they  were  compelled  to  sue  for  an  ignominious  peace,  a 
peace  too  that  disgusted  Florence,  not  only  by  its  hard  condi- 
tions but  more  particularly  by  the  restoration  of  all  the  Ghibe- 
hne  exiles,  with  Castruccio  Castracani  at  then*  head.     Through 
their  agency  he  subsequently  mastered  Lucca  and  plundered  it 
for  eight  successive  days  without  intermission  or  mercy,  not 
even  sparing  the  papal  treasure  deposited  in  the  church  of  San 
Frediano ;  a  crime  considered  of  so  dark  a  nature  m  almost  to 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


435 


/ 


eclipse  the  rapine  rape  and  murder  of  his  licentious  soldiery*. 
The  booty  was  enormous,  the  pope's  treasure  alone  amounting 
to  a  milliou  of  golden  florins  :  but  besides  this  the  citizens 
were  extremely  rich,  for  Lucca  was  then  equal  if  not  superior 
to  Florence  in  the  number  and  opulence  of  her  bankers  who 
under  the  name  of  "  Barattieri  "  fall  peculiarly  under  the  lash 
of  Dante  in  the  twenty-first  canto  of  his  Inferno.  The  capture 
of  Lucca  and  sudden  filling  of  Florence  with  the  fugitives 
startled  the  community  yet  ultimately  produced  great  benefit, 
for  they  brought  \\ith  them  superior  knowledge  in  the  art  of 
manufacturing  silk,  and  formed  a  new  epoch  in  the  annals  of 
that  trade  amongst  the  Florentines  as  well  as  at  Venice  and 
Milan,  and  even  in  Germany  France  and  England f. 

Before  Heniy  VII.'s  death  Rol)ert  had  accepted  the  govern- 
ment and  checked  to  a  certain  point  the  free  republican  action 
of  Florence,  for  he  was  in  a  manner  lord  also  of  the  national 
purse  but  far  more  interested  about  Sicily  than  Tuscany; 
nevertheless  on  the  first  alarm  a  Florentine  army  had  been 
dispatched  to  the  aid  of  Lucca  but  arriving  too  late  to  save 
that  city  turned  into  the  Valdanio  and  secured  most  of  the 
Ouelphic  towns  while  all  Tuscany  once  more  prepared  for 
war.  The  king  of  Naples  was  intreated  to  send  reinforcements 
and  Piero  his  youngest  brother  arrived  with  three  hundred 
men-at-arms  on  the  eighteenth  of  August  about  two  months 
after  the  devastation  of  Lucca :  Piero  soon  won  all  hearts  by  his 
wisdom  affability  and  personal  graces,  and  so  warm  and 
general  was  the  friendship  of  these  democrats  that  if  he  had 
survived  the  war  the  lordship  of  Florence  would  probably  have 
been  confen'ed  on  him  for  life  !  A  dangerous  feeling,  springing 
perhaps  from  an  involuntary  desire  of  repose  after  republican 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix",  cap.  li. — Is-  Attioni  di  Castr.  Castracani.  Roncioni, 

torie  Pistolese,  p.  119. — Tronci,  An-  Lib.  xii.,  p.  694. — Sardo,  cap.  Lx. — 

nali. — Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1314.  Cronica  di  Pisa,  Murat.  S.  R.  L,  pp. 

+  Tegrinai,  Vita  di  Castruccio,  p.  35,  991  to  996,  vol.  xv. — Dei,  Cronica 

Dati's    translation. — Aldo  Mannucci,  Senese,  Ibid.  pp.  55,  60. 

F  F  2 


436 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  !. 


CHAP.   XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


437 


A.D.  1315. 


turbulence,  whenever  a  chief  could  he  found  to  whom  the  public 
liberty  might  be  safely  intrusted  ;  yet  an  experiment  the  effects 
of  which  they  had  afterwards  good  cause  to  rue  in  the  person 
of  Walter  de  Brienne  the  titular  Duke  of  Athens  *. 

One  of  Piero's  first  acts  was  to  secure  the  neutrality  of 
Arezzo  by  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Guelphic  league  so  as  to 
leave  a  fair  field  for  the  Pisan  war  which  was  making  rapid 
progress :  Uguccione  had  not  only  recovered  all  that  portion  of  the 
ancient  territory  which  had  been  held  by  Lucca  since 
Ugolino  s  time,  but  had  also  ravaged  the  countiy  of  Vol- 
terra,  and  even  penetrated  into  that  of  Pistoia  to  Carmignano, 
only  thirteen  miles  from  Florence :  he  had  besides  overrun  the 
Maremma,  assaulted  Samminiato,  took  Cigoli  and  other  places 
of  its  district,  and  finally  captured  the  Florentine  town  and 
castle  of  Monte  Cain.  He  also  claimed  half  of  Pistoia  in 
right  of  conquest  as  Lord  of  Lucca  and  pursued  his  successful 
course  by  investing  Montecatini,  a  well-defended  fortress  in 
the  Val-di-Nievole  which  the  Florentines  had  occupied  ever 
since  the  downfall  of  that  republic.  This  rapid  succession  of 
events  created  so  much  alarm  that  distrusting  the  extreme 
youth  and  inexperience  of  Piero  when  opposed  to  so  formidable 
an  enemy,  the  Florentines  with  his  own  consent  again  de- 
manded assistance  from  Robert  whose  brother  Philip  Prince 
of  Taranto  was  at  their  earnest  request  dispatched  with  five 
hundred  men-at-arms,  but  against  the  king's  judgment,  who 
knew  him  to  be  unwise,  rash,  and  unfortunate  in  war. 

Meanwhile  Uguccione  pressed  the  siege  of  Montecatini 
where  besides  the  power  of  Pisa  and  Lucca  he  had  assembled 
all  the  Ghibelines  of  Tuscany,  the  exiles  of  Florence,  the  Count 
of  Santa  Fiore  and  Maffeo  Visconte's  auxiliaries ;  and  not^vith- 
standing  recent  treaties  the  independent  Bishop  of  Arezzo 
also  joined  his  ranks ;  so  that  his  cavalry  amounted  to  two 
thousand  five  hundred  men-at-arms  with  a  proportionate  num- 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  Ixi. 


4« 


i^V    / 


ber  of  infantry  making  in  all  about  twenty-two  thousand  seven 
hundred  soldiers. 

The  Florentines  summoned  their  adherents  from  Bologna, 
Siena,  Perugia,  Citta  di  Castello,  Agobbio,  Komagna,  Prato, 
Pistoia,  Volterra,  Samminiato  and  all  the  other  Guelphs 
of  Tuscany,  which  added  to  eight  hundred  Neapolitan 
men-at-arms  under  the  two  princes,  formed  a  body  of  three 
thousand  two  hundred  mounted  men  and  a  very  numerous 
infantry,  the  whole  amounting  as  is  said  from  fifty-four  to 
nearly  sixty  thousand;  but  this  is  probably  an  exaggeration 
of  the  victors :  thirty  thousand  of  all  arms,  as  stated  by  Pig- 
iiotti,  might  perhaps  come  nearer  to  the  truth. 

With  this  fine  army  commanded  by  Philip  Prince  of  Taranto 
his  son  and  brother,  did  the  Florentines  march  to  raise 
tlie  siege  of  Montecatini.  The  Pisan  general  expected  them 
to  advance  by  the  Fucecchio  road  across  the  marshy  plains  of 
that  district  to  cut  oft'  his  communications  with  the  two  capitals 
and  force  him  to  a  battle  on  miequal  terms  with  the  hostile 
garrison  of  Montecatini  in  his  rear :  he  had  therefore  occupied 
the  passes  in  that  direction  but  unnecessarily ;  for  the  allies 
having  taken  the  road  of  Montesummano  left  his  communica- 
tions free  and  to  his  great  satisfaction  took  up  a  position  in 
front  of  the  Pisan  army  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nievole  a 
small  stream  tliat  now  only  divided  the  hostile  forces.  The 
Nievole  was  a  great  obstacle  to  men-at-arms  in  which  the 
principal  strength  of  armies  then  consisted ;  the  Pisans  were 
intrenched,  and  "  BattifollW"  or  works  of  circumvallation,  sur- 
rounded the  place,  by  means  of  which  Uguccione  without 
wishing  to  fight  determined  to  maintain  the  blockade  and  if 
possible  prevent  the  besieged  from  receiving  any  assistance. 
Skirmishes  were  frequent,  and  neither  party  being  willing  to  come 
to  a  general  battle  they  remained  several  weeks  in  this  threat- 
ening attitude,  during  which  the  Prince  of  Taranto  detached  a 
part  of  his  army  to  occupy  the  country  about  Monte  Carlo  for 


438 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


439 


the  purpose  of  intercepting  the  enemy *s  convoys  and  thus  com- 
pelling him  to  raise  the  siege.  San  Martino  the  head-quartei-s 
of  Uguccione's  escorts  was  attacked  and  tixken,  all  the  passes 
occupied  in  his  rear,  the  Guelphs  immediately  round  Lucca 
were  in  arms,  supphes  stopped,  and  every  direct  communica- 
tion with  the  besieging  army  entirely  cut  off  while  its  com- 
mander was  unable  to  spare  a  single  soldier  for  the  purpose 
of  reestabhshing  them. 

For  two  days  the  troops  had  been  without  any  fresh  supply, 
Uguccione  was  unusually  thoughtful,  and  the  army  with  all  its 
confidence  became   alarmed  when  the  order  to  retreat   was 
given,  not  so  much  from  fear  of  the  enemy  as  from  appro- 
hension   tliat  with   so    powerful    an    encouragement  to   the 
Guelphic  faction  the  safety  of  Lucca  itself  might  have  been 
endangered.      On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-ninth  of  August 
a  Uttle  before  daylight  Uguccione  broke  up  the  camp  and 
marched  in  order  of  battle  but  resolved  not  to  seek  it  if  the 
enemy  would  allow  him  to  retire  quietly  on  Pisa :  his  retreat  was 
soon  observed  and  gave  fresh  spirit  to  tlie  allies  who  instantly 
attempted  in  a  hurried  disorderly  march  to  occupy  Borgo  a 
Buggiano  before  him,  but  they  moved  on  the  arch,  Uguccione 
on  the  chord,  and  he  thus  gained  the  position.     Perceiving 
that  a  battle  was  inevitable  he  halted  at  La  Selva  de'  Trincia- 
velH  opposite  Buggiano  where  selecting  a  body  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Feditori  amongst  the  bravest  of  his  followers,  and 
forming  his  advanced  guard  into  a  second  line  of  support,  he 
suddenly  gave  the  signal  to  charge  ere  the  enemy  was  well  in 
order,  at  the  same  time  exclaiming  that  "  as  his  adversary 
declined  paving  a  road  of  gold  for  their  retreat  which  he  might 
more  wisely  have  done,  they  would  themselves  endeavour  to 
open  one  with  their  swords  and  show  the  prince  that  all  his 
regal  splendour  was  only  a  vain  and  useless  bauble  amidst  the 
shock  of  soldiers  and  the  clang  of  arms."     "  To  remind  you 
''  of  your  duty,"  he  continued,  "  is  superfluous,  for  no  army  was 


1 


"  ever  better  known  to  its  general  than  you  to  me,  nor  any 
**  captain  better  known  to  his  army  than  I  to  you :  to  say 
**  nothing  of  older  things,  have  we  not  together  restored  the 
'■  Ghibelines  to  Lucca,  taken  most  of  her  towns  and  maintained 
"  the  authority  and  dignity  of  Pisa  ?  we  have  now  only  to  make 
"  Montecatini  as  glorious  to  the  Pisans  as  Arbiato  the  Senese, 
"  and  for  once  at  least,  humble  the  proud  spirit  of  the  Floren- 
"  tines ;  too  vain  at  having  twice  baffled  the  attempts  of  two 
*'  imperial  Henrys.  Nor  will  it  be  a  trifling  glory  if  after  so 
' '  many  years  we  should  revive  in  Tuscany  the  almost  extinguished 
*'  name  of  Ghibeline  and  open  a  road  for  future  emperors  to 
*'  reestablish  Italy  in  her  antique  grandeur  under  the  Caesarian 
"  sway,  by  the  unassisted  strength  of  our  own  right  arms." 

Thus  saying  he  ordered  his  own  son  and  Giovanni  Malespini 
a  Florentine  exile,  to  lead  the  Feditori,  and  bade  the  charge  be 
sounded.  The  attack  was  fierce  and  effectual ;  one  chief  car- 
ried his  own  and  his  father  s  glory  on  his  lance,  the  other 
fought  to  be  restored  to  his  country ;  they  were  followed 
by  the  flower  of  Pisan  gentlemen;  the  adverse  line  com- 
posed of  troops  from  Siena  and  Colli,  first  bending  to  this 
storm,  broke  after  a  short  struggle  and  uncovered  the  allies' 
main  battle  where  Piero  Count  of  Gravina  stood  with  all  the 
Florentine  chivalry.  Spent  and  breathless  the  victors  were 
now  met  by  a  line  of  daring  soldiers  armed  like  themselves, 
steady,  fresh,  and  in  superior  numbers ;  this  unequal  contest 
was  soon  decided,  but  not  a  knight  turned  back,  each  fell  in 
arms  and  died  as  he  was,  victorious ;  none  shrunk  from  their 
leaders,  the  chiefs  themselves  fell  bravely  with  their  followers 
and  nearly  all  were  slaughtered. 

Meanwhile  four  thousand  Pisan  cross-bowmen  in  three 
divisions  sent  a  continual  flight  of  arrows  against  their  enemy ; 
one  mass  charged  their  cross-bows  while  the  next  took  a  steady 
aim  and  the  third  shot,  and  thus  left  no  respite  to  their  adver- 
saries, bolt  followed  after  bolt  in  one  unmitigated  shower  and 


aam 


4iO 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


441 


horse  and  man  reeled  under  the  iron  tempest*.      Uguccione 
seeing  the  enemy's  first  line  thus  broken  turned  suddenly  to 
his  eight  hundred  Germans,  saying,  *'  The  glory  of  the  field  is 
reserved  for  your  nation.''      They  were  the  remnant  of  Heniy- 
VII. 's  army,  all  old  soldiers  well  skilled  in  war  and  detesting 
the  Florentines  for  past  events  and  as  was  believed,  for  the 
untunely  death  of  their  emperor.     Their  charge  was  terrible  ; 
but  proud  of  an  ancient  name  and  the  presence  of  three  royal 
princes  in  her  ranks  Florence  remained  unbroken ;  yet  the 
rage  of  battle  did  not  reach  its  full  height  until  certain  intelli- 
gence of  his  son  Francesco's  death  reached  the  Pisan  general ; 
all   paternal  emotions  were  at  once  enveloped   in  one  deep 
feeling  of  revenge ;  at  the  head  of  his  remaining  horse  Uguc- 
cione dashed  madly  into  the  tliickest  of  the  fight  shouting  out 
*'  no  prisoners!"  "no  prisoners!"  until  his  voice  sank  under 
the   louder  and   deadher  tumult.     The   battle   now  became 
general  and  the  allies  struggled  long  and  hard  for  victory,  but 
the  genius  of  Faggiola  prevailed ;  the  bravest  knights  and 
chiefs  of  Florence  fell  one  after  another  and  disheartened  the 
survivors ;  their  efforts  gradually  relaxed,  they  first  wavered, 
then  suddenly  gave  way  and  immediately  a  wild  and  univei-sal 
flight  proclaimed  the  victory  and  triumph  of  Pisa. 

Many  soldiers  fell  in  the  conflict,  but  more  were  lost  in  the 
Gusciana  marshes  as  they  fled  towards  Fucecchio ;  and  it  is 
related  that  the  Nievole  was  so  encumbered  with  dead  bodies 
that  instead  of  the  fulness  of  its  usual  stream  it  crept  slug- 
gishly along  in  rivulets  of  blood ! 

The  pursuit  was  closely  followed  up  as  far  as  the  heights  of 
Monsummano;  two  thousand  men  were  killed  in  battle  or 
drowned  in  the  marsh,  and  amongst  them  one  hundred  and 
fourteen  of  the  noblest  Florentine  famihes  :  fifteen  hundred 

•    The  cross-bow  arrows  most  com-  {Vide     Miscellaneous     Chapter.)  — 

monly  used  were  called  '' Moschetti"  Giunte  alle  croniche  de'  Cortusi  apud 

or  Little  Flies,  (Spanish  Mosquito)  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Diss,  xxvi.,  u. 

and  thence  probably  our  word  musket.  152. 


prisoners  were  taken^  but  chiefly  after  the  action :  Piero  Count 
of  Gravina  who  led  the  Florentine  battle  lost  his  life,  and  his 
body  was  never  found ;  Charles  the  son  of  Philip  shared  his 
fate  and  Carlo  Count  of  Battifolle  with  many  other  Italian 
nobles  of  the  highest  rank  saw  their  last  sun  on  this  disastrous 
day:  at  Siena,  Perugia,  Bologna,  Florence  and  Naples  there 
was  public  mourning  for  the  victims  of  Montecatini :  Uguccione 
lost  his  son,  Lucchino  Visconti  was  wounded,  and  Castruccio 
Castricani,  a  man  destined  to  eclipse  even  his  master's  glory 
and  to  whom  some  ascribe  the  credit  of  this  day's  victory,  did 
not  escape  untouched*. 

The  Prince  of  Taranto  saved  himself  by  flight  and  although 
too  ill  to  command  in  person  carried  with  him  all  the  disgrace 
of  this  unfortunate  encounter :  the  fugitives  sought  refuge  in 
Fucecchio,  Pistoia,  and  Cerbaia ;  Montecatini,  which  had  been 
victualled  by  Simone  di  Villa  during  the  first  movement  of  the 
enemy,  immediately  surrendered ;  Monsummano  was  soon  after 
taken ;  Vinci  next  fell ;  Cerretoguidi  followed  and  the  whole 
country  trembled ;  yet  Florence  was  not  dismayed :  rousing 
herself  as  was  her  wont,  she  made  fresh  levies  reinforced  her 
defences,  quieted  some  peccant  humours  amongst  the  citizens, 
again  demanded  troops  with  a  more  experienced  chief  from 
King  Robert  and  prepared  for  active  warf. 


*  Tegrirao,  Vita  di  Castruccio,  Tra- 
dotta  da  Giorgio  Dati,  p.  19 — The 
lists  of  killed  and  wounded  in  those 
days  probably  referred  only  to  citizens 
and  men-at-arms,  2000  men  killed 
will  not  justify  the  accounts  of  this 
day's  carnage.  The  vulgar  crowd  was 
seldom  thought  of,  and  114  of  the 
principal  families  of  Florence  in  addi- 
tion to  gentlemen  of  less  exalted  rank 
would  probably  amount  to  at  least  200 
Florentine  cavaliers  to  be  counted 
amongst  the  slain,  and  in  fact  the  names 
are  still  extant  of  192  of  the  principal 
families  and  exiles  residing  in  Florence 


who  were  killed  or  missing  or  known 
to  be  prisoners.  Now  200  multiplied 
by  all  the  allied  states  would  make 
more  than  2000  ;  and  Macchiavelli  in 
his  life  of  Castruccio  makes  the  killed 
10,000  men  although  in  his  history 
he  only  mentions  about  2000. — The 
Libro  del  Polistore,  cap.  viii.,  tomo 
xxiv.,  p.  725.  Rer.  Ital.  Scriptores 
makes  no  mention  of  Castruccio  in 
the  battle  of  Monte  Catini,  but  on  the 
contrary  says  that  Francesco  della 
Faggiola  was  second  in  command, 
t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  caps.  Ixx., 
Ixxi.jlxxii. — Storie  Pistolese,p.  125. — 


442 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Misfortune  is  rarely  unaccompanied  by  discontent  and  in 
great  national  affairs,  whether  unavoidable  or  not,  always  be- 
comes the  pivot  of  faction  :  the  disaster  of  Montecatini  though 
it  neither  damped  the  spirit  nor  even  inten-upted  the  usual 
business  of  the  Florentines  yet  served  to  raise  a  strong  oppo- 
sition to  the  continued  rule  of  Naples.      The  ancient  alliance 
of  the  two  states  ;  the  benefits  received  from  the  first  Charles  ; 
the  continued  friendship  of  the  second  ;  the  prompt  and  distin- 
guished  aid  of  Robert ;  all  were  now  forgotten,  and  a  powerful 
faction  alike  reckless  of  the  foreign  enemies  and  domestic  strife 
whether  from  party  or  patriotism,  determined  to  make  a  change. 
Count  Novello  d'  Andi'ea  was  about  tliis  time  appointed  Viceroy 
of  Florence  upon  wliich  the  citizens  immediately  split  into  two 
factions  each  led  by  a  member  of  the  same  family,  one  calling 
itself  the  friend,  the  other  the  enemy  of  Eobert :  the  former 
was  directed  by  Pino,  the  latter  by  Simone  della  Tosa  with  the 
Magalotti,  and  other  popular  families  of  great  influence  who 
then  ruled  Florence  and  who  would  willingly  have  renounced 
Kmg  Robert  and  expelled  his  party  had  not  their  apprehen- 
sions of  Uguccione  da  Faggiola  restniined  them.     Philip  of 

A.D.1316.  ^.^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^*  ^^  Luxembourg  were  succes- 
sively but  ineffectually  invited  to  assume  the  supreme 
authority  and  public  defence,  wherefore  the  ascendant  party 
resolved  to  place  a  creature  of  their  own  at  the  head  of  affairs. 
The  viceroy  had  but  litUe  influence  against  such  opposition 
and  on  his  arrival  was  compelled  to  promise  that  lie  would  not 
meddle  with  the  executive  government  of  Gonfalonier  and 
Priors,  or  any  other  official  appointment ;  never  to  impede  the 
execution  of  any  law  or  order  made  by  the  citizens ;  and  resign 
his  own  office  at  the  end  of  four  months  instead  of  twelve. 

Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  v«,  p.  87.-S.  320.— Pignotti,  Storia di  Tosc*,  vol  iio 
Ammirato,  Lib.  vo  p.  265.-Tronci,  p.  238.-0.  Malavolti.  Stor.  Senese' 
Annah    PisaoK-Muratori,     Annali,     Parte  ii%  Lib.  ivo,  p.  -S.-Sismondi,' 

^^r,\^,^!^!^T\'^"^'';  ^.'f^-'  ^*>^-  "^^  P-  303.  Roncioni,  1st.  Pisa 
p.lo3.-AntichitaItahane,vol.n,.—  Lib.  xii.,  p.  700.~Sardo  Cronaca 
To«cana  lUustrata,  pp    97.  &c.,  and     Pisana,  cap.  Ixi. 


■p 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


443 


Lando  d'  Agobbio  a  rapacious  and  merciless  foreigner  but  a 
willing  tool,  was  made  Bargello  or  Executor  of  Florence  with 
new  and  unlimited  powers :  this  man  was  attended  by  five 
lictors  with  axes  who  waited  at  the  palace  gate,  the  ready  in- 
struments of  his  and  his  employers'  will :  at  a  sign  from  the 
tyrants  any  citizen  was  dragged  without  pretence,  trial,  or  for- 
mality, to  instant  execution  wliile  spies  were  stationed  in  every 
quarter  hke  spiders  to  catch  the  unwary.      No  man  dared 
speak  to  his  neighbour ;  the  whole  population  high  and  low, 
Guelph  and  Ghibeline  lived  in  terror  and  suspicion,  and  such 
was  the  Bargello's  insolence  that  he  coined  base  money  on  his 
own  authority  and  issued  it  at  one-half  more  than  its  value 
without  a  single  citizen  daring  to  raise  his  voice  against  the  deed. 
At  last  Pino  della  Tosa  and  the  king's  party  sent  secretly 
to  demand  Count  Guido  da  Battifolli,  a  powerful  neighbour,  as 
royal  ^icar  and  he  was  so  thoroughly  Guelph,   so  generally 
respected  and  so  well  acquainted  with  Florentine  affairs  that 
their  antagonists  could  make  no  reasonable  objection  to  the 
appointment :  but  Lando  the  minion  of  the  seignory  being 
zealously  supported  by  the  Gonfaloniers  of  companies  was  still 
too  powerful  for  bold  and  open  war. 

While  thus  tormented  the  daughter  of  Albert  of  Germany 
passed  through  Florence  previous  to  her  marriage  with  Prince 
Charles  of  Naples  and  was  honourably  received,  especially  by 
the  king's  party,  who  seized  this  occasion  for  explaining  to 
her  the  real  state  of  Florentine  affairs  and  the  tyranny  of 
Lando  d'  Agobbio.  Upon  this  Robert  partly  by  threats  and 
the  aid  of  pope  John  XXII.  who  resided  at  Avignon;  partly 
by  the  influence  of  his  own  vicar  backed  by  Lando's  enemies, 
succeeded  m  expelling  that  monster ;  but  gorged  with  blood 
and  treasure ;  and  reestablishing  his  own  authority. 

Tliis  occurred  in  the  month  of  October  1316  and  by  a 
reform  which  immediately  followed,  all  Robert's  powers  were  con- 
tinued for  three  yeai's  longer  \rith  a  more  pliant  seignory,  M 


•W'fVili'****-^- 


444 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


445 


as  the  seven  priors  were  enemies  sk  more  were  cunningly 
added  on  the  king's  part,  and  these  at  the  succeeding  election 
managed  to  return  the  whole  thirteen.  This  change  continued 
but  a  short  time  when  they  were  again  limited  to  the  original 
number  of  seven,  and  after  the  expulsion  of  Walter  de  Brienne 
augmented  to  twelve  in  order  to  admit  four  nobles;  these 
were  however  soon  expelled  and  the  number  thus  reduced 
remained  permanent  as  will  hereafter  be  noticed  *. 

There  is  perhaps  no  such  thing  as  unmingled  evil,  and  the 
government  of  Lando  d'  Agobbio  was  not  an  exception  to 
this  rule,  for  a  great  portion  of  the  city  wall  was  completed 
and  many  private  feuds  entirely  pacified  by  his  influence  or 
authority ;  this  was  no  trifling  or  easy  task,  for  enmities  were 
deep ;  great  families  had  great  followings,  and  their  dissensions 
often  threw  the  whole  community  into  disorder. 

The  public  revenues  had  during  this  period  of  war  and  con- 
fusion diminished  so  much  as  to  make  an  extraordinary  supply 
necessary  and  the  government  adopted  a  not  unusual  mode  of 
raising  money  which  the  continual  revolutions  of  Florence  ren- 
dered sufficiently  effective.  All  persons,  with  some  perma- 
nent exceptions,  who  were  either  in  banishment,  or  in  any  way 
condemned  to  pecuniary  penalties  were  if  Florentine  citizens 
absolved  and  permitted  to  return  on  pa\Tng  five  per  cent,  of 
the  original  fine  before  a  certain  day,  and  half  that  amount 
if  belonging  to  the  contado  or  district,  any  friend  or  relation 
being  allowed  to  pay  the  money  on  their  behalf  the  sum  being 
limited  to  a  certain  amoimt  whatever  might  have  been  the 
first  penalty.  This  and  two  otlier  decrees  of  the  same  nature 
restored  many  exiles  to  their  country  while  they  supphed  its 
immediate  necessities ;  but  being  accompanied  by  a  degrading 
ceremony  the  high-minded  Dante  disdained  to  stoop  and  pre- 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  Ixxix.—     MacchiaveUi,  Stor.,   Lib.  ii«.--Leon 
Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  y<»,  p.  271.—     Aretino,  Lib.  v«. 


f 


ferred  exile  to  acknowledging  himself  a  culprit  before  the  very 
men  who  had  injured  and  persecuted  him  *. 

Prosperity  when  it  seems  to  be  most  firmly  riveted  is  often 
on  the  verge  of  destruction,  and  thus  it  was  with  Uguccione 
della  Faggiola  who  after  the  battle  of  Montecatini  becoming 
for  a  while  almost  absolute  in  Pisa  dreamed  not  of  sudden 
change,  but  on  the  strengthening  of  his  power  and  extendmg 
his  dominion   over   all  Tuscany.     When  Corso  Donati  was 
accused  of  aiming  at  the  lordship  of  Florence  and  the  rest  of 
Tuscany  in  conjunction  with  liis  father-in-law  the  notion  was 
ridiculed  by  most  of  the  citizens  as  chimerical,  but  the  Are- 
tine's  subsequent  career  opened  their  eyes  to  the  possible  achieve- 
ments of  talents  and  ambition,  united  in  favourable  times  and 
circumstances.     Pisa  humbled  and  terrified  by  the  emperor's 
death  cast  about  for  a  protector  and  found  a  master ;  expecting 
to  be  instantly  crushed  by  her  enemies  she  yet  rose  supenor  to 
all  and  conquered  her  bitterest  foe ;  but  no  glory  fell  to  the 
people ;  they  felt  that  it  was  the  work  of  a  foreign  master 
whose  personal  benefit  became  the  end  and  object  of  all  their 
efforts  :  Lucca  was  his,  not  theirs,  the  blood  spilt  at  Monteca- 
tini ended  in  his  aggrandisement,  not  their  advantage.   Liberty 
was  notliing  but  a  name ;  the  tyrant's  power  had  bound  her  in 
her  own  ornaments,  and  with  an  outward  respect  to  all  the 
forms  and  trappings  of  freedom  turned  everything  to  his  per- 
sonal  ambition.    In  Lucca  he  was  also  a  tyrant  but  at  the  head 
of  a  faction,  and  a  conqueror ;  but  both  cities  loved  their  mde- 
pendence,  felt  their  subjection,  and  hated  him  as  a  taskmaster. 
Tliis   state   of   things    was   taken   advantage    of  by    two 
monks  who  had  been  concealed  in  that  city  since  1315  on  a 
secret  mission  from  Robert  for  detaching  the  republic  from 
Sicily  and  reducing  it  to  his  own  devotion.     Bemg  Guelphs 
themselves  they  were  welcomed  by  that  faction  and  an  envoy 
was  sent  without  the  Imowledge  of  tlie  Anziani  to  treat  with  a 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  v^,  p.  •271.-Vide  Lettera  AW  An.ico  Fiorentino. 


445 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


447 


III 


monarch  who  without  either  genius  or  inclination  for  war  was  yet 
a  formidable  enemy.  These  men  were  sedulously  endeavouring 
to  undermine  Uguccione's  influence  by  persuading  the  citizens 
that  his  aim  was  to  be  Tyrant  of  the  republic,  (for  thus  as  in 
ancient  Greece  these  Italian  lords  were  denommated,)  the  whole 
power  of  which  was  already  in  his  hands.  Their  arguments 
were  successful  not  only  from  their  truth  but  because  they 
touched  the  pride  and  passions  of  the  people  and  had  real 
grievances  to  work  upon  without  which  agitators  can  seldom 
make  permanent  impressions. 

The  chiefs  of  this  opposition  were  Banduccio  Buonconti  a 
citizen  of  high  rank  and  popularity  and  his  son  Piero  then 
Gonfalonier  of  Justice,  both  actively  employed  in  managing  the 
treaty  with  Robert :  this  which  contemplated  the  entire  pacifi- 
cation of  Tuscany,  was  after  some  difficulty  concluded,  to  the 
great  discontent  of  Florence  as  well  as  of  many  Pisans,  but 
particularly  of  Uguccione  himself,  who  was  too  deeply  indebted 
to  war  willingly  to  relinquish  the  sword.     As  no  powerful  man 
is  too  wicked  to  have  adherents  all  the  popularity  and  influence 
of  the  Buonconti  were  required  to  force  this  treaty  through  the 
councils  where  it  was  impeded  and  denounced  by  Uguccione 
and  his  friends,  perhaps  not  unreasonably,  as  an  attempt  to 
surrender  the  liberties  of  the  republic  into  the  hands  of  King 
Robert  after  the  example  of  Lucca  and  Florence.     When  he 
saw  no  chance  of  preventing  the  ratification,  which  he  finally 
signed  as  Podesta,  he  endeavoured  to  excite  a  tumult  by  shout- 
ing  out  treason,  ordering  his  Germans  and  other  troops  under 
arms,  himself  canying  a  living  eagle,  the  Ghibeliiie  emblem, 
about  the  streets  on  a  lofty  pole  and  furiously  threatening  the 
Guelphs  with  death  as  disturbers  of  public  tranquillity.  Success 
would  probably  have  attended  this  if  the  Gonfalonier  had  not 
calmly  opposed  him  by  persuadmg  the  soldiei-s  not  to  act  with- 
out orders  from  the  Anziani :  meanwhile  Banduccio  met  the 
German  veterans  and  with   a  commanding  resolute  air  and 


\: 


haughty  words  rebuked  their  audacity.  His  high  rank  and 
influence  gave  effect  to  his  speech,  upon  which  Uguccione  at 
once  arrested  the  agitation  and  returning  to  the  public  palace 
consulted  with  his  council  on  the  necessary  steps  to  be  taken. 
As  it  was  an  evident  struggle  between  the  Buonconti  and 
himself  he  quietly  sent  for  them  the  following  morning  on 
pretence  of  discussing  some  public  business  and  threw  both 
into  prison  ;  then  giving  a  traitorous  signification  to  Banducci  s 
speech  made  it  the  foundation  of  a  formal  process  by  which  he 
convicted  them  of  conspiring  to  betray  their  country  and  deliver 
it  into  the  hands  of  Naples.  They  were  immediately  beheaded ; 
but  two  days  after,  alarmed  at  the  universal  disgust  which 
liis  conduct  had  excited  a  general  council  was  assembled  in  the 
cathedral,  where  by  a  short  address  he  endeavoured  to  prove 
the  necessity  of  such  extreme  rigour.  "  Believe  not  0  Signores," 
said  he,  "  that  I  either  capriciously  or  vindictively  have  con- 
"  demned  the  Buonconti  but  solely  to  deliver  you  from  a  great 
"  and  impending  ruin.  Robert  King  of  Naples  has  often,  as 
"  you  well  know,  attempted  to  possess  himself  of  Pisa  and 
*'  never  yet  succeeded.  It  is  known  to  me  by  many  secret 
'*  letters  that  the  said  Buonconti,  and  other  nobles  who  hold  the 
'*  magistracy,  had  agreed  to  deliver  the  city  into  his  power  on 
"  conditions  hurtful  to  the  people  because  the  nobility  alone 
"  were  to  participate  in  the  public  honours  and  government ; 
'•  and  in  short,  the  Guelphs  were  to  prevail  and  the  Ghibelines 
'*  be  trampled  in  the  dust  and  treated  like  slaves.  Where- 
*'  fore  I  having  detected  this  conspiracy  exerted  myself  to  arrest 
"  its  progress,  but  perceiving  that  nothing  else  would  do  I  re- 
"  solved  to  crush  it  at  once  by  the  death  of  the  two  Buonconti 
"  in  order  to  avoid  the  certain  ruin  Avhich  their  machinations 
"  had  prepared  for  us.  Neither  had  I  ever  an  idea  of  usurping 
"  your  liberties  and  making  myself  tyrant  of  your  city,  but 
*'  rather  to  preserve  it  as  the  future  effects  will  certify.  Be  ye 
**  therefore  vigilant  and  with  keen  regards  watch  narrowly  the 


44S 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


"  proceedings  of  your  country's  enemies,  and  do  not  allow 
"  yourselves  to  be  deceived."  Whether  Uguccione  was  right 
or  wrong  he  failed  in  comincing  the  Pisans  and  therefore 
artfully  changed  the  mode  of  electing  the  seignory,  which  he 
knew  was  extremely  unpopular,  by  restoring  the  ancient  form, 
restricting  as  in  Florence  all  public  honours  to  tradesmen 
alone  ;  and  he  moreover  made  it  incumbent  on  future  candi- 
dates to  prove  that  they  had  always  been  Ghibelines.  This 
very  popular  and  important  reform  lulled  the  murmurs  of  the 
citizens  while  it  exasperated  the  nobles,  few  of  whom  conde- 
scended to  trade,  and  sharpened  their  enmity  against  him  -. 
The  city  was  therefore  ripe  for  revolt  because  the  people  though 
pleased  with  the  restoration  of  their  rights  were  no  less  inimi- 
cal to  the  reformer,  and  a  timely  insurrection  at  Lucca  which 
was  probably  concerted  with  the  Pisan  malcontents  soon  offered 
a  favourable  occasion  f. 

Castruccio  Castracani  of  the  Interminelli  family  after  thirteen 
years  of  banishment  adventure  and  military  knowledge  in 
France  and  England,  was  restored  with  the  other  Ghibelines 
in  1314  and  very  soon  acquired  an  extensive  influence  over  his 
countrjTnen,  for  he* was  the  ablest  man  of  the  age  and  with  a 
longer  life  would  probably  have  subjugated  Italy.  Macchia- 
velli  says  that  he  equalled  Philip  of  Macedon  and  Scipio,  and 
would  have  surpassed  both  had  he  had  as  wide  a  field  of  action : 
there  is  so  much  error  or  imagination  mixed  up  with  the  truth 
in  this  great  man's  romance  of  Castruccio  that  it  cannot  be 
easily  quoted  except  for  extreme  beauty  of  style  ;  but  such  an 
opinion  from  the  Florentine  secretary  would  have  been  alone 

*  Sismondi    erroneously    places    this  Banduccio  Buonoonti  may  be  seen  as 

peace  and  death  of  the  Buonconti  in  parties  to  the  treaty  in  the  month  of 

1314,   Tronci  in  1315;  but  Villani  August,  1316. — Sardo  Cron.  Pisa,  cap. 

and  all  other  historians  give  the  proper  Ix. 

date,  as  appears  by  the  treaty  itself,  f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  Ixxv. — 

published  in  Dal  Borgo.     **Raccolta  Tronci,  Annali  Pisani,  torn,  iii.,  Ann. 

di  Scelti  Ih'plomi  Pisani;'^.  221.  1314,  1315. 
Where  the  names  of  Uguccione  and 


CHAP.  XV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


449 


;; 


sufi&cient  to  immortalize  the  Lucchese  hero  if  every  record  of 
his  own  actions  had  been  obliterated. 

A  shrewd  experienced  soldier  like  Uguccione  must  have 
veiy  soon  detected  the  ambitious  nature  and  extraordinary 
talents  of  his  officer,  and  after  the  late  victory,  to  which  Cas- 
truccio mainly  contributed,  his  increasing  influence  at  Lucca 
gave  much  uneasiness  ;  for  besides  the  possession  of  that  city 
he  probably  owed  much  to  Castracani 's  ability ;  and  the  con- 
sciousness of  obligation  to  a  possible  rival  whose  superiority  he 
must  have  felt  would  have  been  even  still  more  irksome  and 
more  willingly  got  rid  of  than  is  usual. 

After  the  battle  of  Montecatini  it  does  not  appear  that  Cas- 
truccio enjoyed  any  public  command ;  but  rich,  powerful,  and  con- 
fident, he  was  not  long  in  givmg  justifiable  cause  of  offence :  the 
people  of  Camajore  or  Massa  del  Marchese  had  in  some  manner 
injured  him  and  he  took  a  bloody  revenge  by  killing  twenty-two 
of  them  who  had  taken  refuge  in  a  church.  It  suited  Uguccione  to 
be  indignant  at  this  breach  of  the  peace,  but  as  there  was  danger 
in  braving  Castruccio  he  directed  Neri  to  invite  him  to  an  en- 
tertainment and  in  this  way  he  is  said  to  have  been  treach- 
erously arrested  ;  according  to  Macchiavelli  it  was  because  he  gave 
protection  to  the  murderer  of  a  gentleman  who  was  much 
respected  in  Lucca  and  repelled  the  officers  of  justice  until  the 
former  escaped  :  both  are  probable,  more  especially  as  Villani 
asserts  that  he  committed  many  robberies  and  murders  against 
the  will  of  Uguccione*. 

On  hearing  of  his  arrest  the  latter  marched  from  Pisa  at  the 
head  of  a  strong  detachment  of  Germans  with  the  intention  of 
executing  his  prisoner,  but  a  mutual  understanding  between 
the  malcontents  of  either  city,  which  are  only  ten  miles  apart 
by  the  nearest  road,  defeated  his  plan.  He  had  scarcely 
arrived  at  the  baths  of  St.  Julian  about  three  miles  from  Pisa 

*  Macchiavelli,    Vita   di    Castruccio,     Roncioni,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  707. — Sardo, 
Opere,  vol.  iii. — G.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,     cap.  Ixi. — Tegrimi  Vita  Cast. — Cronica 
cap.  Ixxviii. — Istorie  Pistolese. — Pa-     di  Pisa, 
olo  Giovio,  Vite  de  Uomini  lUustri. 
VOL.   I.  G  a 


450 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


when  the  conspirators  flew  to  arms  and  letting  loose  a  bull 
which  they  kept  in  readiness  at  the  gate  of  St.  Mark  chased 
him  with  arras  concealed  under  their  cloaks,  through  the  street 
of  Saint  Martin  crying  out  "  The  Bull,  the  Bidl "  until  a 
dense  crowd  had  collected ;  then  changing  their  tone  and  bran- 
dishing their  arms  they  with  one  voice  shouted  *' Liberty, 
liberty y  long  live  the  people  and  let  the  tyrant  die.''  The  flame 
spread  rapidly  and  Uguccione  s  palace,  which  was  in  the  Via 
Santa  Maria  at  the  comer  of  Lo  Scotto,  with  all  its  inmates 
soon  fell  a  prey  to  their  fury:  the  public  palace  of  the 
Anziani  next  surrendered  after  much  fighting ;  the  com- 
mander of  the  Pisan  Masnade  while  preparing  to  do  his  duty 
was  persuaded  to  remain  neuter,  and  the  revolution  became 
complete,  as  all  the  other  troops  had  submitted.  The  Lucchese 
revolted  the  same  day,  either  before  Uguccione  s  anival  or 
after  he  had  quitted  it  to  repress  the  Pisans,  and  with  loud 
cries  demanded  Castruccio  who  was  at  once  given  up  to  them 
or  else  rescued  from  prison  by  force  of  arms  :  but  being  still  in 
fetters  they  were  instantly  broken  and  served  as  a  standard  of 
triumph  for  his  countrymen  in  their  attacks  on  Neri  della  Fag- 
giola,  who  was  finally  expelled.  Neri  joined  his  fatlier  and 
both  ultimately  became  refugees  in  the  court  of  Can  della  Scala 
at  Verona  where  in  company  with  Dante  Alighieri  they  liad  full 
leisure  to  moralize  on  the  instability  of  fortune. 

The  Pisans  immediately  elected  Gaddo  della  Gherardesca 
as  their  chief  magistrate  while  Lucca  appointed  Castruccio  to 
a  similar  office  for  one  year ;  both  subscribed  to  the  general 
peaxje  and  for  a  while  were  quiet ;  but  Castracani  s  ambition 
was  too  fierce  to  smoulder,  and  he  soon  became  one  of  the  bit- 
terest foes  that  Florence  ever  experienced,  except  her  own 
citizens,  as  will  be  shown  in  the  following  chapter*. 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  Ixxviii.—  Vite  d'Uoniini   Illustri. — Cronica    di 

Tronci  An.  Pisani. — Istorie  Pistolese,  Pisa. — Sardo,  cap.  Ixii  ,  varies  a  little 

An.  1316. — Machiavelli,  Vita  di  Cas-  in  his  account  of  this  event  which  is 

truccio      Castracani. — Paolo     Giovio,  variously  related  by  other  authors. 


CHAP.  XV. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


451 


Cotemporary  Monarchs.— Edward  II.,  England.— Scotland  :  Bruce's  wars. 
—France:  Philip  the  Fair  [IV.],  (to  1314),  Louis  X.,  (to  1316).— Aragon  : 
Jacob  II.— Castile  and  Leon  :  Ferdinand  IV.,  (till  1312),  Alphonso  XL- 
Portugal :  Dennis.— Gei-many :  Albert  I.,  son  of  Rodolph,  (until  1308), 
Henry  of  Luxemburgh  (from  1308  to  1313).— Naples  :  Charles  of  Anjou 
[IL]  (till  1309),  Robert  (the  Good).— Sicily  :    Frederic  II.  of  Aragon.— 

Greek    Empire:     Andronicus    Palaologus — Ottoman    Empire:    Orkhan. 

Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  established  at  Rhodes  (1310). 


G  G  '2 


452 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


FROM  A.D.    1317    TO    A.D.    1326. 


Uguccione  s  expulsion  dissipated  the  apprehensions  of  Flo- 
rence and  a  general  peace  which  was  ratified  in  April,  secured 
*  T.  ,oi-  ^^  ^^^^^^  commercial  advantages  in  the  port  of  Pisa 

A.  U.  131/.      1  1        ,       -I     , 

that  she  had  been  accustomed  to  enjoy :  the  citizens 
were  in  general  against  a  peace  yet  as  anxious  to  benefit  by  it 
as  the  Pisans  were  unwilling  to  favour  them,  so  that  tlie  admis- 
sion of  that  article  which  insured  free  trade  to  Florence  was  only 
acquired  by  a  stratagem. 

The  state  of  Tuscany  left  Piobert  free  to  strengthen  his  in- 
fluence throughout  I  tidy ;  Germany  gave  him  no  uneasiness, 
for  Louis  of  Bavaria  and  Frederic  of  Austria,  both  elected  in 
1314,  were  yet  strugglmg  for  the  empire.  Clement  V.  died 
about  the  same  time,  and  had  just  been  replaced,  after  two 
years'  vacancy,  by  Pope  John  XXII.  the  son  of  a  cobbler,  and 
entirely  devoted  to  Robert.  Genoa  was  distracted  by  faction  but 
the  Guelphs  were  paramount ;  the  famihes  of  Doria  and  Spi- 
nola  had  retired  from  the  town  in  alarm  and  left  the  Fieschi 
and  Grimakh  in  full  possession  of  it ;  the  former,  enemies  in 
prosperity,  were  reconciled  in  misfortune;  they  assembled 
troops,  were  promised  succours  from  the  Lombard  Ghibelines 
and  resolved  to  besiege  their  native  city.  Robert  who  had  been 
maintainmg  an  unsuccessful  war  for  three  years  in  Lombardv 
intending  if  possible  to  crush  the  Ghibelines,  became  anxious 
for  the  fate  of  Genoa  and  determined  to  defend  it  in  person : 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENITNE   HISTORY. 


453 


he  was  a  potent  monarch  but  had  to  do  with  rich  and  powerful 
adversai-ies ;  Cane  della  Scala  of  Verona,  Matteo  Visconte  of 
Milan,  Castruccio  Castracani  of  Lucca,  Passerino  Bonacossi  of 
Mantua,  and  Frederic  of  Montefeltro  Lord  of  Urbino  worked 
well  together,  all  uniting  to  check  his  ambition  and  preserve 
their  own  independence  *. 

The  war  with  Sicily  was  still  continued  in  a  succession  of 
sudden  descents  and  all  that  sweeping  devastation  which 
marked  the  character  of  the  age :  Ferrara  had  revolted  from 
the  pope  and  King  Robert  and  restored  the  house  of  Este, 
while  Florence,  relieved  from  the  tyranny  of  Lando  d'  Agubbio 
and  the  fear  of  Uguccione,  beheld  the  unusual  spectacle  of  a 
revolution  in  its  government  unaccompanied  by  death,  exile,  or 
confiscation. 

This  gentle  transition  was  owing  to  the  sober  management 
of  Count  Guido  di  Battifolle  a  wise  and  moderate  man  who 
armed  with  vicarial  authority,  his  personal  influence,  and  high 
in  public  esteem,  maintained  the  general  tranquillity.  He  was 
intrusted  by  the  commonwealth  with  unlimited  power  to  enlist 
any  number  of  foreign  mercenaries,  except  Aragonese  and 
Catalans,  that  he  might  deem  expedient,  even  though  he  were 
opposed  by  the  twelve  captains  of  the  republic  who  acted  in 
military  affairs  with  considerable  authority.  The  same  in- 
fluence proved  also  very  effective  at  the  beginning  of  this  year 
in  securing  a  seignory  entirely  devoted  to  the  king's  party,  and 
amongst  them  we  see  for  the  first  time  as  a  public  man,  the 
name  of  Giovanni  Villani,  whose  chronicles  says  Ammirato 
**  After  remaining  in  obscurity  for  two  hundred  years,  never 
having  previously  been  brought  to  the  light  of  men,  but  finally 
published  in  the  last  years  of  our  fathers,  show  how  great  is  the 
obligation  we  owe  to  such  writers ;  he  having  given  to  us  clear 
and  distinct  notice  of  many  remarkable  things  which  occurred  in 


*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  v°,  p.  86. — Gio.     Ixxxv.,  and  Ixxxvii. — Sismondi,  voL 
Villani,  Lib.  ix**,  cap.  Ixxxii.,  Ixxxiv.,    iii.,  cap.  xxix. 


454 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[  BOOK    I. 


his  time  not  only  at  Florence  but  throughout  the  world ;  be- 
sides leaving  us  an  image  of  the  purity  of  Florentine  language, 
which  having  suffered  continual  corruption  in  the  mouth  of  man, 
he  chastely  and  religiously  preserves  together  witli  the  truth  of 
history  in  his  volumes"*. 

Nor  did  Count  Guido  s  benign  influence  rest  here  ;  almost  a 
Florentine  himself  he  was  well  acquainted  with  every  peccant 
humour  of  the  state  both  public  and  private,  was  familiar  with 
their  original  causes  and  became  anxious  to  unite  the  citizens 
by  private  and  individual  pacification.  This  was  no  easy  task 
and  yet  the  most  important  benefit  that  could  be  conferred  on 
the  community ;  as  from  the  time  of  Buondelmonti  almost 
every-  public  dissension  had  hitherto  sprung  from  private  dis- 
cord, and  there  were  then  no  less  than  fifty  of  the  principal 
families  at  deadly  war  with  each  other,  all  of  whom  he  recon- 
ciled :  the  result  was  public  peace  and  union  in  the  town  in 
stead  of  that  continual  change  from  war  to  uitemal  anarchy,  and 
again  from  domestic  turbulence  to  external  war,  which  had 
hitherto  marked  in  bloody  characters  the  Florentine  history. 

This  unusual  quiet  encouraged  domestic  improvements, 
enabled  government  to  call  in  all  the  base  money  of  Lando 
d'  Agubbio,  and  issue  a  new  silver  coinage  under  the  popular 
denomination  of  '' Guelphs"'  valued  at  thirty  denari  each: 
several  public  works  were  likewise  commenced  ;  many  places 
which  had  suffered  in  the  war  were  relieved  from  taxation ;  the 
Brescians  were  assisted  with  money  against  Cane  della  Scala 
who  was  pressing  them  closely ;  and  Robert  of  Naples,  again  a 
favourite  at  Florence  through  his  vicar's  popularity,  was  liberally 
supplied  with  funds  for  his  Sicilian  wars. 

An  alteration  in  the  manner  of  arming  the  troops  also  took 
place  at  this  time  in  consequence  of  an  unusual  slaughter  of 
the  men-at-arms  whose  armour  was  found  to  be  unfit  for  resist- 
ing the  Pisan  cross-bows  at  the  battle  of  M.  Catini :  thencefor- 

*  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  v.,  p.  273. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


455 


ward  every  horseman  was  commanded  to  have  a  visored  helmet, 
with  back,  breastplate,  and  bracelets,  all  of  iron. 

Count  Guido 's  year  of  office  having  expired  and  with  it  the 
period  of  Robert's  power  in  Florence,  his  authority  was 
renewed  for  three  years  with  little  opposition ;  but 
stipulating  that  a  vicar  should  be  sent  every  six  months  by  the 
king,  in  default  of  which  the  citizens  were  to  appoint  one  them- 
selves, and  that  he  was  not  to  meddle  with  any  public  officer 
except  for  the  latter's  protection :  under  these  conditions  the 
Count  of  Caserta  was  appointed  to  succeed  Guido  di  Battifolle 
in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  two  recusant  friars,  who  however 
could  not  prevent  tliis  decree  from  passing  through  all  the 
councils. 

King  Robert's  aiLxiety  for  the  fate  of  Genoa,  which  was  in- 
vested on  the  twenty-fifth  of  March  by  the  Ghibelines  of  Lom- 
bardy  has  already  been  noticed ;  it  was  the  key-stone  of  his 
power,  the  connecting  link  between  his  French  and  Italian 
states,  and  therefore  of  the  last  importance  that  the  Guelphic 
faction  should  govern  there  :  but  for  this  pui-pose  the  expul- 
sion of  the  potent  houses  of  Doria  and  Spinola  became  neces- 
sary because  they  were  from  the   beginning  opposed  to  his 
family,  and  in  Sicily  had  always  befriended  the  rival  family  of 
Aragon.     He  had  long  been  endeavouring  to  accomplish  his 
objects  and  therefore  when  intelligence  reached  Naples  that 
Marco  Visconti  chief  of  the  united  armies  of  Lombardy  and  the 
exiles,  had  actually  begun  the  siege,  he  hurried  on  his  prepara 
tions  for  its  defence :  leaving  Naples  therefore  on  the  tenth  of 
July  he  landed  at  Genoa  on  the  twenty-first  with  provisions, 
stores,  a  fleet  of  nearly  a  hundred  sail  of  various  descriptions, 
twelve  hundred  men-at-arms,  and  a  very  numerous  infantry  : 
the  city  was  sorely  pressed,  but  this  reinforcement  infused  new 
vigour  into  the   besieged    without  compelling  the  enemy  to 
slacken  his  exertions  so  that  the  operations  continued  with  un- 
abated energy  for  six  months  longer. 


456 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


457 


There  was  an  appearance  of  free  and  chivalrous  generosity  in 
Robert's  unsolicited  aid  which  so  pleased  the  citizens  that  they 
instantly  conferred  on  him  and  the  pope  conjointly  the  supreme 
power  for  ten  years,  and  this  was  precisely  wliat  the  king  re- 
quired, for  he  hoped  ere  long  with  the  resources  of  such  a  state 
to  reconquer  Sicily  and  overcome  all  his  enemies.     The  re- 
nowned  and  magnificent  Genoa  assailed  by  all  the  power  of 
Lombardy  and  defended  by  a  king  in  person  accompanied  by 
his  queen  and  two  of  his  brothers,  princes  of  Taranto  and  the 
Morea,  was  an   event   too  conspicuous  not   to  rekindle   the 
spirit  of  faction  and  chivalry  throughout  the  Italian  peninsula. 
Guelphs  and  Ghibelines  therefore  hurried  to  the  war;   the 
Marquis  ofMontferrat  and  Castruccio  Castracani  served  in  per- 
son, while  the  Pisans,  Frederic  of  Sicily,  and  even  the  emperor 
of  Constantinople  sent  their  contingents  to  the  Ghibeline  camp  : 
the  Florentmes  were  foremost  in  the  cause  of  Robert,  who  also 
drew  succoui-s  from  Bologna  and  all  the  Guelphic  powers  of  Ro- 
magna,  so  that  his  men-at-arms  alone  amounted  to  two  thousand 
five  hundred,  with  a  vast  body  of  infantry-,  while  the  Ghibelines 
mustered  in  all  but  fifteen  hundred  horse ;  as  many  probably  as 
could  act  efiectively  amongst  the  inigged  hills  of  Genoa.    The  be- 
siegers were  active  on  every  side,  sallies  were  frequent,  mines 
excavated,  towers  overthrown,  whole  ramparts  shattered,  bold  as- 
saults attempted  and  repelled,  and  every  stratagem  of  wLr,  every 
engine  of  destruction,  exery  daring  act  that  the  spirit  and  know- 
ledge of  the  age  could  suggest  was  adopted  for  the  attack  and 
defence  of  Genoa.   Neither  party  gained  a  step,  the  besieged  held 
their  ground,  the  besiegers  continued  their  efforts,  and  fighting 
occupied  both  armies  incessantly  until  the  fifth  of  February  1319. 
A.D.  1319.    ^""^^^  ^^^"  detached  nearly  sixteen  thousand  men  of 
all  arms  to  make  a  descent  on  Sestre-di-ponente  and 
cut  off  the  exiles'  communication  with  their  magazines  at  Sa- 
vona  while  he  with  a  large  body  of  troops  should  simultaneously 
dislodge  the  enemy  from  the  heights  of  Saint  Bemai-d  imme- 


diately above  the  town  Both  were  successful.  After  three 
destructive  repulses,  Sestre  was  carried,  the  Milanese  troops 
dispersed  with  great  slaughter ;  Saint  Bernard's  heights  retaken 
and  then  fresh  quarrels  breaking  out  between  the  Doria  and 
Spinola  families,  Marco  Visconti  determined  to  raise  the  siege 
and  retire  into  Lombardy*. 

Robert  the  Good;  as  he  is  sometimes  called;  in  order  to 
commit  the  Guelphs  and  strengthen  his  own  influence  encou- 
raged them  to  abuse  their  victory  by  a  wholesale  destruction 
of  the  villas  and  splendid  palaces  of  the  Ghibelines;  the 
valleys  of  Bisagno  and  Polsevera  were  devastated  with  all  their 
country  houses  and  luxurious  gardens,  and  afterwards  the 
king,  clergy,  and  citizens  went  in  solemn  state  preceded  by 
the  relics  of  Saint  John  the  Baptist  to  thank  the  God  of 
peace  for  having  permitted  them  to  commit  so  much  crime 
with  impunity. 

Robert  soon  after  withdrew  a  part  of  liis  forces  and  repaired 
to  Avignon,  but  the  Ghibeline  army  quickly  reassembled, 
again  invested  the  city,  reoccupied  the  suburbs,  and  continued 
the  siege  for  four  years  while  the  whole  Genoese  territory  was 
similarly  vexed  with  warf.  It  was  however  secondary  to 
that  ui  Lombardy  where  the  great  Ghibeline  chiefs  acted  in 
person  under  the  command  of  Cane  della  Scala  and  old 
Maffeo  Visconti.  Ferrara  as  already  noticed  had  revolted, 
restored  the  house  of  Este,  and  joined  the  Ghibeline  league ; 
Padua  was  besieged  by  Cane  della  Scala,  the  whole  Ghibeline 
faction  was  excommunicated  by  the  cardinal  of  Saint  Marcel, 
and  Lombardy  in  a  general  state  of  hostilities. 

All  Italy  at  this  period  was  divided  into  Guelph  and  Ghibe- 
line that  is  to  say  the  parties  of  the  pope  and  emperor ;  but 
in  reality  these  denominations  were  retained  and  these  princes 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xciii.,     — Interiano  Ristretto  delle    Historie 
xciv.,  xcv.,and  xcvii.,&c. — Giustiniani,     Genovese,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  82. 
Annali  di  Genoa,  Lib.  iv**,  carta  cxix.     +  Sismondi,  vol.  iii.,  p.  366. 


458 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  j. 


courted  because  their  power  or  sanction  was  indispensable  to  the 
success  of  a  faction.      The  Guelphic  states  were  Naples,  the 
Holy  See  and  Florence ;  the  Ghibeline  states  consisted  of  the 
Milanese  and  the  greater  part  of  Lombardy,  but  many  other  cities 
m  Lombardy  Tuscany  and  Romagna  held  to  the  one  or  the  other 
party  according  to  the  faction  actually  predominant.     Each 
however  had   its    '•  Fiwruseiti "  or  exiles,  composed  of  the 
weaker  side,  who  driven  from  their  homes  sought  refuge  in 
those  cities  where  their  faction  happened  to  be  in  power  and 
demanded  aid  for  their  own  restoration.     Either  from  pity  or 
policy  or  the  more  grateful  indulgence  of  party  spirit;  it  was 
seldom  refused ;  it  was  the  cause  of  nearly  all  the  Florentine 
wars   m   Tuscany    and   kindled    the   flame    that   afterwards 
scorched  her  so  severely  in  Lombardy.     The  Florentmes  were 
also  in  the  habit  of  considering  the  latt«r  province  as  their 
outwork  against  the  emperors,  whose  presence  in  Italy  always 
hlled  them  with  alarm :  these  princes  having  to  pass  throuoh 
Lombardy  on  their  way  to  Home  for  their  coronation,  a^d 
being  generally  ill  supplied  with  money,  it  became  an  object 
of  state  policy  at  Florence  to  give  them  so  much  trouble  there 
as  to  msure  their  arrival  in    Tuscany  somewhat  weak  and 
exhausted.      The  same  fears  and  wishes  directed  the  policy  of 
Kome  and  Naples  and  drew  both  those  states  into  a  close  and 
permanent  union    with   Florence;    the   second  was   further 
moved  by  the  hereditary  ill-will  that  stUl  existed  between  the 
house  of  Anjou  and  the  German  emperors  since  the  death  of 
Manfred  and  Conradine,  and  from  which  much  evil  was  antici- 
pated  at  each  successive  coronation.      The  Ghibelines  on  the 
contrary  strained  every  nerve  to  weaken  their  opponents  and 
confim  their  own  title  to  possessions  that  they  for  the  most 
part  held  under  the  empire  and  which  it  was  consequendy 
their  mterest  to  support ;  but  without  any  more  real  attach- 
ment than  their  antagonists  who  worked  so  hard  to  prevent 
any   German   prince  from  endangering   then-   independence 


CHAP.   XVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


459 


by  acquiring  power  in  Italy:    self-preservation  was  the  aim 
of  both. 

For  these  reasons  the  Florentines  availed  themselves  of  the 
tranquil  state  of  Tuscany  and  their  own  domestic  peace  to 
assist  king  Robert  and  the  Lombard  Guelphs  of  Cremona 
and  Brescia  with  a  thousand  men-at-arms  of  the  Guelphic 
league,  three  hundred  of  whom  were  Florentines;  by  their 
aid  Cremona  was  recovered  from  Cane  della  Scala  and  the 
Guelphs  reinstated  there.  Upon  this  Maffeo  Visconti  deter- 
mined on  finding  them  enough  work  in  Tuscany  to  prevent 
their  meddling  in  more  northern  wars  and  for  this  purpose 
selected  an  admirable  coadjutor  in  Castmccio  Castracani, 
who,  besides  a  great  reputation,  had  during  four  years  of 
peace   managed    to   confirm    his    own    power    in 

A.D.  1320. 

Lucca,  amass  considerable  treasure,  and  form  an 
army  of  experienced  soldiers  ready  and  able  for  any  enterprise. 
He  therefore  informed  Castruccio  that  Florence  in  concert 
with  the  pope  and  the  king  of  Naples  had  invited  Philip  of 
Valois  into  Lombardy  as  imperial  vicar  with  a  strong  body  of 
troops  to  act  against  the  Ghibelines,  but  more  especially  against 
himself  as  excommunicate  for  the  assistance  he  was  giving  to 
the  Genoese  exiles.  Matteo  also  took  care  to  impress  on 
Castruccio's  mind  the  certainty  of  his  own  ruin,  lord  only  of 
the  single  city  of  Lucca,  if  he,  Visconti,  the  master  of  Milan, 
of  Pavia  of  Piacenza,  Lodi,  Como,  Bergamo,  Novara,  Vercelle, 
Tortona  and  Alexandria ;  followed  also  by  the  most  powerful 
chieftains  of  Lombardy,  were  once  compelled  to  yield  *. 

This  reasoning  was  scarcely  necessary  to  comince  Castruccio 
whose  clear  vision  and  sound  judgment  were  conspicuous  in 
everything,  especially  in  what  administered  to  personal  ambi- 
bition  and  the  general  policy  of  his  party.  Almost  all  Lom- 
bardy had  fallen  under  the  sway  of  Ghibeline  tyrants ;  the  once 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.    cvi. — S.    Ammirato,  Lib.  v.,  p.  279. — Leon. 
Aretino,  Lib.  v**,  p.  87. 


460 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


free  cities  of  Romagiia  were  equally  fettered  ;  Rimini  bowed  to 
the  Malatesti;    Forli  to  the    Ordilaffi ;    the   Manfredi  ruled 
Faenza,  and  Guido  di  Pollenta  the  father  of  Dante's  Francisca, 
was  paramount  in  Ravenna.  Arezzo  was  directed  by  her  aspir- 
ing bishop  of  the  Tarlati  race,  and  Pisa  although  now  uncon- 
.  trolled  was  still  thoroughly  Ghil)eline :  the  general  character  of 
this  faction  was  therefore  essentially  aristocratic  and  monar- 
chical ;  that  of  the  Guelphs  absolutely  republican,  and  identified 
with  political  liberty  as  liberty  was  then  understood.    Florence, 
Siena,  Perugia  and  Bologna  were  closely  united  to  uphold  their 
free  Guelphic  institutions,  while  Prato,   Pistoia,  Volterra  and 
other  smaller  states,  which  though  nominally  independent  were 
really  controlled  by  Florence,  attached  themselves  to  the  same 
party.     Castruccio  Castracani  the  scion  of  a  Ghibeline  stock 
was  devoted  to  the   Ghibeline  cause :   for  four  years  succes- 
sively he  had  been  freely  elected  to  command  the  Lucchese 
with  almost  sovereign  power :  he  knew  men  and  how  to  govern 
them  ;  knew  what  enmities  to  despise  or  punish  and  what  friend- 
ships to  win  and  retain.    As  a  daring  soldier  and  skilful  general 
he  was  beloved  by  the  troops,  for  he  was  not  blind  to  merit  and 
knew  how  to  reward  it,  but  cared  little  about  the  morality  of 
his  followers  if  they  only  did  their  duty  and  quietly  submitted 
to  the  rigid  discipline  that  he  established  and  enforced.     No 
man  was  more  beloved  by  the  people  or  more  generally  popular 
with  every  class  of  citizen  ;  they  admired  his  talents  and  were 
proud  of  his  fame.     In  13-^0  he  felt  so  confident  of  his  position 
in  the  public  mind  that  he  ventured  to  expel  the  Avocati,  who 
with  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  great  Guelphic  families  now 
bid  adieu  to  their  country,  and  then  boldly  demanded  the  su- 
preme authority  :  out  of  two  hundred  and  ten  senators  there  was 
but  one  voice  against  him,  and  the  people  unanimously  confirmed 
this  election.  He  was  therefore  a  legitimate  ruler.     His  econo- 
mical management  of  the  public  revenue  was  exemplar)^  and 
productive ;  he  had  amassed  great  treasure,  and  his  system  of 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


461 


military  honours  and  rewards  heightened  and  improved  the 
wai-like  spirit  of  the  people  until  it  had  acquu-ed  a  more  pro- 
fessional character.  All  the  neighbouring  predacious  chiefs  were 
allured  to  his  standard  by  the  hope  of  future  conquest,  and 
rough  and  unscrupulous  as  they  were  he  made  them  all  bend 
to  his  discipline. 

Thus  prepared  on  every  hand  to  begin  that  career  of  ambition 
to  which  he  felt  himself  more  than  equal,  Matteo  Visconti's 
proposal  was  warmly  received,  and  Philip  of  Valois'  expedition 
with  the  ready  assistance  of  the  Guelphic  league  were  together 
considered  an  infringement  of  the  general  peace,  or  at  least  a 
sufi&cient  excuse  for  retaliation  on  the  part  of  the  Ghibelines  *. 
Uguccione  della  Faggiola  was  dead,  a  circumstance  that 
lightened  the  anxiety  of  both  Castruccio  and  the  Florentines, 
particularly  the  latter  whose  dread  of  this  veteran  cliief,  blinding 
them  as  it  did  to  the  dangerous  ambition  of  his  successor,  had 
never  ceased  since  the  disaster  of  Montecatini. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  April  1320,  when  Castruccio 
Castracani  with  some  Pisan  auxiliaries  suddenly  occupying 
Cappiano,  Monte  Falcone,  and  the  bridges  of  the  Gusciano,  broke 
into  the  Florenthie  territory  carrying  death  and  devastation  as 
far  as  Cerreto  Guidi,  Vinci,  and  Empoli ;  then  getting  posses- 
sion of  Santa  Maiia-a-Monte  by  treacher)%  returned  in  triumph 
to  Lucca.  Afterwards  invading  Luuigiana  and  Garfagnana  he 
dispossessed  Ispiuetto  Malespina  of  several  places  necessary 
for  his  own  military  operations  and  then  marched  with  all  his 
force  to  aid  the  siege  of  Genoa.  This  city  still  maintained  a 
fierce  and  bloody  struggle  with  its  own  exiles  and  the  Lombard 
Ghibelines ;  war  raged  not  only  roimd  the  walls  but  throughout 
the  whole  '' Riviera'' or  coast  district;  it  extended  to  Sicily 
and  Naples  and  involved  even  more  distant  countries  in  its 

*  Tegrimi,  Vita  di  Castruccio. —  mirato,  Lib.  v.,  p.  280.  —  Leon. 
Aldo  Mannueci,  Vita  di  Castr. — Gio.  Aretino,  Lib.  v  ,  p.  87. — Sismondi, 
Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cvi.— Scip.  Am-     vol.  iv.,p.  L 


"  *Si""  -l^liFB  Sifcj'.t.l.  t^ 


462 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1321. 


action,  so  that  the  siege  of  Troy  itself,  as  Villani  asserts,  was 
hardly  equal  to  it  for  heroic  deeds,  marvellous  exploits,  and 
hard-fought  battles  by  land  and  water,  without  any  cessation 
either  in  summer  or  winter. 

The  Florentines  determined  to  prevent  a  junction  that  would 
probably  have  settled  the  fate  of  Genoa,  therefore  made  a 
powerful  diversion  in  the  Lucchese  states  whicJi  compelled 
Castruccio  to  return  ere  he  had  joined  the  besiegers  :  avoiding 
an  action  they  retreated  to  the  frontier  at  Fucecchio  while  the 
enemy  halted  in  front  of  Cappiano,  both  armies  remaining 
nearly  inactive  until  the  advancing  season  drove  them  into 
winter  quarters. 

To  make  amends  for  this  inglorious  campaign  more  vigorous 
measures  were  pui*sued  and  an  alliance  concluded 
with  the  Marquis  Spinetto  Midespina,  who  although 
a  Ghibeline  had  been  too  mucli  injured  by  Castruccio  on 
accomit  of  his  friendship  for  Uguccione  not  to  seize  the  first 
opportunity  of  revenge.  Florentine  troops  were  despatched  to 
his  aid,  yet  Castruccio  was  not  apprehensive  of  anything  in  that 
quarter,  but  prepared  with  the  help  of  a  powerful  body  of 
Lombard  Ghibelines  for  a  more  serious  struggle  on  the  side  of 
Florence  and  soon  marched  to  raise  the  siege  of  Monte  Vetto- 
lini  at  the  head  of  sixteen  hundred  men-at-arms.  The  Floren- 
tines, having  only  half  that  number,  immediately  retired  and 
allowed  him  to  devastate  their  territory  with  impunity  for  the 
last  twenty  days  of  June,  after  which  he  retired  to  chastise  the 
Malespini  in  Lunigiana. 

Discontent  ran  high  in  Florence  and  the  retiring  seignory 
were  much  censured  for  their  feeble  conduct ;  the  Agubbio 
faction  was  still  powerful,  and  probably  the  inconvenience  of  a 
fluctuating  administration  was  beginning  to  be  felt,  as  the 
foreign  affairs  with  a  more  complex  cliaracter  embraced  a  wider 
circle :  to  remedy  this  twelve  counsellors,  two  for  each  sesto 
under  the  denomination  of  "  BuonominV  were  added  to  the 


CHAP.  XVI. ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


463 


new  seignory  but  tj  continue  sk  months  in  office  instead  of 
two,  and  without  Those  sanction  nothing  important  could  be 
undertaken.  To  cneck  also  the  increasing  intimacy,  and  con- 
sequent favouritism  between  citizens  and  foreign  officers  of  state 
which  led  to  great  abuse,  it  was  decreed  that  no  stranger  who 
brought  a  kinsman  in  his  suite  could  have  a  place  in  the  com- 
monwealth and  that  until  ten  years  from  his  resignation  of 
office  he  could  not  be  reelected.  Some  taxes  were  then  reduced, 
the  gold  and  silver  currency  reformed  and  preparations  made 
for  a  fresh  campaign  :  Azzo  of  Brescia  was  appointed  captain- 
general  ;  a  hundred  and  sixteen  knights  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty  mounted  cross-bowmen  were  enlisted  and  under  the  com- 
mand of  Jacopo  da  Fontana  soon  checked  Castruccio  s  incursions 
so  as  to  protect  the  line  of  the  Gusciana :  but  Phihp  of  Valois' 
expedition  had  in  the  meanwhile  failed,  and  in  Lombardy  the 
Tuscans  were  defeated  at  Bardo  in  the  Val-di-Taro,  their 
captain  the  Marquis  of  Cavalcabo  was  killed,  Cremona  recap- 
tured, and  Visconti  everywhere  victorious. 

The  lordship  of  King  Robert  over  Florence  had  now  entirely 
ceased  after  more  than  eight  years'  duration,  again  leaving  free 
that  community  of  determined  republicans;  but  which,  determined 
as  they  were,  had  so  long  and  often  given  themselves  up  to  the  ab- 
solute control  of  a  powerful  monarch  without  any  protection  to 
freedom  beyond  the  simple  promise  of  their  chosen  master. 
Such  proceedings,  and  they  were  not  unusual  in  Florence, 
would  argue  the  incompetency  of  any  pure  republic  to  steer  a 
steady  course  in  perilous  times  and  circumstances  :  Rome  took 
refuge  in  a  dictator,  Sparta  had  kings,  Carthage  fell  almost  as 
much  by  her  own  dissensions  as  the  Roman  arms,  and  if  Athens 
and  other  Grecian  states  held  out  for  a  season,  it  was  because 
all  simultaneously  revelled  in  that  tumultuous  Hcence  miscalled 
liberty,  a  mere  multiplication  of  tyrants,  or  the  liberty  of 
choosing  who  should  be  so ;  but  where  the  weak  had  no  pro- 
tection and  the  strong  were  without  control ;  where  the  poor 


464 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVL] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


465 


man  had  no  voice  in  the  commonwealth  beyond  the  unwhole- 
some shout  of  the  forum  which  usually  condemned  honest  men 
at  the  bidding  of  scoundrels. 

Florence  partook  somewhat  of  this  character,  and  if  the 
Kings  of  Naples,  wiser  than  he  of  the  fable,  made  no  attempt 
upon  public  liberty,  it  was  because  of  her  golden  eggs ;  because 
they  already  governed  despotically ;  and  because  in  the  then 
fretful  state  of  Italy  the  loss  of  such  an  adherent  would  have 
outbalanced  all  the  advantages  of  a  forced  and  uneasy  sove- 
reignty :  the  spirit  too  of  these  republicans  was  then  soaring 
at  its  height,  and  their  so-called  freedom  had  become  a  national 
jewel ;  they  were  willing  to  give  themselves  away  under  the 
pressure  of  circumstances  but  were  not  then  to  be  easily  taken 
either  by  force  or  cunning*. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  events  of  this  year  was  the 
death  of  Dante.  "  In  the  month  of  July  l:]-41,"  says  Villani 
with  less  than  his  usual  brevity ;  "  died  the  Poet  Dante  Alig- 
hieri  of  Florence,  in  the  city  of  Ravenna  in  liomagna  after 
his  return  from  an  embassy  to  Venice  for  the  Lords  of  Polenta 
with  whom  he  resided  ;  and  in  Ptavenna  before  the  door  of  the 
principal  church  he  was  interred  with  high  honour,  in  the  habit 
of  a  poet  and  great  philosopher.  He  died  in  banishment  from 
the  commimity  of  Florence  at  the  age  of  about  fifty-six.  This 
Dante  was  an  honourable  and  ancient  citizen  of  Porta  San 
Piero  at  Florence  and  our  neighbour;  and  his  exile  from 
Florence  was  on  the  occasion  of  Charles  of  Valois  of  the  house 
of  France  coming  to  Florence  in  1301  and  the  expulsion  of  the 
White  party  as  has  already  in  its  place  been  mentioned.  The 
said  Dante  was  of  the  supreme  governors  of  our  city  and  of 
that  party  although  a  Guelph ;  and  therefore  without  any  other 
crime  was  with  the  said  White  party  expelled  and  banished  from 
Florence ;  and  he  went  to  the  University  of  Bologna  and  into 
many  parts  of  the  world.    This  was  a  great  and  learned  person 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cvi.,  &c.  — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  v°,  p.  283. 


in  almost  eveiy  science  although  a  layman ;  he  was  a  consum- 
mate poet  and  philosopher  and  rhetorician ;  as  perfect  in  prose 
and  verse  as  he  was  in  pubUc  speaking  a  most  noble  orator ; 
in  rhyming  excellent,  with  the  most  polished  and  beautiful 
style  that  ever  appeared  in  our  language  up  to  his  time  or 
since.  He  wrote  in  his  youth  the  book  of  '  The  Early  Life  of 
'  \  Love,''  and  afterwards  when  in  exile  made  twenty  moral  and 
amorous  canzonets  very  excellent,  and  amongst  other  things 
three  noble  epistles  :  one  he  sent  to  the  Florentine  government 
complaining  of  his  undeserved  exile  ;  another  to  the  Emperor 
Heniy  when  he  was  at  the  siege  of  Brescia,  reprehending 
him  for  his  delay  and  almost  prophesying;  the  third  to 
the  Italian  cardinals  during  the  vacancy  after  the  death  of 
Pope  Clement,  urging  them  to  agree  in  electing  an  Italian 
Pope  ;  all  in  Latin  with  noble  precepts  and  excellent  sentences 
and  authorities,  which  were  much  commended  by  the  wise  and 
learned.  And  he  wrote  the  Commedia  where  in  polished  verse 
and  with  great  and  subtile  arguments,  moral,  natural,  astro 
logical,  philosophical  and  theological,  with  new  and  beautiful 
figures,  similes,  and  poetical  graces,  he  composed  and  treated  in  a 
hundred  chapters  or  cantos,  of  the  existence  of  hell,  purgatory, 
and  paradise ;  so  loftily  as  may  be  said  of  it,  that  whoever  is  of 
subtile  intellect  may  by  his  said  treatise  perceive  and  under 
stand.  He  was  well  pleased  in  this  poem  to  blame  and  ciy 
out  m  the  manner  of  poets,  m  some  places  perhaps  more  than 
he  ought  to  have  done ;  but  it  may  be  that  lus  exile  made  him 
do  so.  He  also  wi'ote  the  Monarchia  where  he  treats  of  the 
office  of  popes  and  emperors.  And  he  began  a  comment  on 
fourteen  of  the  above  named  moral  canzonets  in  the  vulgar 
tongue  which  in  consequence  of  his  death  is  found  imperfect 
except  on  three,  which  to  judge  from  what  is  seen  would  have 
proved  a  lofty  beautiful  subtile  and  most  important  work ; 
because  it  is  equally  ornamented  with  noble  opinions  and  fine 
philosophical  and  astrological  reasoning.      Besides  these  he 

VOL.    I.  H  H 


^ 


w^ 


\,   ll 


466 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


467 


AD.  1322. 


composed  a  little  book  which  he  entitled  *  Be  Vulgari  Eloqmntia ' 
of  which  he  promised  to  make  four  books,  but  only  two  are  to 
be  found  perhaps  in  consequence  of  his  early  death ;  where  in 
powerful  and  elegant  Latin  and  good  reasoning  he  rejects  all 
the  vulgar  tongues  of  Italy.  This  Dante,  from  his  knowledge, 
was  somewhat  presumptuous,  harsh,  and  disdainful,  like  an  un- 
gracious philosopher;  he  scarcely  deigned  to  converse  with 
laymen;  but  for  his  other  virtues,  science,  and  worth  as  a 
citizen  it  seems  but  reasonable  to  give  him  perpetual  remem- 
brance in  this  our  chronicle  ;  nevertheless  his  noble  works  left 
to  us  in  writing  bear  true  testimony  of  him  and  honourable 
fame  to  our  city*. 

The  Florentines  being  now  independent  of  foreign  control, 
instead  of  a  royal  vicar  elected  their  Podesta  and 
Captain  of  the  People  as  formerly  all  being  well 
pleased,  except  perhaps  the  nobles,  to  be  relieved  from  the 
enormous  pressure  of  expense  and  subjection  to  one  master, 
which  was  felt  by  every  rankf. 

The  defences  of  Florence  were  still  unfinished  although  so 
many  years  had  elapsed  since  the  outer  circuit  of  walls  had 
been  first  begun :  at  the  period  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  inva- 
sion the  ramparts  were  only  completed  from  the  river  to  the 
gate  of  ''Ogrtissanti"  now  the  ''Porta  Prato,''  although  the 
foundation  of  the  whole  line  to  "  Porta  San  Gallo  "  was  laid  : 
nevertheless  a  greater  part  of  both  circuits  of  the  ancient  ram- 
parts had  been  sold  to  the  citizens  and  destroyed,  the  space 
being  occupied  by  new  buildings.  Terror  of  the  emperor 
caused  those  already  founded  to  be  raised  about  fifteen  feet 
high  and  every  other  part  was  ditched  and  palisaded  ;  the  first 
were  completed  in  Lando  d'Agubbio's  time  but  the  whole  pali- 
saded line  from  Porta  San  Gallo  to  that  of  Saint  Ambrogio, 
now  Santa  Croce,  was  still  unfinished ;. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  136.         fM.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  vi°,  R.34. 
.^  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  iv«,  Rub.  279.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  385. 


One  of  the  first  public  measures  in  1321  therefore  was  to 
complete  the  whole  circuit  and  strengthen  it  by  flanking  towers 
fifty-five  feet  high  at  regular  intervals  of  more  than  a  hundred 
and  eighty  feet  apart :  a  work  that  was  doubtless  accelerated 
by  their  apprehension  of  Castruccio  which  had  now  taken  a 
more  alarming  character  from  some  recent  proceedings  at 
Pistoia. 

This  ever- vexed  city  harassed  by  external  war  and  inward 
troubles  finally  elected  the  Abate  da  Pacciana  de'  Tedici,  a  tool 
of  Castruccio,  as  their  ruler;  he  was  a  weak  intriguing  man, 
who  catching  at  a  popular  opinion  was  suddenly  floated  into 
power  by  the  stormy  multitude  without  ballast  enough  to  steady 
him.     Castmccio  made  good  use  of  him,  and  a  truce  was  sud- 
denly concluded  with  that  leader  against  all  the  influence  of 
Florence,  by  which  according  to  Villani,  (though  unnoticed  by 
the  anonymous  author  of  the  "  Istorie  Pistolese,")  an  annual 
tribute  of  three  thousand  florins  was  to  be  paid  by  Pistoia. 
The  dread  of  Castruccio  was  rapidly  and  generally  spreading ; 
Siena  became  alarmed  at  the  movement  of  a  small  detachment 
he  had  sent  towards  Arezzo  and  demanded  aid  of  Florence ; 
and  Colle  after  repelling  an  attack  of  its  own  exiles,  drew 
closer  to  the  republic.     On  the  other  hand  Guide  de'  Tarlati 
Bishop  of  Arezzo  assisted  by  Lucca  and  Pisa  devastated  the 
lands  and  destroyed  the  towns  of  the  Guidi  of  Battifolli  and 
other  friends  of  the  league.     Pisa  was  full  of  tumult  revolution 
and  blood  until  Coscetto  da  Colle,  once  the  patriot  who  had 
expelled  Uguccione,  fell  in  his  turn  and  Nieri  or  Mieri  della 
Gerardescha  gained  the  ascendant. 

These  accidents  along  with  the  fall  of  Frederic  of  Monte- 
feltro,  about  this  period  put  to  death  by  the  people  of  Urbino, 
exhibited  the  unstable  condition  of  republican  lords,  based  on 
the  evanescent  passions  of  the  multitude,  and  did  not  fail  to 
awaken  the  fears  of  Castruccio  who  determined  to  take  pre- 

H  H  2 


463 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


469 


cautions  against  similar  accidents  in  his  own  history,  therefore 
constnicted  a  vast  fortress  called  '*  U Augusta,''  which  flanked 
with  twenty-nine  massive  towers  occupied  one-lifth  part  of  the 
whole  city  of  Lucca  serving  at  once  as  a  palace  a  prison  and  a 
citadel.  Already  possessed  of  the  castle  and  mountain  pass  of 
Serravalle  near  Pistoia  he  soon  stretched  his  spear  over  all 
the  highlands  while  his  Pisan  allies  broke  faith  with  Florence 
by  imposing  duties  on  her  commerce  and  treating  eveiy  remon- 
strance with  contempt  =•'-. 

Thus  worried  on  every  side  yet  elated  by  the  recent  death 
of  old  Maffeo  Visconti  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  Ghibeline 
leaders,  the  Florentines  sent  a  strong  detachment  of  troops 
into  Lombardy  on  condition  that  in  the  following  summer  the 
(renoese  and  other  Guelphic  powers  were  to  attack  Lucca  on 
every  side  and  anniliilate  the  rising  power  of  Castmccio. 
Scarcely  had  an  army  been  assembled  for  this  purpose,  when 
intelligence  arrived  that  their  principal  condottiere. 
Jacopo  di  Fontanabuona,  had  passed  over  with  all  his 
following  to  the  enemy :  he  had  been  commissioned  to  make 
liimself  master  of  Buggiano  and  other  places  by  treacher}^  but 
fjiiled,  and  soon  after  jomed  Castruccio  with  two  hundred  men- 
at-arms. 

This  officer  who  had  hitherto  served  well  and  faithfully,  was 
disgusted  by  a  diminution  of  pay ;  by  the  separation  of  his 
coi-ps  into  detachments  imder  other  colours,  and  by  the  pros- 
pect of  bemg  liimself  soon  made  subservient  to  another  leader, 
wherefore  he  was  the  first  to  lead  the  way  in  that  course  of 
treachery  that  subsequently  marked  the  character  of  Italian 
wars  while  the  safety  of  Italian  states  was  intrusted  to  the 
selfish  spirit  of  these  mercenaries.  They  were  in  fact  the  only 
regular  troops  of  the  time,  were  eternally  at  war  therefore 
always  embodied  disciplined  and  experienced  in  all  the  militar}' 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  caps,  cxlvi.,  cliii.,  cliv.,  clxv.,  kc. 


A.D.  1323. 


skill  and  science  of  the  age,  while  the  old  unpaid  civic  bands 
had  already  hung  up  their  arms  for  great  emergencies  and 
began  to  dwindle  into  a  mere  militia  without  self-confidence. 
This  defection  agitated  all  Florence,  not  so  much  from  the 
physical  loss  as  the  moral  effect  and  a  consequent  distrust  in 
the  remainder  of  their  army;  the  expedition  to  Lucca  was 
therefore  abandoned,  and  it  seems  probable  that  a  sudden  and 
apparently  uncalled-for  dismission  of  the  confederate  forces 
which  Villani  places  in  the  previous  August  might  have  occurred 
at  this  period-. 

Castruccio  with  this  reinforcement  and  the  possession  of  his 
enemy's  secrets  crossed  the  Gusciano  on  the  thirteenth  of  June, 
attacked  Fucecchio  and  other  places,  ravaged  the  surrounding 
countiy,  then  passed  the  Arno,  devastated  the  territory  of  San 
Miniato  and  Montepopoli  with  all  the  Vale  of  Elsa  and  marched 
quietly  back  to  Lucca  f.  On  the  first  of  July  he  suddenly 
reappeared  in  front  of  Prato  only  ten  miles  from  the  capital 
with  six  hundred  men-at-anns  and  four  thousand  infantry ;  the 
citizens  sent  in  terror  to  Florence  for  help,  but  paralysed  by 
Fontanabuona's  treachery  she  was  nearly  destitute  of  regular 
troops.  The  citizens  how^ever  had  not  quite  forgotten  the  use 
of  arms  and  their  spirit  was  still  high :  the  shops  were  imme- 
diately closed,  a  candle  was  placed  at  the  Prato  gate,  and  every 
individual  liable  to  serve  summoned  to  the  ranks  ere  it  burned 
out,  under  the  penalty  of  losing  a  limb  ;  a  proclamation  being 
simultaneously  issued  to  announce  that  all  exiles  who  instantly 
joined  the  army  would  be  pai'doned  and  restored  to  their 
country  \.  By  these  prompt  measures  2,500  men-at-anns  and 
'20,000  infantry  were  in  the  field  round  Prato  on  the  second  of 
July  only  one  day  after  Castruccio 's  appearance,  4,000  of  whom 
were  exiles  !  Castmccio's  rash  advance  with  so  small  a  force 
might  have  ended  disastrously  if  the  Florentines  had  been  well 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  clxiii.,ccviii.     t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix**,  cap.  ccix. 
— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  v",  pp.  88,  89.     X  Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Istor.  Fio- 
— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi**,  p.  291.  rentina,  Lib.  vi.,  Rub.  360. 


470 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


f  BOOK  I. 


CHAF.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


471 


commanded  ;  but  he  retired  in  the  night  and  made  an  unmo- 
lested  retreat   to   Serravalle,  the  discord  in  the  Florentine 
camp   an   offset   from   civil   dissension   having   saved    him*. 
The  nobles,  who  formed  the  cavalry  and  ever  took  the  lead 
in  war,  vexed  by  the  ordinances  of  justice,  which  probably 
had  been  somewhat  relaxed  by  the  Neapolitan  viceroys,  dis- 
dained even  to  conquer  under  a  democratic  government :  the 
law  which  made  one  of  a  family  answerable  for  another's  crimes 
was  what  especially  annoyed  them,  and  they  now  indulged  their 
ill-humour  in  ridiculing  the  fierj-  courage  of  these  citizen-sol- 
diers who  were  so  clamorous  for  battle,  exposed  their  want  of 
knowledge  and  discipline,  and  predicted  confusion  and  defeat  the 
moment  they  took  the  field  against  a  regular  army.     But  the 
citizens'  spirit  was  good  and  neither  reason  nor  ridicule  could 
damp  their  pugnacity  or  persuade  them  they  were  not  invin- 
cible :  they  would  fight :  reference  was  made  to  Florence  and 
in  a  moment  the  whole  city  was  similarly  inflamed ;  shouts  of 
"  Battle  "  "  Battle  "  "  Let  the  traitors  die  "  were   echoed  on 
every  side  and  vehement  in  proportion  to  their  distance  from 
the  danger;  even  the  very  children  caught  the  general  cry  and 
beUeving  that  they  also  had  a  voice  in   the  commonwealth 
advanced  in  threatening  array  and  backed  by  an  angry  populace 
demolished  the  windows  of  the  public  palace.     Night  closed  in, 
the  tumult  redoubled,  the  Seignory  became  alarmed,  and  orders 
were  finally  dispatched  for  the  advance  of  the  armyf.     The 
Count  Beltram  or  Novello  of  Naples  who  commanded,  after 
two  days'  delay,  marched  to  Fucecchio  with  an  army  increased 
by  reinforcements  from  the  Guelphic  states,  but  disorganised 
by  contention  :  nothing  was  done ;  Castmccio  was  at  Lucca  ; 
yet  the  nobles  would  not  consent  to  cross  the  Gusciana,  but 
advised  the  exiles,  who  already  suspected  that  faith  would  not 
be  kept  with  them,  to  march  on  Florence  and  endeavour  to 
force  an  entrance.     This  failed,  and   then   government  was 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccxiv.  f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi»,  p.  295. 


unreasonably  called  upon  to  fulfil  its  promise  but  refused.  An 
order  for  the  return  of  the  troops  was  dispatched  at  the  exiles' 
first  appearance  and  the  nobles  exerted  all  their  power  to  make 
the  Seignory  receive  the  latter ;  but  fearing  a  coalition  between 
these  malcontents  the  priors  remained  firm*. 

Y\  Deputies  from  the  exiles  were  subsequently  admitted,  and 

being  unable  to  succeed  they  in  conjunction  with  the  nobles  at- 
tempted to  surprise  Florence  on  the  night  of  the  tenth  of  August 
by  forcing  the  Fiesole  gate ;  but  the  people  were  already  on  the 
alert,  though  alarmed  by  their  uncertainty  about  the  mischief 
fermenting  within  the  walls.  The  plot  failed  ;  but  so  many  of 
the  nobles  were  implicated  that  it  was  thought  most  prudent 
to  hush  everytliing  up  after  Amerigo  Donati,  Teggia  Fresco- 
baldi,  and  Sotteringo  Gherardini  were  fined  and  banished  for  a 
time  by  a  kind  of  ostracism  now  for  the  first  time  invented  for 
the  purpose  of  accusing  and  condemning  the  aristocracy  with- 
out fear  of  personal  vengeance :  so  potent  were  the  Floren- 
tine nobles  still !  even  when  excluded  from  public  authority,  in 

k^  despite  of  the  ordinances  of  justice  and  with  the  power  of  secret 
accusation  1  The  delinquents  in  this  case  were  well  known, 
but  none  dared  even  to  name,  much  less  accuse  them  !  Yet 
the  Florentines  believed  themselves  free  because  they  could 
tumultuously  assemble  in  the  market-place,  storm  the  palace 
of  government,  force  the  seignory  to  succumb  to  popular  fury, 
and  destroy  the  property  while  they  banished  the  persons  of 
obnoxious  citizens  ! 

The  method  now  adopted  and  frequently  practised,  was  for 
all  members  of  the  public  councils  to  write  in  sealed  billets  the 
names  of  those  that  each  individual  deemed  most  guilty  and 
these  were  afterwards  opened  by  the  captain  of  the  people. 
Thus  were  the  above  nobles  secretly  and  safely  accused ;  but 
it  still  required  all  the  persuasion  of  the  Podesta  to  lead  them 
quietly  before  the  courts  and  with  the  promise  of  their  life 

*  Gio.  Villani,  liib.  ix.,  cap.  ccxiv. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi*»,  p.  294. 


472 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


473 


induce  them  to  confess  even  a  knowledge  of  this  design  while 
they  denied  any  direct  participation  in  it-. 

Thus  ended  this  singular  campaign  in  which  the  army 
scarcely  saw  an  enemy  but  which  brought  back  danger  and 
revolution  to  the  state  :  the  Florentines  however  now  for  the 
first  time  discovered  tliat  the  urban  companies  were  not  suffi- 
ciently officered  by  one  gonfalonier,  wherefore  three  subalterns 
mider  the  name  of  '*  Pennonieri "  were  added  to  each  so  that 
the  whole  force  became  uifinitely  more  flexible  and  divisible, 
and  better  adapted  to  real  service. 

The  Citta  di  Castello  a  place  of  great  importance  to  the 
Guelphs  was  at  this  time  mled  by  Branca  Guelfucci,  but  tired 
of  his  tyranny  the  people  demanded  aid  from  Tarlatino  Tarlati 
the  Bishop  of  Arezzo's  brother  who  accordingly  expelled  him  ; 
but  suddenly  turning  on  his  Guelphic  supplicants  drove  four 
hundred  of  them  in  confusion  from  the  town  and  reduced  it  to 
a  pm-e  Ghibeline  dependency.     Such  a  catastrophe  coupled 
with   the   Ghibelines'   increasing   power  tilled    the    Guelphic 
league  with  so  much  alarm  that  its  ambassadors  immediately 
assembled  at  Florence  to  consider  their  means  of  defence  f. 
The  situation  of  that  republic  was  at  this  moment  extremely 
perplexing ;  a  powerful  and  discontented  nobility  within,  an 
able  and  determined  enemy  without ;  a  bitter  faction  of  ill-used 
exiles  watehing  every  opening  for  revenge  and  secretly  corre- 
sponding with  numerous  adherents  in  the  city;  an  undisciplined 
but  self-confident  and  presumptuous  militia;    suspected  and 
doubtful  retainers ;  alhes  either  by  force  or  stratagem  rapidly 
fallmg  off;  and  finally,  a  periodical  excitement  at  every  official 
change  which  kept  the  people  in  a  state  of  continual  agitation. 
Up  to  this  period  each  administration  had  been  elected  by 
its  predecessor  which  being  composed  of  the  priora  just  leaving 


i 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccxix. — 
Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  295,  &c. 
— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii".— Leon.  Are- 


tino,  Lib.  v.,  p.  9L 

+  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,cap.  ccxxvi. 

S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  298. 


office,  the  twelve  Btwnomini,  the  sixteen  gonfaloniei*s  of  com- 
panies, and  a  certain  number  of  citizens  chosen  for  the  occasion, 
represented  in  a  certain  manner  the  whole  nation,  and  as  a 
high  moral  responsibility  rested  with  these  in  choosing  their 
successors  some  pains  were  taken  to  select  men  of  known  cha- 
racter and  ability ;  but  the  frequent  recurrence  of  these  elec- 
tions agitated  the  community,  and  being  coml)ined  at  this  par- 
ticular moment  with  the  stormy  aspect  of  public  affairs  gene- 
rated a  strong  desire  for  improvement.     The  seignory  of  July 
and  August  1323  having  gained  credit  by  detecting  the  late 
plot  now  ventm-ed  to  propose  an  alteration  in  the  form  of 
government  and  received  full  powers  from  the  various  comicils 
to  effect  it :  their  object  was  to  avoid  these  frequent  elections 
by  at  once  choosing  a  sufficient  number  of  priors  to  supply  the 
successive  administrations  for  forty-two  months.     Twenty-one 
sets  of  prioi*s  were  thus  elected  with  the  accustomed  forms,  all 
their  names  being  inclosed  in  a  "  Borsa  "  or  purse,  and  the 
required  number  quietly  drawn  by  lot  every  two  months  but 
with  a  prohibition  to  serve  again  in  the  same  office  for  the 
space  of  twenty-four.     Hence  the  only  security  for  efficient 
magistrates  was  in  the  original  election.     This  was  called  the 
"  Imhorsazione,''  and  subsequently  "  Squittino  "  or  scrutiny  ; 
the  rest  was  chance ;  but  as  people  are  more  heedless  of  future 
and  distant  events  than  of  those  which  bring  immediate  conse- 
quences, much  les§  circumspection  was  now  used  about  real  cha- 
racter, and  those  who  sought  public  honours  were  more  careless 
of  deserving  them  than  when  exposed  du'ecdy  and  frequently 
to  the  public  eye.     This  scrutiny  became  in  time  a  focus  of 
political  intrigue  yet  was  popular  at  the  moment,  not  only  in 
Florence  but  throughout  Italy  where  it  was  eagerly  adopted,  so 
generally  felt  was  the  inconvenience,  or  a  desire  for  tranquillity, 
besides  awakening  the  ambition  of  a  larger  number  of  citizens. 
Disturbances  are  the  thorns  of  freedom  and  they  were  certainly 
blunted  by  this  change,  but  the  flower  was  not  unscathed ; 


474 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


much  of  that  lively  interest  and  jealousy  of  power  that  pre- 
viously attended  elections  declined  along  with  them  and  a  pre- 
sent convenience  blinded  many  to  the  hidden  defects  of  this 
system*. 

It  even  appeared,  says  Sismondi,  more  democratic  than  the 
former ;  established  a  greater  equality  amongst  the  candidates 
and  called  a  superior  number  of  citizens  to  public  honours. 
This  last  advantage  was  undoubtedly  what  seduced  the  people  ; 
it  soothed  the  secret  jealousy  of  middling  men  who  saw  with 
vexation  a  limited  number  of  distinguished  persons  always  ap- 
pointed by  the  public  voice.  The  Borse  of  the  three  supreme 
magistracies  alone,  must  for  forty-two  months  have  contained  the 
names  of  six  or  seven  hundred  candidates ;  and  all  the  others 
having  been,  very  soon  after,  submitted  to  the  same  procedure, 
there  was  at  last  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  magistracies  or  dif- 
ferent offices  which  were  provided  for  by  lot.  Thus  but  little 
choice  remained  :  and  every  citizen  had  the  certainty  of  obtain- 
ing some  place.  The  electors  often  admitted  incapable  men 
who  would  never  have  been  chosen  if  they  had  been  at  once 
obliged  to  commence  their  official  duties  f . 

In  the  midst  of  these  reforms  Castruccio,  whose  system  was 
prompt  decision,  sudden  execution,  and  the  gain  of  everj'thing 
in  every  way,  whether  by  treachery,  stratagem,  or  open  war, 
recommenced  his  successful  incursions  but  was  generally  too 
weak  to  oppose  the  united  strength  of  Flojrence  :  the  moral 
effect  of  his  character  was  however  vei-y  imposing  in  both  states 
and  nothing  was  too  daring  either  for  his  arms  or  conscience. 
His  Ghibeline  allies  the  Pisans  were  deeply  engaged  in  war 
with  the  king  of  Aragon  for  the  defence  of  Sardinia,  which 
offered  him  a  favourable  occasion  as  he  thought  of  becoming 
their  master :  the  conspiracy  was  however  discovered ;  the 
conspirator  Betto  or  Benedetto  Malepra  de'  Lanfranchi  with 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  caps,  ccxxix.,     p.  298. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii". — Mar. 
ccxzxviii.,  and  ccxlv. — Leon.  Aretino,     di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  vi.,  Rub.  366. 
Lib.  v.,  p.  92.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,    t  Sismondi,  Ital.  Repub.,  vol.  iv.,p.  1 6. 


CHAP.  XVI. J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


47i 


many  others  lost  his  head;  all  friendship  or  alliance  with 
Lucca  was  renounced  by  Pisa,  and  ten  thousand  golden  florins 
offered  for  the  head  of  Castruccio  *.  About  two  months  after- 
wards he  suddenly  left  his  capital  at  the  head  of  a  small  detach- 
ment on  the  nineteenth  of  December  and  by  the  treacher}^  of 
an  inhabitant  of  Fucecchio  was  admitted  at  night  into  the  town 
during  a  deluge  of  rain,  which  at  first  concealed  his  aggression  : 
the  subsequent  struggle  was  fierce  and  bloody ;  a  great  part  of 
the  place  was  taken  but  alarm  fires  on  the  towers  brought 
strong  reinforcements  from  the  neighbouring  garrisons:  Cas- 
truccio held  on  with  desperate  resolution  against  an  overwhelm- 
ing force  of  soldiers  and  citizens  until  wounded  fatigued  and 
hopeless  of  success  he  sullenly  retired  with  the  loss  of  banners 
and  horses,  but  still  unmolested  :  for  the  glory  of  repulsing  him 
was  deemed  sufficient,  and  the  habitual  dread  of  his  prowess 
left  no  appetite  for  a  second  encounter  f . 

Nothing  of  importance  occurred  between  Castruccio  and  the 
Florentines  in  the  following  year,  for  the  former  was 
busy  with  his  intrigues  against  Pisa  and  Pistoia  and 
the  latter  employed  reducing  some  petty  chieftains  in  the  Mu- 
gello  but  still  more  seriously  on  the  side  of  Arezzo  where  the 
bishop  was  rapidly  gaining  ground  against  the  Guelphs.  Five 
hundred  men-at-arms  were  engaged  in  France  and  other  prepa- 
rations making  for  the  day  of  battle  which  the  Florentines 
foresaw  must  come  before  Castruccio  could  be  arrested  in  the 
rapid  course  of  his  ambition :  a  new  confederacy  was  therefore 
formed  in  March  between  Florence,  Bologna,  Siena,  Perugia, 
Orvieto  and  Agubbio ;  with  other  communities  and  Guelphic 
lords,  for  the  recovery  of  Citta  di  Castello  which  was  to  be 
effected  by  a  combined  army  of  three  thousand  men-at-arms 
levied  for  three  years,  a  great  part  of  which  was  maintained  by 
the  Florentines. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccxxx. —     Castruccio. — Uomini    Illustri   Pisani, 

Roncione,  Lib.  xii.,  p,  725. — Sardo,     vol.  ii°,  pp.  281 — 283. 

cap.  Ixv.,  Ixvi.,  who  is  silent  about    f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccxxxiii. 


A.D.  1324. 


476 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVf.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


477 


In  Lombardy  an  unsuccessful  war  was  earned  on  against  the 
Visconti  by  the  papal  Guelphs  who  were  several  times  de- 
feated, and  their  commander  Raimond  of  Cardona  with  Sirao- 
nino  della  Torre  a  chief  of  sense  and  valour,  were  finally  taken 
by  Galeazzo  and  ^f arco  Visconti ;  but  Simonino  was  aftenvards 
drowned  in  the  Adda  to  the  great  regret  of  liis  party  *.  To 
balance  this,  Spoleto  surrendered  after  two  years'  siege  to  the 
Perugians  and  Florentines,  the  Pisan  fleet  was  defeated  by 
Prince  Alphonso  of  Aragon  and  the  authority  of  that  republic 
soon  after  ceased  altogether  in  Sardinia. 

The  two  last  events  gave  little  pleasure  to  the  Florentines 
who  saw  nothing  in  the  weakness  of  Pisa  but  augmented 
strength  for  Castruccio  and  increasing  danger  to  themselves ; 
neither  was  their  dissatisfaction  lessened  by  the  conduct  of 
Count  Novello,  who  at  the  moment  when  the  friendship  of 
Pistoia  was  of  the  last  importance  to  I'lorence  suddenly  seized 
on  its  dependent  to^vn  of  Carmignano  in  consequence  of  an  in- 
sult ofifered  by  the  former  to  his  royd  master,  and  would  have 
reduced  the  citiidel  of  Pistoia  also  if  the  seignory,  unconscious 
of  the  intrigues  then  in  activity  between  Castruccio  and  the 
Tedici  had  not  commanded  him  to  quit  the  place :  his  engage- 
ment soon  after  expired  and  he  returned  with  no  great  credit 
to  Naples  f . 

Meanwhile  a  suspicion  began  to  prevail  in  Florence  that  the 
original  formation  of  the  "  Borse  "  had  not  been  honestly  con- 
ducted and  public  jealousy  was  awakened,  more  especially 
against  the  family  of  Bordoni  who  together  with  their  friends 
and  consorts  were  known  by  the  general  name  of  '' SerraglinV 
and  were  said  to  have  acquired  an  undue  influence  in  the  go- 
vernment. This  produced  a  reopening  and  re-formation  of  the 
Borse  from  which  many  names  were  cast  forth  and  a  number 
added  sufficient  for  six  changes  of  priors  wliich  as  yet  was  the 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccxxxix.,  ccxliv.— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  300. 
t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,cap.  ccxlvii. 


I 


only  magistracy  drawn  by  lot :  but  this  refoi-m  was  almost  im- 
mediately after  deemed  insufficient  and  notwithstanding  the 
recent  tricks  even  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  system, 
not  only  the  seignory  of  six  priors  and  the  gonfalonier,  the 
colleges  of  Good  Men  and  gonfaloniers  of  companies,  but  also 
the  consuls  of  trades  and  commanders  of  hired  troops  were 
made  subject  to  the  new  law  of  election  -i'.  This  calmed  the 
fears  of  the  citizens,  and  they  were  still  further  quieted  by  the 
appearance  of  five  hundred  French  cavalry,  all  nobles,  with 
no  less  than  sixty  belted  knights  amongst  them  who  came  by 
jigreement  to  serve  under  the  banners  of  Florence. 

The  arrival  of  this  band  of  gentlemen,  who  with  their  squires 
alone  could  not  have  mustered  less  than  fifteen  himdred  horse, 
was  what  principally  encouraged  the  Florentines  to  recommence 
hostilities  more  vigorously  in  the  following  year :  Castiniccio 
meanwliile  had  moved  towards  the  Pistoian  mountains  and  re- 
pairing the  castle  of  Brandelli  whence  there  was  a  view  of  both 
Pistoia  and  Florence,  called  it  Bellosguardo  and  gazed  with  a 
longing  eye  on  cither  city  ;  one  was  only  his  own  in  pei-spective, 
the  other  was  almost  in  his  grasp  ;  and  Filippo  Tedici  who  had 
driven  his  uncle  from  the  government  of  Pistoia,  and  was  in 
treaty  both  with  Castruccio  and  Florence,  pretending  the 
greatest  alarm  demanded  assistance  of  the  latter  with  whose  aid 
he  hoped  to  better  his  bargain  :  a  body  of  troops  was  dkectly  sent 
under  command  of  the  Podesta,  but  discovering  his  object,  this 
officer  returned  in  disgust ;  upon  which  he  made  his  terms  with 
Castruccio  and  Pistoia  was  suffered  for  a  while  to  exist  as  an  inde- 
pendent state  f.  Florence  had  attempted  to  gain  it  by  treachery 
but  failed,  and  Castruccio  tired  of  Filippo's  intrigues  offered  him 
ten  thousand  florins  mid  his  daughter  Dialta  in  marriage  for 
immediate  possession  of  the  city.  This  secured  Filippo  who 
before  daylight  on  the  fifth  of  May  13*25  opened  a  gate  to  the 

*   Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cclxxi.     cclxix. — Scip.     Ammirato,     Lib.   vi., 
—Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  v«,  p.  .93.  p.  302 — M.  A.  Salvi,  Hist,  di  Pis- 

t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cclxi.,     tola,  Parte  ii.,  Lib.  vi°,  p.  354  to  361. 


478 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Lucchese  general ;  but  the  latter  distrusting  his  ally  would  not 

A.D.  1326.   ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^  actually  unhinged  it,  and  then  took 
possession  of  the  place  in  the  manner  of  the  time  by 
scouring  the  streets  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry  and  trampling 
upon  all  that  came  in  his  way. 

The  fall  of  Pistoia  was  an  event  of  great  importance: 
equally  distant  from  Florence  and  Lucca  and  on  the  confines 
of  both,  it  formed  a  rallying  point  for  the  armies  of  either  and 
its  friendship  or  enmity  had  considerable  influence  on  everv 
operation  of  the  war ;  hence  the  eagerness  of  Florence  at  all 
times  to  preserve  her  authority  there,  and  hence  the  general 
consternation  when  intelligence  of  its  capture  arrived  at  the 
capital  *. 

She  might  have  bought  it  for  the  same  price  or  even  less 
than  Castruccio,  because  Filippo  felt  himself  too  insecure  not 
to  make  both  friends  and  money  by  the  sacrifice  of  his  country  ; 
but  failing,  either  from  want  of  skill  or  perhaps  dishonesty  in 
her  agents,  she  repeated  her  attempts  to  surprise  the  place 
thus  forcing  him  into  the  arms  of  Castruccio,  and  he  poisoned 
his  own  wife  to  complete  the  union  f.     Rumours  of  this  event 
reached  Florence  while  the  magistrates  were  engaged  m  public 
festivities  on  the  occasion  of  two  foreign  officers  of  state  being 
dubbed  knights  by  the  republic,  and  the  banquet  was  going  on 
in  the  church  of  San  Piero  Scheraggio  when  the  news  was  con- 
firmed :  in  a  moment  the  whole  assembly  fell  into  confusion,  the 
tables  were  overturned,  and  every  man  was  immediately  armed 
and  in  his  saddle  :  believing  that  a  part  of  the  town  might  still 
hold  out,  a  rapid  march  was  made  as  far  a^  Prato  where  hearing 
the  whole  truth  they  returned  dejected  and  mortified  to  Flo- 
rence.    The  following  day  brought  some  consolation  in  the 
arrival  of  Ramondo  da  Cardona  who  had  been  sent  in  the  pre- 
ceding November  from  Milan  on  a  mission  to  Rome :  he  had 

♦  Istorie  Pistolesi,  p.  164,  &c.-Gio.    -Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  21._Leon. 
yuiani,  Lib.  IX.,    cap.  ccxciv.— Scip.     Aretino,  Lib.  v«,  p.  93. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  pp.  302  and  306.     f  Istorie  Pistolesi. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


479 


If 


promised  to  return  but  was  absolved  by  the  pope  and  sent  in- 
stantly to  Florence  as  commander  in-chief  of  the  republican 
forces.  His  presence  gave  new  spirit  to  the  people  which  was 
increased  by  the  capture  of  Artimino  on  the  twenty-second  of 
May  :  one  of  the  finest  armies  ever  assembled  by  the  republic 
soon  took  the  field  at  the  enormous  expense  of  three  thousand 
florins  a  day  :  the  city  bells  tolled  as  a  declaration  of  war  ;  the 
public  standard  waved  over  San  Piero  a  Monticelli ;  the  Soldati 
or  mercenary  troops  first  moved  to  Prato,  and  the  "  Cavallate' 
with  all  the  mass  of  civic  infantry  joined  them  on  the  following 
morning.  One  of  the  city  bells  which  had  been  captured  at 
Montale  broke  while  in  the  aet  of  sounding;  three  weeks 
before  there  had  been  a  violent  earthquake  in  Florence,  and  the 
following  evening  a  broad  stream  of  fiery  vapour  flared  over  the 
city  :  all  these  circumstances  were  dwelt  upon  with  anxious  and 
gloomy  foreboding  by  numbers  of  citizens  over  whose  mind  the 
talents  and  success  of  Castruccio  had  gained  a  superstitious 
ascendancy.  The  cavalry  consisted  of  five  hundred  gentlemen 
of  the  highest  rank  in  Florence  under  the  name  of  Cavallate 
or  men-at-arms  on  horseback,  all  magnificently  equipped  and  a 
hundred  of  them  mounted  on  "  Destrieri  "  the  largest  and 
finest  war-horses  of  the  time  and  which  few  could  afford  to  pur- 
chase :  none  cost  less  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  golden  florins 
or  near  two  hundred  pounds  of  our  present  money,  yet  there 
were  three  himdred  of  these,  natives  and  strangers,  in  the  Flo- 
rentine army.  Besides  the  Cavallate  there  were  fifteen  hundred 
foreign  cavalry  in  the  pay  of  Florence  of  whom  eight  hundred 
were  French  and  German  gentlemen  of  the  highest  rank  and 
distinction:  the  general-in-chief,  Raimond  of  Cardona  a 
Spanish  Condottiere,  and  his  lieutenant,  Borneo  of  Bur- 
gundy, were  followed  by  a  troop  of  two  hundred  and  thirty 
Catalan  and  Burgundian  cavalry  and  lastly  there  were  four 
hundred  and  fifty  Gascons,  French,  Flemings,  Italians  and 
men  of  Provence  picked  with  great  care  from  the  veteran  com- 


480 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[bOOILj 


panics  of  Msisiiadicri,  niul  all  experienced  soldiers.  Fifteen 
thousand  well-appointed  infantry  between  citizens  and  rural 
troops,  completed  the  personal  force  of  this  fine  anny,  and  eight 
hundred  canvas  pavilions  and  other  great  tents,  with  six  thousand 
*•  Ronzini  "  and  baj^'gage  hoi-sos  attended  its  movements  *.  .^^ 

Except  two  hundred  Senese  cavalr)'  no  allies  had  yetjoinei 
but  hostilities  commenced  on  the  seventeenth  of  June  by  de-' 
vastating  the  Pistoian  teriitoiy  up  to  the  gates  of  the  capital, 
capturing  many  small  places,  insulting  Castrucoio  who  was  in' 
that  city  by  running  for  the  Pidio  under  its  walls,  and  sending 
him  repeated  challenges  to  battle.  CiLstruccio  drily  answered- 
that  *•  It  was  not  the  right  time"  and  the  Florentines  marched 
directly  to  besiege  Tizzano  a  strong  town  about  seven  miles 
from  Pistoia  on  the  road  to  I'lorc'ico :  there  every  preparation  ■ 
w-as  apparently  made  for  a  regular  siege  while  Cardona  on  the 
ninth  of  July  sent  his  lieutenant  Borneo  with  five  hundred 
picked  men  towards  Fucecchio ;  and  to  engage  Castruccio's 
attention  a  strong  detachment  was  at  the  same  time  directed  to 
alarm  Pistoia  and  the  surrounding  country.  Borneo  was  joined 
at  Fucecchio  by  a  hundred  and  fifty  Lucchese  exiles  and  a 
numerous  infantry,  besides  some  reenforcements  from  the  gai- 
risons  in  Val  d'  Arno.  Carrying  with  him  a  pontoon  bridge, 
apparently  the  first  noticed  by  the  early  historians  of  these 
campaigns,  he  threw  it  silently  over  the  Gusciano  at  Rosaiuolo 
during  the  night  and  the  whole  division  crossed  that  river  with- 
out  being  perceived  by  the  garrisons  at  the  bridge  of  Cappiano 
or  Monte  Falcone  scarcely  a  mile  above  and  below  the  point 
of  passagef.  ...^ 

On  hearing  this  Raimond  suddenly  quitted  Tizzana  passed 
the  lofty  range  of  Monte  Albano  and  by  nightfall  had  joined 
his  detachment  and  invested  the  fortified  bridge  and  fortress  of 
Cappiano.     This  was  an  unexpected  stroke  for  the  Lucchese 

L?l"'^^''''*-"r^r"  '''°  '"'"''  ^'^     ''  '^"^•''•"^  custom.-Ammimto,  Li  J 
ha^e  accompanied  tin,  annv  according     vi.,  p.  307.       f  I.toric  Pistolcal     i  ^ 


flIUP.  XTI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


481 


.-general  who  believed  himself  safe  in  that  quarter,  and  would 
appeal*  to  have  doubt<jd  the  possibility  of  so  sudden  a  passage  of 
the  Gusciana  by  any  soldiers ;  so  that  this  operation  increased 

'*  the  fame  of  Cardona,  the  confidence  of  tlie  league,  and  the 
spirit  of  the  Florentines.  His  frontier  line  being  thus  broken 
lastruccio  immediately  quitted  Pistoia  and  entering  the  Val  di 
Nievole  threw  his  army  in  position  amongst  the  hills  above 
.Vivinaia  which  he  endeavoured  to  strengthen  while  he  pressed 
[or  the  cooperation  of  all  his  friends:  Pisa  disregarded  this 
summons  in  consequence  of  his  recent  trcacheiy ;  but  from 
Lucca,  Arezzo,  La  Marca,  Romagna,  and  the  Maremma,  he 

I  assembled  thirteen  hundred  men-at  arms  and  a  numerous  infan- 

itrj,  with  which  ho  rei-nforced  all  his  positions  from  Vivinaia  to 
Porcari,  strengthening  the  latter  with  additional  works  and 

^troops  to  secure  his  communications  with  Lucca ;  and  finally 
cut  a  trench  from  the  hills  to  the  marsh  of  Bientina  wliich 

^was  guarded  witli  the  utmost  solicitude. 

i  The  bridge  of  Cappiano  was  taken  by  Cardona  on  the  thir- 
teenth of  July,  the  town  itself  next  fell ;  two  days  after  Monte- 
falcone  was  summoned  and  reduced  m  eight  days,  and  tlms  the 

^hole  line  of  the  Gusciana  was  cleared  of  the  enemy.      This 

f.rapid  success  brought  numerous  reenforcements  from  Siena, 
iPerugia,  Bologna,  Ogobbio,  Grosseto,  Montepulciano,  Chiusi, 
CoUe,  San  Gimignano,  Volterra,  San  Miniato,  Faenza,  Imola, 
Count  BattifoUe  and  the  exiles  from  Lucca  and  Pistoia;  all 

•  eager  to  assist  in  overwhelming  this  formidable  chieftain ;  so 
that  the  army  had  already  swelled  to  three  thousand  four 
hundred  and  fifty-four  men-at-ai-ms  and  a  proportionate  number 
if  inlkntry.  With  this  immense  force  Cardona  advanced, 
d  on  the  third  of  August  invested  the  strong  fortress  of 

^Altopascio  winch  crowns  a  hill  rising  from  the  marshes  north 
of  the  Bientina  lake :  the  place  although  impregnable  to  an 
assault  was  so  damaged  by  the  battering  engines  and  so 
poisoned  by  heat,  sickness,  and  the  horrid  stench  of  filthy 


;o. 


VOL.  1. 


I  I 


182 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[soox  U 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


483 


matter  which  it  was  then  usuiil  to  cast  into  hosioged  towns, 
that  oa  hearing  of  tlie  discumhture  of  a  Lucchese  deUichment 
sent  from  Pistoia  to  make  a  diversion  towards  Florence  it 
immediately   surrendered.      The   capture   of  this   place   was  'j 
succeeded  hy  douhts,  discussion  and  delay ;  tlic  troops  had 
become  sickly  fnmi  licats  and  malaria,  and  tho  army  propor- 
tiouably  reduced  :  discontent  and  intrigues  were  i)lentiful,  and    3 
Castruccio  quick  in  the  use  of  conuption,  seized  the  favourable  j 
moment  to  bribe  two  Frenchmen  of  hi<ih  rank,  but  was  detected^ 
and  ballled.     Cardoua  himself,  idthough  pix>of  ngauist  Castruc-  ^ 
cio  s  temptations,  was  false  juid  ambitious ;  he  had  seen  Fldrenic 
in  periods  of  distress  repeatedly  surrender  her  liberties,  and  deter- 
mined by  getting  her  hito  dilliculties  to  tiy  if  he  also  could  not  \\ 
become  her  master ;    the  fall  of  Altopascio  elated  him,  his 
pockets  were  filled  and   his  camp  emptied  by  the  bribes  of 
rich  citizens  who  tired  of  a  long  campaign  and  alanned'at 
increasing  sickness,  cheerfully  exchanged  iheir  money  for  leave  d 
of  absence  and  the  i>leasures  of  the  ca}>ital.     The  cavalry  being  *j| 
generally  composed  of  these,  was  reduced  along  with  the  rest-] 
of  the  army  to  almost  half  its  original  number,  and  Cardona"| 
wished  this  ;  for  his  thoughts  ran  high,  and  hence  his  delays,' 
discussions,  and  repealed  demands  to  be  invested  with  the  same    j^v 
power  in  tlie  city  that  he  already  e.xercised  in  the  army;  iu  J 
order  as  he  said,  to  insure  the  necessaiy  obedience.  But  finding 
that  the  government  would  not  listen  to  liis  request  he  lay  idle 
amongst  the  Biantina  marshes  while  Castruccio,  with  tlie  eyes 
and  activity  of  a  lynx,  strained  ever}'  nene  to  catch  him  in  his 
toils,  and  succeeded ;  so  that  he  who  at  fu-st  neglected  the 
means  of  victory  through  bad  faith,  was  at  last  through  incapa- 
city unable   to  savo   himself  from  destruction-.     Dissension 
arose  both  in  the  canq>  and  city  about  the  propriety  of  with- 
drawing the  army  to  a  more  heidthy  quarter  or  boldly  pushing 
on  to  Lucca :  the  most  cautious  advised  the  former  course 

*  Maccbiavclli,  Lib.  ii". 


from  a  suspicion  of  the  general's  views  and  the  state  of  the 
troops;  but  their  opponents  prevailed  both  in  camp  and 
council,  some  of  them  even  favouring  Cardona's  wildest  specu- 
lations. It  was  therefore  resolved  to  advance  towards  Lucca, 
but  instead  of  cutting  through  the  enemy's  position  while  he 
was  wealv,  by  a  direct  movement,  as  might  have  been  effected  ; 
a  bad  unhealthy  post  was  occupied  on  the  edge  of  the  Sesto 
mai-sh  which  decimated  the  troops  while  it  still  more  augmented 
the  gains  of  the  general. 

Castruccio  did  not  fail  to  profit  by  this  delay  although  his 
army  also  had  decreased  from  want  of  funds  and  sickness,  and 
therefore  could  not  long  maintain  its  position  without  reenforce- 
ments,  but  he  discovered  in  that  of  the  enemy  the  seeds  of 
certain  victory.  By  reason,  money,  and  promises,  he  had 
already  prevailed  on  Galeazzo  Visconti  to  send  his  son  with 
eight  hundred  horse  into  Tuscany  ;  and  with  two  hundred  more 
from  Passeriuo  lord  of  Mantua  and  Modena  he  hoped  soon 
to  recover  his  ascendancy :  in  the  meanwhile  his  situation  was 
very  precarious,  for  Cardona  by  a  vigorous  effort  might  have  cut 
his  line  of  communication ;  the  latter  now  sensible  of  his  errors 
and  probably  urged  by  the  general  discontent,  had  actually 
detached  a  hundred  men  at-arms  and  a  body  of  pioneers  to 
clear  a  passage  over  the  mountain.  Castruccio  s  out-posts  soon 
checked  their  progress  and  were  followed  by  a  stronger  body 
then  descending  the  hill  in  order  of  battle:  skirmishing 
began,  and  voluutar}^  reenforcements  pushed  out  unordered 
from  the  Florentine  camp  below.  It  was  entirely  an  en- 
counter of  cavaliy ;  the  green  slopes  of  the  hQls  w^ere  covered 
with  armed  and  plumed  knights;  the  whole  scene  resem- 
bled a  tournament  rather  than  a  real  battle  and  the  effect  is 
described  as  beautiful.  Each  party  was  broken  four  different 
times  and  each  reuniting  in  compact  order  retmned  uncon- 
quered  to  the  charge  :  many  lances  were  shivered,  many  gentle- 
men unhorsed,  and  arms  and  wounded  and  expiring  men  lay 

I  i2 


484 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


485 


scattered  on  the  mountain  side.  The  Florentines  with  only 
half  its  numbers  for  three  hours  sustained  and  repulsed  the 
charges  of  Castruccio's  chivalry  and  might  have  finally  pre- 
vailed if  they  had  been  well  supported :  but  Cardona  hi  com- 
plete order  of  battle  looked  on  inactively,  his  troops  cooped 
up  in  a  narrow  angle  of  the  plain  below  whence  they  could  not 
move  \N-ithout  incurring  danger.  This  did  not  escape  Castruccio 
who  therefore  pushed  boldly  on  with  augmenting  numbers, 
and  though  unhorsed  by  a  German  knight,  woimded,  and  some 
of  his  bravest  followers  slain  by  nightfall  had  succeeded  in 
dri\ing  the  enemy  back  to  their  entrenchments  m  face  of  a 
much  superior  army. 

Forty  men-at-arms  were  either  killed  or  taken  on  the  side  of 
Florence  and  many  wounded,  but  all  in  front;  for  the  Floren- 
tines did  not  turn,  but  battled  proudly,  tmd  retreated  sullenly, 
more  angry  with  their  own  commander  than  with  the  enemy  : 
they  made  no  prisonei-s  but  must  have  smote  well  in  the  conflict, 
for  no  less  than  a  hundred  of  their  opponents'  horses  had 
galloped  to  the  plain  with  empty  saddles  from  the  field  of 
battle. 

The  trumpets  of  either  host  answered  each  other  in  defiance 
until  after  dark  and  neither  choosing  to  own  a  defeat  both 
remained  under  arms  long  after  night  set  in;  but  the  Flo- 
rentines lost  their  spirit  from  that  day's  fight  and  no  longer 
trusted  either  in  the  faith  or  talents  of  their  general.  Cas- 
truccio being  anxious  to  keep  the  Spaniard  in  his  difficult 
position  directed  the  governors  of  several  towns  in  the  Val-di- 
Nievole  to  entangle  him  in  a  fictitious  intrigue  with  the 
expectation  of  their  surrender,  and  Cardona  thus  duped,  not- 
withstanding every  warning  chose  to  continue  in  this  state  of 
vain  inactivity. 

On  hearing  of  Azzo  Visconti's  arrival  at  Lucca  with  eight 
hundred  men-at-arms  he  took  fright  and  hastily  retreated  to 
Altopascio  whilst  Castruccio  apprehensive  of  his  escape  hurried 


back  to  the  capital  to  accelerate  the  march  of  the  Lombards. 
Visconti  was  so  unwilling  to  proceed  without  repose  or  money 
that  it  requu-ed  all  the  influence  of  Castruccio's  wife  seconded 
by  the  blandishments  of  the  most  beautiful  women  in  Lucca 
and  the  payment  of  six  thousand  florins,  to  gain  his  promise 
of  marching  on  the  following  morning :  Castruccio  then  de- 
parted leaving  to  the  women  the  care  of  keeping  the  young 
Milanese  chieftain  to  his  engagement.     On  the  morning  of 
the  twenty-third  of  November  the  allied  army  paraded  ostenta- 
tiously in'front  of  Castruccio's  position,  with  flying  colours  and 
sound  of  many  trumpets,  daiing  him  as  it  were  to  battle,  and 
the   latter  fearful  of  losing  such  a  moment  sent  out  some 
troops  to  amuse  them  with  a  prospect  of  victory  while  he  kept 
his  main  body  in  hand  awaiting  the  junction  of  Visconti. 
This  was  completed  at  nine  in  the  morning  when  Castruccio  was 
seen  once  more  descending  from  the  hills  with  three-and-twenty 
hundred  men-at-arms  in  majestic  movement  towards  the  plain, 
while  the  greater  part  of  his  infantr}^  remained  in  the  mountain 
and  took  no  part  in  the  events  of  tliis  day.  An  advanced  squadron 
of  one  hmidred  and  fifty  French  and  Italian  gentlemen  began 
the  fight  by  a  bold  charge'  du'ectly  through  Visconti's  line  ; 
but  the  second  line  or  main  body  of   Feditori  consisting  of 
seven  hundred  horsemen  under  Bornio  of  Burgundy  who  had 
been  corrupted  by  Azzo  or  Castruccio,  turned  when  it  was 
time  to  charge  and  fled  from  the  encounter.    The  whole  army, 
whose  confidence  was  already  shaken,  were  confounded  and 
some  others  began  to  fly ;  but  had  Baimond  promptly  moved 
forward  to  the  support  of  his  first  line  which  had  charged  so 
effectively  the  battle  might  still  have  been  maintained  on  equal 
terms :  instead  of  which  he  remained  motionless  and  added  to 
the  general  consternation.    Presently  the  main  body  of  cavalry 
scarcely  tarrying  to  exchange  a  single  lance-thrust,  hurried  off 
in  universal  confusion  leaving  everything  to    the   infantry 
who  still  maintained  their  ground  with  undaunted  courage ; 


436 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


487 


but  neither  their    arms  nor  disciphne   were   calculated    to 
stand  alone  against  such  masses  of  man  and  steel  as  came 
successively  upon  them,  and  after  an  obstinate  resistance  they 
also  were  discomfited.     The  battle  lasted  but  a  short  time, 
few  were  killed  in  the  fight  but  many  in  the  pui-suit,  for  Cas- 
truccio  instantly  sent  on  a  detachment  to  Cappiano,  took  pos- 
session of  the  bridge  which  had  already  been  abandoned,  and 
cut  off  all  direct  means  of  escape :  the  slaughter  was  therefore 
considerable  but  uncertain ;  the  prisoners  amongst  whom  were 
Raimond  of  Cardona  and  his  son,  were  numerous;  the  Car- 
roccio,  the  Martinella,  with  all  the  public  standards,  banners, 
and  baggage  of  the  army  were  taken ;  Cappiano  and  Monte- 
falcone  soon  capitulated,  and  Altopascio  not  many  days  after. 
Thus  did  the  tide  of  fortune  turn  and  bear  forward  Castruccio 
to  prouder  hopes  and  higher  dignities.    On  the  twenty-seventh 
of  September  his  whole  army  assembled  at  Pistoia  and  was 
reenforced  by  that  garrison,  while  Castruccio  in  all  the  con- 
fidence of  victory  dismantled  the  bridge  and  forts  of  Cappiano 
and  Montefalcone,  and  secure  in  the  possession  of  Pistoia  left 
the  rest  of  his  frontier  open  to  the  Florentines  whose  territory' 
he  ravaged  for  nearly  seven  weeks  without  interruption .    Policy 
and  necessity  dictated  this  course,  for  his  funds  were  exhausted, 
Azzo  Visconti  was  still  unsatisfied,  and  the  anny  in  arrears  of 
pay ;  so  that  nothing  but  the  plunder  of  Florentine  citizens 
could  supply  his  present  necessities.      Carmignano  was  his 
first  conquest ;    he  then  marched  to  Lecore,  to  Signa,  Campi, 
Brozzi,  and  Guaracchi ;  all  were  captured  or  fell  a  prey  to  flames 
and  plunder :  Peretola,  within  two  miles  of  Florence,  became  for 
a  while  his  head  quarters  while  from  the  Arao  to  the  mountains 
he  ravaged  all  the  plain,  a  plain  covered  then  as  now,  but 
more  richly,  with  magnificent  villas  and  beautiful  gardens  the 
dehght  of  the  citizens  and  the  admii'ation  of  the  world*.     All 
was  destroyed.     The  wealth  was  plundered,  the  monuments 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cccxvii. 


c  of  then  reviving  art  were  carried  nwny  nnd  reserved  for  the 
■conqueror's  triumph,     (ianies  were  celebrated  and  races  run 
Ion  the  ver}'  spot,  time  out  of  mind  reserved  by  the  Florentines 
i'for  their  public  spectacles.      A  course  of  horsemen  began  the 
I  sports;  that  of  footmen  followed;  and  afterwards,  to  make  the 
'.  insult  still  more  disgusting  a  ])evy  of  common  prostitutes  ran 
|.  together  in  mwkery,  <b  riding  the  impotence  of  the  Florentines, 
not  one  of  whom  had  the  courage  to  come  forth  and  check 
[^ these  insulting  spectacles*.     Yet  the  city  was  full  of  troops, 
\and  thousands  liad  cscai>cd  from  the  light,    but  the  star  of 
JCastruccio   shed   its   influence   over   them ;    their  spirit  was 
'subdued,    their  courage  wasted,   and  distrust  of  those  great 
Sfamihes  whose  kinsmen  wore  prisoners  to  Castniccio  lest  they 
Jsbould  treat  with  him    se<rctly,   comj.letely  distracted   tlieir 
^'judgment.     After  another  com-se  of  devastation  the  invaders 
I  reassembled  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October  and  repeated  their 
insults  to  please  Azzo  Visconti,  wlio  thus  revenged  a  similar 
Iproceeding  of  the  Florentine  auxiliaries,  not  long  before,  under 
the  walls  of  i\Iilan. 
Signa  next  occupied  Castruccio,  as  it  gave  him  command  of 
I  the  Anio  at  this  point  with  a  free  entrance  into  the  Val  di 
Pesa  and  all  the  southern  countiy;  he  therefore  reenforced 
t^and  strengthened   it    coined   silver    money   there   with   the 
^  imperial  image  as  an  act  of  high  sovereignty  and  passed  them 

current  under  the  name  of  *'  Casirucclniy 
^'•Florence  was  during  this  time  in  a  painful  state  of  suspicion 
rand  dismay ;  all  the  prisoners'  kinsmen  were  regarded  with 
[^distrust  and  deprived  of  office  both  within  and  without  the 
P  city;  half  the  Contado  was  a  desert,  its  starving  inhabitants 
I  huddled  together  in  the  capitiil  where  a  wide-spreading  mor- 
'  tality  was  the  natuml  consrcpience  |.  Deaths  were  so  frequent 
that  the  public  crier,  whose  business  it  was  to  proclaim  the 
^'decease  of  a  citizen  according  to  ancient  custom,  was  prohibited 


•  Siamondi,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  xxx, 


t  Gio.  Villaui,Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cccxxviii. 


488 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[booxi«:     "^(^ 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


48J 


from    exercising   his    culling   during  the  continuance  of  the'     j;^ 
malady:  every  precaution  was  adopted  to  secure  the  city;  thei^ 
walls  were  strengthened,  San  Miniato  a  ^lonte  fortified,  ant 
even  the  citadel  of  Fiesole  repaired  from  mere  apprehension  of j 
Castmccio,  who  threatened  to  restore  it  and  beleaguer  Flo*i^ 
rence  ;  and  this  he  prohably  would  have  done  had  not  the  Bishop! 
of  Arezzo  and  the   Uhaldini  from  incipient  jealousy  refu8edN.j 
to  lend  their  assistance.     Fearful  of  intenial  wai*  all  exiles  1 
but  the  regular  *' Eacettatr'  of  I  HI  I   wore  restored  to  their' 
country   on   payment   of  a   trilling   impost ;    assisUmce  was 
demanded  from  King   Robert  and  the  allies,  but  with  HttJe 
success ;  for  through  terror  of  Castmccio  only  Colle  and  San 
Miniato  Tedcsco  answered  tin?  call.     King  Uobort  afterwards 
sent  soiiio  trilling  aid,  but  still   l''lon»nce  did  not  despair  and 
a  bold  attem}>t  was  made  to  cut  olf  Castruccio's  whole  army  in..  ., 
a  pass  of  the  Val  di  ^larina  near  Calonzano.     New  taxes  were 
imposed    to    the    amuial    amount   of  a   hundrcil   and   eighty 
thousand  florins   In^yond  the  ordinary  rcveiuie;    levies  were  '^ 
made  in  Mantua  and  in  Germany ;  Monte  ]5uoni  and  other  I 
important  posts  were  fortiiied  to  protect  the  district :  yet  in?" 
the  middle  of  all  this  danger  two  lumdred  cavalry  were  magna->| 
nimously  despatched  to  Bologna  which  was  sorely  pressed  and;^ 
its  army  soon  after  defeated  at  iMonteveglio  by  Passeiino  lord  ' 
of  Mantua,  with  the  assistance  of  Azzo  Visconti  imd  his  fok  ^^ 
lowers,  fresh  from  their  Tuscan  victories  *.  A^^ 

But  this   ]\lilaiieso   chief  ero  ho  llnally  fpiitted  Tuscany, 
offered  a  parting  insult  to  Florence  by  holding  public  games; 
in  the  very  bod  of  the  Amo.     Ho  then  returned  with  five-aud^|^ 
twenty  thousand  llorins  as  his  share  of  the  general  plunder,!  jj 
while  Castmccio  loaded  with  prisoners  and  l>ooty  resolved  to  i 
enter  his  capital  in  triunijjh  like  a  Boman  conquerorf.  '*li 

The  fame  of  this  event  attracted  a  crowd  of  spectators  from  -^ 
iill  parts  of  Italy  eager  to  witness  the  revival  of  an  ancient! 5 


ceremony  but  more  eager  to  behold  a  hero  whose  reputation 
had  already  become  familiar  to  the  world.  On  the  10th  of 
November,  being  the  festival  of  Saint  Martin,  Castmccio  made 
this  triumphal  entry  into  Lucca ;  not  in  a  car,  but  on  a  magnifi- 
cent courser,  and  at  some  distance  from  the  gates  a  solemn  pro- 
cession of  the  clergy  nobility  and  almost  all  the  women  of 
exalted  rank  in  the  city  received  him  like  a  royal  personage. 
At  the  head  of  liis  procession  were  the  prisoners  of  least  note 
with  micovered  heads  and  arms  crossed  upon  the  breast,  stoop- 
ing as  it  were  in  humble  supplication  for  the  mercy  of  their 
conqueror :  next  came  the  Florentine  Carroccio  rolling  heavily 
along,  drawn  by  the  same  oxen  and  decked  with  the  sanrie 
trappings  they  had  borne  in  the  field,  and  overhung  by  the 
reversed  and  now  degraded  stimdard  of  that  republic*  Thon 
followed  other  Florentine  bamiers,  those  of  the  party  Guelph 
and  the  kings  of  Naples,  with  flags  and  pemions  of  inferior 
note  and  various  communities,  all  trailing  in  the  dirt  and  as  it 
were  sweeping  the  path  of  the  conqueror.  Immediately  after 
this  mortifying  spectacle  walked  the  same  chiefs  who  had  so 
often  home  these  flags  to  victory.  Here  Baimond  of  Cardona 
also  had  full  leisure  to  contemplate  the  effects  of  his  own  dis- 
honesty ;  and  the  gallant  Urlimbach  a  German  knight  who  had 
unhorsed  Castmccio,  could  also  muse  on  the  instability  of  fortune, 
as  despoiled  of  arms  and  spurs  he  swelled  the  train  of  the  victor. 
A  multitude  of  noble  captives  followed  in  this  insulting  pro- 
cession wliich  was  closed  by  Castmccio  and  his  legions  in  all 
the  pride  and  insolence  of  victory.  But  nothing  mortified  the 
prisoners  so  much  as  being  compelled  to  bear  large  waxen 
torches  as  offerings  to  Saint  Martin  the  tutelar  saint  of 
Lucca  and  dear  to  her  troops  because  of  the  Bacchanalian 
licence  usual  at  his  festival  on  pretence  of  tasting  the  various 
flavour  of  the  new-made  wines,  and  because  the  saint  himself 
had  once  been  a  soldier*. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  caps,  from  ccc.  to  cccvii.  and  from  cccxvii.  to  cccxx.,  &c. — 


*  Ibturic  ri«»lolc«i. 


t  Leon.  Arctino,  Lib.  v. 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


491 


The  day  after  tliis  pageant  Castruccio  invited  fifty  of  his 
prmcipal  prisoners  to  an  entertainment  hut  afterwards  it  is  said 
compelled  them  hy  extreme  severity  and  even  tortiu'e,  to 
ransom  themselves  with  enormous  sums,  by  which  he  col- 
lected a  hundred  thousand  florins  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  Allowing  himself  no  unnecessaiy  repose  he  almost  im- 
mediatelv  led  his  araiy  to  Sijnia  and  on  the  '^7th  of  November 
invested  Montemurlo  between  Prato  and  Pistoia :  this  fortress 
being  strong  and  well  defended  by  the  Pazzi  and  Adimari, 
required  a  regular  siege  and  allowed  him  to  employ  his  dis- 
posable troops  in  overrunning  the  neighbouring  countiy  to  the 
gates  of  the  capital  which  he  could  do  with  impunity,  for 
although  there  were  three  hundred  Neapolitan  cavaliy  in 
Florence  the  government  could  not  induce  them  to  quit  the 
town.  A  company  of  Flemings  indignant  at  these  insults 
saUied  out  with  more  courage  than  order  and  being  unsupported 
were  quickly  driven  m  again  with  loss;  another  disorderly 
attempt  was  made,  through  mere  shame,  by  the  citizens  with 
little  better  success*. 

Thus  bearded  at  their  very  gates,  insulted,  ridiculed,  the 
country  a  desert,  Signa  occupied  by  the  enemy,  Prato  at  his 
mercv,  Montemurlo  still  unsuccoiu-ed  and  readv  to  fall,  the 
Bolognese  army,  their  only  bulwark  against  Lombardy,  defeated ; 
their  best  chieftains  prisoners,  their  army  diminished,  their 
expenses  increased,  their  allies  daunted,  death  raging  within 
the  city  and  destruction  without,  all  things  adverse  to  them, 
and  fortune  courting  their  enemies  ;  under  sucli  a  pressure  the 
people  at  last  gave  way,  and  despair  once  more  compelled  them 
to  a  temporary  sm'render  of  theii'  independence. 

Charles  Duke  of  Calabria  was  therefore,  and  perhaps  not 

Istorie     Pistolesi.  —  Leon.     Arctino,  Vita   di    Castruccio.      Translated   by 

Lib.    V.  —  Mar.    di    Coppo    Stefani,  Dati. — Aide  Mannucci,  Vita  di  Cub- 

Lib.  vi..  Rub.  391 . — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  truccio. 

vi.,  p.  307.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii«.—  *  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  cccxxix. 

Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  23. — Tegrimo,  to  cccxxxii. 


unexpectedly,  offered  the  lordship  of  Florence  for  ten  years 
on  certain  conditions,  with  which  as  showing  the  nature  of  such 
concessions  we  may  finish  this  chapter. 

It  was  decreed  that  the  Prince  should  remain  for  thirty 
months  consecutively  within  tlie  Florentine  state,  or  at  war  in 
the  enemy's  dominions,  and  the  three  succeeding  summer 
months  in  addition  should  hostilities  continue. 

That  in  time  of  war  he  was  to  maintain  one  thousand  Trans- 
alpine cavahy  and  have  an  annual  allowance  from  the  republic 
of  two  hundred  thousand  golden  floruis ;  half  that  sum  in 
peace  with  the  obligation  of  maintaining  only  four  himdred  and 
fifty  men-at-arms. 

If  in  time  of  peace  the  Duke  wished  to  be  absent  he  was 
bound  to  ai)point  a  lieutenant  of  the  blood  roj^al  or  of  some 
other  great  and  powerful  family  ;  also  to  nominate  a  vicar  for 
the  admmistration  of  justice,  who  was  not  to  alter  any  part  of 
the  government,  but  on  the  contraiy^  defend  and  maintain  the 
priors  and  gonfalonier,  the  executor  of  the  ordinances  of  justice, 
and  the  sixteen  chiefs  of  companies. 

This  decree  which  passed  on  the  '2Srd  of  December  1325  was 
despat tiled  with  a  solemn  embassy  to  Naples  and  finished  the 
transactions  of  that  unfortunate  year,  which  began  so  brightly 
for  the  Florentines  =•'-. 


Cotemporarv  Monarcbs. — England  :  Edward  II. — Scotland :  Robert  Bruce. — 
France:  Philip  V.,  (The  Long)  1322.  Charles  IV.,  (The  Fair).— Castile 
and  Leon  :  Alphonso  XI.— Aragon  :  Jacob  II. — Portugal:  Denis,  till  1325. 
Alphonso  IV.  The  Empire  distracted  by  Civil  War  between  Louis  of  Bavaria 
and  Frederic  of  Austria  —Naples  :  Robert  (The  Good).— Sicily  .  Frederic  11. 
(of  Aragon). — Greek  Empire:  Andronicus  Palaeologus.— Ottoman  Empire: 
Othman. — Pope  :  John  XXII. 


Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,cap.  cccxxxiii.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  321. 


( 


492 


FLORENTINE   HISTOKY 


{.BUJh    I. 


CHAP.   XVII.  J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


493 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


FROM    A.D.    1326    TO    A.D.    1329. 


Until  the  Dictator  s  arrival  Florence  gave  the  chief  com- 
mand of  her  aniiv  to  PieiTe  de  Nai'si  a  French  knight  of 
exalted  rank  who  was  made  prisoner  at  Altopascio  : 
he  had  just  been  ransomed,  and  smarting  under  the 
indignity  of  Castruccio  s  triumph  sought  revenge  and  distinc- 
tion ere  he  was  compelled  to  relinquish  his  brief  and  hazardous 
dignity.  Not  being  able  to  save  Montemurlo  which  after  a 
courageous  resistance,  honourably  capitulated  on  the  8th  of 
January,  he  exerted  himself  less  worthily  by  tiying  to  raise  in- 
surrections at  Signa  and  Carmignano,  and  even  attempting  the 
life  of  Castruccio.  His  emissaries  were  three  constables  or 
colonels  of  the  Lucchese  army  who  with  six  private  soldiers, 
all  foreigners,  undertook  the  murder,  but  tliis  wary  chief  was 
never  dormant  and  fortunately  detected  them. 

After  some  hesitation  through  fear  of  a  mutiny  amongst  the 
Transalpine  troops,  Castmccio  resolved  at  every  risk  to  maintain 
the  discipline  of  his  army  and  show  the  mercenaries  by  a  severe 
example  that  they  were  not  exempted  from  the  penalty  of 
insubordination  any  more  than  Italian  soldiers.  Going  forth 
therefore  on  horseback  in  complete  armour,  and  sorrounded 
by  his  native  battalions  he  from  a  piece  of  rising  ground  and  with 
dark  and  threatening  aspect  addressed  the  assembled  army. 

After  a  full  exposition  of  the  conspiracy,  he  dwelt  on  the 


'} 


n 


disgrace  that  any  single  individual  might  bring  on  the  character 
of  a  whole  nation  if  his  countrymen  neither  joined  in  his  con- 
demnation nor  sympathised  with  the  militaiy  feelings  of  their 
chief.  "  He  did  not  then  speak  to  them,"  he  added,  "  as  a 
*■  Prince,  but  in  the  more  exalted  character  of  their  general, 
"  who  despising  pei-sonal  vengeance  was  resolved  to  preserve 
"  the  anny  by  a  rigid  adherence  to  all  the  strictness  even  of 
"  Roman  discipline."  Then  sternly  commanding  the  prisoners 
to  be  brought  forth  and  their  heads  to  be  struck  off  as  they 
stood ;  which  was  done  with  a  single  blow  of  the  sword ;  he 
calmly  dismissed  the  troops  and  resumed  his  usual  occupations. 
This  unexpected  intelligence  and  the  sudden  execution  of  jus- 
tice on  culprits  who  were  previously  unknown,  together  with 
surprise,  fear,  and  habitual  respect  for  Castruccio,  all  conspired 
to  prevent  any  instantaneous  burst  of  feeling  from  the  foreign 
companies :  but  the  French  soon  began  to  murmur,  wherefore 
to  stop  this  disorder  the  greater  part  of  them  were  boldly  dis- 
missed even  in  presence  of  the  enemy  =i'. 

Pierre  de  Narsi  did  not  for  this  discontinue  his  macliinations, 
and  Castmccio  to  show  his  contempt  of  him,  marched  to  Signa 
with  only  seven  hundred  horse  and  two  thousand  footmen, 
crossed  the  Amo,  ravaged  the  Val  di  Pesa  and  destroyed  Torri  : 
a  few  days  after  he  burst  mto  the  Val  di  Greve  devastated 
the  country  round  San  Casciano,  burned  that  town,  and  then 
returned  mimolested  to  Signa  in  spite  of  the  Florentine  general 
fuid  all  his  forces.  Again  on  the  ^oth  of  February  assembling 
eight  hmidred  cavaliy  and  three  thousand  infantry  he  once 
more  advanced  to  Peretola  and  anew  insulted  Florence ;  then 
reoccupying  Signa  ordered  its  immediate  evacuation  and  de- 
struction, as  he  could  spare  neither  the  men  nor  money  necessary 
for  its  defence  even  had  he  any  hope  of  maintaining  a  place 
only  seven  miles  from  the  capital  against  the  powerful  arma- 
ment of  the  Duke  of  Calabria.      But  while  thus  employed  he 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,cap.  cccxxxvi. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  322. 


t 


494 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


conceived  the  bold  and  barbarous  notion  of  drowning  the  vast 
plain  of  Florence  by  stopping  the  Amo  s  course  with  a  huge 
embankment  across  the  rocky  strait  of  the  Golfolina,  ten  miles 
from  the  metropolis. 

No  man  liardy  or  wicked  enough  to  attempt  this  could  be 
found  :   the  engineei-s  told  him  that  the  fall  uf  ground  from 
Florence  to  the  Golfulina  amounting  to  about  two  hundred  and 
eighty-eight  feet  would  render  such  an  undertaking  impossible 
and  he  therefore  relinquished  this  cruel  and  extravagant  notion. 
After  breaking  down  the  bridge  of  Signa  he  retired  to  Carmig- 
nano  which  he  garrisoned  with  the  exiles  of  the  foi-mer  plac^'e 
and  Florence,  intending  to  make  it  the  centre  of  all  future 
operations  and  principal   seat  of  war.     From  this  point  he 
crossed  Monte  Albano  devastated  all  the  countn^  about  Vinci, 
Cerreto-Guidi,   and   Vettolino ;    took    Petrojo    near   Empoli,' 
crossed  the  Anio,  threatened  Empoli  itself  and  committed 
every  possible  miscluef  ere  the  supeiior  power  of  Naples  com- 
pelled him  to  desist. 

As  war  still  detained  the  Duke  of  Calabria  in  Sicily  he  des- 
patched four  hundred  horse  to  Florence  under  his  Vicar  Walter 
de  Brienne  titular  Duke  of  Athens,  a  man  whose  lamily  had 
been  expelled  from  Greece  and  his  father  killed  by  the  great 
company  of  Catalans  in  DJU  :  being  closely  connected  with  the 
royal  family  the  people,  although  disappointed,  were  willing  to 
receive  him,  and  on  the  expectation  of  this  reenforcement  sent 
some  troops  to  their  friends  in  Romagna  and  Lombardv  where 
Faenza  and  Forli,  Milan  and  Brescia  still  continued  at  war*. 
In  the  Florentine  state  Pierre  di  Narsi  still  endeavoured  to 
mamtain  a  miserable  warfare  of  intrigue  and  treacheiy  against 
a  man  m  every  way  his  superior  :  a  conspiracy,  real  or  fictitious 
on  the  part  of  some  of  Castruccio's  officers,  was  managed  by 
Pierre  to  gam  possession  of  Carmignano ;  but  on  attempting 

*  a.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  caps,  cccxlv.,  cccli.— S.  Ammirato,   Lib.  vi.,  p.  322 
—Leon.  Aretmo,  Lib.  v.  '  »  F    «'*^- 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


495 


to  effect  this  with  a  strong  detachment  from  Prato  he  fell 
into  an  ambuscade  and  was  taken  prisoner  with  almost  all  his 
followers  after  a  severe  conflict.  This  disaster  filled  Florence 
with  dismay,  and  when  the  next  messenger  brought  mtelligenee 
of  their  generals  decapitation  in  the  market-place  of  Pistoia, 
they  felt  that  misfortune  had  not  yet  done  with  them  :  but  the 
immediate  arrival  of  Walter  de  Brienne  ;  the  Pope's  appomt- 
ment  of  King  Ptobert  as  Imperial  Vicar  of  Italy ;  the  excom- 
munication of  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo  ;  the  assurance  of  Chaiies 
of  Calabria's  near  approach,  and  the  defensive  movements  of 
Castmccio  in  consequence ;  all  helped  to  maintain  the  public 

spirit--. 

Soon  after  Walters  appearance  the  proper  time  had  arrived 
for  a  new  Scrutiny  whereupon  he  immediately  endeavoured 
to  prove  that  according  to  the  contract  his  master  was  entitled 
to  ai)point  all  the  magistracies  of  Florence,  a  prerogative  which 
he  forthwith  began  to  exercise  by  cancelling  even  the  previous 
nominations ;  but  in  other  respects  he  governed  discreetly, 
became  exceedingly  popular,  and  altogether  acted  a  wily  and 
sagacious  pait  in  direct  opposition  to  his  natural  character  f. 

Four  hundred  additional  cavalry  soon  after  came  from  Pro- 
vence followed  by  the  Pope's  legate  as  a  pacificator,  and 
Castruccio  seeing  this  dangerous  combination  of  spiritual  and 
temporal  power  arrayed  against  him,  endeavoured  to  gain 
time  for  preparation  :  to  this  end  he  declared  in  a  written 
address  to  the  legate  that  "  although  so  highly  favoured  by 
"  fortune  he  had  never  trusted  to  the  continuance  of  her 
"  support  or  allowed  himself  to  be  blinded  by  success,  and 
''  therefore  was  ready  to  make  peace  with  Florence  if  she 
*•  would  be  content  to  remain  within  her  just  limits  and  no 
"  lon<^er  intenneddle  with  the  affairs  of  others  ;  that  she  ought 
•'  by  that  time  to  have  learned  the  danger  of  mulesting  people 
'•  in  their  own  home,  for  God  who  never  sufiered  men  to  in- 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccclxv.  f  Ibid.,  cap.  cccli. 


496 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVlI.j 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


497 


"  dulge  long  in  pride  had  already  shown  her  liow  he  abhorred 
'•  the  arrogance  of  those  who  allowed  themselves  to  be  flattered 
"  by  a  too  fiivourable  contemplation  of  their  individual  power." 
This  advance  gave  some  hopes  to  the  legate ;  but  now  the 
expectations  of  Florence  again  began  to  rise  ;  Castruccio  him- 
self was  anything  but  sincere ;  Charles  of  Calabria  had  already 
reached  Siena ;  and  this  negotiation  was  consequently  discon- 
tinued. • 

The  houses  of  Tolomei  and  Salembeni  had  long  kept  that 
city  in  confusion,  and  Florence  being  apprehensive  of  complete 
ruin  to  the  Guelpliic  faction  there,  implored  the  Duke  as  he 
hoped  for  pennanent  success  to  remain  jmd  tranquillise  the 
town  by  a  confirmation  of  their  power.  Charles,  who  probably 
would  not  at  any  rate  have  departed  without  securing  something 
for  himself,  willingly  took  this  advice  ;  remained  eighteen  days 
at  Siena,  reestablished  peace  in  the  city ;  demanded  the  per- 
petual lordship  of  the  republic,  which  after  some  tumults  he 
secured  for  five  years  with  somewhat  less  authority  than  at 
Florence,  and  finally  charged  the  latter  sixteen  thousand  florins 
for  thus  carrying  her  wishes  into  execution*. 

On  the  30th  of  July  he  entered  Florence  followed  by  eleven 
hundred  men-at-arms  one  huntlred  of  whom  were  knights  of 
the  Golden  Spur.  He  was  lodged  in  the  podesta's  palace  from 
whence  the  seat  of  justice  was  purposely,  perhaps  derisively 
removed,  and  formally  acknowledged  as  lord  of  the  Florentine 
republic.  It  was  the  mark  of  misfortune,  the  stigma  of  dis- 
grace ;  yet  it  excited  the  admiration  of  Italy ;  for  Italy  beheld 
the  Florentine  people,  masters  only  of  a  small  and  not  a  very 
fruitful  territory,  after  their  repeated  misfortunes,  after  so  many 
defeats,  such  reverses  and  so  much  treasure  lost ;  nay  at  the 
very  moment  when  they  seemed  to  totter  on  the  very  brink  of 
ruin,  suddenly  rise  in  their  strength  and  like  a  giant  refreshed 

*  G.   Villani,   Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ccclvi.  —  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  327. — O. 
Malavolti,  Part  ii.,  Lib.  v.,  p.  84. 


With  wine,  by  the  power  of  their  own  resources  as  it  were 
command  the  service  of  so  great  a  prince,  and  an  army  such 
as  had  never  before  been  seen  in  Florence ! 

There  were  no  less  than  two  thousand  men-at-arms  assembled 
most  of  them  belonging  to  the  highest  ranks  of  society,  inde- 
pendent of  the  Cardmal  Legate's  court  and  followers  which 
were  far  from  trifling ;  and  without  reckoning  the  Florentine 
chivalry  or  a  single  knight  of  the  Guelphic  confederacy.  So 
vast  a  development  of  national  resources  was  the  more  remark- 
able because  at  this  very  time  the  ancient  bank  of  the  Scali 
and  Amleri  which  had  already  endui'ed  for  a  hundred  and 
twenty  years  with  undiminished  reputation,  failed  for  the  enor- 
mous sum  of  400,000  florins  which  being  for  the  most  part 
due  in  the  city  of  Florence  shook  the  republic  to  its  centre  and, 
excepting  bloodshed,  was  considered  equally  ruinous  with  the 
battle  of  Altopascio  itself-. 

The  several  contingents  of  the  Guelphic  league  were  after- 
wards summoned,  and  increased  this  fine  army  to  three  thousand 
four  hundred  and  fifty  men-at-arms  besides  the  Florentine 
Cavallate,  never  less  than  five  hundred  men,  and  a  selec- 
tion of  some  of  the  best  and  bravest  infantry  in  Tuscany. 
Sixty  thousand  floiins  were  immediately  raised  by  a  partial 
and  extraordinaiy  tax  on  the  richest  citizens  and  every  dili- 
gence was  used  by  the  Florentines  to  insure  success :  yet  this 
great  army  remained  entirely  passive  and  they  had  the  morti- 
fication to  see  then:  time  and  treasure  idly  wasted  by  him  to 
whom  they  had  surrendered  their  liberties  in  the  expectation 
of  a  veiy  difierent  result. 

Many  reasons  were  given  for  this  delay;  but  Villani  a 
citizen  of  rank  and  reputation  and  an  eye-witness  of  what  he 
relates,  believes  it  to  have  been  because  Castruccio  amused  the 
Pope's  legate  with  false  negotiations  and  employed  the  time  in 
augmenting  his  forces  from  all  the  Ghibeline  states  of  Lombardy 

*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  iv. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,p  328 
VOL.   I.  K  K 


493 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


499 


and  Tuscany,  until  he  became  not  only  fearless  of  attack  him- 
self but  prepared  to  resume  the  offensive.  If  the  duke  had 
made  no  delay  either  at  Siena  or  Florence  he  might  have 
mai'ched  to  Lucca  while  Castruccio's  aimy  was  weak  and  he  on 
a  sick-bed ;  but  Charles  of  Calabria  was  no  general,  and  more 
adapted  to  augment  the  authority  with  which  he  was  already 
invested  within  than  to  free  his  constituents  from  their  formid- 
able enemy  without. 

He  demanded  the  power  of  appointing  every  public  officer 
from  the  prioi-s  downward  both  within  and  without  the  city  ;  of 
making  peace  or  war ;  of  restoring  rebels  and  exiles  even  in 
opposition  to  the  laws,  and  finally  of  renewing  his  authority  for 
ten  years  from  the  fii-st  of  September  18-20.  The  people 
became  alarmed,  and  the  more  so  because  he  was  supported  by 
the  nobles  who  eagerly  proposed  to  invest  him  with  absolute 
sovereignty  for  an  unlimited  period ;  not  from  any  love  to  the 
prince  but  from  hatred  to  the  people  and  their  ordinances  of 
justice  which  they  were  determmed  if  possible  to  destroy. 
Charles  was  however  wise  enough  to  take  good  counsel  and  still 
hold  to  those  from  whom  he  had  received  what  he  already 
possessed;  the  citizens  acquiesced  in  his  demands  and  the 
aristocracy  was  baffled*.  Seeing  that  nothing  was  to  be 
expected  from  him  the  Florentines  contented  themselves  with 
fortifying  Signa  and  the  opposite  town  of  Gangalandi  in  order 
to  protect  the  agricultural  labourers,  and  then  quietly  awaited 
the  movements  of  both  their  masters.  Castniccio  had  already 
driven  Spmetto  Malespini  from  his  dominions  in  Lunigiana 
and  compelled  him  to  take  refuge  with  the  protector  of  all 
unfortunate  exiles,  Cane  della  Scala ;  but  the  Duke  of  Cala- 
bria tempted  him  once  more  to  try  his  fortune  by  the  invasion 
of  that  province  while  he  with  the  Florentine  army  marched 
on  Pistoia.  Both  these  plans  were  executed  and  with  more 
hope  of  success  because  the  towns  of  Mammiano  and  Gavignana 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x",  cap.  ii°.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,p.  329. 


in  the  mountain  of  Pistoia  had  just  revolted.  Castruccio  was 
not  much  alarmed,  and  though  very  ill  reduced  both  places  in 
the  middle  of  a  severe  winter,  baffled  the  Florentine  army 
which  attempted  in  vain  to  reheve  them  and  finally  compelled 
it  to  return  m  disgrace  to  the  capital :  then  turning  suddenly 
on  Spinet  to  once  more  drove  him  into  exile. 

Thus  failed  the  first  dilatory  attempt  of  this  brilliant  army, 
and  Florence  became  more  desponding  than  ever :  those  that 
formerly  used  to  tremble  at  the  formidable  name  of  Uguccione 
now  acknowledged  that  he  was  only  a  sudden  and  startling  noise, 
but  that  Castmccio  was  the  thunderbolt  itself  which  had  stricken 
and  consumed  their  country.  The  citizens  were  now  utterly 
distracted  and  knew  not  where  to  turn,  such  was  the  confusion 
and  so  great  the  waste  of  men  money  and  credit  occasioned  by 
his  uncommon  abilities  and  continual  success ;  for  in  the  midst 
of  all  Castruccio's  good  fortune  he  had  never,  it  was  said,  com- 
mitted a  rash  or  hazardous  act ;  every  event  was  calculated, 
few  mistakes  made,  and  victory  attended  him  as  his  shadow  *. 

To  prevent  the  people  of  Lunigiana  from  revolting  he 
destroyed  all  their  fenced  towns  and  augmented  his  army  with 
the  garrisons,  the  works  of  Montale  near  Pistoia  were  dismantled 
and  Montefalcone  shared  the  same  fate ;  for  he  used  to  say  that 
"  those  strongholds  were  the  best,  which  could  make  long  marches 
"  and  keep  themselves  near  or  distant  according  as  they  were 
*'  wanteds  The  awe  which  his  character  impressed  on  the 
Guelphic  lords  of  Italy  caused  Robert  to  be  blamed  for  opposing 
the  inexperience  of  his  son  to  the  power  of  so  accomplished  a 
general  and  exposmg  the  descendant  of  a  line  of  illustrious 
princes  to  the  disgrace  of  being  killed,  defeated,  or  made 
prisoner  by  a  simple  gentleman  of  Lucca.  Such  was  the 
"  form  and  pressure  of  the  time  "!  In  consequence  of  this  as 
was  supposed,  Charles  had  instructions  to  tell  the  Florentines 
that  unless  they  would  consent  to  take  eight  hundred  of  his 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  331. 
KK2 


500 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


601 


foreign  cavalry  into  the  pay  of  the  confederacy  he  must  return  to 
Naples.  This  unexpected  demand  and  infringement  of  every 
compact,  after  all  liieii-  exertions,  astonished  the  citizens  ; 
but  there  was  no  help  and  30,000  florins  were  added  to  the 
450,000  they  had  already  thi'own  away  upon  the  Duke  of 
Calabria,  because  few  of  the  allies  would  submit  to  the  extor- 
tion ;  yet  this  was  not  all,  and  as  if  to  deride  their  weakness, 
he  at  the  capricious  request  of  the  duchess  repealed  some  of 
their  sumptuary  laws,  the  solemn  decrees  of  the  state,  to  which 
the  citizens  held  with  extreme  tenacity,  and  they  had  the 
mortification  to  see  their  wives  and  daughters  in  the  midst  of 
the  country's  misery  when  they  should  rather  have  been  clothed 
in  mourning  for  her  slaughtered  citizens,  puffed  up  with  such 
excess  of  vanity  as  to  adorn  their  heads,  says  Villain,  with  "long 
tresses  of  white  and  yellow  silk  instead  of  hair,  which  they 
wore  in  front :  this  decoration  because  it  displeased  the  Floren- 
tines as  immodest  and  unnatural,  they  had  already  taken  from 
the  females  and  had  made  laws  against  it  and  other  disorderly 
ornaments ;  but  thus  the  inordinate  appetite  of  women  over- 
came the  good  sense  of  men"  -•'. 

The  Lombard  Ghibelines  seeing  so  formidable  a  display  of 
Guelphic  power  together  with  the  more  intimate 
union  between  the  church  and  Naples ;  in  spite  of 
Castruccio's  success  could  not  help  feelmg  that  their  cause  was 
in  jeopardy  and  therefore  determined  to  support  it  by  the  impe- 
rial power  :  Parma  and  Bologna  had  already  given  themselves 
to  Rome,  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo  was  excommunicated  and 
deposed  ;  and  besides  Florence  and  Siena ;  San  Miniato,  Colle, 
San  Gimignato  and  Prato  had  made  Charles  their  lord,  the 
last  even  in  perpetuity.  This  great  extension  of  power  gave 
the  house  of  Anjou  command  over  the  greater  part  of  Italy 
and  therefore  no  time  was  lost  in  despatching  an  embassy  to 
implore  the  "  Bavarian,"'  (as  Louis  was  called  by  those  who 

*  Gio.  Yillani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xi. 


A.D.  1327. 


I. 


did  not  wish  to  be  anathematised)  to  meet  the  Italian  Ghibe- 
lines or  theii'  ambassadors  at  Trent  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
sidering the  best  means  of  exalting  the  imperial  dignity. 

Until  the  year  1322  Louis  of  Bavaria  had  been  so  occupied 
in  struggling  for  the  crown  with  his  rival  Frederic  of  Austria 
that  he  had  no  leisure  to  meddle  with  the  Peninsula ;  but  the 
decisive  battle  of  Muhldorf  in  which  four  thousand  men-at-arms 
were  killed  in  repeated  charges  on  the  field,  and  Frederic  of 
Austria  made  prisoner,  left  him  at  liberty  to  employ  himself  in 
foreign  politics  and  turn  his  attention  towards  Italy.     Pope 
John  XXII.  whom  he  mformed  of  the  victory  at  Muhldorf,  not 
having  before  decided  on  the  candidate  he  meant  to  support, 
received  the  letter  of  Louis  as  his  friend,  and  promised  to  aid 
him  in  the   consummation  of  peace ;    but  when  the  pontiff 
heard  of  the  assistance  afforded  to  his  worst  enemy  the  excom- 
municated  Galeazzo  Visconti  in  1323  and  of  the  Bavarian's 
having  compelled  Raimond  of  Cardona  the  papal  general  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Milan,  his  anger  exceeded  all  bounds.     He 
insisted  tliat  as  pope  he  was  the  only  legitimate  ruler  of  the 
empire  during  a  vacancy,  the  only  judge  between  two  competi- 
tors ;  and  until  his  decision  was  known  no  king  of  the  Romans 
could  exist :  it  was,  he  said,  a  grave  offence  against  God,  and 
a  palpable  contempt  of  the  church  to  have  exercised  the  powers 
of  royalty  without  its  sanction  and  protected  its  enemies,  espe- 
cially Galeazzo  Visconti  and  his  brothers  who  had  been  declared 
heretics  by  the  definitive  sentence  of  a  competent  tribunal, 
Louis  was  therefore  excommunicated,  and  again  more  solemnly 
in  March  1324  when  he  was  also  declared  mcapable  of  ever 
ascending  the  imperial  throne.     Frederic  while  in  prison  had 
been  visited  by  Louis  and  treated  with  so  much  and  such  unu- 
sual generosity  that  he  acknowledged  him  as  emperor  and 
was  immediately  liberated,  ever  after  remaining  his  ally  and 
intimate  friend.      Germany  was   then  pacified,   the   pope's 
intrigues  there  were  all  baffled  and  the  emperor  prepared  to 


502 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


visit  Italy,  to  confinn  his  imperial  dignity  by  a  public  corona- 
tion, and  revenge  himself  on  the  pontiff. 

In  this  disposition  an  invitation  from  the  Italian  Ghibelines 
was  peculiarly  well-timed,  especially  as  Louis,  weakened  by  long 
wars  remained  without  money,  and  Italy  was  always  considered 
as  an  inexhaustible  mine  of  treasure  by  Transalpine  nations. 
He  therefore  repaired  to  Trent  about  the  middle  of  February 
where  he  was  met  by  Azzo  and  Marco  Visconti  of  Milan  Cane 
della  Scala  of  Verona,  Passerini  Buonacossi  of  Mantua,  Renaldo 
Marquis  of  Este,  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo,  and  ambassadors  from 
Frederic  of  Sicily  Castruccio  Castracani,  the  exiles  of  Genoa 
and  all  the  other  Ghibelines.  Here  the  pope  was  declared 
heretical  by  a  considerable  body  of  the  clergy  and  solemnly 
excommunicated,  ridiculed,  and  defied :  the  imputation  was  not 
new,  for  this  ambitious  and  mercenarj'  pontiff  was  a  zealous 
asserter  of  his  own  infallibility,  wished  to  dictate  absolutely  to 
the  church  and  had  made  enemies  of  large  bodies  of  the  clergy ; 
amongst  others  of  the  Franciscan  or  minor  friars  who  insisted 
on  Christ's  poverty  and  therefore,  following  his  example,  con- 
demned all  property  in  churchmen  as  preposterous  and  unbe- 
coming. These  monks  had  been  bold  enough  to  denounce 
John  as  heretical  and  excommunicated,  upon  which  he  burned 
some  of  them  and  deprived  others  of  the  little  they  possessed 
conforming  to  their  own  maxims  :  other  causes  had  made  other 
enemies  amongst  the  secular  clergy ;  so  that  Louis  found  him- 
self zealously  supported  by  a  powerful  body  even  in  the  church, 
and  it  was  unanimously  declared  that  as  Christ  had  no  property 
all  priests  who  had  were  enemies  to  his  sacred  poverty  *. 

In  Tuscany  the  war  now  became  somewhat  more  active,  Pis- 
toia  was  attacked  with  partial  success,  but  Charles  uneasy  at 
the  Bavarian  s  progress  sent  an  embassy  to  Avignon  and  im- 
plored Pope  John  in  concert  with  the  Florentines  to  pubhsh  a 


•  S.  Amrairato,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  334.— Gio.    Villani,   Lib.  x.,  cap.  xviii. — ^Sis- 
mondi,  vol.  iii.,  p.  379,  vol.  iv.,  p.  41. 


CHAP,    xvii.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


503 


crusade  against  him  and  restore  the  Bolognese  and  Ferrarese 
exiles  or  he  might  expect  worse  consequences  than  m  the 
threatening  days  of  Henry  tlie  Seventh.  Meanwhile  new  taxes 
sprancr  up  to  meet  new  dangers,  and  80,000  florms  were 
raised  by  an  impost  called  the  "  Estimo  "  on  real  and  personal 
property  and  even  annual  incomes,  the  amount  of  which  bemg 
ascertained  by  secret  testimony  from  seven  neighbours  was 
jiccompanied  by  considerable  abuse  and  injustice,  and  yet  all 
was  borne,  not  only  with  patience  but  cheerfulness*. 

A  desire  to  court  the  supreme  authority,  the  perilous  aspect 
of  affairs,  the  hope  of  final  victory,  the  encouraging  remem- 
brance of  past  dangers,  such  as  Uguccione's  sudden  fall  at  the 
moment  of  his  most  exalted  hopes ;  their  o^n  profound  despair 
and  the  Emperor  Henry's  unexpected  death  when  all  around 
was  dark;  these  were  the  thoughts  that  buoyed  up  Florence 
and  induced  the  people  to  hope  for  some  similar  ending  to  their 
present  conflict  with  Louis  and  Castruccio,  although  as  yet  but 

in  its  infancy. 

Some  consolation  was  also  dra^vn  from  the  old  boast  of  repub- 
licans, that  while  lords  and  kings  and  emperors  died,  they 
themselves  were  in  a  manner  eternal:  because  all  the  good  or 
evil  when  concentrated  in  one  man,  vanished  with  him ;  but 
the  welfare  of  republics  was  rarely  affected  by  the  decease  of 
any  single  member  of  the  commonwealth.  Such  reflecUons 
spread  rapidly  ;  "  Why  should  we,"  it  was  asked,  »  display  less 
virtue  less  resolution  than  our  fathers  who  with  firm  and  con- 
stant minds  repelled  such  dangers  ?  The  times  call  for  exer- 
tion let  us  arise  and  show  ourselves  equal  to  the  occasion  f 

In  this  awakened  spirit  they  not  only  gave  liberally  but  cele- 
brated the  birth  of  their  master  s  son  with  unusual  splendour, 
as  if  in  profound  peace  and  prosperity :  the  infant's  death  about 
eight  days  after,  was  caught  at  by  the  superstitious  to  augur  as 


*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xvii. 


+  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  334. 


504 


FLORENTTNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


brief  a  period  for  any  rejoicings  at  the  success  of  Florence ; 
and  subsequent  events  confirmed  the  general  credulity. 

Pisa  although  she  had  sent  an  embassy  to  Louis  was  but 
little  disposed  to  receive  him  in  Tuscany;  the  party  that 
governed  were  bitter  foes  to  Castruccio,  and  although  Ghibe- 
line,  inclined  rather  to  Robert  and  the  pope  than  to  an  excom- 
municated emperor  whose  friendship  or  enmity  promised  to  be 
equally  ruinous.  When  the  news  of  his  coronation  at  Milan 
was  known  in  Pisa  some  Florentine  exiles  assisted  by  a  part  of 
the  populace  made  great  rejoicing  and  even  paraded  the  streets 
crying  out  "  Death  to  King  Robert,  the  Pope  and  the  Floren- 
tines, and  long  live  the  Emperorr  Upon  which  the  seignory 
expelled  them  and  all  other  exiles,  and  even  the  German 
cavalry,  whom  they  had  previously  dismounted,  besides  a  cer- 
tain set  of  nobles  suspected  of  partiality  to  Castruccio  and  the 
emperor. 

This  jealousy  of  Castruccio  was  not  confined  to  Pisa ;  his 
iron  sceptre  weighed  heavily  on  Lucca,  and  both  Chai'les  and 
the  Florentines  unequal  in  the  field  clutched  at  the  chance  of 
destroying  him  by  secret  treason  :  the  potent  family  of  Quar- 
tigiani,  the  most  active  in  his  exaltation,  either  weary  of  servi- 
tude or  perhaps  urged  by  the  vanity  of  pulling  down  an  idol 
they  had  themselves  erected,  but  certainly  stimulated  by  Floren- 
tine ducats,  undertook  to  organise  a  conspiracy  that  would  over- 
whelm Castruccio  in  the  midst  of  his  greatness.  It  was  agreed 
that  a  powerful  anny  should  assault  Pistoia  and  force  him  from 
Lucca  to  its  defence  ;  the  conspirators  were  to  seize  this  occa- 
sion for  displaying  the  banners  of  King  Robert  and  the  church, 
which  had  been  sent  to  them  from  Florence,  and  simultaneously 
call  upon  the  people  to  rise  and  get  possession  of  a  gate,  while 
by  preconcerted  signals,  the  garrison  of  Fucecchio  with  all  the 
troops  in  the  Val  d'Amo  would  hurry  to  their  assistance  and 
occupy  Lucca  without  sending  a  single  man  from  the  camp 
before  Pistoia. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


505 


This  scheme  was  well  laid  and  would  have  succeeded  but  for 
one  of  those  accidents  that  so  frequently  ruin  the  best-imagined 
enterprises  :  some  trilling  delay  of  the  Florentine  army  allowed 
a  pause  between  the  final  arrangement  and  execution  of  the 
plot  and  the  conspirators  had  time  to  reflect.     One  of  the 
Quartigiani  either  from  remorse  or  being  unable  to  endure  a 
state  of  anxious  suspense  went  and  revealed  all  to  Castruccio  : 
in  a  moment  every  gate  of  Lucca  was  closed  and  guarded ; 
twenty-two  of  that  family  were  instantly  arrested,  many  other 
citizens  imprisoned,  houses  were  searched,  the  banners  found, 
and  every  evidence  of  conspiracy  rendered  clear  and  palpable. 
Messer  Guerruccio  Quartigiani  the  chief  conspirator  and  three 
of  his  sons  were  immediately  hung  with  the  reversed  banners 
of  the  pope  and  king  suspended  over  them,  while  others  suf- 
fered a  more  cruel  and  then  a  not  unusual  punishment,  under 
the  name  of  "  Propagginare  "  or  "  Piantare,''  that  is  to  say, 
being  planted  in  the  ground  like  vines ;  or  buried  alive  with 
their  heads  downward  and  their  feet  in  the  air,  a  sort  of  execu- 
tion which  Dante  had  probably  witnessed  and  retained  in  mmd 
when  he  was  mventing  a  punishment  for  those  guilty  of  simony  *. 


•  Fuor  della  bocca  a  ciascun  soverchiava 

D'  un  peccator  li  piedi,  e  delle  gambe 

Infino  al  grosso,  e  1'  altro  dentro  stava. 
Le  piante  crane  a  tutti  accese  intrambe  ; 

Perche  si  forte  guizzavan  le  giunte, 

Che  spezzate  averian  ritorte  e  strambe. 
Qual  suole  il  fiammeggiar  delle  cose  unte 

Muoversi  pur  su  per  1'  estrema  buccia, 

Tal  era  li  da'  calcagni  alle  puntc.  {Inferno,  Canto  xix.) 

From  out  the  mouth  of  every  hole  emerg'd 
A  sinner's  feet  and  legs,  high  as  the  calf; 
Nought  else  was  seen ;  the  rest  all  hid  within. 

Both  soles  were  burning  of  each  culprit  there. 

Which  made  the  torturM  joints  so  strongly  wTithe 
That  cords  they  would  have  snapt,  and  twisted  withs. 

As  fire  is  wont,  with  unctuous  matter  fed, 
To  run  along  the  surface  it  hath  caught. 
So  there  from  heel  to  toe  quick  play'd  the  flame. 


506 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


ITie  remainder  of  the  Quartigiani  family  of  which  there  were 
a  hundred  men  able  to  carry  arms,  were  declared  rebels  and 
expelled  from  the  city  and  territory  of  Lucca. 

This  was  considered  a  just  judgment  of  God,  because  that 
very  race,  originally  Guelphs,  had  betrayed  their  paily  and 
were  the  first  to  surrender  national  liberty  to  the  very  man 
now  chosen  as  the  instmment  of  their  punishment  for  a  second 
treason :  but  in  tracing  the  ramifications  of  this  plot  Castruccio 
found  so  many  citizens  implicated  that  he  prudently  refrained 
from  any  further  investigation  *. 

The  duke,  the  legate,  and  the  Florentines,  equally  baffled  in 
open  war  and  secret  conspiracy,  revenged  themselves  by  another 
excommunication  of  Louis  and  Castruccio  with  all  their  adhe- 
rents, which  was  solemnly  pronounced  on  the  great  festival  of 
the  patron  saint  of  Florence  by  Cardinal  Orsini;  and  immediately 
afterwards  a  noble  army  of  five-and-twenty  hundi'ed  horse  and 
twelve  thousand  infantry  under  Count  Novello  encamped  at 
Signa  for  three  days  on  purpose  to  perplex  the  enemy :  but 
suddenly  quitting  this  they  moved  on  Fucecchio  and,  crossing 
the  Gusciana  by  a  bridge  of  boats  previously  prepared,  appeared 
before  Santa  Maria  a  Monte. 

This  was  the  strongest  fortress  in  Tuscany  but  at  that 
time  somewhat  weakened,  because  Castruccio  had  withdrawn 
a  part  of  its  garrison  to  strengthen  Carmignano  the  supposed 
object  of  attack,  and  had  left  but  five  hundred  veterans  with  the 
people's  aid  to  defend  it :  this  place  was  inclosed  in  a  treble 
rampart  and  the  citizens  were  accustomed  to  fighting  from  its 
havmg  been  made  one  of  the  centres  of  that  devastating  warfare 
with  which  Castruccio  so  often  tormented  the  Florentines. 
But  the  latter  were  more  especially  exasperated  against  the 
people  of  Santa  Maria  because  on  Castruccio's  first  success,  from 
having  been  thoroughly  Guelph  they  changed  sides  and  deli- 
vered up  all  the  Lucchese  exiles  to  his  mercy:    they  were 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xxv.— Tegrimi,  Vita  di  Castruccio. 


CHAP.  XVH.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


507 


therefore  immediately  summoned  to  surrender  under  the  penalty 
of  an  indiscriminate  massacre  but  remained  true  to  their  chief 
and  resolved  to  stand  the  hazard  of  a  siege. 

No  time  was  lost,  for  Count  Novello  commanded  the  assault 
to  be  given  with  the  greatest  ferocity  "  to  show  the  world 
that  a  royal  army  composed  of  such  nobility  was  not  to  be 
baffled  and  derided  by  five  hundred  peasantry  inclosed  in  a 
fortress  which  though  strong  was  not  impregnable."  "  If 
"  the  campaign,"  he  is  made  to  say,  *'  if  the  campaign  should 
"  begin  successfully  the  pride  of  Castruccio  may  be  repressed 
"  and  therefore  a  great  obstacle  at  once  be  opposed  to  the 
"  Bavarians'  passage  into  Tuscany,  this  would  liberate  Naples 
*'  from  danger  and  secure  the  tranquillity  of  Rome,  already  in 
"  disorder  at  the  mere  expectation  of  his  arrival.  Are  you  not 
"  aware  0  soldiers  "  he  added  '*  that  our  master  Robert  has 
"  already  despatched  a  fleet  of  seventy  galleys  against  Frederic 
*'  of  Aragon  ;  not  so  much  from  ancient  enmity  as  because  that 
*'  false  king  has  favoured  the  coming  of  this  false  emperor? 
"  Are  there  not  seven  Genoese  galleys  in  the  Tiber's  mouth 
"  cutting  off  every  supply  from  Rome,  which  has  dared  to  be- 
"  come  the  ally  of  an  excommunicated  man  ;  and  the  prince  of 
"  the  Morea,  if  he  have  not  yet  entered  that  city,  has  at  least 
"  ravaged  all  the  territory  of  Orvieto  and  captured  numerous 
"  fortresses.  Is  not  the  town  of  Rieti  already  occupied  by  the 
"  Duke  of  Athens  ?  Has  not  Ostia  ceased  to  resist,  and  do  we 
"  not  every  moment  expect  the  news  of  its  surrender  ?  And  all 
"  these  labours  are  undertaken  only  to  hinder  everything  be- 
"  coming  a  prey  to  this  barbarian  who  more  eager  for  money 
"  than  glory  has  already  expelled  his  hosts  the  Visconti  from 
"  their  dommions ;  worthy  nevertheless  of  a  severer  punish- 
"  ment  as  the  great  disturbers  of  Italian  tranquillity.  With 
"  such  examples  it  also  becomes  us  in  Tuscany  to  do  something 
"  of  renown  that  will  lower  the  pride  of  Castruccio,  the  potent 
'•  minister  of  tliis  German,  and  now  rendered  insupportable  by 


508 


FLORENTINE    HI'iTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


509 


«( 

*( 


it 
it 

«( 


ti 
H 


the  immoderate  favours  of  fortune.  He  boasts  of  our  having 
been  already  a  whole  year  in  Florence  and  accomplished 
nothing ;  of  his  having  at  one  time  amused  us  with  the  hopes 
of  peace,  at  another  made  us  ridiculous  even  to  ourselves,  by 
unravelling  all  our  intrigues  and  conspiracies  against  him  ; 
of  our  miserable  failure  at  Mammiano  and  Gavignana ;  of 
Malespini's  feeble  attempt  and  disgraceful  flight,  and  with  our 
being  inferior  to  him  in  everything  but  priestly  excommuni- 
cations. But  that  which  should  make  us  blush  even  to  think 
oi,  he  has  had  the  audacity  to  declare  that  he  expects  yet 
once  more  to  return  triumphant  to  Lucca  with  our  young 
prince  in  bonds  before  him  holding  a  lighted  torch  for  an 
offering  at  the  shrine  of  Saint  Martin,  as  liaimond  of  Cardona 
was  compelled  to  do  two  years  ago !  Now  is  not  this  arrogance 
enough  to  make  us  trample  on  it  with  all  that  fiery  uidigna- 
tion  that  is  wont  to  fill  the  breast  of  noble-minded  men,  when 
Castruccio!  (to  what  a  pass  are  human  things  arrived!) 
Castruccio !  a  poor  dependent  of  Uguccione  della  Faggiola, 
dares  to  hope  that  he  can  lead  away  bound  to  his  chariot 
wheels  the  son  of  King  Robert !  the  nobility  of  Naples  !  and 
with  them  the  city  and  people  of  Florence !  We  do  not 
now  combat  with  either  Lucca  or  Pistoia,  nor  have  we  before 
us  this  tremendous  captain  ;  but  what  is  there  that  will  prove 
too  great  for  this  man's  pride  if  we  are  not  fomid  good  enough 
to  capture  one  of  his  fortresses,  when  even  now  amongst  his 
other  boasts  he  vaunts  of  not  having  left  Florence  a  foot  be- 
yond her  walls !  I  know  that  any  man  who  regards  his  own 
honour  would  rather  die  than  survive  the  disgrace  of  being 
beaten  by  this  fortress,  and  for  myself  I  am  resolved  either  to 
leave  my  Itones  before  yonder  ramparts  or  lodge  this  evening  in 
the  town.  If  you  are  of  my  mind  victory  is  secure ;  because  to 
resolute  men  all  things  are  attainable  :  but  I  already  see  the 
just  anger  that  moves  you  against  this  tyrant,  and  believing 
that  deeds  and  not  words  are  the  proper  answer  to  your 


\\ 


i\ 


"  general's  appeal,  you  hold  that  to  be  lost  time  which  is  not 
"  employed  in  combat.  Our  horses  are  now  of  no  service  as 
**  our  camp  is  safe ;  dismomit  therefore  and  instead  of  wasting 
"  time  in  useless  words  I  will  show  you  what  is  to  be  done  by 
"  my  own  example." 

Scarcely  had  he  finished  speaking  and  given  the  signal  of 
assault  when  the  sharpest  conflict  that  had  for  many  years  been 
known  in  Tuscany  began  :  the  attack  was  bold  and  sudden  and 
the  defence  desperate  :  the  battering  engines  were  soon  in  posi- 
tion ;  battalions  of  Genoese  cross-bowmen  shot  so  strong  and 
thickly  that  not  a  man  could  show  himself  on  the  walls  without 
being  killed  or  woxmded  :    the  dismounted  knights  in  heavy 
armour,  each  with  his  shield,  advanced  in  solid  order  and  placed 
the  ladders  under  a  crossing  shower  of  stones  and  arrows ;  the 
infantry  with  lighter  arms  and  worse  protected,  rivalled  them 
in  courage  and  the  assault  soon  became  general.     Doubtful  and 
fierce  too  it  remained  until  a  young  squire  of  Provence  seizing 
a  projecting  stone,  with  one  bold  spring  got  footing  on  the  top  ; 
waving  his  master's  pennon :    instantly  a  loud  shout  echoed 
tlirough  the  ranks  and  in  a  few  minutes  a  long  line  of  banners 
fluttered  on  the  solid  battlements :  without  a  pause  the  whole 
mass  swept  forward  to  the  second  wall  and  dashing  over  it 
like  a  wave  plunged  fiercely  into  the  town  driving  all  that 
could  escape,  in  terror  to  the  citadel :  nothing  withstood  the  sol- 
diers' fuiy,  and  man  woman  and  child  were  indiscriminately 
slaughtered.     Many  endeavoured  to  conceal  themselves,  but 
the  jealousy  of  different  nations,  rivals  in  courage  and  strong  in 
enmity,  Italian  and  Transalpine  troops,  made  each  set  fire  to 
the  town  lest  the  other  should  monopolise  the  plunder,  so  those 
that  the  sword  missed  the  fire  consumed ;  and  if  by  chance 
some  frantic  wTetches  rushed  in  terror  from  the  flames  they 
were  instantly  hacked  to  pieces  by  a  disappointed  and  mad- 
dened soldiery.     A  third  inclosure  formed  the  citadel,  but  the 
troops  were  too  much  exhausted  for  an  immediate  assault,  and 


510 


FLORENTINE     HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


511 


the  remaining  citizens,  despaiiing  of  relief  from  ^lieir  general, 
who  was  at  Vivinaio  with  an  inferior  force,  in  a  short  time  sur- 
rendered themselves  to  the  Florentines  *. 

After  a  rest  of  eight  days  Count  Novello  recrossed  the  Gusci- 
ano  and  halted  for  two  more  at  Fucecchio  to  observe  Castruccio's 
movements,  but  seeing  that  he  did  not  stir,  the  Florentines  again 
passed  the  river,  advanced  to  Cerruglio,  and  fo.  iiree  succes- 
sive days  defied  him  to  battle :  the  Lucchese  chief  who  had 
only  eight  hundred  horse  and  ten  thousand  foot,  jeing  in  daily 
expectation  of  the  emperor's  arrival  at  Pontremoli  was  content 
to  remain  on  the  defensive.  The  same  expectation  prevented 
the  Florentines  from  marching  direct  on  Lucca,  therefore 
crossing  Montalbano  between  Signa  and  Carmignano  they 
suddenly  attacked  Artimmo  which  Castruccio  had  fortified  so 
strongly  as  to  apprehend  no  danger  in  that  quarter.  But 
flushed  with  his  late  victory  Novello  at  once  gave  the  assault 
which  was  renewed  for  three  days  successively ;  the  last  battle 
contiiming  without  intermission  from  noon  until  night-fall ; 
when  all  the  palisades  and  one  of  the  gates  being  burned,  the 
garrison,  with  the  fate  of  Santa  Maria  before  their  eyes, 
surrendered  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  August.  Count  Novello 
wished  to  proceed  and  ctoy  Tizzana  and  Canniguano  in  the 
same  manner,  but  Louis  being  now  close  to  Pontremoli  he  and 
his  troops  were  ordered  back  to  Florence. 

It  was  now  about  thirteen  months  since  the  Duke  of 
Calabria  had  entered  that  city  with  the  finest  army  that  its 
vast  resources  had  ever  produced,  and  500,00()  florins  had 
been  expended  on  him  by  the  community ;  yet,  saving  the 
capture  of  Santa  Maria  and  Artimino,  nothing  had  been  done  ; 
wherefore  the  people  became  justly  discontented,  though  com- 
pelled to  suppress  their  ill-humour  from  a  sense  of  present 
danger  and  the  tlireatening  progress  of  the  emperor. 

•  Istorie  Pistolese. — Gio.  Villani,  v.,  p.  99. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vii., 
Lib.  X.,  cap.  xx. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.     p.  339. 


Louis  was  crowned  at  Milan  on  the  thirty-first  of  May  by 
the  excommunicated  Aretine  prelate ;  the  archbishop  of  Milan 
having  refused  to  perform  this  office ;  but  whether  from  a  delay 
in  the  promised  supplies  accompanied  by  an  insolent  message 
from  Galeazzo  Visconti,  as  Villani  avers ;  or  from  the  com- 
plaints of  Marco,  Lodrisio,  and  Azzo  Visconti  agamst  Gale- 
azzo s  tyranr     '  or  from  suspicion  of  an  attempt  to  poison  the 
emperor,  as   the   sudden   death   of  Stephano  Visconti   after 
tasting  his  drink,  led  others  to  suppose ;  it  is  certain  that  on 
the  twentieth 'of  July  Galeazzo's  brothers  Luchino  and  Gio- 
vanni and  his  son  Azzo,  were  arrested  along  with  that  piince 
himself  and  closely  imprisoned ;  the  strong  castle  of  Monza 
being  given  up  to  Louis  as  the  price  of  the  latter 's  safety. 
Tliis  revolution  was  eff'ected  at  the  public  council  of  Milan 
after  Visconti's   German  troops   had  been   seduced;    an  im- 
perial vicar   and  twenty-four   citizens  were  immediately  ap- 
pointed to  govern  the  city  thus  suddenly  restored  to  apparent 
independence,  and  50,000  florins  were  granted  to  the  emperor. 
This   decided   conduct   pleased  the    Milanese   and   Guelphs 
as  much  as  it  alarmed  the  other  Lombards,  because  it  was 
Visconti  himself  that  had  brought  Louis  into  Italy  and  he  was 
the  first  to  experience  that  monarch's  ingratitude. 

A  diet  aftenvards  assembled  near  Brescia  where  several 
new  bishops  were  created  and  about  -200,000  floiins  collected 
from  the  Ghibeline  states  of  Lombardy ;  Louis  then  crossed 
the  Po  near  Cremona  and  with  two  thousand  men-at-arms 
marched  through  Parma,  passed  the  mountains  without  any 
opposition  from  the  papal  troops  stationed  in  those  parts, 
and  halted  at  Pontremoli  on  the  first  of  September  1327. 
Here  he  was  received  by  Castruccio  but  refused  to  sojourn  at 
Lucca  until  Pisa  which  had  determined  to  shut  her  gates  uppn 
him  had  been  reduced  to  reason  *. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xxxii.— Bernardino  Corio,  Storia  di  Milano. 


-'I 


512 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


( 


This  city,  which  had  found  the   friendship  of  Henry  as 
ruinous  as  the  enmity  of  Louis  seemed  Ukely  to  prove ;  was 
confirmed  in  her  resistance  by  a  terror  of  Castmccio  s  arts  and 
influence,  and  the  ceilainty  of  his  being  as  ready  to  purchase 
her  liberties,  as  the  Bavarian  if  once  in  possession,  would  be 
willing  to  sell  them.     The  Bishop  of  Arezzo  apprehensive 
that  Pisa  would  be  forced  into  the  arms  of  Florence  persuaded 
the   citizens   to  send    ambassadors   to    Louis   at   Ripafratta 
and  engaging  his  word  for  their  safe  return ;  but  after  much 
dispute  nothing  was  agreed  upon,  both  parties  being  dissa- 
tisfied,   and  the  ambassadors  were  arrested  by  orders  from 
Castruccio  as  they  returned  to  Pisa.     The  prelate  indignant 
at  this  perfidy  bearded  the  latter  in  presence  of  Louis  him- 
self, who  evidently  leaning  to  the  Lucchese  chief  and  pro- 
bably a  party  in  the  act,  allowed  of  an  indecent  altercation 
and  high  words  between  these  proud  and  pri\'ileged  seignors. 
The   result   was  a  continued   detention   of  the  envoys,  the 
bishop's  withdrawal  from  the  imperial  camp,  and  finally  his 
death  a  few  davs  after,  while  on  his  road  to  Arezzo  where  his 
brother  Piero  Saccone  of  Pietramala  a  bitter  enemy  of  Flo- 
rence, immediately  succeeded  to  power. 

Louis  followed  up  this  treacherous  act  by  a  close  and  rigor- 
ous investment  of  Pisa  on  both  banks  of  the  Amo,  even  before 
the  people  knew  of  their  ambassadors'  detention,  while  the 
exiles  maintained  a  partisan  warfare,  scoured  the  whole 
Contado,  captured  town  after  town,  and  finally  cut  off  all 
further  succours  by  mastering  Porto  Pisano.  Anns  and 
money  were  supplied  from  Florence ;  for  such  was  the  condition 
of  Pisa  that  the  government  feared  even  in  this  crisis  to  levy 
a  new  tax  lest  the  populace  should  rise  in  rebellion.  The 
siege  lasted  a  month  and  the  city  might  have  baflled  Louis ; 

Parte  iii.,  folio  204.— Libro  del  Polls-     lano  da  Pietro  Verri,  vol.  ii.,  cap.  x., 
tore,  cap.  xi.,  p.  737.  Rerum  Italicarum,     pp.  1 1 9 — 20,  &c. 
Scriptores,  toino  xxiv. — Storia  di  Mi- 


CHAP.  xvn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


513 


I 


but  fresh  discord,  the  curse  of  these  licentious  republics,  caused 
it  to  be  suiTendered  on  condition  that  neither  their  own  exiles, 
nor  Castruccio,  nor  any  of  his  people  should  be  admitted  into 
the  town ;  that  their  form  of  government  should  remain 
inviolate  and  00,000  florins  be  paid  into  the  imperial  trea- 
suiT.  On  the  eleventh  of  October  Louis  entered  Pisa,  and 
three  days  after  the  citizens  of  their  own  accord  but  prin- 
cipally through  fear  of  the  populace,  destroyed  the  capitula- 
tion and  admitted  both  Castruccio  and  the  exiles  while  they 
threw  themselves  and  their  country  on  the  emperor's  mercy. 
Justice  was  well  administered,  but  dearly  purchased  by  a 
contribution  of  160,000  florins ;  enormous  at  any  time,  but 
peculiarly  so  at  a  moment  when  the  Sardinian  war  and  final 
loss  of  that  province  had  reduced  the  whole  community  to 
the  verge  of  ruin ;  and  when  only  a  few  days  before,  5000 
florins  could  not  be  demanded,  without  the  danger  of  revo- 
lution ;  so  badly  governed,  or  so  short-sighted  and  capricious 
were  the  people  -:'. 

After  the  settlement  of  Pisa  Louis  and  Castruccio  repaired 
to  Lucca  where  the  more  powerful  spirit  of  the  latter  was 
made  manifest  in  its  immediate  ascendancy  and  influence  over 
his  guest  whose  splendid  reception  Castruccio  followed  up  by  a 
present  of  50,000  florins;  both  chiefs  then  proceeded  to  Pis- 
toia  from  whose  heights  Castruccio  pointed  out  the  plain  and 
towers  of  Florence  and  showed  the  easy  access  which  the  pos- 
session of  the  one  gave  him  to  the  territory  of  the  other. 

Returning  to  Lucca  for  the  feast  of  Saint  Maytin,  the 
emperor  took  that  opportunity  of  publicly  placing  on  the  head 
of  Castruccio  the  ducal  cii'cle  investing  him  with  the  states 
of  Lucca,  Pistoia,  Volterra  and  the  bishopric  of  Luni,  con- 
ferring on  him  the  privilege  of  quartering  the  royal  arms  of 
Bavaria  with  his  own,  besides  an  unscrupulous  donation  of 

*  Paulo  Tronci,  Annali  Pisa. — Ranieri     and  xxxv. — Roncioni,   Lib.   xiii.,  p. 
Sardo,  Cronica  Pisana,  cap.  Ixx. — Gio.     741. — Cronica  di  Pisa,  So.  Re.  It., 
Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xxxiii.,  xxxiv.     V.  xv. 
VOL.  I  L  L 


'^k 


514 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   I, 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


515 


the  Pisan  towns  of  Serrezzano,  Rotina,  Montecalvole,  and 
Pietra  Cassa.  The  ceremony  of  receiving  the  ducal  coronet  from 
an  emperor's  hands,  Castruccio  s  great  power  talents  and  in- 
fluence, and  the  universal  feeling  that  this  title  would  not  long 
continue  vain  and  empty,  but  become  in  substance  as  in  name 
the  first  dukedom  in  Italy  since  the  time  of  the  ancient  Lombards, 
altogether  imparted  a  solemn  and  imposing  character  to  the 
transaction  which  increased  the  apprehensions  of  every  Italian 
Guelph ;  nor  was  the  Ghibeline  Pisa  less  anxious  or  discon- 
tented to  see  four  of  her  walled  towns  quietly  made  over  to 
Castruccio  as  a  coronation  gift ;  an  earnest,  as  it  seemed  to 
be,  of  her  own  dee  tiny  *. 

The  Duke  of  Calabria  knowing  that  Castruccio  was  unwill- 
ingly compelled  to  follow  Louis,  who  resumed  his  march  towards 
Rome  on  the  fifteenth  of  December,  also  prepared  to  quit 
Florence,  leaWng  Philip  Sanguineto  with  a  thousand  men-at- 
arms  as  his  vicar.  At  a  public  feast  he  took  leave  of  the 
Florentines,  promising  to  return  when  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
should  be  safe,  and  departed  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  Decem- 
ber, the  same  day  that  Castruccio  by  another  road  marched 
from  Lucca  to  join  the  imperialists  f . 

Charles  governed  despotically  like  every  ruler  of  that  age ; 
for  liberty  then  consisted  in  the  privilege  of  being  eligible  to 
govern  and  choose  governors,  rather  than  in  being  governed 
well;  and  although  in  doing  so  he  tyrannically  condemned  a 
citizen  of  rank  who  with  as  much  reason  as  insolence  opposed 
the  grant  of  a  subsidy  to  King  Robert,  thereby  proving  that 
freedom  no  longer  existed  in  Florence ;  yet  he  made  himself 
a  favourite  with  the  citizens  by  great  personal  urbanity  and  his 
endeavours  to  reconcile  private  feuds ;  together  with  considerable 
liberaHty  and  a  generally  impartial  administration  of  justice. 
On  the  other  hand  he  was  unpopular  from  his  inactive  unwar- 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xxxvii.,     +  Gio.  Vilkni,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xlvi. — 
xlvi.,  xlviii.  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  345. 


/I 


A.D.  1328. 


like  character,  and  the  excessive  cost  of  liis  maintenance: 
this,  according  to  Villani  who  was  employed  in  auditing  the 
accounts,  amounted  in  nine  months  to  900,000  florins ;  but 
as  the  greater  part  was  circulated  within  the  town ;  although 
a  highly-taxed  people  necessarily  worked  twice  for  the  same 
money ;  it  was  still  accompanied  by  great  acti\dty  and  some  out- 
ward appearance  of  prosperity  *. 

The  emperor's  arrival  at  Viterbo  was  immediately  felt  in  Rome, 
where  a  contest  had  previously  arisen  between  Stefano 
Colonna  seconded  by  Napoleone  Orsini,  who  adhered  to 
King  Robert;  and  his  own  brother  Sciarra  Colonna,  Jacobo  Savelli^ 
and  Tebaldo  di  Santa  Stazio,  captains  of  the  people:  the  two  first 
had  been  expelled;  for  Castruccio 's  arts  and  Ghibeline  ducats 
had  been  long  at  work  in  that  factious  city  which  the  pontiff"  s 
absence  at  Avignon  left  in  a  state  of  continual  agitation.  It 
was  generally  governed  by  an  oligarchy  headed  by  the  pope's 
ministers  and  those  of  the  king  of  Naples ;  by  the  Colonni, 
Savelli  and  Orsini ;  with  occasional  bursts  of  the  most  furious 
democracy :  the  senator  administered  justice ;  a  council  of  fifty- 
two  members  nominally  formed  the  government  and  was  pre- 
sided by  the  prefect  of  Rome ;  two  or  three  captains  of  the  people 
along  with  the  senator  being  elected  by  the  popular  voice. 
The  Ghibeline  chiefs  sent  privately  to  Louis,  desiring  that  no 
heed  should  be  given  to  the  Roman  ambassadors,  who  wished 
to  settle  the  terms  on  which  he  was  to  be  received,  but  that  he 
should  march  directly  to  Rome :  with  this  hint  Castruccio, 
who  was  appointed  to  answer  the  embassy,  immediately  ordered 
the  trumpets  to  sound  to  horse,  saying  courteously  "  This  is  the 
Emperors  answer.''  These  messengers  were  detained,  and 
Louis  suddenly  appearing  before  the  city  surprised  the  disaf- 
fected, confirmed  the  doubtful,  and  gave  spirit  to  his  adherents. 
He  was  crowned  on  the  sixteenth  of  January  1328  f. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xlix.  Muratori,  Anno  1327-8. —  Sismondi, 

•f"  Gio.   Villani,   Lib.  x  ,  cap.  xx. —     vol.  iv.,  p.  58. 

L  L  2 


516 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  f. 


•  n\p.  xvii.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


517 


During  these  transactions  Benedetto  da  Orvieto  the  Duke 
of  Calahi^  s  judicial  vicar  arrived  at  Florence  where  the  citizens 
still  found  resources  to  complete  the  walls  south  of  the  Amo 
and  erect  the  present  Roman  gate  so  as  to  secure  that  quarter 
of  the  town,  which  had  been  endangered  by  Castruccio's  late 
inroads  on  the  Val  di  Greve.     Neither  was  the  duke's  lieute- 
nant Pliihp  Sanguineto  inclined  to  sleep  :  by  means   of  two 
Guelphic  citizens  of  Pistoia  friends  of  Simone  della  Tosa  and 
well  acquainted  with  the  weak  pomts  of  that  city  a  plan  was 
laid  to  surprise  it  and  successfully  executed.     Having  accurate 
measures  of  the  walls  and  ditches  Sanguineto  with  six  hundred 
men-at-arms,  the  two  Pistoians,  and  Simone  della  Tosa,  but  no 
other  Florentine,  repaired  by  night  to  Prato :  he  was  there 
jomed  by  two  thousand  infantry  with  the  requisite  besieging 
engines,  ladders,  and  bridges,  and  continuing  his  march  arrived 
under  the  weakest  pomt  of  the  Pistoian  capital  before  daylight. 
The  ditch  was  frozen  hard  enough  to  allow  one  man  in  armour 
to  pass  at  a  time,  tmd  thus  a  hundred  men-at  arms  gained  the 
ramparts  unperceived  until  the  officer  of  the  night  visited  the 
guards  with  his  patrol :  a  short  conflict  then  took  place,  the 
officer  and  patrol  were  put  to  death,  but  an  alarm  was  given  ; 
the  garrison  was  unmediately  under  arms  and  the  whole  city  in 
confusion.    During  this  time  bridges  had  been  thrown  over  the 
ditch  and  engines  set  to  work  at  the  wall  which  with  the  assist- 
ance of  some  friends  vrithin  was  perforated  sufficiently  to  allow 
of  a  man-at-arms  leading  his  horse  through :  the  assailants 
were  soon  miited  and  an  obstinate  conflict  followed  with  various 
success  mitil  broad  dayhght,  when  the  Florentines  succeeded 
in  overcoming  all  opposition,  and  then  driving  their  enemy 
from  the  strong  but  as  yet  unfinished  citadel,  continued  the 
plunder  of  Pistoia  for  eight  successive  days.     This  event  was 
known  at  Rome  only  three  days  afterwards  and  raised  Castruc- 
cio's anger  against  Louis  for  compelling  him  to  leave  Tuscany : 
he  instantly  set  off  with  five  hundred  horse  and  a  thousand 


1 


J 


i' 


rossbow-men,  and  taking  the  Maremma  road  pushed  eagerly 
forward  with  only  twelve  followers  ;  after  some  days  travelling 
through  a  very  dangerous  country  Castruccio  reached  Pisa  on 
the  ninth  of  February  where  he  soon  contrived  by  intrigue  and 
influence  to  acquire  supreme  authority  ;  a  tolerable  compensa- 
tion for  the  loss  of  Pistoia  *. 

Nor  was  Castruccio's  departure  of  trifling  consequence  to 
Louis,  who  acting  almost  entirely  by  his  councils  had  made 
him  a  knight  and  count  of  the  Lateran  palace,  and  senator  of 
Rome,  besides  a  reinvestment  of  the  dukedom  of  Lucca,  while  all 
the  Romans,  and  even  the  imperial  court  itself,  paid  him  greater 
respect  than  was  generally  offered  to  the  emperor.  It  is  related 
that  while  at  Rome  he  publicly  wore  a  crimson  velvet  mantle, 
on  the  breast  of  which  was  embroidered  in  golden  characters 
"  E'  quello  chelddio  viiole,''  and  on  the  back  ''E  si  sard  quello 
che  Iildio  vorrd  "  f,  and  thus  says  Villani  he  himself  foretold  the 
future  judgment  of  the  Deity  |. 

Castruccio  alone  was  more  dreaded  by  King  Robert  than  the 
Bavarian  and  all  his  army ;  the  latter  indeed  was  more  formid- 
able to  his  friends  than  his  enemies,  and  as  he  was  principally 
indebted  to  that  chief  for  his  success,  so  did  all  prudent  con- 
duct depart  with  him ;  for  although  Louis  had  a  weU-appointed 
firmy  ready,  and  an  almost  certain  prospect  of  success,  one 
abortive  attempt  alone  was  made  on  Naples  and  nothing  besides 
accomplished.  Delay,  idleness,  and  disorder  ruined  the  troops, 
and  after  losing  Ostia  the  whole  enterprise  broke  down  into 
quarrels  and  tumults,  with  pompous,  unjust,  and  cruel  legisla- 
tion ;  pope-making,  and  reciprocal  coronations  between  the  two 
potentates.     Want  of  money  also  compelled  him  to  arbitrary 

«  Ranieri  Sardo  asserts  that  Castruccio  (torn,  xxiv.,  Rer.  Ital  Saipt) 

was  hut  forty-eight  hours  going  from  f  -  ffe  i^  that  which  U  hath  phased 

Rome   to   Pisa,  and  that  he  caused  God  to  make  him."     '^And  will  be 

Pistoia  to  revolt   merely  to  have  an  that  which  God  determines. 

excuse     for    leaving     the     emperor!  J  Tegrimi,  Vita.  Castr.-Gio.  Villani, 

both  incredible.   —  Cronaca   Pisana,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  lix. 

cap.  Ixx ;  Lib.  del  Pollstore,  cap.  xiv., 


i^iP^wiBap^_ 


518 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  f. 


and  ungrateful  acts ;  Salvestro  Gatti  lord  of  Viterbo,  the  first 
who  had  opened  his  gates  to  Louis,  was  deposed  and  tortured 
for  his  treasure,  and  a  severe  contribution  afterwards  levied  on 
the  Roman  people ;  he  was  therefore  despised  for  his  poverty, 
detested  for  his  pei-fidy,  loathed  for  his  ingratitude,  and  subse- 
quently held  up  as  a  beacon  and  a  memorial  by  Petrarca  in 
his  beautiful  address  to  Italy  *. 

While  Castruccio  was  steadying  himself  in  the  government 
of  Pisa  Sanguineto  and  the  Florentines  were  in  high  disputa- 
tion about  putting  their  recent  conquest  into  a  proper  state  of 
defence,  the  former  insisting  that  he  had  done  his  part  in  cap- 
turing the  town  while  the  citizens  maintained  that  the  Duke 
was  bound  to  discharge  such  expenses  from  his  salary.  The 
altercation  continued  and  Pistoia  remained  un\ictualled  ;  but 
the  Florentines  having  gained  some  trifling  advantages  grew  as 
careless  and  confident  as  if  fortune  had  never  left  their  arms, 
while  Castruccio  hurried  on  his  preparations  for  recapturing  the 
neglected  place  f.  Nevertheless  tlie  Pisans  and  even  his  former 
adherents  now  disliking  his  arbitrary  sway  offered  their  city  to 
Louis ;  he  fearful  of  alienating  Castruccio  referred  them  to 
the  Empress  by  whom  it  was  accepted  and  her  vicar  imme- 
diately despatched  to  take  the  reins  of  government.  Cas- 
truccio was  not  thus  to  be  despoiled ;  he  received  the  officer 
respectfully,  but  scoured  the  city  with  his  horsemen  in  the 
manner  of  the  age  as  a  mark  of  sovereignty ;  then  dismissed 
the  imperial  lieutenant  loaded  with  gifts  and  caused  himself  to 
be  elected  and  proclaimed  absolute  Lord  of  Pisa  for  two  years  J. 

Thus  master  of  new  and  abundant  resources  he  lost  no  time 
in  profiting  by  the  disputes  at  Florence,  and  immediately  in- 

*  Ne  v'accorgete  ancor,  per  tante  prove, 
Del  Bavarico  inganno 
Ch'alzando  ildito,  con  la  morte  scherxa.  (Canzone  " /to?f a  mia.^'^) 

—  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,cap.  lix.,  Ixxi.,     xxiv. — Rer.  Ital.  Sc. 

Ixxii.,  et  seq.  t  G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  Ixxxii. 

f  Libro  del  Poliatore,  cap.  xiv.,  torn. 


CHAP.  XVH.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


519 


vested  Pistoia  with  a  thousand   men-at-arms  and  numerous 
infantry :  the  place  was  strong,  encompassed  by  a  double  ditch 
and  defended  by  Simone  della  Tosa  with  a  sufficient  garrison 
besides  many  Guelphic  citizens.     There  was  a  protecting  force 
at  Prato  only  ten  miles  off  and  within  sight  of  its  signals,  so 
that  if  the  town  had  been  well  provisioned  it  might  have  with- 
stood all  Castruccio  s  efforts  until  sickness  compelled  him  to 
retreat.    This  chief,  who  had  remained  at  Pisa  to  complete  his 
preparations,  joined  the  army  on  the  30th  of  May  bringing 
strong  reinforcements,  and  surrounded  the  town  with  a  palisaded 
ditch  and  lines  of  circumvallation.    Here  he  resolved  to  remain  ; 
nor  did  all  the  Florentine  stratagems  succeed  in  turning  him 
from  his  purpose,  not  even  when  they  collected  a  formidable 
army  of  sLx-and-twenty  hundred  men-at-arms  and  for  three 
days  successively  defied  him  to  battle,  which  he  constantly 
pretended  to  accept,  while  he  only  strengthened  his  camp  with 
additional  trenches,  fresh  palisades,  and  wide-branching  abbatis. 
Seeing  no  chance  of  provoldng  him  the  allies  changed  their 
position,  and  attax^ked  the  strongest  point  of  his  intrenchments 
with  as  little  skill  as  success  instead  of  cuttmg  off  his  supplies 
by  Serravalle,  which  he  would  have  been  unable  to  prevent 

without  a  battle. 

Sanguineto  fell  sick  and  had  moreover  quarrelled  vdth  some 
of  the  confederate  chiefs,  so  that  he  deemed  it  best  to  retire 
and  make  a  diversion  elsewhere,  leaving  a  strong  convoy  at 
Prato  ready  to  succour  the  plaxie  when  a  fair  occasion  offered. 
On  the  28th  of  July  after  delivering  another  formal  challenge 
which  Castmccio  was  too  sagacious  to  accept,  the  confederated 
army  drew  off  towards  Prato  and  thence  marched  in  two  divi- 
sions, one  by  Signa  and  the  Gusciana  to  threaten  Lucca,  the 
other  by  the  left  bank  of  the  Amo,  which  destroyed  Pontadera 
and  carried  the  rampart  and  Fosso  Amonico  by  storm.  This 
was  a  great  canal  and  breastwork  excavated  and  fortified  with 
towers  by  the  Pisans  in  1176,  both  as  a  national  bulwark  and 


il 


520 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


an  outlet  for  the  superfluous  waters  of  the  Arno,  of  wliich   ', 
river  some  have  supposed  it  to  be  one  of  the  three  branches    I 
mentioned  by  Strabo.      Thus  was  opened  all  the  Pisau  tern-    ^ 
tory :  San  Casciano  and  Sansavino  soon  fell  and  Pisa  saw  her- 
self insulted  at  her  veiy  gates  with  perfect  impunity.  Castiiiccio     i 
nevertheless  remained  immoveable  ;  he  calculated  on  stan'ation 
and  the  moral  effect  of  seeing  a  superior  anny  retire  without 
accomplishing  anything,  and  accordingly  on  the  3rd  of  August 
Pistoia  surrendered  to  sL\teen  hundred  men-at-arms  and  the 
usual  force  of  infantr}',  in  face  of  an  anny  of  nearly  double 
these  numbers*. 

Thus  victorious  he  returned  in  triumph  to  Lucca  more 
powerful  more  dreaded,  and  more  fonnidalde  than  before  ; 
none  of  his  important  entei*prises  ever  failed  and  Italy  had  not 
beheld  such  a  captain  for  centiuies.  Lord  of  Pisa,  Lucca, 
Lunigiana,  and  much  of  the  eastern  Riviera  of  Genoa;  and 
master  of  three  hundred  walled  towns,  he  was  either  courted  or 
dreaded  by  every  Itiilian  prince  from  the  Emperor  downwards, 
but  Florence  was  in  terror  at  liis  very  name  ;  and  Galeazzo 
Visconti  the  once  powerful  lord  of  half  Lombardy  ;  who  had 
been  released  by  the  Emperor  in  the  preceding  March  at  Cas- 
truccio's  intercession  ;  now  sened  under  his  standard  as  a  pri- 
vate individual  f.  Visconte  soon  after  expired  at  Pescia  from  the 
effects  of  a  fever  engendered  by  the  labours  of  the  Pistoian 
siege,  and  it  was  fatal  to  more  than  liim ;  even  Castruccio's 
hour  drew  near  ;  for  the  same  fever,  the  consequence  of  his  per- 
sonal fatigues,  was  rapidly  consuming  him  also  ^.  lie  feared  the 
emperor's   resentment  for  the  usui'pation  of  Pisa  and  would 


•  Tegrimi  Vita  Castniccio. — G.  Vil- 
lani,  Lib,  x.,  cap.  Ixxxv.,  Ixxxvi. — 
Istorie  Pistolesi. — Ripetti,  Dizionario 
Geografico-Fisico-Storico  di  Toscana. 
■f"  He  had  been  imprisoned  for  eight 
months  in  a  dungeon  of  the  strong 
castle  of  Monza  which  he  had  just 
finished  building.     This  prison,  called 


"  II  Fomo^"  or  the  oven,  from  its 
sh.ipe,  received  its  prisoners  through  a 
hole  in  the  top,  but  was  too  low  to 
allow  of  their  remaining  in  an  upright 
position.  Galeazzo  was  first  inmate  of 
his  own  dungeon. 

X  Pietro  Verri,  Storia  di  Milano,  cap. 
x.,p.  119,  &e. 


CHAP,  xvii.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


521 


have  made  peace  with  Florence,  but  was  too  much  mistrusted 
and  therefore  failed  :  the  malady  increased,  he  informed  those 
about  him  that  he  was  going  to  die  and  that  his  death  would  be 
the  signal  for  great  revolutions ;  then  taking  the  necessary 
I  precautious  to  insiu'e  his  three  sons  the  quiet  succession  of 
liis  three  great  cities,  and  charging  them  to  conceal  his  death 
until  they  were  secure,  he  expired  on  the  3rd  of  September 
13-^8  in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  his  age  and  the  twelfth  of  his 
rule  over  Lucca-.  Tegiimi  his  biographer  says  that  Castniccio 
was  a  cruel  avenger  of  his  own  wrongs  ;  but  as  personal  ven- 
geance never  justifiable  assumes  in  princes  a  more  sharp 
and  bitter  aspect,  it  would  be  difficult  to  say  whether  his  con- 
duct to  his  subjects  merited  the  name  of  severity  or  cruelty. 
With  the  soldiers  he  was  miiversally  popular,  and  in  speaking 
to  them  his  eloquence  and  grace  of  manner  and  diction  were 
wonderfully  adapted  as  well  to  his  own  dignity  as  to  the  mind 
and  feelings  of  his  audience.  He  would  often  calm  a  tumul- 
tuous soldieiy  by  simply  calling  them  sons,  fathers  and  brothers, 
and  no  army  ever  mutinied  under  liis  command.  He  was  first 
in  every  danger,  fii-st  to  seize  the  ladder  and  mount  the  wall ; 
first  to  swim  across  a  river  when  swelled  to  a  torrent ;  first  in 
eveiy  individual  act  of  skill  and  courage,  as  he  was  first  in 
talent  and  command  ;  and  he  gained  the  hearts  of  soldiers  by 
his  agreeable  familiarity  with  the  meanest  amongst  them.  His 
threat  reputation  as  a  warrior  secured  his  ascendancy  in  field 
and  comicil ;  and  such  was  his  soldiers'  confidence  that  often  by 
his  mere  name  and  appearance  the  fortune  of  battle  was  re- 
stored, fugitives  arrested,  and  the  foe  defeated.  His  arrival 
alone  was  frequently  sufficient  to  force  an  enemy  from  fortified 
places  or  insure  their  immediate  sun-ender.  Whatever  were  his 
individual  sentiments  he  always  consulted  his  council,  composed 
of  the  ablest  men  of  Lucca,  and  more  especially  of  those  most 
learned  in  liistory :  but  when  it  was  a  pm-e  question  of  war  he 

*  Lib.  del  Polistore,  cap.  xiv.,  p.  745,  torn,  xxiv.— Rer.  Ital.  Scrip. 


(i 

i 


522 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


I 


sought  the  opinion  of  old  military  men  well  acquainted  with 
the  seat  of  intended  hostilities.  Uneducated  himself  he  yet 
delighted  in  the  company  and  conversation  of  literary  men :  he 
improved  and  maintained  the  roads  and  bridges  of  his  state,  had 
numerous  spies,  amongst  them  many  women,  in  all  parts  of  the 
world,  and  was  popularly  said  to  have  the  wings  of  an  eagle  *. 
"  This  Castruccio  was  in  person  tall,  dexterous,  and  hand 
some  ;  finely  made,  not  bulky,  and  of  a  fair  complexion  rather 
inclining  to  paleness  ;  his  hair  was  light  and  straight  and 
he  bore  a  verj'  gracious  aspect.  He  was  a  valorous  and  magna- 
nimous tyrant,  wise  and  sagacious,  of  an  anxious  and  labo- 
rious mind  and  possessing  great  militarj^  talents ;  was  ex- 
tremely prudent  in  war  and  successful  in  his  undertaldngs : 
He  was  much  feared  and  reverenced  and  in  his  time  performed 
many  great  and  remarkable  actions.  He  was  a  scourge  to  his 
fellow-citizens,  to  the  Pisans,  the  Pistoians,  the  Florentines  and 
all  Tuscany,  during  the  fifteen  (twelve  ?)  years  in  which  he  held 
the  sovereignty  of  Lucca.  He  was  very  cruel  in  executing  and 
torturing  men,  migrateful  for  good  oflfices  rendered  to  him  in 
his  necessities,  partial  to  new  people  and  vain  of  the  high 
station  to  which  he  had  mounted,  so  that  he  believed  himself 
lord  of  Florence  and  king  of  Tuscany  "f. 

The  historian  Giovanni  Villani  who  gives  this  character  of 
Castruccio  did  not  escape  the  common  weakness  of  his  time,  a 
superstitious  belief  in  the  powers  of  judicial  astrolog}^ ;  and 
the  following  anecdote  curious  in  itself  when  vouched  for  by  so 
respectable  an  authority  was  admirably  calculated  to  confirm  it. 
**  About  this  death  of  Castruccio,"  he  continues,  *'  it  falls  to 
our  (the  author  s)  lot,  to  make  mention  of  a  case  that  occurred. 
We  being  in  extreme  disquiet  at  his  persecution  of  our  com- 
munity which  appeared  to  us  almost  impossible :  complaining 
of  it  in  our  letter  to  Master  Dionysiiis  dal  Borgo  a  San 

*  Tegrimi,  Vita  di  Castruccio,  pp.  35,  45,  &.c. 
t  G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  Ixxxvi. 


CHAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


523 


Sepolcro^'  our  affectionate  friend  of  the  order  of  Saint  Augus- 
^  tine  professor  of  divinity  and  philosophy  at  Paris,  praying  that 
he  would  inform  me  when  our  misfortunes  would  cease.  He 
■answered  me  shortly  after  by  letter  and  said,  '  I  see  Cas- 
i'  truccio  dead,  and  at  the  end  of  the  war  you  will  have  the  lord- 
•'  ship  of  Lucca  from  the  hands  of  one  who  hears  the  coat  of 

*  anus  red  and  black,  tvith  great  vexation,  expense,  and  shame  to 
]"  your  community.'  We  had  the  said  letter  from  Paris  at  the 
time  when  Castruccio  had  reconquered  Pistoia  as  already 
narrated,  and  writing  again  to  the  professor  how  Castruccio 
was  in  greater  pomp  and  state  than  ever,  he  immediately 
replied,    '  I  reaffirm  that  which  I  wrote  to  ijou  in  my  other 

*  letter,  and  if  God  has  not  altered  his  judgment  and  the  course 

*  of  the  heavens,  I  see  Castruccio  dead  and  buried.'  And  as  I 
had  this  letter  I  showed  it  to  my  fellow  priors  who  were  then 
of  that  college  a  few  days  after  Castruccio  s  death ;  and  in  all 
its  parts  the  judgment  of  Master  Dionysius  was  a  prophecy  "f. 

The  news  of  Castruccio's  death  was  scarcely  believed  by  the 
Florentines,  so  great  and  sudden  was  their  feeling  of  reUef  from 
the  most  imminent  danger  to  which  the  community  had  ever 
been  exposed :  joy  and  confidence  once  more  returned,  for 
without  Castruccio  they  did  not  fear  the  emperor,  whose  avarice 
and  tvranny  were  hourly  increasing  the  number  of  his  enemies. 
Having  exasperated  the  Romans  so  much  as  to  endanger  his 
own  safety  Louis  quitted  Ptome  on  the  fourth  of  August  amidst 
a  storm  of  insult  and  indignity,  with  every  off"ensive  expression 
of  public  hatred,  even  to  the  tearing  of  his  dead  countrymen's 


*  This  learned  man  was  the  great 
friend,  master,  and  adviser  of  Petrarch ; 
the  intimate  friend  also  of  the  learned 
King  Robert  of  Naples  in  whose  palace 
he  died  as  Bishop  of  Monopoli  in  the 
year  1 342  just  after  the  decease  of  the 
poet's  greatest  friend  Giaconio  Colonna 
bishop  of  Lombez  and  while  Petrarch 
was  yet  at  Parma.     Dionysius  must 


have  been  no  common  person  if  he 
really  deserved  the  high  praise  be- 
stowed on  him  by  such  a  man  as 
Petrarch  who  besides  other  eulogies 
says,  *'  Amongst  the  ancients  such  a 
man  would  have  been  rare ;  in  our 
age  he  wa^  uniqiie" 
t  G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  Ixxxvi. 


524 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


l)odies  from  their  gi-aves  and  contemptuously  plunging  them 
into  the  Tiber  :  the  same  night  Stefano  Colonna  and  the  Orsini 
were  joyfully  welcomed,  the  pope  again  became  popular  and* 
the  Guelphic  banner  once  more  predomhiant.  The  empero^ 
marched  to  Viterbo  and  Todi  whence  he  plundered  the  iur- 
romiding  country  and  Romagna  even  to  the  gates  of  Imola.  hi^ 
progress  being  marked  by  tyranny  perfidy  and  cruelty ;  here 
incited  by  the  Ghibeline  exiles  of  Tuscany  and  other  places,  he 
resolved  to  proceed  by  Arezzo  against  Florence  while  Castmccio 
should  invest  it  on  the  west,  and  the  Ubaldini  with  the  imperial 
troops  of  Romagna  raise  the  standard  of  reliellion  in  the 
Mugello ;  so  that  the  city  as  yet  unprovided,  suiTounded  on 
ever}'  side,  and  the  hanests  not  secured,  must  have  soon 
surrendered.  When  once  master  of  Florence,  all  Tuscanv 
and  Lombardy  were  at  his  feet  and  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
would  afterwards  have  become  an  easy  conquest :  had  Cas- 
tmccio lived  this  project  might  have  been  carried  out,  and  Flo- 
rence dreading  the  worst  strained  every  nerve  to  repel  the 
threatened  danger*. 

The  fortresses  of  Upper  Val  d'Amo  were  immediately  sup- 
plied ;  men,  horses,  arms,  victuals  and  commanders  were  des- 
patched in  every  direction ;  Prato,  Signa,  and  all  the  fenced 
towns  in  the  lower  valley  were  similarly  reenforced  ;  all  provi- 
sions from  the  open  country  were  ordered  into  walled  places  ; 
the  confederacy  was  summoned  in  ever}'  quarter ;  strict  watch 
and  ward  were  maintained  in  the  capital,  and  every  weaker 
point  of  its  defences  strengthened.  Charles  of  Calabria  was 
peremptorily  recalled  on  pain  of  forfeiting  his  salary,  but 
unwilling  to  venture  his  person  between  Castmccio  and  the 
Bavarian  he  sent  liis  kinsman  Count  Beltram  dal  Balzo  with  four 
hundred  horse  in  his  stead  ;  the  latter  came,  but  the  storm  had 
already  past ;  Castmccio  was  no  more.  Louis  also  hearing 
of  Don  Pedro  of  Aragon  s  arrival  with  the  Sicilian  fleet  at  Cor- 


Tegrimi,  Vita  di  Castruccio,  p.  69. 


:HAP.   XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


525 


leto,  marched  from  Todi  to  join  him  and  entirely  renounced 

fhe  enterprise. 

The  removal  of  this  heavy  weight  gave  full  play  to  the 
ilatural  elasticity  of  Florentine  spirit ;  profiting  by  the  general 
relaxation  consequent  upon  Castmccio 's  death  Carmignano  was 
immediately  invested  and  after  an  obstinate  resistance  surren- 
dered on  the  sixteenth  of  September,  but  the  citadel  eight  days 
after.  In  the  meantime  the  united  forces  of  Louis  and  Don 
I't'dro  had  captui-ed  Talamone,  besieged  Grosseto  and  endea- 
voured to  annihilate  the  foreign  trade  of  Florence  and  Siena 
which  the  war  with  Pisa  had  driven  back  into  these  channels. 
Wliile  thus  occupied  intelligence  of  Castmccio's  death  and  the 
occupation  of  Pisa  by  his  sons  reached  the  emperor  and  hurried 
him  foi^'ard  from  Grosseto  towards  that  city  where  he  was 
received  as  a  liberator  just  three  days  before  the  fall  of  Car- 


mignano. 


Already  incensed  against  Castmccio,  and  fearless  of  the  dead 
lion  he  determined  to  keep  no  terms  with  that  chiefs  sons,  and 
became  still  more  excited  when  he  was  infoimed  of  the  negotia- 
tion began  by  him  with  Florence  which  it  suited  him  to  con- 
sider as  an  act  of  treason  in  the  deceased  duke ;  he  therefore 
resolved  to  drive  the  family  from  Lucca  yet  was  turned  from 
his  mtention  for  the  moment  by  the  gifts  and  entreaties  of  their 
mother  :  but  the  people  soon  rose  in  revolt  and  gave  him  a  fair 
opportunity  of  interference.  Having  quelled  the  insurrection 
he  established  a  governor  over  the  town  who  soon  intermai'rying 
with  the  Intermmelli  replaced  Castmccio's  sons  in  their  former 
position,  upon  this  Louis  returned  in  anger  displaced  his  lieu- 
tenant and  depriving  the  three  Interminelli  of  the  dukedom 
banished  both  them  and  their  mother  to  Pontremoli-. 

Immediately  after  this  eight  hundred  of  his  best  cavali^' 
with  their  officers,  besides  many  gentlemen,  reduced  from 
poverty  to  serve  on  foot,  all  mutinied  for  want  of  pay  and 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xcv.,  xcvi.,  c,  cii.,  civ. 


52G 


FLORENTTN.E   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


quitted  the  army  in  a  body:  failing  in  a  sudden  attack  on 
Lucca  they  plundered  its  suburbs,  marched  to  the  Val-di-nievole 
ravaged  that  countiy,  and  finally  establishing  themselves  in  th 
strong  position  of  Cenniglio  between  Vivinaia  and  Monte  Carl 
they  levied  contributions  on  the  neighliouring  district  an 
offered  themselves  on  high  conditions  to  the  Florentines : 
although  unsuccessful  in  this  they  managed  to  extract  a  part  of 
their  arrears  from  Louis  and  detained  his  envoy  Mai'co  Vis- 
conti  until  the  whole  should  be  satisfied. 

This  mutiny  was  the  cause  of  important  events  in  the  sub- 
sequent transactions  of  Florence  wliich  w^as  now  freed  from 
foreign  rule  by  the  unexpected  death  of  Charles  Duke  of  Cala- 
bria. It  occurred  on  the  ninth  of  November,  and  divided 
the  community  between  joy  and  sorrow :  he  was  an  only  son, 
left  no  male  heirs ;  and  the  succession  became  doubtful ; 
the  Guelphic  party  therefore  lamented  his  loss  as  the  pro- 
bable dissolution  of  their  ancient  and  unbroken  alliance  with 
the  house  of  Anjou  ;  but  the  generality  rejoiced  at  their  reco- 
vered independence  and  sudden  relief  from  so  costly  a  govern- 
ment, at  the  very  moment  when  by  the  death  of  Castruccio  his 
assistance  was  no  longer  wanted.  Nor  w^as  the  Duke  of  Cala- 
bria either  from  his  tastes  or  natural  abilities  a  sort  of  leader 
in  any  way  adapted  to  the  conduct  of  Florentine  affairs  in  so 
dangerous  circumstances,  notwithstanding  his  personal  popu- 
larity and  exemplaiy  admuiistration  of  justice  :  a  stranger's 
rule  too  began  to  press  as  heavy  on  the  mind  as  it  did  on  the 
purse  of  the  people  ;  and  the  mercenarj-  and  encroaching  con- 
duct of  his  officers  would  have  soon  brought  things  to  a  crisis 
if  death  had  not  quietly  dissolved  the  tie. 

It  has  been  remarked  that  Florence  was  more  frequently 
beholden  to  death  than  to  her  own  wisdom  for  salvation  ;  and 
assuredly  at  this  epoch,  as  in  the  time  of  Henry  the  Seventh, 
she  was  not  only  delivered  from  almost  certain  bondage  to  a 
foreign  master  but  relieved  of  an  incubus  on  her  liberty  and 


i 

VHAP.  XVII.  I 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


527 


iinances  that  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  oppress  all  public 
virtue  and  accustom  the  people  to  the  dangers  of  absolute 
monarchy*. 

The  moment  that  Charles's  death  became  known  they  as 
usual  applied  themselves  to  the  task  of  remodelling  their  con- 
stitution in  such  fashion  as  to  allow  every  citizen  of  good 
Guelphic  pruiciples  and  acknowledged  respectability  to  partici- 
pate m  its  public  employments.  This  was  supposed  to  be 
accomplished  in  the  following  manner.  The  gonfalonier  and 
six  priors  with  two  coadjutors  from  each  Sesto  were  ordered  by 
the  people,  assembled  in  full  Parliament,  to  return  a  list  of  all 
the  Guelphic  citizens,  not  noble  and  under  thirty  years  of  age, 
whom  they  considered  worthy  of  being  elected  to  the  office  of 
prior :  similar  returns  were  to  be  made  by  the  nineteen  gon- 
faloniers of  companies  with  two  coadjutors  for  each ;  by  the 
captains  of  the  party  Guelph  and  their  council ;  and  by  the  five 
chief  officers  of  commerce  assisted  by  two  consuls  from  each  of 
the  seven  superior  trades.  These  lists  were  then  united  in 
one,  which  was  laid  before  a  new  council  composed  of  the  gon- 
falonier and  priors,  the  twelve  goodmen,  the  nineteen  gonfa- 
loniers of  companies;  two  consuls  from  the  twelve  superior 
trades  balloted  for  by  the  priors  alone ;  with  six  coadjutors 
from  each  Sesto,  selected  by  the  goodmen  and  priors  combined, 
making  altogether  a  board  of  ninety-eight  persons  :  these  voted 
by  secret  ballot  for  or  against  each  name  as  it  was  read  aloud, 
and  that  which  was  approved  of  by  sixty-eight  black  beans  or 
votes,  was  immediately  inserted  in  the  list  of  future  priors^ 
These  names  written  on  small  schedules,  were  afterwards  placed 
in  SLx  purses,  one  for  each  Sesto,  which  being  secured  in  a  strong 
box  with  three  distinct  keys  the  latter  with  the  box  itself  were 
given  in  joint  charge  to  the  Captain  of  the  People,  the  guar- 
dian of  the  Franciscan  friars  and  the  monks  of  Settimo.  Three 
days  before  the  priors  left  office  the  council  was  again  assem- 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cv.,  cvi.,  cvii. 


52S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  Iv^ 


Med  and  the  names  of  the  new  seignory  drawn  by  lot,  thr 
same  person  being  ineligible  to  a  like  office  for  two  years  •  but 
if  a  father,  son,  or  brother  of  the  elected  were  drawn  they  were 
ineligible  for  one  year  only,  and  more  distant  relations  for  six 
months  after  their  kinsman  had  left  office. 

This  reform  was  first  contirmed  by  the  regular  comicils,  and 
afterwards  by  the  whole  of  the  people  assembled  in  parliament 
before  the  public  palace,  where  it  was  much  lUscussed  and 
severe  penalties  were  denounced  against  violaters.  These 
transactions  Unished  on  the  eleventh  of  December  and  the 
same  scrutiny  was  to  be  repeated  every  two  years  from  the  fol- 
lowing month  when  all  those  names  which  remained  in  the 
pui-ses  were  to  be  left  untouched  while  the  schedides  of  those 
who  had  served  were  removed  to  another  bag  until  each  had 
had  his  turn  of  public  employment. 

The  college  of  Good  Men  whose  office  lasted  double  the  time 
of  the  prioi-s  was  similarly  chosen  ;  that  of  the  gonfaloniers  ol 
companies  followed  the  same  forms,  their  period  of  office  being 
reduced  hke  that  of  the  Buonomini  from  six  to  four  months'^ 
but  they  were  eligible  at  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  eacli 
of  the  twelve  superior  trades  also  elected  tlieir  consuls  in  the 
same  manner.  The  ancient  assemblies  of  "r/<t7i«//</m/,'  ''The 
Credenzar   '' The  N'metijr  and   '' The  General  Coumir' v^^eve 
now  abolished  and  another  called  the  "  Council  of  the  People  " 
composed  of  three  hundred  approved  Guelphic  citizens,  was 
substituted :    also  a  second  called  the  Common  Council,  over 
which  the  Podesta  presided,  and  where  the  nobles  and  popolani 
were  mingled  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  lifty  approved 
Citizens,  both  renewed  every  four  instead  of  sk  months  in  order 
to  give  each  citizen  a  seat  in  rotiition. 

No   deliberation  of  the  seignoiy  was  valid  until  fii-st  con- 
firmed in  the  "  Conslgllo  del  Popolo"  where  the  Captain  of 
the  People  presided ;  and  afterwards  m  that  of  the  Podesta 
In  this  manner  was  the  Florentine  constitution  reformed,  and 


^HAP.  XVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


529 


fliortly  after,  to  avoid  canvassing  for  votes  with  other  interested 
Jiolicitations  and  pernicious  exchanges  of  favour  at  the  public 
expense,  the  foreign  Podestas  were  selected  in  a  similar  man- 
ner from  amongst  those  Italians  who  were  considered  most 
worthy  by  the  suffrages  of  the  Florentine  people ;  schedules 
with  all  tlieir  names  being  kept  safely  inclosed  in  purses  as 
above  described*. 

This  reform  was  universally  popular  and  for  a  longtime  pro- 
tluced  general  tranquillity,  first  because  the  uncontrolled  elec- 
tion of  their  magistrates,  in  which  for  the  most  part  consisted 
their  liberty,  returned  to  the  people  from  the  hands  of  a 
foreign  master ;  and  secondly  because  the  prepotency  and  ambi- 
tion of  individual  citizens  in  earlier  periods,  made  the  pubhc 
good  subservient  to  their  own  personal  exaltation  and  involved 
the  commonwealth  in  unnecessary  wars  papal  anathemas  and 
internal  divisions.  By  the  new  constitution  on  the  contrary, 
the  various  public  interests  w^ere  represented  in  a  succession  of 
initiative,  deliberative,  and  legislative  councils,  each  particular 
interest  choosing  its  own  set  of  approved  citizens  but  subject  to 
the  checlv  and  sanction  of  all  the  rest,  and  ineligible  without  it : 
but  whether  the  mere  plebeians  who  belonged  to  the  different 
trades  were  really  represented,  and  felt  that  they  were  so  ;  or 
whether  they  only  benefited  by  the  personal  honesty  and  wise 
administration  of  the  new  magistrates,  until  corruption  again 
crept  in,  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  history. 

The  inconvenience  of  a  general  assembly  of  the  people  as  a 
deliberative  body  had  been  long  felt  and  must  ever  prove  an 
absurdity ;  for  miless  reason  fall  on  it  like  a  shower  of  rain  the 
real  opinion  of  a  multitude  can  never  be  collected  during  the 
few  hours  set  apart  for  such  meetings :  this  reformation  was 
therefore  a  considerable  step  in  constitutional  government 
and  had  it  been  maintained  in  pristine  honesty  would  have 

*  M.  di    Coppo   Stefani,   Lib.    vii^.,     cap.  cviii. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vii.. 
Rub.   446.  —  Gio.   Villani,    Lib.  x.,     p.  358. 

VOL.    I.  MM 


530 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


long  presented  the  republic.  But  good  laws  and  constitution:? 
are  the  consequence  not  the  cause  of  an  increasing  public 
viitue  and  general  necessity ;  they  are  the  means  of  preserving 
the  former,  not  of  creating  it;  the  salt,  not  the  viand  whose 
natural  tendence  to  decay  will  finally  overcome  its  keeper. 
The  miser)'  of  nations  proceeds  less  from  the  form  of  goveni- 
ment  than  the  vicious  mode  of  its  administration  and  the  moral 
character  of  the  people,  which  act  and  rtucr  ii|k)1i  each  other  ; 
and  if  free  communities  have  in  general  iuo»t  chance  of  happi- 
ness, it  is  because,  without  any  great  prei^ndr rating  jKjwer, 
each  indi\'idual  feels  the  necessity  of  sacrilicing  something  to 
the  interest  or  prejudice  of  his  neigld)our.  When  prepon- 
derating powers  once  enter  a  free  state,  whether  they  be  united 
mercantile  bodies,  a  potent  nobility,  or  a  comlnnation  of  moneyed 
wealth ;  the  general  balance  is  disturbed,  justice  and  freedom 
vacillate,  public  morals  sink,  and  liberty  sooner  or  later  will 
pass  to  other  climes. 


Cotemporarv  Monarchs. — England  :  Edward  II.  until  1327,  Edward  III. 
— .Scotland:  Robert  Bruce. — France:  Charles  IV.  (the  Fair)  until  1328, 
Philip  VI.  of  Valois. — Anigon  •  Jacop  II.  till  1327,  Alfonso  IV. — Castile  and 
Leon  :  Alfonso  XI. — Portugal  :  Alfonso  IV. — Pope  :  John  XXII. — Gennan 
Emperor  :  Louis  of  Bavaria. — Naples  :  Robert  (the  Good). — Sicily  :  Frederic 
II.  of  Aragon. — Greek  Empire:  Androuicus  Palaeologus  till  1328,  Andronicus 
the  younger. — Ottoman  Empire  :  Orkhan. 


LP.   XVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


531 


i 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


FROM    A.D.  1329    TO    A.D.  1336. 


A.D.  1329. 


The  general  tranquillity  which  followed  these  popular 
reforms  enabled  government  to  turn  its  attention  almost 
exclusively  to  war,  as  all  good  Guelphs  were  indig- 
nant at  the  conduct  of  the  Bavarian  "  who  called  him- 
self cnqMror,''  for  he  had  not  only  introduced  his  Antipope 
Nicholas  V.  with  almost  divine  honours  into  Pisa ;  on  the  third 
of  January ;  but  soon  after  formally  deposed  and  excommuni- 
cated the  reigning  pontiff  along  with  Robert  King  of  Naples 
and  the  Florentine  republic.  The  Pisans  also  shared  this  indig- 
nation because  they  had  assisted,  though  very  unwillingly,  in 
so  sacrilegious  a  proceeding,  wherefore  the  new  general  Coimt 
Beltram  del  Balzo,  then  stationed  at  San  Miniato,  was  ordered 
to  waste  their  comitr}^;  and  this  he  accomplished  without  any 
opposition  from  Louis  who  under  the  mask  of  listlessness  was 
secretly  engaged  in  organising  a  dangerous  conspiracy  against 
Florence.  It  was  conducted  by  Ugolino  de'  Ubaldini  with  whom 
some  citizens  of  little  note  had  agreed  to  betray  the  city  and  set 
fire  to  the  more  distiint  quarters ;  while  all  were  busy  with  the 
flames,  two  hundred  soldiers  previously  introduced  mider  a 
certain  Giovanni  del  Sega,  were  to  rush  from  their  concealment, 
occupy  the  Prato  Gate,  admit  the  exiles  and  also  a  thousand 
imperial  horse  with  a  foot-soldier  behind  each.  All  these 
were  under  a   German  marshal's  comnmnd  who  was  imme- 

M  M   2 


532 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHIP.  XTin.] 


FLORENTINE    UISTORY. 


533 


diately  to  "  correr  la  terra,''  an  opcnitiou  already  described  as 
the  mark  of  militaiy  possession  and  supremacy.  The  plot  was 
revealed  by  two  of  Sega's  accomplices,  and  this  conspirator 
who  had  been  selected  for  his  dexterity  in  such  matters,  was 
executed  with  characteristic  cruelty  by  being  **;>/<7;if^(i"  alive 
hi  the  earth,  head  downwards ;  but  not  until  after  his  flesh  had 
been  tom  from  the  bones  with  red-hut  pincei-s.  His  betrayers 
were  rewarded  ^vith  a  donation  of  iiOOO  florins  and  'the 
right  of  carrying  oflcnsive  and  defensive  anns;  a  privilege 
of  no  small  importance,  iuid  just  denied  to  all  the  rest  of  the 
community  hi  consequence  of  frojuent  robberies  and  other 
disorders.  Amongst  these  the  practice  of  natural  heirs  habi- 
tually murdering  their  own  relations  the  sooner  to  enjoy  an 
inheritiuicc,  appears  to  Imvo  been  frequent ;  but  against  such 
otfendei-s  a  more  severe  and  ignominious  punishment  was 
directed  *.  .    ^ 

The  effect  of  tliis  conspiracy  was  to  add  new  flame  to  Floren- 
tine rage  against  Louis  whose  unpopularity  was  so  great  that 
one  powerful  rallying-point  was  deemed  suflicient  to  unite  many 
places  in  rebellion  agamst  him.  A  commissioner  was  there- 
fore appointed  with  full  authority  to  make  alliances  between  the 
Florentine  republic  and  every  person  place  or  conmmnity  that 
would  revolt ;  and  a  further  promise  of  unmodified  indemnity 
for  any  previous  injur}'  or  other  oflences  committed  agamst 
the  commonwealth.  To  give  it  greater  weight  and  solemnity 
thirteen  citizens  were  afterwards  johied  in  the  commission, 
while  Count  Beltram  was  commanded  again  to  ravage  the  Pisan 
territoiy  and  with  greater  severity  in  consequence  of  the 
antipope's  recent  anathemas.  The  *'  Company  of  Ccmiglia'' 
as  the  Gennau  mutuieers  were  now  called,  being  still  unsatis- 
lied,  Azzo  Visconti  who  was  then  in  the  imperial  court,  offered 
Louis  a  large  subsidy  to  liquidate  these  claims  provided  he 
were  reinstated  in  the  government  of  Milan  for  which  he 

*  Gio.  Villaui,  Lib.  x.,  cnp.cxiii  ,cxiv.~S.  Ammimto,  Lib.  Tii.,  j.p.  359,  364. 


had  been  long  a  supplicant:  the  conditions  being  accepted 
an  officer  was  sent  in  the  middle  of  January  with  Visconti 
[  to  receive  30,000  florins  for  the  company;  but  this  man 
absconded  with  the  greater  part,  and  Azzo  intent  on  establish- 
ing his  own  authority  made  no  haste  about  tho  remainder,  so 
that  Louis  seeuig  himself  thus  slighted  immediately  marched  to 
Lombardy  *. 

After  tlie  expulsion  of  Castruccio's  wife  and  children  he 
had  sold  Lucca  to  their  kinsman  Francesco   Castracani  for 
22,000   ilorins,  but  his   Italian   influence   was  waning  fast: 
the    house   of    Este    hitherto    his    friends    were    disgusted, 
.   especially   at   the   creation   of   an    antipope,   and   reconciled 
themselves   to   the   church;    Pisa  was   soon  after  pardoned 
by  Pope  John  as  a  reward  for  treacherously  delivering  the 
antipope  Nicholas  into  his  hands ;  Azzo  Visconti  also,  stung 
by  lis  own  and  his  father's  wrongs  and  angiy  at  the  treatment 
of  Castruccio's  children,  was  deep  in  negotiations  ^vith  the 
court  of  Avignon,  and  a  general  coolness  pervaded  Lombardy. 
Louis  marched  from  Pisa  on  the  eleventh  of  April  and  the 
mutineers  seemg  no  hopes  of  an  accommodation  chose  the 
hostage  Marco  Visconti ;  who  was  one  of  the  most  popular  and 
boldest  warriors  of  the  day;  as  their  leader  and  resolved  to 
shift  for  themselves.     Partly  stimulated  by  the  intrigues  of 
Pmo  della  Tosa  and  the  Bishop  of  Florence  who  promised 
them  a  large  sum  of  money,  they  conspired  with  Castruccio's 
old  German  garrison  of  L'Agosta,  the  citadel-palaee  of  Lucca, 
and  being  secretly  admitted,  soon  drove  Francesco  Castracani 
from  the  town.     Marco  then  sent  to  demand  payment  of  Flo- 
rence and  at  the  same  time  offered  to  sell  the  city  for  80,000 
floruis  on  the  sole  condition  of  pardoning  Castruccio's  sons 
'  and  allowing*  them  to  live  as  private  citizens  f. 

*  Lib.  del   Polistorc,    p.    745,   torn,  f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.   x ,  cap.  cxxvi., 

xxiv.,  Ror.  Itil.  Script.— Pictro  Verri,  cxxvii. — Muratori,  Annali.— Libro  del 

Storia  di  Milano,  voL  ii",  cap.  x.,  p.  Polistore,cap.  xi. 
125  &C. 


534 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XTllI.j 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


535 


This  proposal  lillod  Florence  with  quanols  in  consequence 
of  tho  violent  opposition  of  Sinione  delhi  Tosa  a  relation  but 
jealous  enemy  of  Pino  s :  it  was  finallj,  and  would  have  been 
^visely  rejected,  if  the  system  of  non-interference  had  been  after- 
wards rigidly  pursued;  but  as  the  mutability  of  the  Florentines 
was  proverbial,  opinions  soon  cliangcd,  and  tliat  which  might 
at  this  time  have  been  had  for  little,  was  aftcnvards  vainly 
attempted  at  the  expense  of  blood,  treasure,  nation.'d  honour, 
and  almost  of  national  liberty.     They  managed  better  in  their 
transactions  with  Pistoia  the  loss  of  which  was  more  keenly 
felt  than  any  other  of  Castmccio's  conquests:  Filippo  Tedici- 
and  other  friends  of  that  celebrated  cliief  had  jast  made  a 
partially  successful  attempt  to  recover  possession  of  the  town 
in  the  name  of  his  sons  ;  Imt  their  ononiics  tho   Panciatichi,' 
Muli,  Gualfreducci,  and  Vergellesi,  although  Ghibelines,  re- 
solved  to  reestablish  tho  old   alhancc  between    Pistoia  and 
Guelphic  Florence.    A  treaty  was  therefore  concluded  in  May,- 
by  which  the  latter  remained  in  possession  of  Caimignanoi 
Montemurlo,  Artimino,  Tizzana  and  other  strongholds  to  which 
in  common  with  Pistoia  all  exiles  were  restored :  moreover  the" 
Pistoians  voluntarily  iutmsted  the  custody  of  their  city  to  a 
Florentine  guard  and  governor  appointed    by  tliat  republic. 
Jacopo  Strozzi  was  therefore  made  commissioner  ^vith  orders  to 
create  several  Imights  of   tlie  leading   Gliibelme  families  in 
the  name  of  the  commonwealth  and  make  them  a  present  o? 
2000  florins   each ;    a  very  popular  act  which  excited  much 
friendly  feeling  and  was  accompanied  with  great  public  rejoic- 
ings in  both  capitiils ;  but  ever  after  tliis  although  nominally 
independent  Pistoia  really  ceased  to   be  any  longer  a  free 
community*.  -r. 

To  the  recovery  of  Pistoia  succeeded  the  pacification  of  Val-. 
di-Nievole  which  with  Florentine  assistance   had   been  con-.*'    ^' 
quered  by  Lucca  in  1281.    In  this  romantic  district  the  ancient 


*  Gio.  Villuni,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cxxviii. 


walls  and  castles  of  those  restless  timos  now  add  new  beauties 
to  the  quiet  scener)'  where  they  once  appeared  as  bold  and 
formidable  actors ;  for  after  Castniccio's  death  that  people  made 
a  confederacy  called  the  "  League  of  the  Val-di-Nievolc,'"  com- 
posed  of  Montccatini,  Buggiana,  Uzzano,  Colle,  II  Cozzile, 
Massa,  Montesommano,  Montevettolino,  and  Pescia;  who  seeing 
the  reduced  condition  of  Lucca,  and  the  present  tranquillity 
of  Pistoia  under  Florentine  protection  quickly  followed  her 
example  and  acknowledged  its  supremacy  *. 
.About  the  same  period  Pisa  with  the  aid  of  Marco  Visconti 
expelled  the  imperial  ^icar  Tarlatino  da  Pietramala  and  once 
more  recovered  lier  liberty,  to  the  great  joy  of  Florence ;  but 
more  from  hatred  to  Louis  than  sympathy  for  Pisa,  with  which 
however  she  soon  made  peace :  in  tho  interim  Marco  Visconti 
anxious  to  return  home  attempted  again  to  dispose  of  Lucca 
and  repaired  to  Florence  for  that  purpose,  but  the  same  patriotic 
or  factious  opposition  still  prevailed  and  defeated  all  his  plans. 
After  wasting  a  month  in  vain  negotiation  he  was  presented 
with  1000  florins  and  immediately  proceeded  to  Milan  where 
bemg  received  with  enthusiasm  by  the  people,  Azzo's  jealousy 
was  roused  and  he  had  him  strangled  after  a  banquet,  his 
body  being  subsequently  thrown  out  of  the  palace  window  f. 
>^.The  dread  of  being  thus  shouldered  by  so  powerful  a  neighbour 
as  Florence  induced  Pisa  to  take  up  this  negotiation  and 
precipitately  ofler  00,000  florins  for  the  state  of  Lucca ;  but 
tQ  her  eagerness  to  close  the  bargain  she  paid  the  money 
•without  any  hostages  or  other  security  for  possession  and  was 
defrauded  of  both.  This  audacious  attempt  to  supersede 
Florence  and  subjugate  a  neighbouring  state  by  one  scarcely 
emerged  from  long  years  of  bondage  exasperated  every  one 
and  caused  a  third  devastation  of  the  Pisan  district,  which 
in  the  mouth  of  August  enforced  a  disadvantageous  peace, 

♦  Gio.  Vin.ini,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cxxxiii.  Milanese,  Parte  Tcrza,  p.  20l^Gio. 
t  Corio  givc«  a  somewhat  diircrent  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cxxxi.,  cxxxii., 
tccouQtof  this  transaction. — Historic     cxxxiii.,  cxxxiv. — Sismondi,  iv.,  Y-  8L 


536 


FLORENTINE    IIISTORI. 


[book,  I. 


CHA?.  ITllI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


537 


while  about  the  same   period  a  third   and   final   offer  was  U 
unsuccessfully  made  by  the  Gcraian  soldiers  to  cUspose  ofS] 
Lucca.      Upon  this  some  opulent  citizens,  and  amongst  them^^ 
the  historian  Giovanni  Villani,  uidignant  at  what  they  thought- 
an  unprincipled  opposition  to  this  tempting  offer,  came  boldly 
forward  and  proposed  to  advance  the  money  themselves  if 
the  state  would  only  engage  to   reimburee  'them  from  the 
ordinary  revenue  of  Lucca :  but  this  did  not  prevail  against^ 
the  party  of   Simone    dclla    Tosa ;    wherefore    the   soldienj^ 
an.\ious  to  return  homo  sold  the  same  city,  wliich  only  twelve}' 
months  before  was  dominant  in  Tuscany  and  dreaded  by  all  ' 
Italy,  to  an  e.xiled  GhibeUne  of  Genoa  for  the  paltiy  sum  ofi 
30,000  florins !      Yet  Gherardino   Spinola  had  luirdly  como-, 
pleted  his  purchase  when  Florence,  who  like  the  dog  in  the-| 
fablo  would  neither  have  the  phice  hei-self  nor  allow  others  to 
touch  It,  llared  up  at  this  bargain  and  although  Spinola  imme^, , 
diately  oflered  her  either  peace  or  truce,  both  were  disdain-?! 
liUly  rejected  mid  in  the  midst  of  strong  political  excitement  ' 
the  war  of  Lucca  commenced  *.  . ., . 

In  relating  these  events  Villani  indignantly  exclaims  against 
aU  the  hypocritical  excuses  alleged  by  the  governing  party  ^i 
opposed  to  this  purchase,  who  dcclai-cd  they  had  before  ob-.f 
jected  to  it  from  an  honest  feeling  lest  reports  should  beJ 
spread  through  the  worid  that  Florence  from  mere  love  of^ 
aggrandisement  liad  purchased  the  city  of  Lucca.  -  But  in  our- 
own  opmion."  says  this  author,  "and  in  that  of  many  wiser^ 
ciUzens  who  have  examined  the  question,  that  as  a  compensa^- 
tion  for  all  the  defeats,  injuries  and  expenses  suffered  byl  * 
Florence  from  Lucca  in  the  Casti-uccian  war,  no  other  ven-v  1 
geance  could  be  taken  by  the  Florentines,  nor  greater  pmise,  nor:  I 
more  glorious  fame  coidd  spread  through  the  worid  than  the.  i] 
bemg  able  to  say,  that  the  merchants  and  private  citizens  oJ> 
Florence  with  their  own  money  had  purchased  Lucca  and  their, 

*  Gio.  Villani.  Lib.  .x.,  c.  c.xl.,  cxli.  -S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  vii.,  pp.  364-5,  &c 


iometinie  enemies,  her  citizens  and  subjects,  as  their  bond-slaves.'' 
"But  whom  God  hates  he  deprives  of  reason  and  will  not 

[permit  to  act  wisely ;  for  perhaps,  or  without  a  periiaps,  their 
.sins  were  not  yet  purged,  nor  theii'  pride  humbled,  nor  the 
usury  nor  ill-gotten  gains  of  the  Florentines  sufficiently  dimi- 
nished to  prevent  their  spending  and  consuming  more  in 
war  by  pursumg  their  quarrel  with  the  Lucchese,  when  for 
eveiy  farthing  that  Lucca  would  have  cost,  a  hundred  or  more, 
nay  we  may  say  an  infinity  was  spent  afterwards  by  the  Floren- 
tmes  in  the  said  war  as  we  shall  mention  in  its  place.  Whereas 
with  the  above-named  loan,  neither  spent  nor  lost,  such  high 

'  and  honourable  vengeance  might  have  been  Uiken  on  the  people 

[■  of  Lucca  by  having  purchased  them  as  slaves,  and  more  than 
slaves,  with  their  possessions ;  and  afterwards  at  their  own 

.^expense,  and  under  our  yoke  bestowed  on  them  both  peace  and 

cpardon  and  made  them  freemen  and  companions,  as  they  were 

^in ancient  times  with  the  Florentines"*. 

j'The  strong  fortress  and  pass  of  Serravalle  which  Pistoia 
voluntarily  sun*endered  for  .three  years  to  Florence  gave  a  free 
entrance  to  the  Lucchese  states,  and  together  with  the  league 
of  Val-di-Nievole  enabled  her  to  push  on  the  siege  of  Monte- 
catini  more  vigorously  which,  though  a  member  of  that  confede- 
racy, had  been  incited  by  Spinola  to  revolt :  but  it  was  large, 

.  strong,  well  defended,  and  not  easily  taken ;  Spinola  attempted 

'several  times  to  succour  it  but  failed,  and  nearly  lost  Lucca 
itself  by  a  bold  assault  of  Castruccio's  sons  who  for  many  hours 
were  in  possession  of  all  the  city  except  the  fortress  of 
L'Agosta,  Montecatini  held  out  for  eleven  months  against  a 
close  and  rigorous  blockade  by  an  immense  army  and  vast 
lines  of  circumvallation  ;  extending  no  less  than  fourteen  miles, 

'  and  backed  by  ditl-hes  sulliciently  capacious  to  admit  the  waters 
of  three  rivers,  the  Pescia,  Gora,  and  the  Nievole.     About  the 

•  middle  of  June  1330  it  surrendered  and  scaicely  escaped  total 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  c.  cxli. 


538 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


destruction  by  a  decree  of  the  Florentine  people :  it  was  hoiv- 
ever  ultimately  spared,  partly  because  of  its  importance  i^s 
a  military  station,  and  partly  from  old  recollections  of  itjs 
having  been  the  only  place  in  Tuscany  that  generously  re^^ 
ceived  the  Guelphic  fugitives  from  Lucca  after  the  battle 
of  Monteaperto ;  and  thus  exposed  itself  to  immediate  en- 
mity, and  even  subsequent  conquest  by  that  republic  :  Monte- 
catini  was  therefore  saved  and  incorporated  into  the  Florentine 
state  *. 

During  the  continuance  of  this  siege  the  emperor  after  an 
unsuccessful  campaign  against  Milan  and  its  subject  states, 
managed  while  at  Pavia,  Cremona,  and  Parma  in  the  months 
of  October  and  November  to  organise  a  very  powerful  conspi- 
racy at  Bologna  for  the  purpose  of  snatching  that  important 
city  from  the  hands  of  the  pope's  legate  and  nephew  Bertrand 
de  Poiet.  The  plot  was  personally  directed  by  Count  Hector 
of  Panigo  under  the  influence  of  the  Ptossi  of  Parma,  one  of 
which  family  was  kept  a  close  prisoner  by  the  cardinal  legate, 
and  was  too  extensive  not  to  have  succeeded  even  after  its 
complete  detection,  had  not  the  arrival  of  a  strong  Florentine 
detachment  enabled  Bertrand  to  execute  his  prisoners  and 
overawe  the  town  f . 

Thus  Bologna  like  Florence  and  the  other  Italian  republics, 
was  ever  in  peril  from  civil  discord  or  private  and  personal 
enmity ;  and  thus  a  weak  pomt  always  presented  itself  to  ex- 
ternal enemies  in  the  swarms  of  vindictive  exiles  that  infested 
every  foreign  state,  besides  their  secret  adherents  at  home. 
These  initable  fugitives,  boiling  up  with  vindictiveness,  were 
continually  intriguing  for  their  own  restoration,  and  in  their 
eagerness  to  join  any  prince  or  state  making  promises  of  ever}^- 
thing,  no  matter  how  extravagant  or  false,  against  their  native 
country ;  the  predominant  factions  at  home  being  at  the  same 


*  Gio.  ViUaiii,  Lib.    x.,   cap.  cxlvi ,     f    Gio.    Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cxliv., 
clxvii.,  civ.  cxlv. 


CHP.   XVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


539 


A.D.  1330. 


tine  harass^^d  ly  constant  fears  of  plots  and  new  revolutions, 
d.eading  evtemal  aggressions,  and  in  everlasting  quarrels 
amongst  themselves. 

On  the  fifth  of  October,  about  ten  weeks  after  the  fall  of 
!klontecatini,  the  Florentines  marched  to  Lucca  and 
^oon  demoi  istrated  to  Gherardino  Spinola  that  it  was 
Qot  that  lordship  but  his  own  extraordinary  talents  which  had 
Waited  Castiniccio  Castracani  whose  mantle  he  vainly  imagined 
le  had  secured  with  the  rest  of  his  spoils  :  in  the  short  space 
of  three  days  they  captured  the  fortresses  of  Poggio,  Corruglio, 
Vivinaia,  Montechiaro,  San  Martino  in  Colle,  and  Porcari ;  thus 
mastering  the  whole  of  Castruccio's  former  position  and  encamp- 
ing two  days  after  under  the  walls  of  his  capital.  The  camp 
was  intrenched,  peraianent  quarters  erected,  and  every  other 
preparation  made  for  a  winter's  investment;  but  one  of  the 
first  operations  was  to  redeem  the  honour  of  Florence  and  re- 
venge Castruccio's  insult  by  running  for  the  Palio  under  her 
very  walls.  Then'  intention  to  celebrate  these  races  was 
publicly  proclaimed,  and  as  a  curious  trait  of  that  age's 
customs  it  may  be  added,  that  a  general  safe-conduct  to  all 
who  pleased  to  issue  from  the  beleaguered  town  as  spectators 
of  the  games  was  announced  by  the  Florentines.  Multitudes, 
both  citizens  and  strangers,  took  advantage  of  this  permission 
to  view  more  nearly  the  insult  about  to  be  offered  to  them ; 
but  the  Florentine  general  had  a  deeper  object;  he  had  cor- 
rupted a  German  commander  who  with  two  hundred  men- 
at-arms  took  the  opportunity  of  coming  quietly  over  to  his 
standard.  This  treachery  threw  Spinola  into  great  consterna- 
tion and  the  siege  proceeded  with  so  much  vigour  that  a  secret 
treaty  with  Florence  was  begun  and  nearly  concluded  by  the 
citizens  for  the  surrender  of  Lucca  but  being  detected  and  dis- 
approved of  by  Spinola,  although  his  purchase-money  was 
secured,  it  fell  to  the  ground  *. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  clxiv.,  clxix. 


510 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[boori. 


This  investment  continued  under  various  commanders  unil 
A.D.1331.  ^^^  ^^*^^^  ^^^  ^^  February  1331,  when  the  old  Floren- 
tine general  Beltram  del  Balzo  who  had  been  serving 
in  Lombardj,  was  again  appointed  to  command  the  forces 
discipline  had  relaxed,  disorders  occurred  ;  a  mutiny  had  broker 
out  amongst  the  Burgundy  troops  and  was  quelled  with  grea; 
difficulty;  a  German  colonel  had  deserted  to  Spinola  with  a 
hundred  horse ;  and  a  strong  reenforcement  from  John  king  of. 
Bohemia  (the  same  that  afterwards  fell  at  Cressy)  to  whom 
Spinola  had  offered  on  certain  conditions  the  lordship  of  Lucca. 
was  on  its  march  to  Tuscany,  so  that  Count  Beltram  considered 
it  necessary  to  raise  the  siege.  The  Bohemian  s  troops  arrived 
about  the  beginning  of  March  and  immediately  acted  on  the 
offensive  ;  Buggiano  was  abandoned  by  the  Florentines,  Cer- 
reto  Guidi  and  other  places  taken  and  burnt,  and  their  territory 
ravaged  for  three  days  without  opposition,  but  probaldy  from 
treachery  in  the  officers  commanding  the  passes  in  the  Val-di- 
Nievole  *. 

Spinola  complaining  of  King  John's  want  of  f\iith  withdrew 
from  Lucca  in  disgust  and  the  latter  fomid  liimself  in  addition 
to  his  other  numerous  acquisitions  with  a  secm-e  footinf^  in 
Tuscany.  This  extraordinary  man  the  son  of  Henr}^  the" 
Seventh,  became  king  of  Bohemia  by  his  marriage  with  the 
daughter  of  Wenceslas  II.  but  accustomed  to  the  gallantry  of 
the  French  court  was  soon  tired  and  disgusted  with  the  mde 
manners  and  turbulent  disposition  of  the  Bohemians  and  re- 
sided in  his  hereditary  dominions.  Young,  brave,  addicted  to 
pleasure  and  all  the  military  amusements  of  the  age,  he  be- 
came a  constant  traveller,  had  great  personal  influence,  and 
mked  with  the  politics  of  all  Europe  without  any  apparent 
motive  of  personal  aggrandisement.  His  reputation  was  liigh, 
for  he  made  friends  even  of  his  opponents,  and  had  recently 
arrived  at  Trent  on  pui-pose  to  many-  his  son  to  the  daughter  of 


•  Gio.  Villani,  cap.  clxix.,clxx. 


CilAP.  XVIIl.j 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


541 


e  Duke  of  Cdrinthia  who  had  been  his  competitor  for  the 
ngdom  of  Bohemia.  While  thus  employed  ambassadors 
arnved  from  Brescia  to  offer  him  the  sovereignty  of  their  town 
for  life  they  having  been  sorely  vexed  by  the  combined  powers 
of  Azzo  Visconti  and  the  two  nephews  of  Cane  della  Scala  who 
had  not  been  long  dead.  The  king  of  Bohemia  eagerly  accepted 
this  offer  well  knowing  how  much  might  be  gained  in  Italy  at 
that  time  by  any  foreign  prince  who  would  boldly  lead  a  faction  • 
wherefore  immediately  repairing  to  Brescia  he  reconciled  all 
paities,  restored  the  exiles,  induced  Mastino  della  Scala  to 
retire  with  his  troops,  and  remained  in  quiet  possession  of  the 
place.  Cremona,  Pavia,  Bergamo,  Vercelli,  Novara,  and  even 
Mdan  itself  became  his  voluntary  subjects;  Parma  Keggio 
and  Modena  soon  followed  the  general  example,  and  it  was 
during  this  shower  of  Lombard  cities  on  his  head  that 
Spinolas  ambassadors  came  also  to  show  him  the  way  into 
Tuscany  *. 

Three  envoys  were  immediately  despatched  to  Florence  im- 
ploring for  peace  or  truce  with  his  city  of  Lucca  and  adding 
that  as  king  of  Bohemia  only,  he  could  not  be  influenced  by 
the  friendships  or  mixed  up  with  the  pretensions  of  his  late 
father  the  Emperor  Heniy  the  Seventh.  The  Florentines  were 
much  too  calculating  a  nation  to  follow  the  general  enthusiasm 
about  John  of  Bohemia,  and  being  then  intent  on  disinterring 
the  sacred  relics  of  Saint  Zanobi,  only  replied  that  the  Lucchese 
war  was  begun  at  the  instimce  of  the  pope  and  king  of  Naples 
without  whose  concurrence  nothing  could  be  accomphshed ; 
King  John  expecting  such  a  reply  had  already  prepared  the 
reenforcement  wliich  compelled  Count  Beltram  to  raise  the 


siege. 


The  campaign  as  already  mentioned  went  badly  for  Florence, 
and  notwithstanding  the  pope's  protestations  it  was  evident 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  clxvi.,  clxix.,  clxxi.  —  Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  cap. 
xxxu.  '^ 


542 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


that  he  leaned  to  the  king  of  Bohemia  whose  ifriendship  wit 
the  cardinal  legate  now  became  notorious,  eacli  wtuiting  to 
establish  a  separate  dominion  in  Italy.  Besides  this,  Florence 
had  been  laid  under  an  interdict  by  the  latter  on  account  of  a 
quarrel  about  the  church  of  the  Impruneta  which  the  cardinal 
wanted  for  himself  in  defiance  of  the  Buondelmonti  who  were 
its  founders  and  patrons.  On  the  other  hand  CoUe  from  civil 
discord  and  private  tyranny  gave  itself  up  entirely  to  Florence  ; 
Fucecchio,  Castelfrauco,  and  Santa  Croce,  did  the  same ;  and  a 
quarrel  hanng  broken  out  at  Pistoia  between  the  Florentine 
party  and  their  antagonists,  the  former  with  the  troops  of  that 
nation  at  once  took  militarj^  possession  of  the  town  :  the  leading 
Ghibelines  then  gave  Florence  absolute  authority  for  a  year ; 
but  ere  this  period  had  half  elapsed  an  embassy  was  sent  to 

A.D.  1332.  ^^"^"^"®  ^^  ^^^  ^^^<^  y^a^  longer,  so  content  were  the 
Pistoians  with  their  governors.  Florence  indeed  fear- 
ful of  again  losing  so  valuable  an  acquisition  tried  to  guide  it 
by  a  thread  of  silk,  and  contiimed  all  the  forms  of  government 
as  though  Pistoia  were  still  independent :  new  jKidestas  were 
elected  half-yearly,  a  captain  of  the  guard  quarterly :  and  other 
functionaries  in  a  similar  manner.  A  board  of  twelve  citizens 
was  created  and  renewed  every  three  months  which  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  priors  exercised  a  supreme  authority  over  Pistoia  ; 
finally  a  citadel  was  erected  on  that  side  of  the  city  which  looked 
towards  Florence  and  was  garrisoned  by  her  troops  ;  thus  com- 
menced a  subjection  under  the  form  of  voluntary  obedience 
which  continued  ever  after. 

About  this  time  the  Pisans  fearful  of  a  new  revolution  from 
the  external  strength  and  internal  influence  of  numerous  exiles 
implored  the  aid  of  Florence  which  notwithstanding  her  former 
enmity  sent  them  a  strong  auxiliary  force  and  preserved  the 
town  :  the  Ubaldini  also  quarrelling  amongst  themselves  volun- 
tarily returned  to  their  allegiance,  and  the  republic  to  secure 
these  precarious  subjects- founded  the  town  of  Firenzuola  on  the 


CHAP.  xvm.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


543 


river  Santemo  amongst  the  summits  of  the  Apennines  and  in 
tlie  very  heart  cf  their  wild  and  mountainous  country*. 

Florence  in  the  midst  of  her  own  misfortunes  had  always 
kept  an  anxious  eye  on  the  affairs  of  Lombardy :  Cane  della 
Sc^la,  the  best,  the  ablest,  the  most  generous  and  successful  of 
its  tyrants,  died  in  July  13'^ 'J  and  was  succeeded  by  his  nephews 
Albert  and  Mastino,  but  the  former  rather  addicted  to  pleasure 
than  business  resigned  the  cares  of  government  to  his  brother, 
who  inherited  more  of  the  talents  than  the  virtues  of  their 
predecessor.  It  was  therefore  with  great  satisfaction  that  the 
Florentines  saw  John  of  Bohemia  compelled  to  return  iuto 
Germany  in  order  to  check  a  hostile  and  powerful  confedera- 
tion of  his  former  friends,  while  the  Guelphs  of  Brescia  and 
Bergamo  assisted  by  Mastino  della  Scala,  Azzo  Visconti,  and 
the  lords  of  Ferrara  and  Mantua,  threw  off  his  jmisdiction  in 
Lombardy.  No  vara  and  Vercelli  were  soon  after  lost  in  the 
same  manner  for  the  aggrandisement  of  Milan;  and  thus 
Guelph  and  Ghibeline  were  strangely  united  against  the  em- 
peror's friend,  the  suspected  accomplice  of  the  papal  legate,  and 
one  who  was  secretly  countenanced  by  the  pontiff  himself  while 
he  repudiated  all  his  proceedings.  The  Florentines  were  in 
fact  exceedingly  alarmed  by  the  union  between  John  of  Bohe- 
mia and  Bertrand  de  Poiet,  a  reputed  son  of  the  pope,  and  who 
tvith  liis  connivance  were  striving  to  form  two  separate  states 
in  Italy,  a  design  likely  to  prove  destructive  to  their  republic ; 
and  the  Ghibeline  lords  in  attacking  that  monarch  found  them- 
selves strangely  opposed  to  the  enemies  of  the  Guelphic  Robert 
and,  if  possible,  more  Guelphic  Florence f.         • 

This  community  of  present  interest  absorbed  all  other  senti- 
ments, and  in  the  month  of  September  produced  a  treaty  of 
alliance  between  Guelph  and  Ghibeline ;  between  republican 
Florence  and  Lombard  tyrants ;  between  King  Robert  and  his 


*  G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  clxix  ,  clxxvi.,    f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  vi.— Istorie 
dxxviii.,  clxxx.,  clxxxiv.,  cxcix.  Pistolesi. 


544 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


fiercest  enemies ;  and  above  all  between  the  Florentines  and 
Azzo  Visconti,  the  friend  and  ally  of  Castracdo,  by  whose 
means  beyond  ever}-  other,  they  had  been  so  deeply  injured  and 
insulted !    Two  objects  were  proposed  by  this  treaty,  one  to  get 
rid  of  a  monarch  closely  allied  to  the  "  Bavarian"  and  likely  if 
occasion  suited  to  introduce  that  prince  again  into  Italy :  thf> 
other  to  partition  his  subject  states  equally  amongst  themselves 
and  thus  preserve  the  political  balance  of  the  Peninsula.    Cre- 
mona and  San  Donnino  were  to  be  conquered  for  Azzo  Vis- 
conti ;  Parma  for  Mastino  della  Scala ;    Reggio  for  Luigi  di 
Gonzaga  of  Mantua  who  had  succeeded  by  a  bloody  revolution 
in  13Q8  to  Passerino  Buonacossi ;  Modena  for  the  lords  of  Fer- 
rara:  and  Lucca  for  the  Florentines*. 

Little  of  importance  occurred  in  Tuscany  during  the  re- 
mainder of  the  year  1332  except  a  generally  inglorious  cam- 
paign and  the  loss  of  Barga,  which  was  taken  by  the  Lucchese 
in  October  with  a  cost  to  Florence  of  100,000  florins  and  the 
diminution  of  her  military  reputation :  but  in  the  beginning 
A.D.im   ^^  ^'^'^'^  '^^^^  of  Bohemia  who  as  if  by  enchantment 
had  tranquillised  Germany,  and  made  allies  of  the 
pope  and  Philip  VL  of  France,  appeared  at  Turin  with  a 
powerful  army  from   the  latter  kingdom.     This  encouraged 
the  legate  to  make  a  vigorous  attack  on  Ferrara  after  having 
defeated  the  lords  of  Este  at  Consandoli ;  but  that  city  being 
timeously  succoured  by  the  confederates  he  was  defeated  with 
great  loss  and  many  prisoners  of  high  rank,  amongst  whom 
were  several  lords  of  Romagna  for  whose  release  he  refused  to 


*  The  anonymous  author  of  the  Istorie 
Pistolesi  places  this  treaty  in  1331,  hut 
as  his  dates  are  often  irregular  I  have 
followed  G.  Villani  because  his  date 
is  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  the 
younger  Ammirato  (from  public  docu- 
ments) in  his  ^' Aggiunta""  who  says 
that  the  treaty  was  concluded  at  Fer- 
rara on  the  .5  Septr.  1332.     This  how- 


ever disagrees  with  Morwno  the  author 
of  the  "  Cronica  Modanese"  who  says 
it  was  concluded  on  8  August  1331, 
but  Muratori  follows  VillanK~S.  Am- 
mirato, Lib.  viii.,  p.  382. — Istorie  Pis- 
tolesi,  An.  1331. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib. 
vi.,  p.  111. — Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  cap. 
xxxii. — Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cci. 


CHMP.  I    I 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


545 


acjlvance  the  mc  ney ;  and  in  consequence  of  their  verj-  natural 
(^/isgust ;  artfully  increased  by  the  chiefs  of  the  league  who  dis- 
i^nissed  them  with  two  thousand  of  their  followers  unransomed ; 
Ifost  the  good- will  of  all  Romagna.  Forli,  Rimini,  Cesena, 
<pervia,  and  Piavenna  severally  revolted;  while  the  previous 
^'(irrival  of  Iving  John  at  Bologna  after  the  dispersion  of  his 
IFrench  armv,  had  onlv  aujTmented  the  ill-humour  of  its  citizens : 
they  were  compelled  to  pay  him  fifteen  thousand  florins  by  the 
legate's  command,  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  three  hundred 
horsemen  under  Count  d'Armagnac  who  was  afterwards  made 
prisoner  at  Fen*ara.  A  second  visit  of  this  Idng  to  Bologna 
renewed  the  general  discontent  and  caused  a  coolness  with  the 
legate  which  made  him  again  quit  that  city  and  soon  after  pro- 
ceed to  Lucca  where  he  levied  another  contribution  on  the  already 
impoverished  inhabitants.  After  this,  perceiving  the  general 
change  of  sentiments  and  his  altered  fortune,  he  determined 
to  leave  Italy,  but  not  empty-handed,  and  therefore  sold  Lucca 
and  Panna  to  the  Rossi ;  Reggio  to  the  Fogliani ;  Modena 
to  the  Pii ;  and  Cremona  to  Ponzino  Ponzoni ;  after  which  he 
despatched  the  Gemian  troops  with  his  son  to  Bohemia  and 
retired  himself  in  October  to  Paris,  but  with  a  somewhat  dimi- 
nished reputation,  considering  the  extraordinarj^  influence  that 
he  so  suddenly  acquired  and  so  long  maintained  over  the  states 
of  Lombardy  *. 

The  Legate  had  endeavoured  to  detach  Florence  from  the 
Lombard  confederacy  but  was  steadily  opposed  in  the  councils, 
and  not  without  reason  ;  for  by  letters  afterwards  discovered  it 
appeared  to  have  been  arranged  with  King  John  that  Flo- 
rence should  be  the  first  and  principal  victim  to  their  joint 
ambition,  and  she  consequently  united  with  a  lesser  enemy  to 
oppose  the  greater  and  more  dangerous  one  f . 


*  G.  Villani,  Lib.x.,  cap.  ccxiv.,  ccxv.,     +  Istorie  Pistolcsi,  Anno  1331.- 
ccxvii.,  cxxiv.,  ccxxv. — Sismondi,  vol.     Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  ccxii. 
iv.,  cap.  xxxii. 

VOL.  I.  N  N 


-Gio. 


f 


546 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[booi 


CHAP.  XVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


547 


Florence  was  once  again  in  strength  and  by  the  elastic 
power  of  industry  had  completely  recovered  from  all  he 
recent  misfortunes ;  while  Pisa,  still  languishing  unsettled  an 
exhausted,  had  even  been  compelled  to  implore  the  iuterven 
tion  of  a  Florentine  bishop  to  make  her  peace  with  Siena,  agains 
whom  she  was  at  war  about  the  possession  of  Massa  Marittima 
Lucca,  now  almost  ruined,  could  give  the  Florentines  no  un- 
easiness, for  when  the  Bohemian  forced  each  individual  to' 
take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  him,  he  found  only  four  thousand 
four  hundred  and  fifty-eight  citizens  able  to  bear  arms  in  that 
once  powerful  commonwealth  *.  With  this  sole  exception  Flo- 
rence was  either  the  sovereign  or  friend  of  every  state  in 
Tuscany :  Piero  Saccone  of  the  Tarlati  ruled  Arezzo  unmo- 
lested; Perugia  and  Siena,  were  her  close  allies;  Volterra, 
Pistoia,  Colle,  San  Gimignano,  and  other  places,  although 
nominally  uidependent  were  mere  subjects  of  the  dominant 
city;  therefore  both  comparatively  and  positively  Florence 
enjoyed  a  higher  state  of  power  and  prosperity  than  she  had 
ever  experienced  since  the  memorable  close  of  the  thirteenth 
century.  The  mind  of  her  citizens  again  turned  to  joy  and 
festivity ;  two  companies  of  artisans  to  the  number  of  three 
and  five  himdred  individuals  paraded  her  streets  in  fanciful 
costume,  and  with  garlands  and  songs  and  dancing,  music 
and  other  diversions,  entertained  their  fellow-citizens  for  a 
whole  month,  while  the  natural  taste  and  lively  spirit  of  the 
people  seemed  once  more  to  revel  in  its  accustomed  cheer- 
fulness, the  happy  result  of  universal  prosperity  f. 

It  would  yet  seem  that  in  Florence  far  beyond  other  places, 
these  periodical  bursts  of  pleasure  were  as  surely  followed  by 
some  strong  reaction,  and  whether  from  war  faction  or  great 
natural  calamities  the  sudden  vicissitudes  of  human  life  were 
there  most  quickly  and  sharply  experienced.  On  the  fii-st  day  of 
November  1333  the  heavens  seemed  suddenly  to  open  and 

*  Sismondi,  Rep.  It.  vd  iv.,  cap.  xxxi.  f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  ccxvi. 


I 


pour  down  an  incessant  stream  of  water  for  ninety-sk  hoiu-s 
successively,  not  only  without  diminution  but  in  augmented 
volume :  continued  sheets  of  fire  with  sharp  and  vivid  flashes 
struck  from  the  clouds,  while  peals  of  thunder  bellowed 
through  the  gloom,  darting  bolt  after  bolt  into  the  earth,  and 
impressmg  on  mankmd  the  awful  feeling  of  universal  rain. 
The  natural  and  superstitious  fears  of  the  people  were  pain- 
fully excited  and  all  the  church  and  convent  bells  were  tolled 
to  conjure  the  spirit  of  the  storm :  men  and  women  were  seen 
clambering  on  slender  planks  from  roof  to  roof  amidst  falling 
tiles,  crying  aloud  for  mercy  with  such  an  unusual  din  as 
almost  to  drown  the  deeper  tones  of  distant  thunder  and 
realise  the  idea  of  chaos,  or  the  infernal  regions  of  their  own 
great  poet^:^.  The  first  burst  of  the  Amo,  even  near  its 
source,  broke  over  rocks  and  woods  and  banks  and  fields,  and 
deluged  the  green  plains  of  Casentino ;  then  sweeping  in  broad 
and  spreading  sheets  over  those  of  Ai'ezzo  flooded  all  the 
upper  Val-dAmo,  and  with  mighty  force  bore  off  mills,  and 
bams  and  granaries  in  its  course,  with  every  human  habitation 
and  all  that  it  contained,  animate  and  inanimate,  like  weightless 

*  "  Quivi  sospiri,  pianti  ed  alti  giiai 
Risonavan  per  Taer  senza  stcllc, 
Perch'io  al  cominciar  ne  lagrimai. 

Diverse  linguc,  orribili  favelle, 
Parole  di  dolore,  accenti  d'ira, 
Voce  alte  e  fiocche,  e  suon  di  man  con  elle. 

Facevano  un  tuniulto  il  qual  s'aggira 
Sempre  in  quel  aria  senza  tempo  tinta, 
Come  la  rena  quaudo  '1  turbo  spira." 

{Dante,  Inferno,  Canto  iii). 

Here  sobs  and  weeping  and  shrill  sounding  cries 
Resounded  through  the  dim  and  starless  air, 
So  that  on  entering  I  began  to  weep. 

Tongues  of  all  races,  horrible  discourse, 
Wailin^s  of  tortdre,  accents  of  deep  ire, 
Shrieks  loud  and  hoarse,  despairing  beat  of  hands 

Made  a  wild  tumult,  that  unceasing  whirls 
Through  that  perpetually  tinted  air 
As  the  sand  rises  when  the  whirlwind  blows. 
N  N  "2 


?li^W 


54S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


549 


tilings.  Trees  were  uprooted,  cattle  destroyf>d,  men  women 
and  children  suffocated,  the  soil  washed  clean  away,  and  the 
dark  torrent  thus  unnatui'ally  loaded  came  roaiing  down  on 
Florence.  The  tributary  Sieve  after  swamping  its  native  vales 
lushed  madly  down,  with  the  soil  of  half  a  province  on  its 
wave,  and  swelled  the  bounding  Anio :  the  Africa,  the  Men- 
sola,  every  common  cUtch,  now  changed  to  torrents,  gave  force 
and  danger  to  the  flood  which  rolled  its  angry  surges  towards 
the  capital. 

On  the  fourth  of  November  1333  the  whole  plain  of  San 
Salvi  was  covered  to  the  depth  of  twelve,  sixteen,  and  even 
twenty  feet ;  the  waters  mounted  high  against  wall  and  tower, 
and  swept  round  Florence  like  the  tide  on  a  stranded  shij). 
For  awhile  the  ramparts  withstood  this  pressure  ;  but  presently 
the  antiport  of  Santa  Croce  gave  way ;  then  the  main  gate,  then 
the  Porta  Renaia ;  and  then,  night  set  in :  but  with  it  was 
heard  the  crash  of  falling  towers  and  the  onward  rush  of  the 
water,  which  still  unchecked  swept  wavy  broad  and  cold,  ovo 
the  ill-fiited  to\vn.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  of  the  walk 
had  been  crushed  by  the  enoinnous  pressure  ;  the  red  columns 
of  San  Giovanni  were  half  buried  in  the  flood  ;  it  deluged  the 
cathedral,  encompassed  the  altar  of  Smita  Croce,  measured 
twelve  feet  in  the  court  of  the  Bargello,  sapped  the  shrines  of 
the  Badia;  covered  almost  all  the  rest  of  the  city  four  feet 
deep,  and  even  beat  on  the  first  step  of  the  public  palace,  the 
loftiest  ground  in  Florence.  The  town  beyond  Amo  was 
scarcely  less  submerged ;  nearly  a  thousand  feet  of  the  ram- 
parts fell  and  the  wear,  then  above  Ponte  Can-aia,  was  entirely 
destroyed  :  this  brought  instant  ruin  on  the  bridge  itself  which 
all  except  two  arches  was  buried  in  the  wave  ;  that  of  La 
Trinita  as  quickly  followed  ;  then  the  Ponte  Vecchio,  its  shops 
and  houses,  gold  and  jewellery,  went  down  in  masses :  Ptuba- 
conte  stood  in  part,  but  the  mdignant  waters,  overleaping  a 
lateral  arch,  shattered  the  solid  quay  and  dashed  against  the 


/ 


palace-castle  of  Altafronte,  and  this  with  such  fury  as  to  bring 
down  that  solid  mansion  and  most  of  the  houses  as  fiir  as 
Ponte  Vecchio  in  one  continuous  ruin.  The  statue  of  Mars 
the  rude  witness  of  Buondelmonte's  death  tumlded  headlong 
from  its  base  into  the  tide  below  and  disappeared  for  ever; 
this  increased  the  public  terror,  for  an  ancient  prophecy  had 
foretold  that  whenever  that  crumbling  image  should  move  or 
fall,  Florence  would  be  in  danger. 

The  whole  line  of  houses  between  the  bridges,  with  many 
more  on  eveiy  side,  next  fell  like  the  walls  of  Jericho  before 
the  sacred  trumpets  ;  noiliing  but  lightning  and  devastation  met 
the  eye,  nothing  but  hideous  shrieks,  the  crash  of  houses,  the  roar 
of  waters  and  dismal  peals  of  thunder  struck  the  ear;  in  what 
this  awful  scene  would  have  ended  seemed  evident,  had  not  a 
startling  crash  with  the  fall  of  near  nme  hundred  feet  of  the 
western  ramparts  opened  a  wider  vent  for  the  waters  and  saved 
Florence  from  destruction. 

On  tlie  fifth  all  water  was  drained  from  the  surface  ;  but  the 
cellars,  shops,  streets,  and  houses,  were  choked  with  such  a  mass 
of  slimy  matter  as  required  six  months  of  constant  labour  to 
remove ;  and  the  wells  were  necessarily  deepened  to  the  new 
level  of  the  Amo  s  bed,  now  changed  by  the  scouring  torrent :  but 
devastation  (hd  not  stop  with  the  relief  of  Florence  :  the  whole 
western  plain  from  Signa  to  Prato  became  submerged,  and  men 
cattle  mills  and  merchandise  were  again  swept  promiscuously 
away :  the  tributary  streams  loaded  with  mischief  rolled  on- 
ward to  the  Arno.  Pontormo,  Empoli,  Santa  Croce,  Castel- 
franco  felt  the  torrent  on  their  w^alls  ;  San  Miniato,  Fucecchio, 
^Iontetopoli  and  Pontadera  saw  their  plains  deluged  and  de- 
stroyed ;  and  even  Pisa  itself  would  have  fallen  if  the  Fosso 
'Amonico  and  other  cuts  had  not  divided  the  course  and 
volume  of  this  fearful  tide  and  led  it  through  various  channels 
10  the  sea. 

On  the  other  side  of  Pisa  the  country  was  equally  troubled 


550 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


V 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


551 


at  the  moment  but  with  ultimate  benefit ;  for  the  Yihole  plain 


was  elevated  no  less  than  four  feet  by  this  alarming  inundation : 
many  lives  were  lost,  many  more  supposed  to  have  been  so ; ' 
but  in  the  capital  and  its  neighbourhood  only  three  himdred 
were  identified :  the  injury  in  property  was  enormous :  bridges, 
mills,  manufactories,  com,  wine,  oil,  clodi,  precious  merchan- 
dise, the  disappearance  of  vast  tracts  of  soil  and  all  their  fruit- 
fulness,  left  calculation  far  beliind  ;  but  it  was  generally  be- 
lieved that  since  the  fifth  centurj^  no  calamity  so  dreadful  had 
ever  been  known  in  Florence. 

This  outbreak  of  nature  was  not  confined  to  the  Amo ;  the 
Tiber,  Serchio,  and  other  rivers  made  similar  havoc ;  nor  was 
the  whole  mass  of  water  in  the  first  believed  to  be  greater  than 
the  flood  of  1*269 ;  but  infinitely  more  destructive  in  conse- 
quence of  the  number  of  wears  that  existed  within  the  walls;  by 
these  the  river's  bed  had  been  raised  between  thirteen  and 
fourteen  feet  above  its  natural  level,  and  in  consequence  a 
decree  was  immediately  made  to  prohibit  any  dams  being 
erected  within  a  certain  prescribed  distance  of  the  two  bridges 
above  and  below  the  town*. 

For  many  days  after  the  waters  had  abated  a  heavy  fall  of 
rain,  with  thunder  and  lightning,  still  continued  in  so  alarming 
a  manner,  that  nearly  all  Florence  resorted  to  confession 
penitence  and  prayer  to  avert  divine  wrath ;  and  so  profound 
was  the  impression  of  melancholy  that  it  became  a  question  of 
earnest  and  universal  discussion  whether  this  event  had  arrived 
in  the  usual  course  of  nature  or  by  the  particular  judgment  of 
God  to  punish  national  wickedness.  The  astrologers  attribute 
it  under  Providence  to  certain  conjunctions  of  Saturn  and  M 
in  the  sign  of  Virgo  and  others  of  the  sun  and  moon,  with 
variety  of  celestial  combinations  of  malign  aspect,  all  minute! 
enumerated  by  Villani :  but,  it  was  shrewdly  demanded  o 
these  soothsayers  why  Florence  suffered  more  than  Pisa  or  an 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  390. — Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  i. 


\ 


other  part  of  Tuscany?  and  as  shrewdly  answered,  "  Princi- 
pally by  your  own  folly  in  allowing  the  river  to  be  dammed  up 
for  private  purposes."   But  this  was  still  assisted  they  averred, 
by  some  peculiar  combinations  of  heavenly  bodies  with  a  more 
distinct  and  immediate  influence  on  the  two  capitals.     The 
divines  admitted  that  such  reasoning  might  be  partially  but  not 
necessarily  correct,  except  inasmuch  as  it  pleased  the  Almighty ; 
because,  said  they,  he  being  far  removed  above  celestial  things 
guided  them  at   his  pleasure,  turning   the  whole   frame  of 
nature  under  liis  hand  as  the  smith  does  a  piece  of  iron  on  the 
anvil,  out  of  which  he  can  produce  all  the  various  utensils  which 
his  imagination  had  already  conceived.      By  the  same  rule  the 
whole  course  of  nature,  the  elements,  nay  even  devils  them- 
selves, all  became  in  the  Divdne  hands  mere  instruments  for 
punishment,  and  it  is  impossible  for  the  dulness  of  our  nature 
to  penetrate  into  either  the  foreknowledge  or  preordination  of 
God  when  even  his  visible  and  diurnal  labours  are  but  imper- 
fectly known  to  us.     The  Almighty  they  said  had  two  great 
objects,  mercy  and  justice  :  for  which,  he  either  permitted  the 
course  of  nature  ;  interrupted  it ;  or  soared  above  it  as  omni- 
potent Lord  of  all.     Villani  maintains  this  position  by  a  variety 
of  scriptural  and  historical  examples,  finisliing  with  a  serious 
account  of  some  vision  of  many  devils  seen  on  the  very  even- 
ing of  the  flood  by  a  hermit  of  Vallombrosa  who  informed  him 
that  they  were,  if  God  permitted,  about  to  destroy  Florence 
on  account  of  its  great  wickedness. 

The  nature  of  these  transgressions,  as  we  learn  from  the 
same  author,  was  abominable  and  highly  displeasing  in  the 
sight  of  Heaven  on  account  of  the  "  arrogance  of  one  citizen 
to  another  in  attempting  to  domineer  and  tyrannise  and  de- 
spoil; also  from  their  excessive  covetousness,  their  public 
peculation,  fraudulent  trade,  and  usury  in  every  country ;  the 
envy  between  neighbours  and  brothers ;  the  foolish  vanity  of 
women  in  extravagant  ornaments  and  expense ;  and  universal 


552 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


€^; 


CHAP.  xvin.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


553 


gluttony  and  excess  in  drinking,"  more  wine  being  then  con- 
sumed, he  asserts,  in  the  taverns  of  one  parish  than  had  been 
drunk  by  their  forefathei-s  thi'oughout  the  whole  city.     Also  on 
account  of  the  inordinate  depravity  of  both  men  and  women  as 
well  as  the  ingratitude  of  not  acknowledging  that  their  present 
benefits  and  ascendancy  over  neighbouring  states  came  entirely 
from  God.  ♦'  But,"  he  adds,  "  it  is  a  great  marvel  that  God  sus- 
tains us  (and  perhaps  it  may  appear  to  many  that  I  say  too  much, 
and  that  to  me  a  sinner  it  may  not  be  permitted  so  to  speak)  but 
if  we  Florentines  do  not  wish  to  deceive  ourselves,  all  i^  truth. 
For  how  many  flagellations  and  disciplines  have  we  not  received 
from  the  Almighty  up  to  this  moment,  even  from  the  year 
1300,  without  comiting   those   preWously  described   in   this 
chronicle.    First  our  division  into  the  black  and  white  factions  ; 
next  the  arrival  of  Chai'les  of  France ;  then  the  expulsion  of 
the  Bianchi  and  its  niinous  consequences  ;  subsequently  the 
judgment  and  danger  of  the  great  conflagration  in  1304,  besides 
numerous  others  that  have  happened  in  Florence  to  the  infinite 
damage  of  many  citizens.     Afterwai'ds  came  Heniy  of  Luxem- 
bourg and  besieged  the  city  in  131^,  with  the  devastation  of  all 
our  countiy  and  the  consequent  mortality  both  m  the  town  and 
neighbourhood.     This  was  succeeded  by  the  defeat  of  Monte- 
catiniin  1*2 15;  then  the  persecutions  of  the  Castruccian  war 
and  the  defeat  of  Altopascio  in  13-^5  with  its  tenible  effects 
and  the  boundless  expense  sustained  by  Florence  to  maintain 
these  wars.     Then  amved  the  Bavarian,  who  called  himself 
emperor,  and  the  deamess  and  scarcity  of  l:\'V.) ;  more  rec3ntly 
the  advent  of  John  of  Bohemia,  and  finally  the  present  irunda- 
tion.     Now  if  all  the  former  calamities  were  condensed  in  one 
they  would  not  be  gi-eater  than  this  last;  therefore  be  ye 
assured  0  Florentines  !  that  so  many  threatenings  and  flagella- 
tions of  God  are  not  without  the  provocation  of  exceeding 
wickedness"*. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  ii. 


The  news  of  this  misfortune  spread  far  and  wide,  and  Robert 
King  of  Naples  the  most  accomplished  monarch  of  his  day 
sympatliised  with  the  Florentines  in  an  elaborate  Latin  epistle 
full  of  scriptural  texts  and  moral  exhortations,  the  principal 
object  of  which  was  to  convince  them  that  "  tchom  the  Lord 
loveth  he  chasteneth  and  scour geth  evenj  son  whom  he  receivethy 
Nevertheless  it  was  honourably,  even  enthusiastically  welcomed 
at  Florence  and  miiversally  applauded*. 

But,  as  if  to  demonstrate  the  perverse  spirit  of  the  time, 
even  the  very  day  after  the  waters  had  subsided  the  city  was 
thrown  into  confusion,  open  and  unprotected  as  it  remained,  by 
an  attempt  of  the  llossi  and  other  noble  families  beyond  the 
Amo  to  create  a  revolution  and  destroy  public  liberty :  this 
however  roused  the  people  from  their  despair ;  bridges  of  boats 
were  instantly  thrown  over  the  river ;  that  of  Rubaconte  being 
in  possession  of  the  nobles  ;  watch  and  ward  were  strictly  kept, 
and  the  great  mass  of  nobility  with  a  higher  feeling  joined  zea- 
lously in  the  preservation  of  peace ;  publifi  spirit  quickly 
regained  its  place ;  the  people  again  became  strong  and  the 
lelinquents  received  their  deserts  f. 

The  resources  of  Florence  experienced  a  severe  shock  from 
this  incalculable  loss  of  private  property,  that  of  the 
public  alone  amounting  to  '250,000  florins,  while  her 
prostrate  bulwarks  seemed  to  invite  the  aggressions  of  any  new 
Castmccio  that  might  be  ready  to  take  advantage  of  her  present 
debiUty.  Luckily  the  only  man  whose  position  and  talents 
could  have  supplied  the  place  of  that  accomplished  leader 
was  as  yet  unprepared  for  the  enterprise  and  at  this  moment 
a  close  ally  of  Florence,  whose  enemy  he  became  only  when 
their  interests  no  longer  coincided,  when  the  possession  of 
Lucca  opened  for  him  a  wider  field  of  conquest,  and  when  the 
former  state  already  recovered  from  such  depression  reassumed 
her  natural  station  and  held  the  political  balance  of  Italy. 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib,  xi.,  cap.  ii.       +  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  iv. 


^WSSFWIK^ff9n0 


554 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


555 


Lucca  could  now  do  nothing  bj  herself,  and  the  hostile  chiefs 
of  Lombardj,  to  whom  John  of  Boliemia  had  sold  the  lordship 
of  his  remaining  cities,  were  too  busy  in  opposing  the  league  to 
dream   of  attacking   Florence.     They   had   in   the   previous 
autumn  joined  in  strict  alliance  with  Bertrand  de  Poiet,  Parma, 
Reggio,  Modena,  Cremona  ;  and  Lucca  as  a  dependency  of  the 
Rossi ;  all  united  in  this  confederacy :  but  the  influence  of  Ber- 
trand  had  nearly  ceased ;  his  selfish  ambition,  his  deceit  and 
tyranny  began  to  be  fully  appreciated,  and  his  administration 
was  everj-where  detested.     Romagna  had  already  revolted,  and 
Bologna  itself  where  a  citadel  had  been  erected  as  a  pretended 
palace  of  the  pope,  was  in  a  dangerous  state  of  excitement,  for 
both  in  person  and  through  liis  legate  he  had  assured  the  citi- 
zens of  his  intention  to  reside  amongst  them  before  his  projected 
return  to  Rome  *.     As  in  other  republics,  here  also  were  tw( 
adverse  factions  ;  one,  led  by  Taddeo  de'  Peppoli,  supported  ih 
legate ;  the  other  under  Brandahgi  de'  Gozzadini  and  Colazz< 
de'  Beccadelli,  moved  by  hatred  and  perhaps  a  nobler  spirit  o" 
patriotism  than  their  opponents,  determined  to  revolt.     At  their 
instance  therefore,  the  Marquis  of  Ferrara  chief  of  the  confe- 
derate  army,  marched  to  Cento  and  challenged  the  cardinal 
to  battle :  the  latter  unwilling  to  refuse  mustered  his  Lan- 
guedocian  soldiei-s  by  whose  means  he  had  commanded  the 
town,  and  with  the  assurance  of  immediate  support  from  the 
civic  troops  sent  them  forth  to  combat,  two  quarters  of  Bologna 
being  already  under  arms  for  that  purpose.     This  was  the 
moment  chosen  for  rousing  an  indignant  people  in  the  cause 


( 


*  It  was  probably  on  this  occasion  and 
that  of  the  crusade  simultaneously  pro- 
posed, both  favourite  objects  of  Petrarca, 
that  he  wrote  the  sonnet  beginning, 

*'  II  successor  di  Carlo,'' 
in  the  second  stanza  of  which  he  says, 
E  *1  vicario  di  Cristo  con  la  soma 
Delle  chiavi  e  del  mantoal  nido  toma, 
Siche,  s'altroaccidente  nol  distorna, 


Vedra  Bologna,  e  poi  la  nobil  Roma, 
and  the  canzone, 

'*  0  aspettata  in  del,  heata,  e  belia 
anima" 

addressed  as  may  be  supposed  to  his 
friend  Stefano  Colonna  Bishop  of 
Lombes.  (Vide  De  Sade,  M^moires, 
vol.  i.,  p.  243,  and  note  ix). 


of  liberty,  and  'eloquence  had  its  usual  effect  on  men  already 
prepared  to  mutiny :  every  armed  foreigner  found  in  the  streets 
was  immediately  put  to  death  and  the  legate  closely  blockaded 
in  his  massy  citadel  without  a  hope  of  salvation.  Reduced 
I  to  the  last  extremity  he  would  have  perished  in  this  storm 
'had  not  the  Florentines,  stifling  all  harsher  feelings  in 
their  habitual  reverence  for  the  church,  despatched  four 
ambassadors  and  three  hundred  men-at-arms  to  shelter  him*. 
The  tenified  priest  was  too  happy  to  purchase  life  by  an 
instantaneous  surrender,  but  it  required  all  the  troops  and 
influence  of  the  embassy  to  bring  him  safe  to  Florence,  from 
whence  he  departed  two  days  after  for  Avignon  still  carrying 
iNTLth  him  an  unmitigated  hatred  of  his  protectors,  which  he 
[ricked  out  in  external  expressions  of  endless  gi-atitudef. 

But  his  removal  was  far  from  calming  Bologna ;  there  the 
[passions  of  men  after  being  concentrated  against  a  tyrant,  but 
unsatisfied,  soon  divided  against  themselves,  and  the  Floren- 
tmes  after  twice  successfully  exerting  their  influence  to  restore 
tranquillity  turned  their  whole  attention  to  the  Lucchese  war  and 
the  correction  of  domestic  abuses,  the  latter  being  an  eternal 
source  of  anxiety  in  this  jealous  community  and  yet  a  con- 
tinually recurring  evil. 

Preparations  were  made  to  besiege  Lucca  with  an  auxiliary 
force  from  the  league  wliich  had  hitherto  been  successful  in 
Lombardy;  but  a  conspiracy  detected  amongst  the  German 
mercenaries  there,  who  had  been  bribed  by  Bertrand  de  Poiet 
to  deliver  Mastino  and  the  other  chiefs  into  his  hands,  discom- 
posed the  whole  confederacy :  the  troops  of  that  nation  with- 
drew ;  each  Italian  leader  retired  in  alarm  and  suspicion,  the  Lom- 
bard campaign  finished,  and  Florence  was  thus  deprived  of  her 

*  In  the  Libro  del  Polistore  da  Frate     +  Libro  del  Polistore,  tomo  xxiv.,  p. 
Niccolo  di  Ferrara  Abbot  of  San  Ber-     700.   Rer.    Ital.   Scrip.— G.    Villani, 
toldo  composed  in  1387  no  mention  is 
made  of  this  Florentine  assistance ;  in 
other  respects  his  account  agrees  with 
other  authors. 


700,  Rer.  Ital.  Scrip.— G.  Villani, 
Lib.  xi.,  cap.  vi.  and  vii. — Sismondi, 
vol.  iv.,  p.  103.— Muratori,  Annali, 
1334. 


556 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


[chap,  xviii.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


557 


expected  auxiliaries,  which  probahly  saved  Lutca  from  Floren- 
tine dominion  *.  For  some  time  after  this,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  occasional  inroads  and  the  capture  of  Uzzano,  the  Luc- 
chese  war  was  feebly  maintained,  but  succours  went  to  Mastino 
della  Scala  at  the  siege  of  Colorino  wliich  subsequently  surren- 
dered, and  Parma  ver}'  soon  afterwards  fell  imder  his  control. 

At  Florence  notwithstanding  all  the  pains  already  taken  to 
insure  the  purity  of  public  elections,  a  practice  of  allowing  one 
person  to  hold  two  distinct  offices  with  hiconipatible  duties  had 
become  so  notorious  as  to  excite  universal  dissutistk'tion ;  this 
compelled  the  government  to  interfere,  and  a  pruhibitoiy  decree 
was  passed:  the  new  scrutiny  now  also  approached  and  the 
ruling  faction  became  proportionally  anxious ;  for  disconteni 
had  taken  deep  root  in  consequence  of  many  citizens  whose 
rank  and  character  entitled  them  to  a  share  m  national  honours, 
having  been  from  party  motives  excluded.  Disturbances  were 
consequently  expected  in  January  1335  wherefore  the  ascendant 
party  resolved  to  strengthen  government  by  means  of  an  appa- 
rently beneficial  and  constitutional  force  which  would  they 
hoped  be  sufficient  to  curb  any  opposition  to  their  own  autho- 
rity, but  under  the  specious  forms  of  justice  and  good  govern- 
ment. In  consequence  of  this  resolution  powers  were  demanded 
and  given,  to  create  a  set  of  officers  who  under  the  appellation 
of  "  Captains  of  the  Guard  "  or  *'  Ban/eUlni  "  were  to  watch 
over  the  public  peace,  supen-ise  the  conduct  of  returned  exiles, 
and  prevent  frays,  gambling,  or  any  other  kind  of  immorality  ; 
they  had  great  power,  and  from  the  nature  of  their  duties  were 
generally  unpopular.  Two  of  them  superintended  the  Sesto  of 
Oltrarno,  the  rest  were  equally  distributed  amongst  the  other 
five  divisions ;  each  attended  by  twenty-five  armed  followers  ; 
and  all  being  fellow-citizens  little  suspicion  was  excited :  but 
when  in  the  following  year  this  office,  its  duties,  and  more 
than  its  existing  powers,  became  concentrated  in  one  man,  and 

•  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  390.— Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  viii. 


he  a  stranger,  the  citizens  had  full  leisure  to  contemplate  their 
own  folly  and  repent  of  so  unguarded  a  confidence*. 

Daring  these  transactions  an  event  of  considerable  impor- 
[tance  had  occurred  at  Avignon  m  the  death  of  Pope  John  the 
'wentv-second  on  the   fourth  of  December,  which   relieved 
Florence   and  all   Italy  from   one  of  her  bitterest  foes :  he 
had  flattered  and  courted  that  republic  while  she  continued 
to  support  Bertrand  de  Poiet  but  changed  with  her  changing 
politics,  and  was  detested  alike  by  Germans  and  Italians  for  his 
ambition  avarice  iuid  cruelty ;  hated  by  every  other  nation  he 
<lied  unregretted  by  any.      He  it  was  who  first  usuqoed  the 
ancient   privilege   which    in   the    eleventh    century   Gregorj^ 
VII.  had  taken  such  pains  to  confirm,  of  the  people  and  clergy, 
or  the  clerg}^  alone  electing  their  own  pastors,  and  under  the 
excuse  of  stopping  simony  rolled  in  an  enormous  revenue  from 
this  source  alone.     He  too  first  exacted  the  annates  or  first 
fruits,  to  the  enormous  amount  of  a  whole  year  s  salary  on  pro- 
motion or  translation  to  another  benefice ;  therefore  whenever 
a  rich  bishopric  became  vacant  he  forbid  a  new  election  but 
instantly  removed  an  inferior  prelate  to  the  vacancy,  and  thus 
filling  up  each  empty  benefice  forged  a  long  chain  of  prefer- 
ment, every  link  of  which  was  beaten  gold.     By  these  and  other 
means  he  had  amassed  the  incredible  sum  of  18,000,000  of 
coined  gold  alone,  besides  the  value  of  seven  more  m  crowns, 
mitres,  crosses,  plate,  and  precious  jewelleiy ;  so  that  a  treasure 
was  found  in  his  coffers  nominally  collected  for  the  holy  war, 
a  favourite  pretence  of  the  church,  of  more  than  25,000,000  of 
golden  florins,  an  immense  sum  \rithdrawn  by  a  single  poten- 
tate from  the  comparatively  small  European  circulation  of  those 
early  days !     The  existence  of  such  a  treasure  in  the  coff'ers  of 
one  prince,  which  however  was  as  we  are  told,  nearly  doubled 
by  liis  successor,  would  perhaps  scarcely  be  believed  if  Villani, 
whose  brother  was  one  of  the  commissioners  employed  in  its 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xvi. 


558 


i-lorentinf:  history. 


[book  i.^ 


,,CUAP.  XTIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


559 


enumeration,  did  not  assert  tlie  fart,  and  if  he  bad  not  had 

all  the  Christian  world  to  draw  from  *.  ^^ 

Pope  John  in   gathering   tliis  vast  lieap  of  mammon,  as^ 

Villani  drily  remarks,  did  not  seem  to  bear  in  mind  the  wore 

of  Christ  to  his  disciples  **Lf^  your  treasure  be  in  heaven  notji 

on earthj  for  where  your  treasure  is  there  nill  your  heart  be  also.% 

The  cruelty  and  implacability  of  tliis  pontiff  aggravated  by  the 

tyrannical  conduct  of  his  oflicers,  excited  the  anger  of  both^ 

Gemiany  and  Italy,  and  his  religious  opinions  exposed  him 

the  accusation  of  un«jualiliod  heresy,  particularly  his  chsbeUef 

in  tlie  possibility  of  departed  souls  beholding  God  before  th( 

day  of  final  judgment.     The  general  outcry  i-aised  by  churcW 

men  agauist  him  on  this  account  did  not  however  arise  froi 

any  intense  interest  in  the  question  itself,  which  still  existed  aisl 

a  ix)int  of  unsettled  theology  and  metaphysical  argument;  l^: 

from  its  more  substantial  inlluonce  (»n  ecclesiastical  revenut 

the  touch-stone  of  every  established  religion  since  the  days  q^ 

the  Ephesian  Demetrius.     IJy  denying  that  sanctified  spirit^ 

could  possibly  enjoy  the  beatific  vision  until  the  world's  destnic 

tion,  he  according  to  the  Parisian  theologists  excluded  the 

Virgin  Mary,  the  Apostles,  and  all  the  saints  from  their  su| 

posed  position ;   with  a  single  blow  ciiished  their  power 

mediation,  destroyed   the    cllicacy  of  indulgences,    rendered] 

masses  useless,  and  gave  a  rude  shock  to  the  walls  of  purga^ 

tory  |.     The  perennial  (low  of  gold  from  all  these  sources  wa^ 

too  precious,  too  sacred,  and  too  substantial,   to  be  exposed] 

unprotected  even  to  the  discretion  of  a  pope,  and  a  general! 

council  would  inevitably  have  been  convoked  by  the  indignant^ 

clergy  if  Philip  of  Valois,  fearful  of  losuig  the  useful  presence^ 

•  Voltaire  with  inncli  reason  douhts  tlic  estimate  much  more  credible  than  that 

possibility  of  such  a  treasure  havins;  of  Villani's  brother,  for  at  the  lowest.'! 

ever  been  accumulated  ;  and  Albert  of  computation  it  must  have  equalled  that 

Strasbourg,    a     cotcmporarj-    author,  sum  in  money  of  the  present  day. 

says,  that  he  left   1,700,000   florins,  f  Dc  Sade,  Mcmoircs,  ic.,  vol.  i.,p. 

(Vide  de  Sade,  vol.  i.,   p.  250) ;  an  2.'>4. 


|of  a  pontilT  in  France,  had  not  exerU^d  himself  to  prevent  it ;  and 

iby  the  aid  of  the  French  clergy,  the  assistance  of  King  Ptobert  and 

Jperhaps  some  shaq^  and  threatening  reproofs,  finally  compelled 

yohn  to  renounce  his  errors.     This  however  was  accomplished 

|only  the  day  previous  to  his  dissolution,  by  a  formal  instmmentac- 

[  Inowledgmg  the  beatific  vision,  which  under  his  immediate  suc- 

^cessor  became  one  of  the  dogmas  of  the  Ptoman  Catholic  Church  +. 

J,: The  twenty-four  cardinals  then  present  immediately  met  in 

l|conclave  and  being  of  adverse  opinions  predetermined  not  to 

^iiuny  on  the  election,  but  follow  a  course  usually  taken  when 

successor  had  been  previously  fixed  upon;  namely  to  cast 

^way  their  daily  votes  on  some  obscure  individual  whom  no  two 

rdinals  were  likely  to  support,  until  they  could  be  thrown  in 

[with  a  more  ceilam  aim.     It  happened  that  at  this  moment 

|there  was  a  monk  of  the  Cisterckn  order  in  the  sacred  college 

named  Jaccjues  Founiier  the  son  of  a  baker  of  Saverdun  whom 

3body  supposed  could  by  any  possibility  unite  two  votes  in  his 

^favour,  and  for  this  very  reason  every  secret  vote  was  given  to 

:  to  his  o\Mi  and  the  genend  astonishment  therefore  he 

|became  pope,  and  although  liis  humility  induced  him  to  tell 

this  fellow  cardinals  that  •'  they  had  elected  an  ass,''  he  is  never- 

stheless  described  as  a  k-jinied  virtuous  and  smcere  man,  anxious 

^for  peace,  and  a  stranger  to  court  intrigues :  under  the  name  of 

penedictXII.  he  reforaied  many  ecclesiastical  abuses,  especially 

^,amougst  the  monastic  orders  then  in  a  lamentable  state  of 

^corruption,  and  probably  would  have  accomplished  more  had  he 

;|eigned  independently  at  Piome  and  in  less  turbulent  times  f . 


i*  This  Pope  was  Mid  to  have  added 
'the  third  crown  to  the  papal  tiara  ;  but 
De  Sade,  an  eye-witness  to  llic  opening 
of  his  tomb  at  Avignon,  in  1759,  as- 
serts that  the  tiara  had  but  two  crowns, 
g, It  was  probably  his  successor's  doing, 
^^.■whose  statue  in  the  same  church  has 
^three  crowns,  as  some  say,  to  represent 
KjHiQ  Pope's    power    over    the    three 


churches.  Suffering,  Militant,  and 
Triumphant.  (Vide  Dc  Sade,  Mem  , 
vol.  i.,  p.  259.)— Gio.  Villani,  Lib. 
xi.j  cap.  xix.,  xx.,  and  xlvii. — Mura- 
tori  Annali,  Anno  1334. — Sismondi, 
vol.  iv.,  p.  105. 

t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xxi. — 
Muratori,  Annali,  1341. 


-t 


f^l 


560 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


^'      CHAP.  XTIII.J 


FLORENTINE  .  mSTORY. 


561 


About  this  period  the  Florentines  ^vcre  mortified  to  see  King  :\| 
llobert's  power  considerably  diminished  by  the  loss  of  Genoa, 
from  whence  the  Guelphs  had  been  recently  driven  by  their 
adversaries  whom  he  had  restored,  and  all  in  consequence  of  a  ^ 
quarrel  about  the  expediency  of  renewing  his  sovereign  autho-  - 
rity.  The  result  was  a  new  and  widely-spread  contention,  which 
plunguig  the  whole  territoiy  into  civil  war  affected  its  relations 
with  Florence,  injured  the  commerce,  diminished  the  strength,  ■; 
and  for  some  time  blasted  tlic  reputation  of  that  celebrated ^^ 
maritime  republic. 

The  Florentines  however  were  in  some  measure  compensated.-l 
by  a  sudden  and  rapid  declhie  of  power  in  the  Tarlati  |t 
A.D.1335.  ^jfpjgt^.^^^j^ij^Loj.^|g(,f^\i.cy^2o,  This  able,  Warlike,  and /*' 

still  barbarous  race  wcw  obiiTs  of  tho  ApciuiincH,  and  joining  all 
the  liai-diment  of  a  northern  ancestry  to  Uic  wily  poUtics  of^ 
their  own  age  and  countiy,  had  under  Piero  Saccono  brother  of^ 
the  late  bishop,  not  only  maintained  complete  authority. ii 
Arezzo  but  acquired  the  cities  of  Castcllo,  Cagli,  Borgo  San  Se-1 
polcro,  and  their  several  territories.  Piero  had  also  driven  Nerij 
della  Faggiola  the  son  of  Uguccione  from  his  domams  and  dis-J 
jK)ssessed  the  comits  of  Montcdoglio  and  Montefeltro  of  theirs rt 
the  bishop  of  Arezzo  with  all  the  family  of  Ubalduii  had  lastlj ' 
yielded  to  his  power,  after  which  he  crossed  the  Tuscan  frontier.^ 
and  also  made  considerable  acquisitions  in  La  Marca  and[ 
Romagna.  The  Peniguins  who  claimed  some  right  to  Cagh  andjj 
Citta  di  Castello  impatient  of  these  rapid  conquests  gave,  inj 
conjunction  with  the  lord  of  Cortona,  tho  command  of  a  body  ofl 
troops  to  Neri  della  Faggiola  who  by  means  of  secret  intelligence^ 
within,  succeeded  in  captuiing  Borgo  San  Sepolcro  and  soonj 
afterwards  its  citadel  which  was  defended  by  one  of  the  Tarlati  f 
this  was  a  heaNy  blow  to  the  reputation  of  Piero  and  no  les3^> 
pleasing  to  the  Florentines,  whose  exclusive  occupation  in  thej 
wai-s  of  Lorabardy  and  Lucca  was  the  principal  cause  of  Piero,^ 
Sacchone  s  unchecked  exaltation.     Presuming  on  success  ancl] 


^'Bupposmg  that  Piero  wouM  hardly  dare  t.)  show  himself,  the 
h,Perugmns  sent  an  anny  to  ravage  the  Aretine  districts,  but  Tax- 
:iati  defeated  them  with  great  slaughter,  devastated  their  coun- 
;try  in  return  and  insulted  them  by  contemptuously  hanging 
1^  some  Perugian  prisoners  within  sight  of  that  city. 
-    This  act  more  than  anything  roused  the  public  indignation  • 
a  thousand  German  horse  were  immediately  levied,  Florence 
;  without  any  solicitation  despatched  a  hundred  and  fifty  men-at- 
parms  to  tlieir  assistance,  and  in  consequence  <  of  the  restless 
^8tate  of  Tuscany  renewed  her  own  alliance  with  Siena  for  ten 
pars  longer  under  still  closer  bonds  of  amity  and  mutual 
"i^  assistance. 

v_  Ailairs  in  Lombardy  were  still  more  unsettled:    Orlando 
Piero,  and  Mursilio  dc'  liossi  of  Parma  despairing  of  a  success' 
|fal  opposiuon  to  the  league  commenced  secret  negotiations 
|mth  Azzo  Visconti  about  the  cession  of  Parma  and  Lucca 
-which  on  coming  to  light  exasperated  Mastino  della  Scala  and 
►i alarmed  the  Florentines,  to  whom  these  cities  had  been  respec- 
|tiYely awarded:  a  meeting  of  the  allies  was  therefore  held  at 
^^Lenci,  where  the  mutual  reproaches  of  those  chiefs  and  Azzo's 
.ietenmnaUon  to  follow  up  his  o;vn  objects  nearly  decomposed 
^  confederacy ;  and  would  have  done  so  had  not  the  Floren- 
^.tme  ambassadors;  fearing  if  Visconti  should   get  possession 
-^.of  Parma  that  Lucca  would  soon  follow,  exerted  themselves 
:;  strenuously  to  effect  a  general  reconciliation.     The  question  was 
*.finaUy  left  to  their  ^irbitration  and  having  more  confidence  in 
^Mastmo  than  in  their  fonner  enemy  the  friend  of  Castruccio, 
they  at  a  second  conference  on  the  banks  of  the  Oglio  decided 
that  Azzo  Visconti  was  to  have  Piacenza  and  San  Donnino  • 
and  Parma  to  be  awarded  to  Mastino  della  Scala :  the  Rossi  on 
hearing  this  immediately  began   to   negotiate  with  Mastino 
^d  the  Florentmes  were  satisfied  by  his  present  assurance 
;of  procunng  for  them  the  sovereignty  of  Lucca  on  reasonable 
|erm8.     The  Ptossi  in  fact  engaged  themselves  to  persuade 


'.VOL.  I. 


O  0 


V 


562 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  xviri.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


563 


their  brother  Piero  thou  in  possession  of  Lucca  to  suiTender 
that  city  into  the  hands  of  Mastino,  who  continued  deceiving 
Florence  \Nith  empty  promises  of  handing  it  over  to  her,  or 
else  giving  liis  assistance  to  occupy  it  if  physical  force  became 
necessary  *. 

The  consequence  of  these  airangements  was  Alberto  della 
Scala's  occupation  of  Parma  in  the  month  of  June ;  Reggie 
soon  after  fell  to  the  Veronese  brothers  by  a  separate  treaty 
with  the  lords  of  Fogliano,  but  was  immediately  given  to 
the  Gonzaghi  of  Mantua  according  to  iigrecment,  the  nominal 
sovereignty  still  resting  with  the  family  of  La  Scala.  Azzo 
Visconti  about  the  same  period  possessed  himself  of  Piacenza 
where  after  one  serious  revolt  ho  established  his  authority  in 
the  following  December;  Lodi  having  submitted  some  time 
before;  and  finally  Modcna  was  reduced  to  a  dependency  of 
Fen-ara.  Thus  every  one  of  the  confederate  states  accom- 
plished its  object  e.xccpting  Florence ;  and  henco  her  quarrel 
with  Mastino,  her  ultimate  loss  of  Lucca,  her  long  and  expen. 
sive  wars  in  Lombardy,  and  tlie  first  serioas  interference  of 
Venice  as  a  continental  power  in  the  disputes  of  Italy. 

Pisa  at  this  time  was  as  much  displeased  with  the  conduct  of 
Florence  as  the  latter  was  with  that  of  Mastino ;  for  the  town 
of  Massa  Marittima  had  been  surprised  by  a  Senese  army 
through  negligence  or  infidelity  in  the  Florentine  governor 
who  held  it  for  the  Pisans  under  the  guarantee  of  that  repubhc: 
they  justly  complained  and  the  Florentines  endeavoured  to. 
excuse  themselves  ;  but  as  the  transgressor  escaped  punish- 
ment and  Siena  was  allowed  to  maintain  her  conquest  unmo- . 
lested,  the  credit  of  Florence  received  a  stain  that  was  afterwards 
deepened  by  her  treatment  of  Perugia  in  the  subsequent  war 
against  Arezzo.  With  Florentuic  assistance  the  Pci-ugians  had 
now  regained  the  ascendant,  had  recovered  Citta  di  Castello  in 
September,  and  reduced  Pietro  Saccono  so  low  that  the  whole 

♦Gio.  Villaui,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xxx.  and  xxxi.—Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.viii.,p.  398. 


viscounty  of  Valdambra  consisting  of  the  towns  of  Bicino 
Cemna,  Galatrone,  Eondine  and  La  Torricella,  all  beloncring 
to  the  Tarlati,  voluntarOy  tendered  their  allegiance  on  the'and 
of  November  to  the  republic  of  Florence,  in  the  expectation  of 
peace,  and  future  protection  from  that  powerful  state  *.     • 

This  was  an  accession  of  strength  and  territory  unusually 
acquired,  masmuch  as  it  was  unsought  by  ambition  and  un- 
stained by  blood ;  but  while  the  people  were  justly  proud  of 
It,  the  thirst  of  power  and  the  spirit  of  personal  aggrandize- 
ment so  nfe  at  home  presented  a  less  satisfactory  expression 
of  their  patnotism  and  humanity. 

Under  the  gonfalonier  Cambio  Sahiati  a  physician  of  great 
emmence  and  well  practised  in  his  country's  poUtics,  it  was 
declared  expedient  to  abolish  the  office  of  captains  of  the  ^uard 
who  bemg  citizens  were  perhaps  not  found  quite  so  pliant  as 
expected ;  and  a  decree  passed  to  concentrate  their  authority  m 
the  hands  of  a  single  foreign  officer  under  the  title  of  "  Captain 
of  the  auard  and  Conservator  of  the  Peacer  the  governing 
party,  according  to  Villani,  having  been  moved  to  this  act  by 
a  wish  of  strengthening  themselves  and  maintaining  at  all 
hazards  the  ascendancy  of  their  own  faction.     This  is  one  of 
many  examples  exhibited  in  Florentine  history  of  the  singular 
notions  of  Hbeity  then  prevalent :  we  see  a  democratic  race 
empowenng  its  rulers,  during  a  time  of  profound  tranquiUity, 
to  create   an   officer  with  a  salaiy  of  10,000  florins  and   so 
strong  a  power  that  soaring,  as  it  did  above  all  law,  pounced  on 
the  unconscious  prey  without  danger  responsibHity  or  mercy ;  a 
power  which  strengthened  by  fifty  men-at-arms  and  a  hundred 
foot-guards  scared  all  good  citizens  and  filled  the  community 
with  torture  exHe  and  with  death :  there  was  here  no  form  of 
trial,  and  this  man  was  as  independent  of  every  statute  or 
court  of  justice  as  he  was  irresponsible  to  any  public  authority 
in  the  commonwealth. 

*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vi.,p.  IIS.-G.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  caps,  xxxv.,  xxxvii.,  xli. 

o  o  '2 


•r-H* 


364 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


565 


Messer  Jacopo  Gabrielli  d'  Agobbio  was  the  first  who  exer- 
cised this  formidable  authority  during  a  year  of  rapine  cruelty 
and  blocd :  he  became  like  his  predecessor  of  the  same  name 
and  comitry  a  willing  tool  of  his  employers  and  returned  to 
Agobbio  like  that  kinsman  filled  with  gold  and  crime,  and 
followed  by  one  deep  and  universal  curse.  Yet  in  the  face  of 
this  dire  experiment  the  office  was  continued  for  another  year, 
and  Accorrimbono  da  Tolentino,  a  kinsman  of  Jacopo  "s,  who 
had  been  previously  known  and  was  once  esteemed  in  Florence, 
succeeded  to  this  extraordinary  charge :  but  neither  could  he 
resist  the  influence  of  faction  nor  the  seductions  of  unlimited 
power  :  his  first  acts  were  unexceptionable,  but  the  people  were 
s<x>n  driven  to  revolt  against  his  oppression  and  venality,  and  u 
decree  was  finallv  made  that  no  rector  of  Florence  should  for 
ten  years  be  chosen  from  the  city  of  Agobbio  or  its  territory. 

A  crying  act  of  injustice  against  Pino  della  Tosa  one  of 
the  most  eminent  and  popular  citizens,  completed  the  general 
disgust :  imivei'sal  horror  possessed  the  public  mind  and  neither 
intrigue  nor  persuasion  could  again  induce  the  Florentines  to 
renew  tliis  odious  and  tvraunical  office.  It  was  indeed  an  autho- 
rity  without  order  law  or  justice :  an  authority  which  could 
deprive  any  citizen  of  his  life  and  property,  and  banish  him  from 
Florence  at  the  nod  of  a  miscreant  or  the  pleasure  of  a  domi- 
nant faction ;  a  faction  whose  object  was  to  keep  dowTi  the  citizens 
by  taking  advantage  of  those  sudden  jets  of  unlimited  con-  '^ 
fidence  and  .blindness  to  obvious  consequences,  that  formed  so 
prominent  a  feature  in  the  aspect  of  their  domestic  politics*. 

Mastino  della  Scala,  whose  ambition  grew  with  his  growing  for- 
tunes, had  already  projected  the  establishment  of  liis  own  power 
in  Tuscany;  wherefore  by  threats  promises  and  even  an  attempt 
on  their  lives,  at  last  succeeded  in  forcing  Lucca  from  the  Rossi, 
more  especially  from  Piero  who  held  it  as  a  nominal  vicar 
of  the  Bohemian  monarch,  and  surrendered  it  with  reluctance ; 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xxxix. 


yet  apparently  remaining  there  in  Mastino 's  service.  Florence 
now  fancied  that  her  perseverance  was  about  to  be  rewarded ; 
but  as  she  was  only  amused  by  courteous  assurances,  began  to 
suspect  that  such  an  acquisition  would  not  be  easily  relinquished 
by  an  able  ambitious  chieftain  whose  dominions  already  ex- 
tended from  the  German  frontier  to  the  borders  of  Tuscany, 
and  whose  aim  was  the  subjugation  of  Italy. 

During  these  transactions  Pisa  was  far  from  quiet;  the 
democratic  party  under  Count  Fazio  della  Gherardesca  governed 
that  republic  ;  the  spirit  of  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  had  almost 
disappeai-ed  from  the  great  mass  of  people  only  to  be  cherished 
witli  an  increased  hereditary  rancour  by  the  old  and  still 
powerful  aristocracy;  hence  there  was  a  continual  struggle 
between  the  two  classes.  At  the  head  of  the  nobles  were 
Benedetto  and  Ceo  Maccaione  de'  Gualandi,  the  Lanfranchi 
and  others,  who  with  assistance  from  Mastino  had  organised 
a  revolution  and  offered  him  tlie  lordship  of  Pisa :  the  attempt 
was  bravely  made,  but  after  some  desperate  fighting  without 
receiving  the  expected  succours  mider  Piero  Piosso  from  Lucca, 
the  insm-gent  nobles  were  defeated  and  most  of  that  l»ody 
driven  from  the  town.  Florence  sent  troops,  although  too  late, 
to  the  people's  assistance,  but  the  advance  of  Mastino's  soldiers 
under  Piero  to  aid  the  revolution  fully  convinced  that  stato  of 
liis  real  intentions  both  with  respect  to  themselves  and  Tuscany  : 
by  a  solemn  embassy  he  was  once  more  requested  to  deliver 
Lucca  into  their  hands,  and  when  under  divers  pretexts  he  still 
persisted  in  retaining  possession,- they  shortly  offered  to  repay 
every  farthing  it  had  cost  him  and  thus  allowed  no  place  for 
further  subterfuge.  Mastino  purposely  ran  his  charges  up  to 
360,000  florins  on  the  supposition  that  a  demand  so  exor- 
bitant would  be  absolutely  rejected ;  but  to  his  astonishment 
Florence  agreed  without  hesitation  to  pay  tliis  excessive  price 
for  a  city  which  six  years  before  had  been  repeatedly  offered  to 
her,  without  a  struggle,  for  about  a  fifth  of  the  money,  and  inde- 


'! 


566 


FLORENTINE    HI3T0RT. 


[book  I. 


,4rsc.  CHAP.]  OFFICIAL   TITLES   AND    GOVERNMENT. 


567 


pendent  of  the  cost  of  all  the  subsequent  wars  in  attempting 
to  master  it. 

Thus  taken  by  surprise  Mastino  boldly  threw  off  the  mask 
and  told  the  Florentine  ambassadors  that  not  being  in  want  of 
gold  he  would  only  exchange  Lucca  for  their  assistance,  or  at 
least  their  neutraUty,  in  his  proposed  attick  on  Bologna ;  which 
he  knew  to  be  closely  allied  and  almost  identified  with  them. 
His  intentions  were  now  suspected  to  be  not  only  the  imme- 
diate conquest  of  that  repul>lic,  but  also  of  Pisa  and  Romagna ; 
all  disunited  by  faction,  and  afterwards  with  the  aid  of  Arezzo 
to  subdue  Florence ;  then  convulsed  by  popolani  and  nobles 
wliile  groaning  imder  heav}'  taxation ;  and  ultimately  to  invade 
Naples  and  make  himself  king  of  Italy.  He  had  been  strongly 
urged  to  this  by  Azzo  Visconti,  Spinetto  Malespini,  and  other 
(rhibelines  who  secretly  fearing  his  power  endeavoured  to 
engage  him  in  hostilities  with  an  enemy  that  would  find  him 
immediate  and  sufficient  employment  both  in  Tuscany  and 
Lombardy. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  Florence  indignantly 
ordered  her  ambassadors  to  refuse  the  offered  conditions  and 
retire.  "  Go  then,"  said  Mastino  haughtily,  '*  and  bid  your 
"  Florentines  prepare ;  for  before  the  middle  of  May  I  will 
"  be  at  their  gates  with  four  thousand  men-at-arms  on  horse- 
"  back."'  And  on  the  fourteenth  of  February  1336,  even 
before  the  ambassadors  had  arrived  with  this  message,  hostili- 
ties were  commenced  in  the  Val-di-Nievole  *. 


f  ■ 


Gotemporary  Monarchs. — England  :  Edward  III. — Scotland  :  David  II. — 
France  :  Philip  VI.  of  Valois. — Castile  and  Leon  :  Alphonso  XI. — Aragon  : 
Alphonso  IV. — Portugal  :  Alphonso  IV.  (During  this  king's  reign  private 
warfare  was  forbidden  and  the  nobles  compelled  to  sue  in  the  ordinary  courts  of 
justice). — German  Empire  :  Louis  of  Bavaria. — Naples:  Robert  (the  Good). — 
Sicily:  Frederic  II.  (of  Aragon). — Popes  :  John  XXII.  to  1334;  Benedict 
XII. — Greek  Empire  :  Andronicus  the  younger. — Turkish  Empire  :  Orkhan. 

*Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xl.,  xlii,,    rato,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  401-403. — Sismondi, 
xliv. — Istorie  Pistolesi. —  Leon.  Are-     vol.  iv.,  p.  113. 
tino.  Lib.   vi.,  p.  115. — Scip.  Ammi- 


MISCELLANEOUS   CHAPTER. 


XIIITH    CENTURY. 


In  the  foregoing  pages  we  have  seen  Florence  poor  and 
dependant  but  gradually  shaldng  off  all  foreign  influence  and 
asserting  her  individual  freedom;  we  have  beheld  her  small 
domain  almost  insensibly  spread  into  a  respectable  state;  and 
while  pei-petual  fever  rioted  within  we  have  witnessed  a  rapid 
extension  of  outward  authority,  until  she  was  able  from  fear  or 
friendship  to  unite  in  her  cause  all  the  warlike  resources  of 
Tuscany.  We  have  seen  that  this  was  achieved  for  the 
most  part  by  a  self-governed  nation  of  shop-keepers  in  its 
strictest  sense,  and  under  an  executive  power  formed  generally 
from  the  same  materials ;  and  although  it  is  not  from  official 
tides  that  the  excellence  of  any  government  can  be  estimated,  we 
must  join  with  Sismondi  in  acknowledging  that  there  is  some- 
thing noble  in  the  choice  of  those  by  which  the  Florentine 
ministers  were  designated.  The  names  of  justice,  goodness, 
and  national  industry,  were  all  invoked  to  assist  public  ad- 
ministration, and  the  commonwealth  was  ruled  by  a  College  of 
Good-men,  the  Priors  of  Arts  and  the  Gonfalonier  of  Justice  *. 
Such  was  the  government  of  ancient  Florence ;  and  if  the 
disaster  of  Monteaperto  sprang  from  the  same  source  it  was 
through  diplomatic  deception,  and  individual  presumption  an 
error  arising  more  from  obstinacy,  mortified  pride,  and  the 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  iii.,  cap.  xxiii.,  p.  98.  Repub.  Italiennes. 


56s 


ARCHITECTURE. 


[BOOii   f! 


insatiate  love  of  glory  than  any  deliberate  judgment  of  th% 
nation  :  but  the  same  people  who  had  so  ably  conducted  their  J 
foreign  affairs  were  no  less  attentive  to  the  progress  of  domestic 
improvement,  of  commerce,  and  civilisation,  a  slight  account  of* 
which  will  be  attempted  in  the  present  chapter.  I 

The  public  architecture  of  Florence  probably  commenced 
about  the  year  1078  along  with  the  second  circuit  of  walls  and 
the  general  erection  of  those  lofty  towers  which  sening  as 
strong-holds  for  the  noble  and  opulent  gave  a  fiercer  and  more 
decided  character  to  civil  war:  at  these  early  periods  much 
timber  was  used  in  the  construction  of  private  dwellings  and 
therefore  by  tumults  or  accident  the  town  suffered  from 
frequent  and  extensive  conflagrations.  By  these  visitations 
nearly  all  the  city  had  perished  in  successive  portions  and 
was  more  solidly  reconstructed,  each  fire  abating  an  ancient 
nuisance ;  confined  and  numerous  dwellings  were  huddled 
together  in  the  centre  of  the  town  amongst  markets  and  stalls 
and  storehouses,  and  choked  by  a  dense  population  which  was 
crowded  into  a  set  of  small  chambers  separated  by  wooden 
partitions  and  timbered  floors  *. 

The  frequency  of  civil  conflicts,  the  slackness  of  neighbourly 
assistance,  and  even  the  very  execution  of  justice,  multiplied 
the  chances  of  such  misfortunes,  nor  was  it  until  the  yeai* 
1416  that  any  preventive  laws  or  regulations  were  applied  f. 
The  bridges  of  Florence  seem  to  have  been  the  first  architec- 
tural results  of  increasing  commerce  and  refinement  J,  but  long 


*  Cronichctta  di  Neri  Strinati,  p. 
122. 

+  Almost  all  the  Italian  cities  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  had 
their  houses  roofed  with  shingles  (scin- 
duk)  or  thatched  with  straw  and  reeds 
and  principally,  if  not  entirely  built 
of  timber :  and  although  I  have  met 
with  no  positive  account  of  the  Flo- 
rentine houses  being  so  roofed,  yet  as 
such  cities  as  Milan,    Bologna,    Pia- 


cenza,  Brescia,  Modena,  and  Ferrara, 
(the  last  as  recently  as  1288)  were 
so  built  it  may  be  supposed  that  Flo- 
rence, as  she  resembled  them  in  her 
conflagrations,  also  partook  of  the  same 
architectural  character.  (  Vide  Mura- 
tori  Antich.  Italicm.^  Dissert,  xxi., 
vol.  ii".  Florence,  8^»  Ed. 
X  The  Ponte  alia  Carraia  was  erected 
in  1220,  that  of  the  Grazie  or  Ruba- 
conte  (so  called  from  a  podesta  of  that 


y/LBC.  CHAP.] 


CHURCHES,   ARCHITECTS. 


569 


A.D.  1148. 


before  this  the  architect  Buono  who  was  probably  a  Florentine, 
assisted  in  the  revival  of  a  better  taste  of  which  an 
example  may  be  seen  in  the  tower  of  Saint  Mark 
at  Venice:  afterwards  came  Fuccio  who  built  the  church  of 
St.  Maria  so])r'  Anio  and  the  more  celebrated  Castel  _ 

^  .  A.D.  1229. 

deir  Uovo  at  Naples;  he  was  cotemporaiy  with  Lapo 
who  advised  and  superintended  the  paving  of  Florence  *.  The 
streets  had  m  most  parts  been  previously  laid  with  brick  for 
which  small  stones  were  now  substituted  and  afterwards  rect- 
angulai'  flags,  the  present  polygonal  form  being  of  a  much  more 
recent  date  and  like  its  prototypes  the  so-called  Cyclopean  walls, 
was  most  likely  adopted  to  economise  time,  labour,  and  material. 
It  is  doubted  whether  Lapo  was  a  German  or  a  Florentine 
but  probably  the  son  of  Cambio  da  Colle  in  Val  d'  Elsa ;  he 
however  resided  at  Florence  and  built  the  church  of  San 
Salvatore  del  Vescovado  :  liis  son  and  scholar  or  fellow-student 
Aniolpho  far  exceeded  him  in  celebrity  and  has  left  still  exist- 
ing marks  of  his  arcliitectural  genius  in  the  present  ^  jj  ^^^ 
walls,  the  Palazzo  Vecchio,  the  vast  fabric  of  Santa  ^  ^298. 
Croce  and  the  more  finished  and  magnificent  cathedral  f. 
About  the  same  period  lived  the  two  lay  brothers  of  Saint 
Domenic ;  Sisto  and  Ristoro  ;  who  commenced  the  church  of 
Santa  Maria  Novella  which  Michael  Angelo  used  to  call  his 
"  Sposa ;"  but  it  was  completed  by  Giovanni  da  Campi  a  third 
brother  of  the  same  order.  Another  great  and  justly  cele- 
brated building  of  this  age  was  the  hospital  of  Santa  Maria 
Nuova  erected  at  the  expense  of  Falco  Portinari  a  benevolent 

name)  in  1237,  and  the  old  bridge  of  that  he  was  forbidden  to  do  so ;  hence 

La  Trinita  1252.  the  present   irregular   shape.     "  The 

*  Vasari,  Vita  d'Amolfo  di  Lapo,  vol.  Osservatorc  Fiorentino"    makes  him 

ii",  p.  163. — Baldinucci,  torn,  i",  p.  80.  the  architect  of  the  present  Bargello 

t  He  wanted   to  build   the    Palazzo  but  this  can  hardly  be,  as  it  was  con- 

Vecchio  in  the  form  of  a  square,  but  structed   in    1250,    probably   by   his 

this    would   have   brought  it  on  the  master  Lapo. — Luigi  Biadi.  "  Edifici 

same  ground  where  the  houses  of  the  non  terminati ^ — Ferd.  del  Miglorc. 

Uberti  once   stood   and  the   popular  ^^  Firenze,  IllusPy 
hatred  to  that  family  was  so  intense 


H 


570 


HOSPITALS,    CHARITIES. 


[book^ 


MIIC.  CHAP.] 


THE   MISERICORDIA. 


sri 


Florentine  the  father  of  Dante's  Beatrice :  it  was  an  act  of 
A.n.i287.   ^^^^eficence  that  the  fmgal  manners  of  his  country 
enabled  him  to  perform ;  for  except  on  rare  occasions, 
little  expense  was  lavished  on  anything  but  horses,  arms,  and 
war.      Hospitals  which,  besides  the  present  meaning  of  the 
name,  were  in  those  days  places  of  general   hospitality,  so 
abounded  in  to^Ti  and  country'  during  the  middle  ages  that  it 
appeai-s  as  if  the  whole  social  state  were  then  divided  into 
"pilgrims,  invalids,   and  hospital  establishments"*.     There 
was  scarcely  a  single  rich  convent  or  other  ecclesiastical  society 
that  had  not  something  of  the  sort  administered  almost  exclu- 
sively  by  the  clergy,  and  after  the  fall  of  Rome  supported  by 
large  and  frequent  acts  of  mdividual  piety  and  beneficence  • 
the  religious  and  charitable  impulses  sprang  from  their  usual 
source,  strengthened  perhaps  by  the  unhappy  condition  of  the 
tmies  ;  but  hospitality  became  absolutely  necessarv  •  i  an  a^te 
when  war  or  religion  had  set  half  the  worid  in  piL^  image  to 
Rome,  Compostella,  Palestme,  or  to  some  other  of  the  various 
shrmes  that  then  attracted  reverence  from  superstition.    The 
general  insecurity  was  such  that,  except  ir.  to>vus,  there  were 
few  mns,  so  that  the  rich  usually  lodge  1  v-nth  tlieii-  friends 
whHe  the  poor  sought  shelter  in  hospitals,  which  were  com- 
monly found  m  the  wildest  and  most  dangerous  parts  of  the 
country,  at  the  fords  of  mpid  rivers  and  the  roughest  passes  of 
the  mountains.     The  hospital  of  La  Scala  at  Siena  fomided  in 
898,  is  one  of  the  first  of  these  establishments  although  some 
were  existing  at  a  much  earlier  date,  and  a  society  of  Augustine 
monks,  (the  order  generally  deputed  for  such  sen-ices)  was 
appomted  as  a  college  to  take  the  management  of  similar 
insatutions  m  foreign  states:  hence  in  1316,  the  branch  esta- 
blishment of  La  Scala  was  erected  at  Florence  and  endowed 
by  the  republic.     The  Misericordia,  another  institution  spring- 
ing from  the  same  benevolent  feelmgs  is  also  due  to  the  Flo- 

*  Osservatore  Fiorentino. 


f 


routines  of  this  epoch:  founded  in  1244,  this  society  had  for 
its  object  the  alleviation  of  human  misery  in  its  most  helpless 
form ;  by  night  or  day,  in  every  season,  in  storm  or  sunshine, 
mingling  mdiscriminately  ^ith  common  sickness  and  the  most 
consuming  pestilence  ;  the  members  of  this  body  formed  then 
as  now  of  all  ranks,  from  the  sovereign  downwards;    were 
bound  to  visit  the  sick  and  hurt  and  cany  them  to  their  own 
house  or  to  the  hospital:  to  save  disconsolate  survivors  the 
distressing  office  of  funerals ;  to  bear  the  poor  and  abandoned 
dead,  to  their  tombs ;  and  perform  all  those  painful  duties 
which  humanity  dictates  and  man  most  wants  when  he  is  him- 
self least  able  to  perfonn  them.     This  association  soon  became 
rich  but  never  idle,  yet  was  suppressed  in  14-25,  to  the  great 
regret  of  the  people,  and  continued  dormant  for  half  a  centur3^ 
Its  memory  was  cherished  notwithstanding,  and  we  are  told 
of  a  citizen  who  having  stumbled  on  a  dead  body  in  the  street 
immediately  tock  it  over  his  shoulders  to  the  public  palace  and 
throwing  it  down  before  the  priors  reproached  them  for  the 
folly  of  aboUshuig  the  Misericordia  and  then  departed  leaving 
the  corpse  in  the  council-chamber.     This  liint,  the  indication 
of  both  weakness  and  license,  would  appear  to  have  answered 
its  intent  for  the  Misericordia  was  almost  immediately  restored 
to  the  wishes  of  a  people  who  amidst  all  their  own  turbulence 
and  the  ferocious  character  of  the  age  seem  to  have  nourished 
much  of  the  Idndlier  feelings  of  nature  ;  and  there  must  have 
been  periods  of  soft   reaction  when   natural   gentleness,  re- 
ligion, and  even  its  mask,  superstition,  asserted  their  authority 
and  corrected  if  they  did  not  balance  the  stormy  temper  of  the 
time* . 

Years  of  misery  and  the  rough  contact  of  barbarian  nations 
had  in  fact  shaken  ancient  Italian  luxury  into  primitive  rude- 
ness while  southern  manners  reacted  on  and  softened  the 
northern  conquerors:    Malespmi's  and  Villani's  accounts  ol 

»  Muratori,    Ant.    Ital.    Diss,  xxxvii. — L'Osservatore   FioreDtino,    vol.   ii', 
p.  171,  vol.  iii°,  p.  114. 


572 


FLORENTINE    CUSTOMS,    DRESS,    ETC. 


[boo*  I. 


Florentine  customs  in  the  thirteenth  ceuturv  are  almost  the 
only  regular  notice  we  have  on  tliis  subject ;  but  amongst  the 
old  poems  and  private  chronicles  a  few  particulars  may  be  col- 
lected, and  more  detailed  accounts  are  extant  of  the  customs  of 
other  Italian  states  which  reflect  considerable  light  on  those  of 
Florence.  From  the  notion  that  a  mercantile  nation  should 
supply  the  wants  of  strangers  without  sharing  that  luxury  it 
creates,  an  extreme  frugality  of  manners  and  simplicity  of  dress 
were  encouraged  by  the  Florentines,  and  minutely  prohibitive 
laws  in  later  times  frequently  but  unsuccessfully  promulgated. 
Such  laws  may  for  a  while  check  the  first  approaches  of  luxury 
but  never  finally  prevail  against  the  growing  desires  of  man : 
yet  the  Florentmes  preserved  their  simplicity  for  a  long 
time  after  the  age  we  now  treat  of,  and  as  late  as  1467  at 
the  marriage  of  Niccolo  Martelli,  and  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Duke  of  Calabria,  the  same  scanty  unostentatious  service  of 
plate  as  among  the  Romans  of  old  was  seen  at  each  enter- 
tauiment.  The  simplicity  of  Florentine  manners  in  lvi60 
described  by  Villani  and  Malespini,  justifies  a  similar  picture 
as  drawn  by  their  great  poet:  *'Then,"  say  these  writers, 
"  the  Florentuies  lived  soberly  on  the  simplest  food  at  little 
axpense ;  many  of  their  customs  were  rough  and  rude  and 
both  men  and  women  went  coarsely  clad ;  many  even  wearing 
plain  leather  gai-ments  without  fur  or  lining  :  they  wore  boots 
on  their  feet  and  caps  on  their  head  :  the  women  used  unoma- 
mented  buskins,  and  even  the  most  distinguished  were  content 
with  a  close  gown  of  scarlet  serge  or  camlet,  confined  by  a 
leathern  waist-belt  of  the  ancient  fashion,  and  a  hooded  cloak 
lined  with  miniver  :  and  the  poorer  classes  wore  a  coarse  green 
doth  dress  of  the  same  form.  A  hundred  lire  was  the  common 
dowry  of  a  girl,  and  two  and  three  hundred  were  then  con- 
sidered splendid  fortimes :  most  young  women  waited  imtil 
they  were  twenty  yeai's  old  and  upwards  before  they  married. 
And  such  was  the  dress,  and  such  the  manners  and  simple 
habits  of  the  Florentines  of  that  day ;  but  loyal  in  heart,  faith- 


Mi  sc.  CHAP.] 


FLORENTINE    LUXURY. 


573 


ful  to  each  other,  zealous  and  honest  in  the  execution  of  public 
duties  ;  and  with  their  coarse  and  homely  mode  of  life  they 
gained  more  virtue  and  honour  for  themselves  and  their  countn- 
than  they  who  now  live  so  delicately  are  able  to  accomplish  *.' 

Although  this  praise  is  probably  coloured  by  the  usual  ima- 
ginative excellence  of  bygone  times,  there  seems  good  reason 
to  believe  that  luxury  did  not  penetrate  into  Florence  to  the 
same  extent  at  the  same  epoch  as  it  seems  to  have  done  at 
Siena,  Pisa,  and  in  Lombardy  after  the  termination  of  the  thir- 
teenth centur}-^  Tliose  cities,  such  as  Milan,  \'enice,  Padua, 
Pisa,  Genoa,  and  Lucca,  which  in  consequence  of  favourable 
mercantile  positions  or  richness  of  soil  naturally  led  the  march  of 
civilisation,  far  exceeded  the  Florentines  in  refinement,  and  Pisa 
even  as  late  as  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  affected  to 
hold  them  in  contempt  as  a  parcel  of  wild  mountameersj. 

All  accounts  however  agree  in  asserting  that  luxury  aug- 
mented rapidly  after  the  commencement  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tur}^  when  the  spread  of  commerce  Avai'  and  foreign  travel 
brought  with  them  increased  riches,  new  wants,  and  deeper  sen- 
suality :  Dante  who  was  well  acquainted  with  Italy  joins  in  the 
general  outciy  with  all  that  i.roneness  to  exalt  the  merits  of 
the  olden  time  whicli  through  every  age  has  shown  itself  so 
remarkably  in  the  human  heart,  because  men  still  retain  the 
vivid  unpressions  of  youthful  pleasures  and  confidence  amidst 
all  the  cai-es  and  sorrows  and  forced  suspicions  of  our  after- 
life :  yet  Dante's  lamentation,  in  its  moral  aspect,  at  least  is 
scarcely  justified  by  the  punishment  to  wliich  he  condemns 
not  only  his  great  preceptor,  but  some  of  those  also  who  were 
considered  the  most  virtuous  of  Florentine  citizens§. 

Nevertheless  we  may  gather  from  all  these  relations  that  a  cer- 
tain homely  style  of  domestic  manners  was  more  prevalent  in  Flo- 

*  Malespini,  c:i[>.  clxi.— Gio.  Villani,  §  Muratori,   An.  Ital.   Diss.,  xxv.— 

Lib.  vi.,  cap.  Ixx.  Dante,  Inferno,  Canto  vi« ;  Purgatorio, 

t  Dante,  Pur^  ,  Canto  xxiii.  Canto  xiv  :  Paiailiso,  Canto  xv«. 
X  Gio,  Villani,  cap.  liii..  Lib.  vi. 


/ 


574 


CELIBACY. PASTIMES. 


[book  I. 


rence  than  amongst  the  surrounding  nations  through  the  whole 
of  the  thirteenth  century.  Celibacy  was  not  common  because  an 
increasing  commerce  supphed  the  means  of  family  subsistence ; 
and  the  less  so,  because  the  turbulent  character  of  those  times 
made  a  numerous  progeny  and  powerful  connexions  of  the  last 
importance :  from  this  it  would  naturally  follow  that  infidelity 
and  licentiousness  were  more  rai-e  tlian  afterwards,  when  Boc- 
caccio wrote,  and  when  Florentine  women  were  not  ashamed  to 
read  the  Decameron.      Yet  concubinage,  as  we  have   seen, 
augmented  to  such  a  degree  m  the  latter  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century  that  the  most  severe  laws  even  to  burning  at  the  stake 
were  promulgated  against  it.  The  consequence  of  these  manners 
was  populous  clans  all  bearing  the  same  name  and  generally 
united  both  for  good  and  e\'il.     At  a  somewhat  later  period  we 
read,  amongst  other  instances,  of  a  ceitam  Pier  degli  Albizzi  who 
ha\'ing  five  manied  sons  was  on  the  occasion  of  a  private  feud 
in  1355  enabled  to  assemble  no  less  than  thirty  cousins  and 
nephews  under  arms.  But  notwithstanding  all  their  mtestine  jars 
the  Florentines  seem  to  have  been  a  cheerful  festive  race,  fond 
of  mirth,  attentive  to  business,  and  addicted  to  practical  jokes, 
with  a  quick  wit  and  smartness  of  reply  which  gave  their' oppo- 
nents no  advantage  :    they  displayed  much  fancy  and  ingenuity 
with  considerable  expense  m  pagetmts  and  festivals,  and  the 
genius  of  their  artists  was  successfully  employed  on  every  great 
occasion:  but  their  joyous  temperament  was  much  deadened  by 
the  poison  of  the  Bianchi  and  Neri  factions,  which  as  we  have 
seen,  in  the  year  1300  spread  through  the  community.    Before 
this  says  Villani  "  the  citizens  used  to  solace  themselves  with 
continual  repasts,  social  meetings  and  divers  amusements  ;  the 
city  was  in  profound  peace  and  a  constantly  increasing  prospe- 
rity enlivened  the  whole  nation  :  each  year  m  the  beginning  of 
May  gay  companies  of  either  sex  were  to  be  seen  in  all  parts 
of  the  metropohs  with  music  dancing  and  pastimes."     The 
cool  marble  steps  of  the  cathedral  became  a  favourite  resort 


\ 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


MANNERS. CUSTOMS. TOWERS. 


575 


in  the  summer  evenings  after  the  piazza  was  enlarged  and  that 
magnificent  edifice  completed ;  and  when  dinners  were  given  it 
was  a  common  custom,  arising  probably  from  the  confined 
apartments  in  towers  and  houses,  to  collect  the  guests  together 
in  the  public  street  before  the  house  door  previous  to  being  sum- 
moned to  the  guest-chamber,  where  after  washing,  they  shared 
the  owner  s  hospitality.  In  these  crowded  dwellings ;  divided 
and  subdivided  by  the  partition  of  property  between  the  chil- 
dren of  either  sex,  according  to  the  ancient  Lombard  law  on 
allodial  possessions ;  the  v»hole  family  resided ;  some  membei's 
having  only  a  single  chamber  and  a  small  kitchen  for  their 
individual  portion :  sometimes  they  lived  separate,  sometimes 
together,  with  a  common  kitchen  and  a  common  hall  where 
round  the  blazing  fire  they  assembled  during  winter  even- 
ings; but  in  summer  time  the  "  Loggia  "  was  the  great  place 
of  social  reunion  and  amusement* . 

A  family  did  not  often  separate  until  compelled  by  its 
increasing  numbers,  when  one  of  them  either  enlarged  the  house 
or  sold  his  share  to  those  who  remained,  and  then  generally 
settled  in  the  neighbom-hood ;  so  that  whole  streets  were  fre- 
quently filled  with  the  same  race  and  bore,  and  still  bear  the 
family  name.  But  besides  the  share  of  each  individual  there 
seems  to  have  been  also  a  common  purse  made  up,  as  it  would 
appear  froin  the  rent  of  shops  or  warehouses,  which  paid  the 
expenses  of  repairs  and  alterations  for  the  general  goodf. 

The  lordship  of  "  Loggia  e  Torre  "  or  tower  and  portico  was 
an  undoubted  distinction  of  the  very  ancient  nobility  although 
shared  by  some  of  the  most  powerful  and  opulent  Popolani, 
and  extreme  jealousy  was  shown  by  every  member  of  the  "  Con- 
sorteria'^l  or  family,  to  preserve  their  individual  right  to  the 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  \nii.,  cap.  xxxix. 
— Marmi  di  Doni. — Fnin.  Sacchetti, 
Novel.  11. — Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.  Diss, 
xi. — Croniclietta  di  Neri  Strinati,p.  4. 
f  Neri  Strinati,  Cronichetta. 
:J:  The  "  Coiisortena  "  did  not  always 


mean  blood-relationship :  different 
families  often  united  together  under  a 
common  family  name,  which  perhaps 
belonged  to  neither,  and  thus  asso- 
ciated lived  as  natural  kinsmen  for 
defence  or  offence. 


576 


LOGGL\. MARRIAGE    CEREMONTFS. 


[book  I. 


ancient  tower  of  their  race :  extraordinary  pains  were  taken  to 
divide  it  into  just  proportions  and  secure  to  each  Ms  particular 
share  by  minute  legal  fomis  and  precise  tlistinctions,  all  con- 
firmed by  public  instruments  and  arranged  with  the  solemnity 
of  a  public  treaty.  By  common  consent  one  or  two  of  the  most 
aged  or  respected  of  the  family  were  chosen  as  chiefs  and  con- 
servators of  the  general  right  over  the  tower  as  well  as  the 
especial  claim  of  each  individual :  the  same  care  was  extended 
to  the  Loggia  where  all  family  meetings  were  held,  public  and 
private  affairs  discussed,  marriages  settled,  visits  made  and  re- 
ceived ;  chess,  draughts,  and  dice  with  other  amusements  car: 
ried  on  in  sight  of  the  public,  and  many  had  an  open  space  of 
gromid  in  front  of  the  Loj^ma  where  they  exercised  their 
horses  *.  These  lodges  were  held  sacred,  and  it  was  the  boast  of 
some  families  that  no  pubhc  officer  would  dare  to  lay  his  hand 
on  any  fugitive  tliat  had  sought  protection  there  :  among  such 
the  Adimari  were  conspicuous,  and  there  was  a  common  sa}ing 
that  no  unworthy  aUiance  was  ever  made  iu  tlie  Loggia  of  that 
family  f . 

At  their  marriages  the  simple  presentation  of  a  ring  consti- 
tuted the  solemn  act  of  affiance  ;  and  after  the  priestly  benedic- 
tion and  the  donation  of  the  "  Morgincap  "  the  union  was  con- 
sidered to  be  complete.  The  latter  however  formed  a  very 
important  part  of  the  ceremony  as  it  was  given  the  morning  after 
marriage  and  endowed  the  bride  with  part  of  her  husband's 
possessions,  sometimes  even  in  fee-simple,  as  a  mark  of  belief 
and  confidence,  and  a  pledge  of  enduring  affection  :  the  custom 


*  Several  of  these  Loggia  yet  exist, 
and  the  names  of  many  towers  are 
still  preserved  either  traditionally  or  in 
ancient  documents ;  such  as  La  Bi- 
gunciula  of  the  Gcrardini — La  Co'^- 
tagna  of  the  Badia  (which  in  128'2 
was  used  as  a  residence  by  the  Priors 
of  the  Arts),  Za  Vacca  of  the  Fora- 
boschi,  which  still  forms  part  of  the 
bell-tower  of  the  Palazzo  Vecchio — 


The  PvJcc  of  the  Mncralotti,  in  the 
Place  of  San  Fircnze — La  Pagliazza 
— La  Lancia,  II  Leone^  Lo  Scaror- 
faggio  with  many  other?  whose  old 
grey  basements  may  still  be  detected 
under  the  disfigurement  of  modern 
plaster.  They  were  all  of  cut  stone 
and  from  230  to  250  fcot  high. 
f  Toscuna,  lUustrata,  pp.74  and  31.5. 


MISC.  CHAP.J 


MANNERS — CORTI    BANDITE. 


577 


was  of  German  origin  but  veiy  early  introduced  amongst  the 
i^  lorentmes  and  preserved  a  long  while  *. 

This  assumed  inviolabUity  of  Tower  and  Loggia  could  only 
tmve  existed  prior  to  the  great  and  final  contest  between  the 
citizens  and  nobility  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Duke  of  Athens 
m  1J43 ;  or  more  probably  before  the  banishment  of  Giano 
della  liella.     About  the  same  period  we  are  told  that  Florence 
was  happy  ^^^d  especially  towards  the  year  1283  Giaohetto 
Malespim  hke  Vilkni  describes  the  city  asabomiding  in  mirth 
and  testivity  ;  jugglers  and  buffoons  and  mountebanks  of  every 
sort  poured  in  from  the  Italian  states  to  share  the  bomity  of 
lordly  Florentines,  who  nevertheless  lived  frugally  themselves 
while  they  were  hospitable  and  even  generous  to  their  guests. 
^  There  were  at  this  time  in  Florence  more  than  three  hundred 
Cavaheri  di  Corredo  '  and  a  multitude  of  gentlemen  that 
maintained  an  equal  state  with  belted  knights,  kept   many 
horses  and  retainers,  and  appKed  themselves  to  the  acquirement 
ot  virtue  and  knowledge  and  courtesy ;  and  they  did  eat  often 
together  of  plain  meats  and  lived  in  domestic  famiharity  with 
each  other  and  did  not  dress  richly  ;  but  at  Easter  they  were 
careful  to  give  to  the  usual  frequenters  of  courts  and  to  jesters 
various  presents  of  dress  and  ornaments  :  and  from  many  parts 
oi  Lombardy  and  other  places  and  from  every  comer  of  Italy 
came  to  the  said  Florence  the  said  jesters  to  the  said  festivals 
and  they  were  warmly  greeted."     To  these  "  Corti  Bandite  " 
or  open  houses,  so  common  and  so  celebrated  amongst  some  of 
the  great  lords  of  Italy,  came  multitudes  of  poets,  musicians, 
dancers,  jesters,  players,  and  charlatans  of  every  sort ;  all  under 
the  generic  name  of  "  Uomlni  di  Carter  who  amused  the  great 
night  and  day  by  the  exercise  of  their  various  talents  and  made 
themselves  so  acceptable  that  they  never  departed  without 
a  considerable  largess. 

The  custom  of  the  age  would  allow  of  no  great  lords  coming 


VOL.    T. 


*  Muratori,  Antic.  Ital.  Diss.  xx. 
P  P 


578 


FOLGORE   DA   SAN   GIMIGNANO's   SONNETS  [book  i. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


CONTINUED. 


579 


to  these  entertainments  without  presenting  some  rich  and 
friendly  offering  to  their  host,  and  the  splendid  vestments  so 
acquired  were  generally  transferred  to  these  itinerants.  On 
occasions  of  great  moment  such  gifts  were  often  magnificent ; 
fine  horses,  jewels,  rich  mantles,  silver  vases,  and  other  pre- 
sents were  received  and  immediately  made  use  of  to  reward  the 
minstrels  and  chai'latans  whose  number  often  amounted  to 
many  hundreds.  At  the  marriage  of  one  of  the  Gonzaghi, 
lords  of  Mantua,  in  1340,  hut  more  particulai'ly  at  that  of 
Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence  to  Violante  daughter  of  Galeazzo 
Visconte  of  Milan  (where  the  most  sumptuous  "  Corte  Bandita' 
ever  known  in  Italy  was  held  for  many  days)  presents  were 
given  to  no  less  than  five  hundred  wandering  poets,  musicians, 
dancers  and  jesters  *. 

We  are  also  made  acquainted  with  some  of  the  fashionable 
amusements  m  Tuscany  by  the  writings  of  Folgore  da  San 
Gimignano  a  poet  of  the  year  1-260  who  addresses  a  series  of 
somewhat  satirical  sonnets,  one  for  each  month,  to  a  joyous 
company  of  Senese  gentlemen  m  which  he  pretends  to  instruct 
them  how  they  should  pass  their  time  in  the  most  agreeable 
manner  amongst  a  people  noted  in  that  age  for  their  epicurean 
indulgences:  these  sonnets  were  parodied  by  Cene  della 
Citarra  of  Arezzo  a  contemporary  poet  who  reverses  the  pic- 
ture with  some  humour,  and  probably  with  some  truth  as 
regards  the  habits  of  the  poor. 

The  poet  embodies  his  instructions  in  the  form  of  a  gift  and 
begmniug  with  the  month  of  January  gives  his  young  friends 
large  fires  in  well  ht  rooms ;  bed-chambers  splendidly  fur- 
nished and  beds  with  silken  sheets  and  fur  coverlets ;  plenty  of 
confectionary;  and  attendants  snugly  clad  in  woollens  and  cloth 
of  Douay :  they  ai-e  then  to  take  the  air  and  amuse  themselves 

*  Muratori,    Ant.    Ital.    Diss.   xxix.     sion    see   Corio,    Historia  di    Milano, 
For  a  minute  account  of  the  banquet     Parte  iii*,  p.  239. 
of  eighteen  courses  given  on  this  occa- 


I  I' 


by  throwing  soft  snowballs  at  the  young  ladies  whom  they 
happen  to  meet  in  their  walks,  and  when  tired  return  to  their 
repose. 

Dressed  in  short  frocks  and  strong  shoes  and  stockings,  he 
sends  them  in  February  to  hunt  the  boar,  deer,  and  wild  goat, 
with  good  dogs,  full  purses,  and  agreeable  company :  at  night 
they  were  to  come  merrily  home  to  excellent  wine  a  smoking 
kitchen  and  a  song. 

In  March  their  sports  were  to  be  changed  to  fishing  for  eels, 
trout,  and  salmon  ;  or  dolphin  lamprey  and  sturgeon,  with  every 
other  land  of  fish,  and  painted  boats  and  greater  barks  fit  for 
the  roughest  season  :  skilful  revellers  were  to  attend  their  will 
in  villas  and  palaces,  and  procure  every  delight  that  would  make 
time  fly  smoothly  ;  but  without  monk  or  priest.  "  Let  those 
crazy  shavelings  go  and  preach  for  they  abound  in  lies,"  saith 
the  poet. 

In  April  the  scene  changes  to  flowery  fields,  fountains, 
young  soft  grass,  and  no  discomforts ;  but  in  their  place  fair 
mules  and  paKreys  and  steeds  from  Spain,  and  the  song  and 
the  dance  from  Provence,  and  new  instruments  of  music  fresh 
from  Germany,  and  dames  and  damsels  samitering  along  with 
them  tlu-ough  beautiful  gardens  where  all  would  honour  them, 
and  bend  the  knee  before  their  chief,  to  whom  the  poet  offers  a 
crown  of  jewels  the  finest  of  those  possessed  by  Prester  John 
tlie  far-famed  king  of  Babylonia. 

May  also  was  to  bring  them  troops  of  light  well-trained 
horses,  springy,  spirited  and  swift ;  with  head  and  breast  well 
armed ;  and  tinkling  bells,  and  banners,  and  rich  trappings  : 
many-coloured  mantles,  light  round  shields  and  polished  weapons, 
and  breaking  of  spears  and  shock  of  lances;  flowers  of  every 
hue,  showers  of  garlands  fluttering  from  balcony  and  casement 
and  flights  of  golden  oranges  tossed  up  in  turn ;  and  youths 
and  maidens  Idssing  mouth  and  cheek,  and  discoursing  of 
happiness  and  love. 

p  p  2 


580 


folgore's  sonnets  continued. 


[book  I. 


Their  sojourn  for  the  month  of  June  is  described  in  a  beauti- 
ful sonnet  where  he  assigns  them  a  fair  hill  covered  with 
pleasant  shrubs,  and  thirty  villas  and  twelve  castles  glimmering 
about  a  small  and  pleasing  city,  in  the  centre  of  which  spiings 
a  delightful  foimtain  that  breaking  into  a  thousand  branches 
and  streamlets  cuts  gently  through  lawns  and  gardens  refresh- 
ing the  short  and  tender  herbage,  while  the  orange  the  citron  the 
date  the  sweet  lemon  and  every  other  saporific  fmit  embowered 
the  paths  and  roads,  the  natives  lovmg  and  couileous  to  each 
other  and  pleasmg  to  all  the  world  *. 

In  July  they  are  removed  to  Siena  with  full  flasks  of  Treb- 
biano  and  iced  Vaiano  winef ;  and  breakfasting  and  supping 
together  eat  heartily  of  roasted  partridge,  young  pheasants, 
boiled  capons,  kids  and  jellies  ;  with  veal  and  gariic  ragouts  for 
those  that  liked  them ;  shmining  exposure  to  the  great  heats, 
dressing  lightly,  avoiding  all  worries,  steady  to  their  pleasures 
and  always  having  their  table  well  supplied. 

For  their  August  dwellmgs  he  gives  them  thirty  castles  in  a 
mountain  vale  where  no  pestilential  sea-wind  blowing  across 
the  marshes  can  penetrate,  and  where  they  will  shine  m  serene 
health  like  the  stars  of  heaven :  here  a  single  mile  should  limit 
their  evening  and  morning  rides  between  two  small  towns  and 
their  return  through  cool  valleys  where  a  perennial  stream 
flowed  smoothly  and  attractively  as  if  leading  them  to  their 
noontide  sleep,  while  their  purse  lay  always  open  to  provide 
the  best  repasts  in  Tuscany. 

The  cooler  month  of  September  was  to  bring  many  amuse- 


*  Di  Giugno  dowi  una  montagnetta 
Coverta  di  bellissimi  arboscelli, 
Con  trenta  ville  e  dodici  castelli, 
Che  siano  intornoad  unacittadetta; 

Che  abbia  nel  mezzo  una  eua  fontanetta, 
E  faccia  millc  rami  e  fumicelli, 
Ferendo  per  giardiui  e  praticelli, 
E  rinfrescando  la  minuta  erbetta. 


Aranci,  e  cedri,  dattili  e  lomie, 
E  tutte  Taltrc  frutte  satorose, 
Impergolate  siano  per  le  vie. 
E  le  gente  vi  sian  tutte  amoroso, 
E  faccian\'isi  tante  cortcsie, 
Ch'a  tutto  il  mondo  siano  graziose. 
(Poeti  del  Primo  Secolo,  vol.  ii**,  p. 


177.) 

+   In  the  original  it  is  "  Li  ghiaccivauiniy'   which  may  be  Uken  either  as 
cold  or  ictd,  according  to  the  reader's  taste. 


t 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


fulgore's  sonnets  continued. 


581 


ments  :  hawks,  hounds,  falcons,  decoy  birds,  gosshawks,  game, 
gloves,  and  setting  dogs  with  bells :  cross-bows  well  fitted  and 
true  to  their  mark ;  bullets,  bows,  arrows,  bags,  and  fowls  of 
every  kind  fit  for  striking  or  the  snare:  each  sportsman  friendly 
with  his  companions,  taking  eveiy  joke  in  good  humour  and 
hailing  other  hunters  with  open  purse  and  smiling  countenance. 

The  recommendation  for  October  is  to  visit  those  that  keep 
a  good  stud,  follow  sports  on  foot  or  horseback,  dance  at  night, 
drink  good  wine,  get  tipsy  ;  "  as  in  good  truth  there  is  no  better 
life."  And  after  the  morning's  ablutions  wine  and  roast  meat 
are  once  more  an  excellent  medicine,  for  it  would  give  them 
spirits  and  "  preserve  them  in  better  health  than  that  of  fishes 
in  a  lake  a  river  or  the  sea,  because  they  would  thus  be  lead- 
ing a  more  Christian  life." 

In  November  the  baths  of  Petriola  were  to  be  their  station 
with  a  large  stock  of  money  and  comforts  ;  such  as  tin  flasks, 
silver  cups,  torches,  flambeaus,  confectionary  and  every  other 
kind  of  food  :  each  was  to  drink,  and  solace  his  companions, 
and  all  to  comfort  themselves  with  good  fires,  wines,  pheasants, 
partridges,  doves,  hares,  kids,  roast  and  boiled  meats,  Bologna 
sausages,  and  appetites  always  ready :  and  when  wind  and 
darkness  and  pouncing  rain  were  altogether  raging  mthout; 
why  then  ;  they  were  only  to  make  themselves  the  more  com- 
fortable within. 

The  last  month  of  the  year  was  to  find  them  in  some  city  of 
the  plain,  established  on  the  ground-floor  with  warm  hangings, 
blazing  fires,  lighted  torches,  benches  and  chess-tables;  plenty 
of  food,  and  the  dice-box  in  their  hand.  Large  wine-casks,  the 
host  a  toper,  all  warmly  clad  in  night-gowns  great  coats  and 
cloaks  and  fine  capacious  hoods  ;  then  they  might  laugh  at  thft 
miserable,  mock  the  miserly,  and  hold  no  communication  with 
either. 

Such  we  may  suppose  was  the  '*  heau-ideal "  of  Senese 
gentlemen's  amusements  in  the  thirteenth  century,    and  it 


'^f^'- 


j 


do^ 


SONNETS   CONTINUED— CUSTOMS — FEUDS. 


[book  I. 


must  be  confessed  that  they  were  not  ill  chosen ;  but  though 
Florence  had  probably  not  yet  reached  this  point  of  luxury  the 
two  communities  were  so  closely  connected  that  there  must  have 
been  a  considerable  degree  of  similarity  in  their  manners. 

This  poet  wrote  seven  other  sonnets  for  the  seven  days  of 
the  week  in  which  certain  occupations  either  usual  or  poetically 
adapted  to  each  day  are  enumerated  and  run  nearly  over  the 
some  ground  as  the  others.  We  learn  from  these  that  Simday 
was  the  peculiar  day  of  recreation  for  all  ranks  of  Florentines. 
Lords  and  citizens  dames  and  damsels  gave  up  that  day  to 
pastimes :  arms,  dances,  music  and  singing  were  to  be  heard 
in  every  quarter,  palaces  and  gardens  were  alive  mth  pleasure, 
and  the  '*  Armeggierie"  or  Moorish  exercise  of  arms  already 
described,  with  other  military  accomplishments,  were  especially 
practised :  the  whole  community  lived  in  public,  and  balls  and 
musical  entertainments  were  enjoyed  by  all  ranks  in  the  open 
streets  either  as  spectators  or  performers  *. 

It  was  at  one  of  these  dances,  as  we  have  said,  in  the  Place 
of  the  Holy  Trinity  that  the  first  open  rupture  took  place 
between  the  families  of  the  Cerchi  and  Donati ;  the  second  was 
at  a  funeral  meeting  in  the  Piazza  Frescobaldi  at  the  opposite 
side  of  the  Amo,  and  in  one  of  the  tumults  proceeding  from 
this  event  we  have  an  example  of  that  state  of  helpless  inse- 
curity which  generally  attended  the  vanquished  when  there  ex- 
isted a  single  enemy  to  take  advantage  of  their  weakness.  Neri 
Strinati  in  his  family  chronicle  tells  us  that  during  the  troubles 
occasioned  by  Charles  of  Valois'  fatal  visit  to  Florence  in  1301 
the  "  Masnada  "  or  followers  of  the  Strinati  s  private  enemies 
belonging  to  the  La  Tosa  family  broke  by  night  into  their 
dwelling  plundering  almost  everything  worth  carrying  off,  and 
they  were  only  saved  from  worse  usage  by  the  sudden  appear- 
anco  of  a  friend  of  both  parties  who  with  difficulty  succeeded 
in  expelling  the  intruders  :  but  the  house  was  scarcely  cleared 

*  Poeti  del  Primo  Secolo,  vol.  u",  Firenze,  1816. 


MISC.  CHAP.]      PEASANTRY — ITAIJAN   MANNERS — DRESS.  583 

when  the  "  Masnada'  of  the  Medici  family  came  on  a  similar 
errand  and  plundered  the  little  that  remained,  tearing  even  the 
clothes  and  bed-clothes  away  from  men  women  and  children, 
and  lea\4ng  them  thus  naked  and  helpless,  proceeded  to  their 
other  possessions,  so  that  no  less  than  three  houses  in  town  and 
countr}^  were  sacked  or  destroyed  that  night  by  these  implacable 
foes.     Such  were  the  customs  of  the  great,  but  it  would  be 
more  satisfactory  if  we  had  data  sufficient  for  a  detailed  account 
of  the  condition  of  the  Florentine  peasantry,  if  such  a  race  of 
beings  existed  in  the  thirteenth  century  :  it  is  not  improbable 
that  an  incipient  class  of  freemen  distinct  from  the  "  Servi'' 
and  ''Masnadierir  a  class  which  had  the  right  of  selling  its 
ovm  labour,  may  about  this  time  have  been  gradually  forming ; 
but  whether  it  had  augmented  sufficiently  to  constitute  any 
considerable  part  of  the  rural  population  and  what  were  its 
habits  and  general  condition,  there  appear  to  be  few  if  any 
means  of  judging  correctly.     Ricobaldo  of  Ferrara,  a  writer  of 
the  thirteenth  century  quoted  by  Muratori,  gives  an  account  of 
manners  that  can  scarcely  apply  to  any  but  the  lower  classes  of 
that  state,  more  especially  as  ecclesiastical  luxury  had  been 
previously  reprehended  by  San  Damiano,  and  the  gentlemen 
were  probably  not  much  behind  the  priesthood  either  in  ex- 
ternal pomp  or  more  sensual  enjoyments. 

In  the  times  of  this  emperor,  says  Pdcobaldi  speaking  of 
Frederic  II.  about  the  year  1234 ;  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Italians  were  unpolished ;  at  supper  man  and  wife  eat  from 
the  same  dish  and  they  did  not  use  wooden  trenchers  at  meals : 
there  were  but  one  or  two  cups  in  a  family :  by  night  when  at 
supper  they  lighted  the  tables  with  lanterns  or  torches,  one  of 
the  servants  or  children  holding  the  torch,  for  they  had  not  the 
convenience  of  wax  or  tallow  candles.  The  men  wore  leathern 
cloaks  without  ornament  or  woollen  cloaks  without  fur,  and 
caps  of  "  Pignolato''(^).  The  women  gowns  of  the  latter,  and 
they  attended  weddings  even  after  they  were  married.   At  that 


584 


MANNERS DRESS FURNITURE. 


[book  I. 


time  the  dress  of  both  sexes  was  mean ;  of  gold  and  silver  they 
had  httle  or  none  on  their  clothes ;  their  diet  also  was  sparing ; 
the  common  people  fed  on  fresh  meat  three  times  a  week 
cooked  with  herbs  for  dinner,  and  at  supper  the  remainder  was 
eaten  cold.  All  did  not  use  wine  in  the  summer  time ;  there 
were  few  wine-cellars  :  the  rich  kept  for  themselves  but  mode- 
rate sums  of  money ;  the  granaries  were  not  large  ;  they  were 
satisfied  with  storehouses ;  the  women  married  with  slender 
portions  because  their  means  were  very  spare.  At  home 
maidens  were  content  with  a  tmiic  of  '' Pignolato''  which  was 
called  a  "  Sotanus "  or  cassock  and  with  a  linen  robe  named 
"  Xoccam."  The  head-dress  for  maids  or  matrons  was  not 
costly ;  the  married  bound  their  temples  and  cheeks  with  broad 
ribands.  The  pride  of  the  men  then  consisted  in  fine  horses 
and  arms ;  the  pride  of  the  rich  nobility  was  to  have  towers, 
and  at  that  time  all  the  Italian  cities  had  a  noble  appearance 
from  their  nmnerous  towers." 

This  however  does  not  enturely  agree  with  Saint  Damiano's 
reproof  to  the  bishops  and  cardinals  whom  he  accuses  of  a 
thirst  for  wealth  in  order  that  "  Indian  perfumes  may  scent  the 
lofty  vases  at  their  feasts ;  that  a  thousand  wines  may  grow 
yellow  m  their  cr}^stanine  vessels ;  that  wherever  they  come  their 
bed-chambers  may  be  covered  with  curiously  wTought  and  ad- 
mirably woven  hangings  ready  at  hand ;  and  thus  also  they 
conceal  the  walls  of  the  churches  from  the  eyes  of  the  specta- 
tors during  the  performance  of  funerals :  they  spread  the  seats 
with  tapestry  bearing  strange  pictures,  and  they  fix  rich  hang- 
ings to  the  ceilings  lest  any  decayed  part  should  fall.  Then  a 
crowd  of  attendants  stand  around,  some  of  whom  reverently 
assist  their  lord  and,  Hke  watchers  of  the  stars,  regard  his  nod 
with  exceedmg  inquisitive  observation  lest  by  chance  he  should 
command  anything."  "  It  is  considered  madness,"  he  after- 
ward,; says,  "  and  is  not  unlike  it,  when  a  bed  is  sculptured  with 
such  prodigious  cost  as  to  exceed  the  endowment  of  any  holy 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


SPLENDOUR LUXURY FOOD. 


585 


shrine,  even  the  apostolic  altar  itself:  and  notwithstanding  that 
sobriety  should  grace  the  priesthood  they  are   now  become 
gluttons  from  wealth.      The  royal   purple  is  even  despised 
because  it  is  but  a  single  colour;  coverlets  dyed  with  various 
brightness  are  esteemed  for  the  decoration  of  the  lofty  bed,  and 
as  native  garments  might  seem  foul  they  delight  in  the  furs  of 
other  countries  because  they  are  purchased  at  an  exorbitant 
price  ;  and  thus  the  spoils  of  both  sheep  and  lambs  are  despised 
for  those  of  ermines  sables  martens  and  foxes.     It  would  be 
u-ksome  to  add  the  remainder  of  their  vanity ;  absurdities  to  be 
groaned  over  not  laughed  at ;  and  it  is  painful  to  enumerate 
the  consequences  of  such  ambition  and  prodigious  folly :  the 
very  Papal  mitres  defiled  in  various  parts  with  glittering  gems 
and  golden  plates,  and  the  horses  while  they  pace  swiftly  with 
arched  necks,  fatigue  by  their  untamed  fierceness  the  hands  of 
those  who  hold  the  reins.     I  omit  the  rings  set  with  great 
pearis  and  the  wands,  not  glittering  only  but  buried  in  gems 
and  gold ;  certainly  I  never  remember  to  have  seen  even  pon- 
tifical staves  so  covered  with  a  blaze  of  radiant  metal  as  were 
those  carried  by  the  bishops  Frauensi  and  Esculano"*. 

Several  writers  of  the  tenth,  eleventh,  and  twelfth  centuries 
describe  the  luxuries  of  those  times ;  but  as  such  habits  are 
merely  comparative,  the  luxuries  of  the  grandsire  being  the 
necessaries  of  the  grandson,  it  is  only  when  particulars  are 
given  that  any  judgment  can  be  formed,  and  a  few  such 
particulars  may  be  found  in  the  relation  of  a  dispute  which 
happened  in  the  year  1149  between  the  canons  of  Saint 
Ambrose  at  Milan  and  the  monks  of  their  order,  about  the 
dinners  to  which  they  were  entitled  when  they  dined  with 
the  abbot. 

The  canons  claimed  the  right  of  having  nine  different  kmds 
of  meat  m  three  courses :  "  First  cold  fowls,  '  gambas  de 
Vino\?)  and  cold  pork:    in  the  second  course  stuffed  ^)wls, 

•  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Dissert,  xxiii. 


586 


ROMAN    LUXURY FRENCH   CUSTOMS. 


[book  I. 


MISC.  CHAP.]      FLORENTINE    LUXURY INCREASE — TRADE. 


587 


beef  with  pepper,  and  *  Turtellam  de  Lavezolo '  (?).     Thirdly 
roast  fowls,  loins  of  meat  with  bread,  and  little  stuffed  pigs." 

At  Rome  luxiuy  is  supposed  never  to  have  been  entirely 
extinguished  and  the  reception  of  Conradiue  m  T^OB  was  an 
occasion  for  exhibiting  it  with  advantage.  Saba  Malespini  as 
quoted  by  Muratori  tells  us  "  that  a  varied  dress,  of  different 
colours  and  sumptuous  materials,  worn  over  the  armour  distin- 
guished the  troops  of  attendants  :  Choruses  of  female  musicians 
performed  in  concert  within  the  city  on  cymbals,  dmms, 
trumpets,  violins,  and  every  sort  of  musical  instrument ;  and 
as  it  is  the  delight  of  luxury  to  display  its  abundance  of  pre- 
cious articles,  ropes  were  stretched  across  the  street  in  the  guise 
of  arches  from  house  to  house,  and  decorated,  not  with  laurel, 
not  with  branches,  but  with  rare  drapery  and  various  furs  ; 
girdles,  bracelets,  fringes,  strings  of  costly  rings ;  diadems, 
buckles,  clasps,  necklaces  of  sparklmg  gems,  silken  bags,  woven 
coverlets,  linen  fabrics,  purple  hangings,  curtains,  tablecloths, 
and  fine  linen  interwoven  throughout  with  silk  and  gold  :  veils 
knotted  together,  and  gilded  mantles  which  skilful  artists 
both  native  and  foreign  had  worked  up  with  rare  and  costly 
materials"*. 

This  sort  of  magnificence  so  nearly  allied  to  luxur5%  was 
probably  confined  to  the  great  cities,  and  more  especially  to 
Rome  where  the  riches  of  an  aggregated  priesthood  and  the 
peculiar  pomp  of  the  reUgious  ceremonies  combined  to  promote 
it ;  but  the  general  tastes  and  customs  of  Italy  are  supix)sed  to 
have  undergone  considerable  alteration  by  the  introduction  of 
French  customs  after  the  conquest  of  the  two  Sicilies  by 
Charles  of  Anjou :  he  was  soon  followed  by  many  thousands  of 
his  countrymen  brmging  with  them  the  airiness  of  French 
manners  and  the  splendour  of  the  court  of  Provence,  which 
were  first  admired  and  then  imitated  by  the  Itahans. 

The  entry  of  this  prince  and  his  consort   Beatrice   into 

•  Saba  Malespini,  apud  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Diss,  xxiii. 


Naples  m  1266  delighted  the  natives  with  its  magnificence  ' 
"  Four  hundred  French  cavaliers  well  clothed,  in  surcoats  and 
plumes,  and  a  fine  company  of  Frisons  also  dressed  in  hand- 
some liveries,  and  more  than  sixty  French  lords  with  golden 
chains  around  their  necks,  and  the  queen  in  a  chariot  covered 
with  blue  velvet  and  sprinkled  within  and  without  all  over  with 
golden  lilies  so  that  in  my  life  I  never  saw  a  finer  sight"*. 

The  close  connexion  between  Charles  of  Anjou  and  the 
Florentines  must  have  greatly  assisted  in  shaking  their  primi- 
tive customs,  and  with  the  influence  of  increasmg  riches,  also  in 
laying  the  foundation  of  future  luxury,  so  that  they  too  were 
included  in  the  general  prohibition  of  Gregory  X.  by  the 
authority  of  the  Council  of  Lyon,  which  checked  the  excessive 
indulgence  of  female  vanity  in  dress  throughout  all  Christen- 
dom ;  and  again  in  1299  the  Florentme  government  itself  was 
compelled  to  publish  a  similar  edict  f. 

This  growing  luxury  was  one  of  the  effects  of  their  rapid 
extension  of  domestic  industry  and  foreign  commerce ;  for  the 
Florentines  being  at  first  confined  to  a  narrow  territory  traffic 
were  restricted  to  the  exchange  of  a  few  superfluous  necessaries 
for  the  moderate  comforts  their  fmgal  habits  required ;  but  in 
the  twelfth  century  their  views  began  to  enlarge  with  their  new- 
fledged  liberty,  and  an  augmented  population  engendered  fresh 
desires,  industry^  and  commerce. 

The  progress  of  trade  will  always  have  a  certain  relation  to 
the  condition  of  surrounding  nations,  near  or  distant ;  it  therefore 
became  impossible  that  encircled  as  she  was  by  such  cities  as 
Siena,  Lucca,  Pisa,  Genoa  and  others,  Florence  could  remain 
for  a  moment  stationary  after  her  freedom  and  independence 
were  confirmed :  we  accordingly  perceive  in  her  early  history 
occasional  indications  of  that  attention  to  foreign  trade  which 
gathered  so  much  strength  in  after  times.     Thus  in  1135  she 

*  Ancient  Journal  cited  by  Muratori,    f  Malespini,  cap.  cxcix.  — S.  Ammi- 
Ant.  Ital.,  Disa.  xxiii.  rato,  Lib.  iv. 


.*l.. 


I< 


588 


MERCANTILE    CIL^RACTER   OF   FLORENTINES.  [book  I. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


TRADE   AND    POLITICS RANK. 


589 


humbled  the  Buondelmonti,  then  powerful  lords  of  Monte- 
buono  for  their  treatment  of  Florentine  mercliants ;  in  1171 
she  signed  a  commercial  treaty  ^\^th  the  rich  and  flourishing 
city  of  Pisa ;  in  1101  she  became  a  powerful  member  of  the 
Tuscan  league  ;  in  l?i01  she  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Ubal- 
dini,  lords  of  the  Mugello  for  the  safe  conduct  of  merchandise 
into  Lombardy,  and  in  1^81  a  similar  convention  ^vith  Genoa. 
In  the  following  year  treaties  with  Siena,  Lucca,  Pmto  and 
Pistoia  succeeded,  by  which  all  tolls  and  duties  on  goods  and 
persons  were  reciprocally  renounced. 

These  acts  indicate  a  considerable  expansion  of  mind  and 
domestic  industry,  an  industry  not  springing  from  the  land, 
which  was  neither  rich  in  quality  nor  great  in  surface,  but 
because  the  natural  faculties  and  activity  of  the  people  had  been 
left  unfettered  by  the  establishment  of  free  institutions,  because 
they  were  not  as  yet  contaminated  by  luxuiy,  and  were  to  a 
certain  degree  dependant  on  strangers  for  those  necessaries 
which  a  small  territory  denied  to  an  increasing  population. 

The  mercantile  character  of  the  Florentines  in  the  thirteenth 
centmy  appears  to  have  resembled  that  of  tlie  Dutch  in  their 
most  prosperous  days  and  was  the  cause  of  similar  effects ; 
they  produced  much  and  consumed  little ;  administered  to  the 
luxury  of  strangers  and  repressed  their  own,  and  the  result 
was  public  riches  and  prosperity,  perhaps  virtue,  according  to 
the  spirit  of  the  age.  Their  form  of  government  was  particu- 
larly favourable  to  commerce,  and  the  early  belief  in  a  super- 
natural destination  to  mercantile  affairs  because  the  city  was 
founded  under  the  influence  of  Aries,  may  have  somewhat 
assisted  in  producing  it. 

We  have  seen  that  in  very  early  times  the  citizens  were 
divided  into  a  certain  number  of  '*  Arts  "  or  trades  from  which 
all  public  functionaries  were  eventually  drawn  even  to  the 
supreme  governors  of  the  country ;  it  was  an  apiar}^  without 
drones,  for  the  nobles  were  ultimately  compelled  to  enrol  them- 


i 


selves  amongst  tradesmen  as  their  only  way  to  public  honours*. 
Trade  thus  presenting  the  single  medium  for  attaining  political 
power  all  minds  were  naturally  directed  towards  it,  perhaps 
even  without  any  previous  inclination  or  peculiar  desire  of  gain ; 
and  in  this  manner  political  ambition  became  subservient  to 
national  industry  and  commercial  enterprise.  The  great  energy 
of  Florentines  soon  carried  them  far  away  from  their  home 
to  seek  a  livelihood  m  foreign  countries  and  finally  return  with 
independence ;  in  this  way  there  was  scarcely  a  region  in  the 
world  left  unexplored  by  their  acti\4ty,  and  every^vhere  and  in 
every  station  they  made  themselves  useful  if  not  necessary, 
besides  improving  their  native  country  by  the  introduction  of 
all  that  was  likely  to  be  serviceable  in  the  customs  of  strangers. 
This  love  of  enterprise  soon  became  general  and  an  acute 
mercantile  spirit  peiTaded  all  ranks  of  society  to  such  a  degree 
that  he  who  was  not  a  trader,  or  who  had  not  made  a  fortune 
in  foreign  parts,  had  little  consideration  at  Florence.  Commerce 
thus  became  a  second  nature,  few  speculations  were  neglected, 
and  as  the  merchants  personally  conducted  their  own  adven- 
tures a  race  of  quick  intelligent  citizens  grew  up  who  were 
perfectly  acquainted  with  the  necessities,  power,  and  resources 
of  foreign  nations  and  generally  with  the  leading  men  of  each, 
both  Chiistian  and  infidel :  and  as  the  rank  of  a  Florentine 
citizen  was  considered  noble  and  sufficient  for  admission  to  any 
order  of  knighthood,  so  whether  merchant  or  not,  was  he  a  fit 
companion  for  the  highest  personages  of  other  states.  But 
these  identical  merchants  being  also  the  cliief  inilers  and 
ambassadors  of  the  republic  they  carried  such  a  mass  of  useful 
knowledge  into  the  state  government  and  public  assemblies 
as  gave  them  considerable  advantages  in  their  foreign  political 
relations ;  and  there  being  no  permanent  embassies  the  frequent 

*  Like  London,  the  citizens  of  Flo-  "  An  haberdasher  and  a  carpenter, 
rence  were  all  members  of  a  guild,  and        A  weaver,  dyer,  and  a  tapiser, 
generally  of  a  lay  religious  society,  as        Were  all  y clothed  in  one  livery 
Chaucer  says, —  Of  a  solemn  and  great  fi-atemity." 


590 


COMMERCIAL   REGULATIONS — BANKRUPTS — FOOD,    [book  i. 


change  of  diplomatic  missions  increased  this  knowledge  ;  more 
especially  as  it  was  the  custom  of  ambassadors  particularly  the 
Venetian,  to  send  home  detailed  relations  of  the  power,  re- 
sources objects  and  peculiar  policy  of  the  several  courts* 
Thus  from  youth  upward  were  this  people  formed  to  intellec- 
tual activity  and  liberality  of  sentimfent  by  a  constant  inter- 
course with  all  nations,  ranks,  and  professions,  while  some  of 
their  neighbours  with  a  richer  soil  and  less  necessary  labour 
followed  a  slower  and  less  brilliant  course  ;  and  therefore  when 
war  came,  with  all  its  cost  misery  and  exhaustion,  the  value  of 
Florentine  industry  also  became  apparent  and  witli  it  her 
national  ascendancy  f. 

Numerous  regulations  beneficial  or  pernicious,  ludicrous  or 
severe,  were  compiled  and  published  from  time  to  time  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  freedom  of  action  and  commercial  probity : 
by  these  the  arrest  of  any  merchant  was  prohibited  on  the 
exchange  during  the  time  of  business  and  for  three  hours  after ; 
and  bankrupts,  besides  the  legal  penalties  by  which  they  and 
their  male  descendants  were  deprived  of  all  public  honours  and 
employment  and  almost  considered  enemies  of  the  state  :  were 
further  condemned  to  have  their  bare  posteriors  bumped  on  a 
circular  stone  of  black  and  white  marble  still  existing  mider  the 
arcade  of  the  Mercato  Nuovo  of  Florence.  Even  the  mischievous 
establishments  of  the  "  Grascia "  and  '*  Abbondanza  "  were 
directed  with  more  plausibility  than  forecast  to  the  success  of 
trade,  and  created  the  scarcities  they  were  intended  to  prevent; 
for  agricultural  produce  was  insecure  fi'om  frequent  wars,  and 
larger  profits  were  more  safely  drawn  from  commerce  and 
manufactures ;  thence  it  became  an  object  to  keep  down  the 
price  of  food  so  as  to  undersell  all  competitors  by  the  low  rate 
of  Florentine  labour ;  and  here  may  be  sought,  if  not  the  origin 

*  Their  accurate   knowledge   of  the  Virtu,  and  first  Duke  of  Milan, 

resources  of  foreign  nations  will  be  "f"  Goro  Dati  Istoria  de  Firenze,  Lib. 

hereafter  seen  in  the  relation  of  their  iv.,  p.  56. — Pagnini  della  Decima,  torn. 

war   with    Gian-Galeazzo,  Count   of  ii^. 


Ij 


MISC.  CHAP.]      SILK  AND   WOOL   TRADES — PADRI   UMILIATI.  591 

of  tliose  victualling  offices,  which  was  of  high  antiquity,  at  least 
the  reason  of  that  blind  support  of  them  and  their  fallacious 
principles  until  the  days  of  Leopold*. 

The  early  progress  and  organised  system  of  trade  and  manu- 
factures in  the  Florentine  republic  may  be  gathered  from  various 
public  treaties  in  which  the  "  Consuls  of  the  Arts  "  are  named 
and  officially  employed;  but  more  especially  from  a  public 
instrument  executed  in  1204  where  besides  the  banking  trade, 
which  was  perhaps  the  most  lucrative  as  well  as  one  of  the 
earliest  sources  of  Florentine  wealth,  we  find  the  judges  and 
notaries ;  the  "  Calemala  di  Panni  Franceschi "  or  foreign  cloth 
merchants ;  the  citv  retail  traders ;  and  the  silk  and  wool 
trades.  Althoudi  the  two  last  not  only  existed,  but  at  this 
time  were  regularly  organised  branches  of  trade  and  govern- 
ment, they  were  both  so  much  improved  by  two  subsequent 
events  as  to  cause  some  mistakes  about  the  real  date  of  their 
introduction :  the  first  was  the  arrival  of  the  Lucchese  emi- 
grants after  the  plunder  of  their  city  by  Ugguccione  da  Faggiola 
in  1314  which  gave  new  spirit  to  the  silk  trade  ;  the  second  by 
the  establishment  of  the  Padri  Umiliati  in  1239,  or  according 
to  Richain  120Gf. 

Many  Lombards,  especially  Milanese,  were  banished  to 
Gennany  in  1014  by  the  emperor  Henry  the  Fu*st,  and  in 
order  to  subsist  they  united  and  formed  a  society  under  the 
lowly  appellation  of  the  "  Umiliati  "  in  allusion  to  their  imhappy 
condition;  professing  to  live  by  their  own  labour  they  applied 
themselves  to  various  arts  but  particularly  to  the  manufacture 
of  wool,  and  on  their  return  to  Italy  in  1019  still  held  together 
under  their  cliief  or  "  minister,''  Afterwards,  instead  of  peri- 
odical meetings  in  a  common  hall  they  permanently  united  in 
convents  to  continue  their  occupation.     Until  1140  they  were 

*   The  nature  of  these  offices  w^ill  be  p.  64. 

more  fully  treated  of  in  the  reign  of  +  Padre  Richa,  Notizie  Istoriche  delle 

Pietro  Leopoldo.     Ferd.  di  Migliore,  Chiese  Florentine,  torn,  iv.,  p.    253, 

Firenze  lUustrata,  Lib.  i°,  Parte  iii%  (Chusa  Oguisanti). 


592 


PADRI    UMILL\TI WOOL   TRADE. 


[book  I. 


all  laymen  but  afterwards  became  a  religious  society  whose 
priests  instead  of  working  themselves  superintended  the  labour 
of  others  under  a  president  called  "  //  Mercatore,"  and  assumed 
a  lamb  as  their  badge,  which  was  subsequently  adopted  by  the 
wool-trade  of  Florence.  Innocent  III.  confirmed  the  order,  and 
they  acquired  great  riches  as  well  as  employment  from  various 
governments  for  their  kno^vn  zeal  and  honesty  in  places  of 
great  trust :  thus  did  they  preside  over  the  weights  and  measures 
of  Cremona ;  were  attached  to  the  Italian  armies  as  commissa- 
ries for  the  payment  and  subsistence  of  the  troops,  and  became 
treasurers  of  the  Florentine  republic  :  they  produced  preachers, 
authors,  and  poets,  and  having  finally  reached  their  meridian, 
began  like  all  mundane  institutions  to  decline.  Their  religion 
and  industiy  gi*adually  melted  into  liLxuiy  and  idleness ;  crime 
followed,  and  finally  even  their  protector  Cardinal  Borromeo 
nearly  fell  a  \ictim  to  their  vengeance  in  his  endeavours  to 
reform  them:  this  was  the  signal  of  suppression,  which  by 
command  of  Pius  V.  took  place  in  1571  after  several  centuries 
of  useful  labour :  dming  which,  by  admitting  artists  of  every 
country  into  the  society  they  collected  all  the  skill  and  profes- 
sional experience  of  the  age  and  mainly  contributed  to  the 
commercial  prosperity  of  Florence,  which  aware  of  their 
importance  gave  them  ever}^  possible  encouragement :  they 
first  settled  at  San  Donato  close  by  the  town,  but  afterwards 
came  nearer,  and  in  1:259  established  themselves  on  the  spot, 
(then  without  the  walls)  where  now  stands  the  convent  of  Santa 
Cateiina  d'Ognissanti  which  they  built,  and  were  in  common 
with  all  foreign  artificei-s,  exempted  from  taxation  -i-. 

But  the  Florentines  were  not  satisfied  with  what  they  had 
learned  fi'om  the  Umiliati  and  soon  became  famous  beyond 
other  nations  m  every  branch  of  the  art,  particulai-ly  in  the 


•  Pignotti,  Stor.  della  Toscana,  vol.  ii.  — Padre  Richa,  Notizie  Istoriche 
iv.,  Saggio  iii.,  p.  lij;  note  from  Tira-  dcUe  Chiese  Fiorentine,  torn,  iv.,  p. 
boscLi. — Pagnini,  Delia  Decima,  torn.     233.     (Chusa  Ognissanti.) 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


WOOL-TRADE   AND   ITS    BRANCHES. 


593 


brilliancy  of  their  colours ;  the  demand  for  their  home  manu- 
facture soon  exceeded  the  supply  and  induced  them  to  purchase 
rough  undressed  materials  from  English,  French,  and  Flemish 
looms  as  well  as  to  estabhsh  Florentine  workmen  in  those 
countries.  The  cloth  thus  imported  underwent  the  process  of 
shearing,  scouring  and  folding,  but  more  especially  dyeing,  in 
the  Florentine  workshops  and  recrossed  the  Alps  to  be  sold  at 
an  enormous  profit.  This  system  continued  until  Heniy  VII. 
of  England  prohibited  the  exportation  of  unshoni  cloths  and 
even  restrained  the  Italian  manufactures  in  his  Idngdom,  for 
he  granted  this  privilege  to  few  besides  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano 
of  Medicis  *. 

The  dyers  foimed  a  body  of  tradesmen  dependent  on  the 
wool  company,  and  sureties  for  good  behaviour  to  the  amount 
of  300  florins  were  required  from  every  member:  to  pre- 
vent fraud  the  cloths  were  placed  under  the  inspection  of 
experienced  manufacturers  called  the  "  Ojficers  of  Stains  and 
Blemishes;'  and  on  the  detection  of  false  colours  all  offenders 
were  denounced  as  cheats  and  expelled  from  the  trade.  The 
game  of  chess  was  allowed  to  be  played,  but  all  gambling 
strictly  prohibited  in  every  shop  and  warehouse  belonging  to 
the  wool  trade,  and  its  integrity  was,  at  least  nominally,  secured 
by  a  minute  network  of  regulations  all  directed  to  insure  honest 
dealing  and  a  perfection  of  manufactm-e  calculated  to  pro- 
mote its  celebrity  amongst  foreigners. 

For  the  finest  cloths  the  wools  of  Spain  and  Portugal  were 
imported;  England,  France,  Majorca,  and  Barbary  supplied 
the  second  quality,  and  Italian  sheep  yielded  the  coarsest  Idnd. 
On  those  foreign  supplies  therefore  almost  all  the  domestic 
manufacture  rested,  but  the  foundation  was  precarious,  for  the 
moment  those  nations  began  to  manufacture  at  home  the 
supply  diminished  and  Florence  commenced  her  decline. 
Dazzled  by  present  profits,  the  blindest  commercial  act  of  the 


*  Pagniai,  Delia  Decima,  vol.  ii^jSezione  iii"  and  Iv^,  pp.  71,  94,  104. 
VOL.  I.  y  Q 


594 


TRADE   WITH   ENGLAND — FRANCE FLANDERS.  [book  i. 


Florentines  was  the  establishment  of  manufactories  in  England, 
France,  and  the  Netherlands ;  for  just  so  many  schools  of  native 
industry  were  thus  established  and  awakened  the  trading  spirit 
of  those  countries;  yet  the  old  Florentines  used  to  ridicule  the 
simplicity  of  our  ancestors  for  allowing  these  large  profits  to  be 
made  by  strangers  in  their  country,  forgetting  the  valuable 
knowledge  which  they  left  in  exchange  but  apparently  not 
blind  to  its  future  reaction  on  their  own  prosperity  *. 

That  this  direct  trade  with  England  began  very  early 
may  be  conjectured  from  the  existence  of  the  "  Calimala  " 
as  a  corporate  body  in  1'204,  and  that  it  was  in  activity  in 
1284  is  proved  by  a  letter  still  extant  dated  London  Saturday 
the  sixth  of  January  in  that  year  (or  1293  by  our  computation) 
written  by  Simone  Gherardi  of  the  company  of  Tommaso  Ispig- 
liati  Gherardi  and  Lapo  Ughi  Sphii  which  informs  liis  partners 
of  the  various  contracts  for  wool  that  he  had  concluded  with  a 
number  of  English  convents,  but  the  names  of  most  of  them 
are  hard  to  identify. 

That  branch  of  the  wool  trade  which  under  the  name  of 
"  Calimala  "  or  vendors  of  French  cloth,  comprehended  all 
Transalpine  fabrics  of  this  material,  was  quite  distinct  from  the 
domestic  manufacture  f :  the  merchants  of  the  "  Calimala  " 
were  not  allowed  to  traffic  in  Cisalpine  cloths  of  any  descrip- 
tion, but  a  part  of  their  busmess  was  to  dye  and  finish  up  the 
rough  commodity  to  the  highest  state  of  perfection  or  in  a 
manner  most  suitable  to  the  taste  of  the  different  markets  ;  a 
point  much  studied  by  the  Florentines.  Some  of  these  cloths 
were  the  manufacture  of  France,  some  of  England,  others  of  Bra- 
bant, and  some  also  came  from  the  Florentine  looms  working 


11., 


■"  or"  Ca/i'- 


*  Pagnini,   Delia   Decima,    vol. 

Sezione  iv*. 

f  The  name  "  Calimala' 

mara,''  is  said  to  be  derived  from  the 

Latin  '*  Calls  Mains''^  qwisivia  Mala 

or  bad  way,  because  the  street  so  called 

led  to  the  ancient  place  of  execution 

on  the  site  of  the  present  "  Ghetto"''  or 


Jews'  quarter  at  Florence.  Villani 
calls  this  street  also  "  Via  Frarir 
cesca "  or  French  street  because  the 
shops  belonging  to  this  trade  were 
here  situated  and  forbidden  elsewhere. 
{Vide  Osservatore  Fiorentino,  vol. 
iv.,  p.  124.) 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


BALDUCCI   AND     UZZANO LAWS. 


595 


in  all  those  countries,  imported  by  way  of  Paris  Avignon 
Marseilles  Nice  Germany  and  Lombardy ;  in  the  memoirs  of 
Francesco  Balducci  and  Niccolo  da  Uzzdno  the  principal 
situations  of  these  woollen  manufacjtures  and  markets  in  the 
fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  are  mentioned,  and  the 
goods  described  as  being  made  up  into  bales  containing  from 
ten  to  thirteen  pieces  wrapped  in  felt  and  double  packing-cloths 
for  transmission  to  Florence.  There  after  strict  examination 
by  a  committee  of  the  trade  and  due  preparation  for  new 
markets,  the  device  of  the  "  Calimala  "  (an  eagle  holding  a 
bale  of  cloth)  was  stamped  on  both  ends  of  the  piece,  which 
thus  increased  in  value,  was  disposed  of  not  only  in  Italy,  but 
sent  again  beyond  the  Alps  and  resold  to  the  original  producers 
as  already  mentioned. 

Severe  laws  governed  these  trades ;  a  rigid  inquisition  was 
established  into  the  colour  and  quahty  of  the  dyes,  the  prices 
fixed,  the  importers  forbidden  to  combine  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  it,  and  no  dyeing  materials  were  allowed  to  come  through 
any  other  channel.     But  a  commerce  founded  on  the  ignorance 
of  surrounding  nations  in  a  progressive  state  of  civilisation 
could  not  last,  and  the  Florentines  themselves  unconsciously 
accelerated  its  decay :  for  when  their  sphere  of  action  became  more 
extended  they  could  no  longer  terminate  their  trading  missions  or 
voyages  within  the  year  and  therefore  sought  for  some  central 
position  as  a  depot :  they  found  it  in  Flanders  and  especially  at 
Bruges  which  places  concentrated  their  commerce  with  Germany 
France  and  England  and  became  the  principal  focus  of  trade  in 
the  west  of  Europe.     This  stimulated  the  Flemings  who  pro- 
fiting by  the  occasion  soon  learned  to  supply  their  own  wants 
from  their  own  resources  ;  they  became  manufacturers  and  ex- 
poiters,  and  were  soon  followed  by  the  English  :  thus  the  chief 
nourishment  of  Florentme  industry,  the  raw  material  and  unfi- 
nished cloth,  was  withheld ;  and  this  lucrative  trade  after  sus- 
taining itself  until  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  de- 

Q  Q  2 


596 


SILK   TRADE — ITS   INTBODUCTION ITS   LAWS.         [book  I. 


cliued  with  the  declining  repubhc  and  almost  expired  under 
the  monarchy  *. 

With  more  passive  times  a  softer  art  began  to  flourish  and 
the  silk  manufacture  seemed  to  gather  fresh  spirit  from  the 
decay  of  the  wool-trade ;  for  government  perceiving  the  in- 
evitable fate  of  the  latter  lost  no  time  in  giving  encouragement 
to  the  former.  Until  the  twelfth  century  Greece  alone  of  all 
Christendom  was  acquauited  with,  and  made  the  silkworm  sub- 
ser\4ent  to  human  wants  or  fancy :  the  Arabs  had  however 
already  introduced  both  the  art  and  insect  into  Spain,  and  this 
manufacture  flourished  at  Lisbon  and  Almeria  long  before  its 
appearance  in  Italy.  From  Spain  it  might  have  come  to  Genoa 
during  tlie  expeditions  of  that  city  against  the  Saracens,  but 
there  is  a  general  belief  that  it  entered  Tuscany  direct  from 
Palermo  where  Count  Roger  the  Second  introduced  it  about 
the  year  1147  or  114^,  after  plundering  Corfu,  Cephalonia, 
Corinth,  Thebes,  Athens,  and  other  places.  Amongst  his 
numerous  captives  were  many  silk-workers  whose  value  he  so 
well  understood  that  he  excepted  them,  both  male  and  female, 
in  a  subsequent  negotiation  for  the  restitution  of  prisoners  and 
settled  them  permanently  in  the  royal  palace  of  Palermo  f. 

The  period  when  this  trade  became  one  of  the  established 
corporations  of  Florence  is  also  uncertain ;  public  dociunents 
prove  its  existence  there  in  1204  either  as  ;i  manufacture  or  an 
article  of  regular  traffic,  but  ceitainly  as  the  former  in  1225 
although  the  raw  material  still  continued  to  be  imported  during 
the  whole  of  the  fifteenth  centurj',  because  the  worm  had  not 
then  been  generally  introduced  |. 

The  laws  and  regulations  for  this  art  were  similar  in  their 
objects  and  equally  minute  with  those  of  the  wool- trade  :  by 
one  of  these,  all   member    of  the  company  connected   by 


*  Pagnini,   torn.     ii°,    Sezione   vi. — 
Delia  Decima,  p.  143. 
+  Denina  Rivol.  d'ltalia,  vol.  ii",  p. 
528,  who  cites  Otho  of  Fresingen. — 


Muratori,  Annali,  and  Antichta  Ita- 
liane.  Diss.  xxv. 

X.    Pagnini,  Delia  Decima,  torn,  ii®, 
Sezione  v.,  cap.  i. 


MISC.  CHAP.]  BANKING  TKADE ORIGIN  OF  BILLS  OF  EXCHANGE.    597 

family  ties  were  compelled  to  submit  to  a  compromise  before 
Its  tribunals  in  every  dispute  between  them ;  and  by  another 
no  silk-manufacturer  could  quit  the  country  without  a  license  ; 
but  their  jealousy  of  Lucca  which  had  been  their  mistress  iii 
the  art,  was  manifested  at  a  later  period   by  a  prohibition 
agamst  any  dealmgs  in  silk  with  that  republic.     Duiing  the 
whole  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  silk  manufacture  of  Flo- 
rence seems  not  to  have  made  any  progress  comparable  to  that 
of  the  wool-trade;  the  early  competition  of  Lucca  Genoa  and 
other  states  probably  impeded  it ;  but  the  -Arte  del  Camhio  " 
or  money  trade  in  which  Florence  shone  pre-eminent  soon 
made  her  bankers  known  and  almost  necessar}^  to  all  Europe. 

Some  have  supposed  that  bills  of  exchange  were  invented  by 
the  Jews  during  their  persecution  in  France  and  England  about 
the  twelfth  century,  whHe  others  assert  that  the  Florentine 
exiles  devised  this  mode  in  the  following  age  to  save  a  portion 
of  their  estates  from  party  vengeance :  but  where  commerce 
had  taken  such  root  as  to  require  a  permanent  resident  in 
foreign  countries  for  the  superintendence  of  mercantile  affairs, 
it  seems  hkely  as  a  natural  consequence  of  trade  that  lettei-s  of 
exchange  would  have  been  invented  without  the  goad  of  perse- 
cution.    As  the  Jews  therefore  were  probal)ly  the  first  traders 
who  in  consequence  of  their  dispersion  maintained  such  a  con- 
nexion between  foreign  states  and  had  need  of  secrecy,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  they  were  the  first  to  make  use  of  this 
universal  medium  of  circulation. 

Confined  within  a  narrow  temtoiy  unequal  to  their  wants, 
with  a  growing  population,  and  increasing  commerce  and  in- 
dustry, the  Florentines  were  compelled  to  find  new  sources  of 
living  beyond  the  confines  ;  frugal  habits  surpassing  those  of  sur- 
rounding nations  rendered  their  profits  more  than  sufficient  to 
supply  their  moderate  necessities  ere  they  were  augmented  by 
increasing  riches,  and  an  expanding  commerce  very  soon 
opened  more  easy  roads  for  the  employment  of  surplus  capital. 


593 


DEMAND    FOR    FLORENTINES THEIR    RICHES.         [book  i. 


The  banking  trade  was  therefore  very  early  established,  and 
the  sharp  intelligent  Florentines  soon  became  the  principal 
agents  of  popes,  cardinals,  and  other  great  people  for  the  col- 
lection and  management  of  their  mints  and  revenues  :  of  the 
church  revenue  they  were  also  sometimes  the  farmers,  espe- 
cially during  the  papal  residence  at  Avignon  ;  and  in  this  way  the 
Mozzi  and  Spini  acted  for  Pope  Gregory  X.  and  Boniface  VIII. 
The  extent  and  ramification  of  their  business  was  sometimes 
enormous ;  the  house  of  Cnrroccio  derfli  Alherti  alone  having 
regular  banking  establishments  at  A\ignon,  Bruges,  Brussels, 
Paris,  Rome,  Naples,  Venice,  Perugia,  Siena  and  Barletta ;  and 
it  may  here  be  noticed  that  tliis  close  acquaintance  with  eccle- 
siastical finance  naturally  united  the  interests  of  the  church  and 
Florentines  and  affected  their  political  relations  more  probably 
than  appears  on  the  surface  of  history*. 

The  vast  sums  flowing  in  from  all  these  sources  enabled 
Florence  to  assume  that  strong  and  leading  part  in  Tuscan 
politics  that  so  greatly  distinguished  her  during  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries,  and  which  we  shall  see  her  still  maintain 
in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth ;  for  personally  frugal,  their 
country's  glory  was  the  pride  of  her  people,  its  honours  and 
offices  their  chief  ambition,  and  in  peace  or  in  war  they  were 
ready  to  open  their  coffers  either  to  humble  an  enemy  or  deco- 
rate their  own  capital  with  sumptuous  edifices. 

The  Italian  bankers  were  generally  known  by  the  various  names 
of  "  Tavo/i^W," " Feneratori'' "  Usurai;' "  Toscani;' " Lombardi" 
"  Cambiatori''  "  Prestatori  "  and  "  Banchieri,''  as  their  interest 
or  profits  was  by  the  appellations  of  "  Gift,''  ''Merit,''  *'  Guerdon" 
''Feneration;'  and  "  Usury:"  by  the  two  last  it  was  known  in 
England  and  France,  where  the  bankers  had  the  general  name  of 
Tuscans  and  Lombards  f.     But  amongst  all  foreign  nations 

♦  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.  Diss.  xvi.  rious  in  his  day  for  its  multitude  of 

t  Dante  places  usurers  whom  he  ge-  hankers)  in  very  bad  company.     «*  E 

neralises  under  the  name  of  "  Caorsa  "  pero  lo  minor  girm  Sugella  Col  Segno 

(Cahors  [?j  a  town  of  Provence  noto-  Suo^'  &c.     (  Vide  Inferno,  Canto  xi). 


MISC.  CHAP.]         FLORENTINE    BANKERS THEIR   USURY. 


599 


they  were  justly  considered,  according  to  the  admission  of  their 
own  countrymen,  as  hard,  griping,  and  exacting;  they  were 
called  "Lombard  dogs;"  hated,  and  insulted  by  nations  less 
acquainted  with  trade  and  certainly  less  civilized  than  them- 
selves, when  they  may  only  have  demanded  a  fair  interest  for 
money  lent  at  a  great  risk  to  lawless  men  in  a  foreign  countiy*. 
And  after  all  the  money  seems  to  have  been  worth  its  price 
to  borrowers,  for  we  are  told  that  the  Marquis  Aldobrandini 
of  Este  in  order  to  sustain  the  cause  of  Pope  Innocent  III. 
not  only  pawned  all  his  allodial  domains  but  afterwards  his 
own  brother  Azzo  VII.  to  the  Florentine  merchants  for  money 
advanced  to  him  by  them  !  This  shows  how  early  riches  began 
to  accumulate  in  the  republic  f. 

The  extreme  attention  with  which  they  conducted  mercantile 
business  and  their  very  minute  knowledge  of  all  its  de- 
tails may  be  discovered  in  the  above-mentioned  trading 
memou's  of  Francesco  Balducci  and  Niccolo  da  Uzzano  which 
contam  a  mass  of  very  interesting  information  on  the  com- 
merce of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  in  which  they 
respectively  lived.  Much  of  this  is  connected  with  the  mint, 
the  course  of  foreign  exchanges,  and  the  banking  trade ;  the 
oldest  laws  of  which,  now  said  to  be  extant  as  regai'ds  Florence, 
are  of  the  year  1299,  referring  however  to  others  of  1280 
which  probably  governed  it  in  principle  during  the  existence  of 
the  republic.  By  this  code,  according  to  Pagnini,  all  counting- 
houses  of  Florentine  bankers  w^ere  confined  to  the  old  and  new 
market-places,  where  alone  they  were  allowed  to  transact  busi- 
ness :  before  the  door  was  placed  a  bench,  and  a  table  covered 
with  carpet  on  which  stood  their  money-bags  and  account-book 
for  the  daily  transactions  of  trade :  no  ecclesiastics  or  foreigners 
were  allowed  to  be  members  of  the  bankers'  company,  which  in 
1422  consisted  of  seventy-two  firms,  but  in  the  next  fifty 

♦  Boccaccio,  Dec.  Gior.  i«>,  Nov.  i°.-—    f  ^uratori,  Annali,  An.  1124. 
Pagnini,  Delia  Decima,  Sez.  vi. 


600 


INTEREST   OF   MONEY — JEWS   INTEODUCED. 


[book  I. 


years  had  dwindled   to   less  than   half   that    number,   still 
however  with  branches  estabhshed  all  over  the  world. 

The  laws  of  Justinian  which  allowed  from  four  to  twelve  per 
cent,  interest  on  money,  according  to  the  profession  or  quality 
of  the  person,  are  supposed  to  have  governed  the  pecuniary 
affaii-s  of  Florence  until  the  begmning  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tuiy  when  the  rate  of  interest  had  risen  considerably  and  some- 
times reached  twenty  per  cent,  per  annum  ;  at  first  under  the 
veil  of  equivocation,  afterwards  openly  and  regularly  as  the 
lowest   interest.     This   subsequently  ascended  to  thirty  and 
forty,  and  the  government  paid  from  twelve  to  twenty  in  1336; 
but  the  ordmaiy  amount  between  individuals  was  twenty  per 
cent.,  which  continued  with  various  fluctuation  until  1430  when 
to  regulate  the  growing  evil  in  a  period  of  great  public  diffi- 
culty and  suffering,  an  attempt  was  made  to  coiTect  Christian 
rapaciousness  by  introducing  Jews  into  the  city  on  condition 
that  they  were  not  to  demand  more  than  twenty  per  cent,  for 
their  money.     As  there  was  no  paper  currency  in  Florence 
nor  any  other  indication  of  a  decrease  in  the  precious  metals 
except  the  vast  accumulations  of  Pope  John  XXII.  and  his 
successor  Benedict  XII.  the  cause  of  this  augmenting  value 
of  money  must  be  attributed  to  the  drain  for  tlie  expenses  of 
foreign  wars  combined  with  great  profits  in  foreign  trade,  more 
especially  that  of  banking,  which  branching  all  over  the  world 
required  a  considerable  and  permanent  amount  of  specie  in  the 
c-offers  of  each  establishment*. 

Although  these  three  branches  of  commerce  were  consi- 
dered  the  principal  sources  of  national  wealth,  and  all  the  other 
trades  rather  contemned  as  vulgar;  Florence  as  may  be 
imagined  was  replete  with  every  species  of  industiy:  the  trade 
of  physician  and  druggist  which  included  the  sale  of  all  sorts 

•Muratori    Annali,    1330,    1331.-     cap.  cvi.-Pagnini,  Tmttato  della  De- 

J/.ir'^"; -^  ^'-  ^^^''  ^'*-  ^^i-iP»o-     cima,  torn.  ii°,  Sezione,  vi. 
\  lUam,  Lab.  x",  cap.  xcii. ;  Libro  iii". 


MISC.  CHAP.]        OTHER   TRADES — TRADES    WITH    CHIXA. 


601 


of  oriental  spices  and  foreign  productions  formed  a  very  exten- 
sive and  lucrative  branch  of  commerce,  and  that  of  the  furriers 
was  still  more  so,  for  the  most  expensive  furs  continued  to 
.  adorn  the  clergy  and  Italian  nobihty  of  both  sexes  long  after 
the  general  custom  had  ceased,  so  that  we  have  a  list  of  no  less 
than  two-and-twenty  kinds  of  skins  in  the  usual  course  of  im- 
portation* :  many  of  these  probably  came  from  the  northern 
parts  of  Asia ;  for  Venice  having  succeeded  in  monopohsing 
the  trade  and  closing  the  ports  of  Egj^pt  to  the  Florentines,  the 
latter  with  incredible  perseverance  worked  their  way  by  land 
from  *'  Tana,''  the  present  Asoph  ;  by  Astracan,  and  round  the 
head  of  the  Caspian,  through  a  number  of  places  now  very 
difficult  to  identify,  as  far  as  what  they  called  "  La  Mastra 
Cutd;'  or  capital  of  China.     Here  they  established  a  trade  m 
the  fourteenth  centmy,  but  always  on  their  arrival  at  Pekin 
(which  is  by  them  denominated  ''Gamhahw''  or  '' Gamha- 
lecco'')  the  whole  of  their  specie  was  taken  away  from  them  in 
the  emperor  s  name  and  deposited  in  his  treasuiy,  and  the  same 
nominal  value  in  paper  money  given  in  exchange  ;  but  it  does 
not  appear  whether  they  received  any  part  of  it  back  on  their 
return  or  were  compelled  to  buy  the  precious   metals  with 
other  merchandise.     This  paper  money,  was  named  *'  Bahisd;' 
coloured  yellow,  and  bore  three  different  values  according  to  the 
stamp;  it  was  a  legal  tender,  but  does  not  appear  to  have 
raised  the  value  of  commodities  f  :  the  whole  route  is  described 
minutely  by  Balducci  who  wrote  as  is  supposed  about  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  centmy. 

While  this  traffic  was  maintauied  in  the  east  their  golden 
florin  and  excellent  mint-regulations  secured  a  pecuniary 
reputation  in  the  west,  and  Florentines  were  accordingly  made 

*  Muratori,  Dissert,  xxv. — Antichita  pracompera  la  mercatanzia,  perche  aia 

Ital.  moneta  di  papiero,"  &c.  (  Ficfe  "  Pro- 

t  Balducci  says,  « E  tutti  quegli  del  tica  delta  Mercatura  di  Fancesco 

Paese  sono  tenuti  di  prenderla  (the  Balducci  Pegolotti")     In  Pagnini, 

paper  money) ;  e  gia  pero  non  si  so-  vol.  iii°. 


602     FLORENTINES  GENERALLY  EMPLOYED  IN  FINANCE.         [book  I. 

directors,  managers,  and  even  farmers  of  both  mint  and  ex- 
chequer in  several  European  states :  thus  in  England,  Aquilea, 
and  Naples,  the  Frescobaldi,  Vemacci,  Buonaccorsi,  Gherardo 
Gianni  and  others  were  so  employed,  the  latter  even  giving 
his  name  to  a  current  Neapolitan  piece  of  the  day.  But  of  all 
the  coins  of  this  centurj-  the  golden  florin  was  the  most  cele- 
brated for  its  beauty  and  purity:  before  this,  copper  and  silver 
money  only  had  been  struck  at  the  Florentine  mint,  and  pro- 
bably no  Tuscan  city  had  as  yet  issued  gold  pieces  on  its  own 
authority,  although  an  imperial  coinage  of  this  metal  such  as 
that  of  ''Agostarr  and  other  moneys  stnick  at  Pisa,  Genoa, 
and  Lucca  in  the  name  of  Frederic  II.  were  current  all  over 
Italy  =^. 

The  golden  florin  on  the  contrary  was  coined  by  the  vic- 
tonous  government  of  the  '' Primo  Popolo''  in  1252  on  its 
own  independent  authority,  stamped  with  the  image  of  their 
tutelar  saint  and  device  of  the  Lily,  and  issued  as  the  peculiar 
currency  of  the  republic.  This  floiin  was  composed  of  one 
dram  or  seventy  two  grains  of  fine  gold  of  twenty  four  carats, 
and  this  has  been  scarcely  or  ver)^  little  altered  since  f. 

The  proportion  of  gold  to  silver  in  those  days,  and  until  the 
effects  of  western  discovery  were  felt  m  the  sixteenth  century, 
was,  we  are  told,  as  one  to  ten  and  nine  sixteenths ;  therefore 
the  golden  florin  was  equal  to  twenty  silver  florins  which 
altogether  weighed  ten  drams  and  nine  sixteenths  or  aboutseven 
hundred  and  seventy  grains,  and  were  each  of  the  same  size 
and  stamp  as  the  golden  coin.  The  ''Silver  Florin,"  "  Popo- 
lano;'  ''Silver  Soldo''  or  "Guelphor  for  it  went  by  all  these 
names;  was  divided  into  twelve  "Denari;'  each  of  them,  if 
the  relative  value  of  the  two  metals  had  not  altered,  equal  to, 
or  coinciding  with  the  present  "  Soldo  "  as  the  twentieth  part 

*  M^wpini,  cap.  clii.-Borghini  Trat-  Orsini,  Sto.  della  moneta  dclla  Rep. 

tetode  aMonetaFiorentina.— Fiorino  Fiorentina,    p.    13.~Fran.  Balducci 

dorolllu8trato,p.  2.  cap.  Ixxii. 
t  Pignotti,  Sto.  To8.,  vol.  ii",  p.78  j 


MISC.  CHAP.]  VARIOUS   COINS — GOLD   AND    SILVER   CURRENCY.     603 

of  a  "  Liray  The  gold  florin  also  had  various  denominations 
in  after  times,  but  those  most  noted  were  the  "Fiorino  di 
Galea''  or  galley  florin  and  the  "Fiorino  di  Suggello''  or 
sealed  florin,  called  so  because  a  certain  number  of  them  after 
bemg  carefully  weighed  at  the  mint  were  sealed  up  together  in 
a  leathern  purse  a«id  passed  current  unopened.  The  galley 
florin  was  so  named  at  its  first  coinage  in  1422  to  rival  the 
Venetian  ducat  in  the  Egyptian  trade  which  began  that  year 
by  permission  of  the  Soldan  and  for  which  a  squadron  of 
galleys  was  first  equipped.  The  florm  was  also  divided  into 
an  imaginary  coin  called  "  Ltm,"  the  name  of  which,  origin- 
atmg  in  the  pound  of  silver,  seems  to  have  long  existed  in 
Florence,  and  in  1202  equalled  in  value  the  golden  florin  of 
Malespini's  time;  which  indeed  seems  to  have  been  coined  to 
represent  it;  but  soon  became  only  a  fraction  of  the  latter, 
being  aff"ected  by  the  proteus-like  nature  of  commerce,  espe- 
cially by  the  everchanging  value  of  the  silver  into  which  the 
golden  coin  was  divided  and  which  kept  steadily  declining. 
The  imaginary  Lira  was  divided  as  at  present  into  twenty 
"  SoldV  and  each  *'  Soldo''  into  twelve  "  Denari." 

The  agio  or  premium  on  gold  was  at  first  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  its  superior  estimation  and  convenience,  but  when 
this  mounted  up  to  twenty  and  thirty  per  cent,  it  was  evidently 
increased  by  the  depreciated  value  of  the  silver  florin :  if 
twenty  of  these  only  contained  seven  hmidred  grains  of  silver 
instead  of  seven  hundred  and  seventy;  which  were  necessary 
to  equal  a  golden  florin  of  seventy  two  grains ;  and  that  the 
remainder  was  made  up  of  baser  metal,  the  sagacity  of  money- 
dealers  would  soon  discover  the  change  and  exact  so  much 
more  in  proportion  for  their  gold.  To  this  cause  must  be 
referred  all  those  variations  which  we  read  of  in  Villani  and 
other  old  writers  of  the  relative  value  of  the  golden  florin  and 
lira ;  for  sometimes  a  lira  and  a  half  was  equal  to  the  former 
and  afterwards  two,  three,  four,  seven,  and  so  forth ;  nor  was 


604 


COINAGE   CONTTNUED REVIVAL   OF   LEARNING.        [book  !• 


it  until  the  reign  of  Cosimo  the  First  that  the  imaginary  lira 
of  former  days  became  a  real  coin,  of  which  thirteen  and  one- 
third  were  equal  to  a  "  Zeccliino''  or  golden  florin,  which  may 
always  be  adopted  as  a  permanent  standard  of  reference  for 
the  value  of  Florentine  silver.  A  new  silver  florin  appears 
to  have  been  coined  also  in  125'2  ;  and  one  of  somewhat  more 
value  under  the  simple  name  of  ''Florin'  in  1'28'2  :  to  these 
were  added  in  1'296  the  ''Soldo  Grosso"  of  less  value  than 
either.  Afterwards  m  1305  came  the  **  Grossi  PopoUnr  of  the 
same  value  as  the  last,  and  in  1314  the  "Guelji  delfiore,'"  (with 
its  half  and  quarter)  not  greatly  differing  from  the  others  *. 

The  physical  and  moral  forces  that  first  shook  the  German 
power  in  Italy  were  probably  acquired  by  this  rising  commerce 
with  its  resulting  intelligence,  and  the  influence  of  liberty  soon 
reacted  on  the  human  mind :  learning  began  to  revive,  and 
the  cultivated  talents  of  Frederic  the  Second  and  his  natural 
sons  Hensius  and  Manfred  gave  it  every  encouragement; 
universities  sprung  up  in  various  cities,  that  of  Bologna  alone 
having  as  is  said  contained  ten  thousand  students,  amongst 
whom  Thomas  a  Becket  of  England  was  once  conspicuous!. 
In  the  thirteenth  century  the  colleges  of  Pisa,  Pistoia,  Arezzo 
and  Siena  existed ;  the  discovery  of  the  Pandects  had  given  a 
new  interest  to  legal  science  and  the  study  of  jurisprudence 
became  one  of  the  first  objects  of  free  Italian  genius. 

When  under  Theodoric,  the  Gothic  armies  conquered  Italy 
they  found  the  Theodosian  code  of  Roman  jurisprudence  in  full 
activity,  and  which  this  wise  prince  not  only  left  untouched  but 
made  his  people  obey  it :  Justinian's  code  succeeded  but  did 
not  last,  for  the  Lombards  hated  everything  Greek  and  pre- 
ferred then:  own  laws   while  they  allowed  the   ItaUans   to 

♦  PigBotti,  Stor.  Fior.,  vol.ii.,  p.  78.—  only  to  prove  that  the  means  of  good 

Pagnini,  Delia  Decima,  tomo    i«,    p.  education  were   exclusively    confined 

262,  Tavola  1'.  to    universities,  not   spread,  as   now, 

+  These  vast  numbers,  so  much  ex-  throughout  society, 
ceeding  anything  now  existing,  seem 


V 


MISC.  CHAP.]        VARIOUS    LAWS FRANK   AND    LOMBAKD.  605 

continue  under  those  to  which  they  had  been  previously 
accustomed :  but  the  laws  of  all  these  conquerors,  fii-st  col- 
lected under  the  title  of  "The  Edicts  sweUed  in  the  course  of 
time  to  a  complete  body  of  jurisprudence  which  governed  the 
greater  portion  of  Italy. 

When  this  province  fell  under  the  power  of  Charlemagne 
many  settlers  arrived  from  France  and  Germany  with  the 
privilege  of  stHl  being  ruled  axjcording  to  their  native  regula- 
tions; and  hence  the  "Salique''  the  " Ripuarianr  the 
*'  Bavarian  "  and  the  "Alamannl "  laws  were  all  in  simultaneous 
action  with  the  Ptoman  and  Lombard  codes.  Jurisconsults 
although  nominally  bomid  to  study  eveiy  one  of  these,  could 
have  had  little  labour  with  Justinian's,  there  being  scarcely 
a  copy  then  extant;  its  place  was  however  suppHed  by  a  very 
meagi-e  compendium  suited  to  the  commonest  necessities  of 
the  time,  in  which  were  reduced  to  a  few  simple  points  the 
whole  Roman  jurisprudence,  all  the  rest  being  left  to  the 
equity  of  the  judge.  "And  a  great  hlessing  it  icas,''  says 
Muratori,  "to  he  enabled  to  finish  a  hm-suit  at  once  without 
being  doomed  to  watch  its  endless  course.''. 

General  laws  for  Italy  were  passed,  not  by  the  mere  will  of 
the  prince,  but  by  a  Diet  of  the  temporal  and  spiritual  barons 
and  tlie  cliief  commanders  of  the  army,  held  at  Pavia  on  the 
first  of  March,  and  under  the  Francs  two  classes  of  laws 
governed  the  country ;  first  the  particular  code  of  each  people 
which  regulated  contracts,  succession,  and  punishment  of 
crime ;  and  secondly  the  general  laws  which  equally  affected 
all  the  Italians.  Each  man  was  bound  to  declare  the  law  by 
which  he  desired  to  be  governed ;  ecclesiastics  of  all  nations 
generally  and  wisely  chose  the  Roman,  and  hence  arose  their 
subsequent  pretensions  to  exemption  from  the  power  of  secular 
courts.  In  the  thirteenth  centuiy  this  custom  began  to  decay 
in  consequence,  as  is  supposed,  of  the  increasing  mfluence  of 
the  Roman  code  the  adviuitages  of  which  would  no  doubt  be 


fiOft  MUNICIPAL   STATUTE    LAW ROMAN    CODES.  [book  i. 

perceived  and  felt  in  proportion  to  the  growth  of  that  civiliza- 
tion for  which  it  was  originally  intended ;  and  this  influence 
which  had  commenced  in  the  preceding  age  now  almost  exclu- 
sively guided  the  schools  and  Forum. 

After  the  peace  of  Constance  in  1183  municipal  statute  laws 
began  to  sprout  in  great  abundance,  not  only  in  the  larger 
cities  but  in  every  petty  burgh  and  town,  each  clamouring  for 
its   own   peculiar    statute,  a   natural  consequence   of  newly- 
achieved   independence   and   succeeding  tranquillity.     These 
municipal  codes  were  called  "  Statutes  "  and  were  originally 
composed  of  few,  but  afterwards  of  a  greater  number  of  laws; 
at  first  only  regulating  the  duties  of  the  Podesta  and  other 
functionaries    and    rarely   diverging   from    the    Roman    and 
Lombard    codes   which   had   ruled   before    them  ;    but   sub- 
sequently changing  and  reforming  these  to  suit  their  altered 
circumstances,  as  in  Florence,  where  a  commission  was  periodi- 
cally appointed  to  revise  old  statutes  ;  thus  ceased  the  saliqu£, 
ripuarian  and  bavarian  laws,   but  the  Lombard  though  gra- 
dually dechning   was   still    vigorous  after  the    year   twelve 
hundred*. 

In  Florence   the  Theodosian  code  was   never  completely 
disused  and  always  considered  as  national,  while  on  the  con- 
trary that  of  Justinian  was  as  much  opposed  there  as  in  many 
other  parts  of  Italy,  and  treated  as  alien.    Under  the  former 
therefore,  combined  with  the  Lombard  and  mixed  up  with 
remnants  of  the   other  three;   all   perhaps  affected   by  the 
municipal  statutes;  did  the  citizens  live  until  the  year  1413 
when  Paolo  da  Castro  a  famous  jurisconsult  of  the  day,  com- 
piled  the   ''Florentine  Statute;''  and  the  disentangling  and 
explaining  all  this  mingled  mass  of  legislation  was  what  pro- 
bably gained  for  the  celebrated  Accorso  his  uncommon  reputa- 
tation  and  the  lasting  influence  of  his  Commentaries!. 

♦  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Disser.  xxii.        rentine  dal  Presidente  Pompeo  Neri 
t  Relatione  delle  Magistrature  Fio-    fetta  ranno,  17G3,  MS. 


MISC.  CHAP.]  CELEBRATED   LAWTEBS— ACCORSO   AND   OTHERS.       607 

Taddeo  Accorso,  or  Accursius,  seems  to  have  been  the  first 
great  lawyer  that  the  Florentine  repubhc  produced ;  for  though 
tipnani  had  preceded  him  and  gained  some  reputation  in  law 
and  philosophy  at  Ravenna,  Accorso  soon  acquired  the  confi- 
dence of  all  the  Italian  peninsula.     He  was  bom  about  the 
year  1182  of  low  parentage  in  the  small  village  of  Bagnolo 
then  belonging  to  the  Gherardini  family*  about  six  miles  from 
i^lorence,  and  after  long,  persevering,  and  solitary  labour,  Kved 
not  only  to  dispel  the  darkness  in  which  all  legal  science  was 
then  involved,  but  tx)  see  his  opinions  and  expositions  received 
as  law  by  the  spontaneous  consent  of  every  state  in  Italy,  and 
where  the  law  was  silent  his  own  private  judgment  was  confi- 
dently appealed  to  :  thus  the  force  of  his  single  genius  is  said 
to  have  swayed  the  jurisprudence  of  Italy  for  nearly  three 
centuries  f. 

His  three  sons  Francesco  J  Cervolto  and  Guglielmo  were  all 
famous  in  the  same  studies,  particularly  Francesco  who  for 
eight  years  was  high  in  the  confidence  of  Edward  1.  of  Eng- 
land  and  probably  compiled  many  of  oui'  own  statutes.  After 
Francesco  Accorso,  Dino  di  Mugello  who  flourished  about  the 
same  period  was  held  in  the  highest  esteem,  and  so  well  main- 
tamed  the  reputation  of  the  Florentine  bar  that  by  a  decree  of 
the  Veronese  people  wherever  law  and  the  Commentaries  of 

*  A  branch  of  the  Gherardi  or  Ghe-     land.    (Vide  Ferd.  Miqliore  Firenze 
rardini  family  emigrated  probably  first     lUustmta.)  ^^U'^^ore  rircTm 

I!! VT^"'^^'^"'^^^*^"''^'''^'  became     f  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  {«>,  Accresciuto 
Uie  Geraldmes  now  Fitzgeralds  of  Ire-     Filip  Villani,  Vit^  and  Nofes  ' 

+  Francesco  d  Accorso  if  Dante  may  be  trusted  had  a  bad  moral  fame  •  Bru- 
nette Latmi  claims  him  as  a  companion  in  sin.     {Infer.,  Canto  xv.)      ' 

"  Priscian  sen  va  con  quella  tuiba  grama, 
E^  Francesco  d'  Accorso  e  ancor  vedervi, 
S'  avessi  avuto  di  tal  tigna  brama, 
Colui  potei "  &c. 

With  them  is  Priscian ;  and  Accorso's  son 
Francesco,  herds  among  that  wretched  throng 
And  if  the  wish  of  so  impure  a  blotch 
Possessed  thee,  him  thou  also  might'st  have  seen,  &c. 

(Cary*s  DarUe.) 


608 


DINO   DI    MUGELLO PHYSICIANS. 


[book  I. 


Accorso  were  silent  Dino's  opinion  should  be  received  as  law. 
He  was  the  master  of  Cino  da  Pistoia  a  man  of  undoubted 
ability  but  more  known  by  the  fame  of  his  pupil  Petrarca  and 
the  beautiful  sonnet  on  his  death,  than  by  those  of  liis  own 
writings  that  have  come  down  to  posterity ;  yet  the  friend  and 
instructor  of  such  a  poet  and  the  subject  of  such  praise  could 
have  been  no  common  man. 

Florence  also  produced  some  medical  men  of  great  celebrity 
in  the  thirteenth  century :  amongst  these  the'  most  renowned 
was  Taddeo  Alderotti  who  at  first  is  said  to  have  led  a  life  of 
want  and  extreme  ignorance,  and  was  even  supposed  to  be 
deficient  in  understanding  until  about  thirty  years  of  age :  he 
then  suddenly  changed,  became  eager  for  instruction,  rapidly 
acquired  knowledge,  soon  mastered  the  rudiments  of  general 
learning,  studied  hard  at  Bologna,  gained  considerable  honour, 
and  ultimately  became  the  most  celebrated  physician  of  his  age 
and  countiy.  He  was  followed  by  his  pupil  Dino  del  Garbo, 
by  Torrigiano,  and  by  Tommaso  del  Garbo,  son  of  the  former, 
all  distinguished  for  their  learning  and  medical  abilities,  but 
all  resident  at  Bologna  the  focus  of  Italian  erudition. 

Taddeo  Alderotti  *  according  to  Villani  died  fit  Bologna  in 
1303.  He  was  considered  in  Italy  as  another  Hippocrates  and 
was  even  sumamed  ''Taddeo  Ipocratista ^  but  liis  value  was 
more  substantially  manifested  by  the  higli  remuneration 
usually  given  for  his  services  when  called  to  a  distance  from 
the  scene  of  his  usual  practice,  as  exemplified  in  the  follo\\'ing 


•  It  is  to  this  Taddeo  Alderotti  if  not  to  Taddeo  Accoi-si,  that  Dante  is  sup- 
posed to  allude  in  the  xiith  Canto  of  the  Paradise : 

"  Non  per  lo  mondo,  per  cui  mo  s'  affanna 
Diretro  ad  Osticnse*  ed  a  Taddeo, 
Ma  per  amor  dclla  verace  manna,"  &c. 

**  Not  for  the  world's  sake,  for  which  now  they  toil 
Upon  Ostiense  and  Taddeo's  lore, 
But  for  the  real  manna,"  &c.     {Cai'y's  Darde.) 


*  Arrigo  Cardinal  of  Ostia  who  wrote  on  the  "  Decretals.''^ 


MISC.  CHAP.  J    PHYSICIAN  S  FEES. ASTRONOMT — MATHEMATICS.   609 

anecdote.  Pope  Honorius  IV.  having  been  taken  suddenly 
and  dangerously  ill  sent  instantly  for  Taddeo  from  Bologna : 
the  doctor  would  not  move  under  a  hundred  golden  ducats 
a  day  which  the  pontiff  finally  consented  to  give,  but  on  his 
arrival  gently  expostulated  with  him :  Taddeo  affected  to  be 
very  much  surprised,  saving  that  as  all  the  temporal  lords  of 
Italy  had  voluntarily  given  him  fifty  ducats  a  day  he  marvelled 
greatly  that  the  holy  father  being  the  chief  potentate  of  Chris- 
tendom should  have  hesitated  about  a  hundred ;  thus  vindicating 
himself  while  he  reproved  the  known  avarice  of  the  pontiff. 
Honorius  was  cm-ed,  and  whether  from  gratitude  or  a  desire  of 
repelling  the  charge  of  avarice,  presented  him  with  ten  thousand 
ducats  which  Taddeo  expended  in  the  endowment  of  churches 
tmd  hospitals*. 

In  matliematics  or  astronomy  Florence  does  not  at  this  epoch 
seem  to  have  produced  any  distinguished  men  except  Cecco 
d'  Ascoli,  Dante's  preceptor,  who  was  burned  in  13'27:  but  that 
the  celestial  motions  must  have  been  obser\'ed  with  some 
accuracy  is  proved,  independent  of  the  existence  of  judicial 
astronomy,  by  the  early  construction  of  a  gnomon  in  the  bap- 
tistry of  Saint  John,  mentioned  by  Villani,  of  which  there  are 
still  some  traces  ;  and  although  a  small  aperture  in  the  cupola 
which  formerly  admitted  the  solar  rays  at  the  summer  solstice 
is  no  longer  to  be  found,  the  point  on  which  the  light  fell  may 
still  be  perceived  in  a  representation  of  the  sun  encircle  1  by  a 
carious  legend  which  contains  the  same  words  whether  read 
backwards  or  forwards  f . 

The  want  of  any  Florentine  mathematician  of  eminence 
during  the  thirteenth  century  was  compensated  by  Pisa  a  city 
much  more  advanced  in  refinement,  which  produced  one  to 
whom  Christian  Europe  is  probably  indebted  for  the  introduc- 


*  Filippo  Villani,     Vite   d'  Uomini     igne.''* — P.  Richa,  Not.  Istoriche,  p. 
lUustri,  p.  22  and  notes.  xxv. — Gio.  Villani,   Lib.  i",  cap.  Ix. 

t  '^En  giro  tortc  sol  ciclos  et  rotor    — Osserv.  Fiorentiuo,  vol.  iii.,  p.  15. 

VOL.  I.  R  U 


610 


FIBONACCI. LITERATURE. 


[book  I. 


tion  of  algebra.  Leonardo  Fibonacci  was  the  son  of  a  mercantile 
agent  or  consul  of  the  Pisan  repubhc  at  Bugia  on  the  Barbary 
coast  who  there  had  him  instructed  in  all  the  mathematical 
acquirements  of  the  Arabians,  and  improved  his  general  know- 
ledge by  frequent  journeys  into  Greece,  Egypt,  and  Syria :  he 
is  thought  by  some  to  have  also  been  the  first  introducer  of 
Arabic  numerals,  perhaps  without  sufficient  grounds,  though 
he  may  have  extended  their  use ;  but  the  original  manuscript 
of  his  treatise  on  algebra  still  exists  in  the  Magliabechiana 
Library  with  the  date  1202,  and  is  dedicated  to  the  famous 
astrologer  Michael  Scott,  at  his  own  desire  *. 

Nor  was  the  literature  of  this  century  confined  to  the 
abstruse  sciences!,  the  Italian  tongue  also  had  its  share  of 
regard,  and  the  emperor  Frederic  II.  became  so  sensible  of  its 
beauty  as  to  raise  it  from  rustic  homeliness  to  the  dignity  of  a 
courtly  dialect,  the  language  of  music  chivalry  and  love :  the 
taste  of  his  sons  Manfred  and  Hensius  with  the  talent  of  Piero 
delle  Vigne,  all  assisted  in  tliis  noble  work  until  the  court  of 
Sicily  became  the  nurse  of  Italian  language  and  poetry,  and 
awakened  the  sounds  of  the  Bolognese,  Paduan,  Pisan,  and 
Florentine  l}Tes,  nearly  a  century  before  the  music  of  Dante 
and  Petrarca  awed  and  delighted  the  world. 


•  For  a  further  account  of  Fibonacci 
[quasi  Figlio  Bonacci]  see  ^^  Memorie 
Istoriche  di  piU  Uomini  Tlhistrl 
PisanV  where  the  dedication  is  given 
in  full.  The  title  of  the  algebraical 
work,  is  "  Incipit  Liber  Abaci  composi- 
tus  a  Leonardo  Filio  Bonacci  Pisano 
in  Anno  1202,"  also  a  treatise  on  prac- 
tical geometry  entitled  "  Incipit  pra- 
tica  Geometria  Composita^d'C.  in  Anno 
1220."  —  Pignotti  Saggio,  ii",  also 
Ricordi  di  Ser  Perizolo,  p.  388,  vol. 
vi.,  Ar.  Stor.  It. 

f  The  complete  course  of  university 
education  was  called  the  ^'Trivio'"  and 
*'  QuadrivioJ'''  The  former  comprised 
grammar,  rhetoric,  and  dialectics.  The 


science  of  the  Quadnvio  contained 
arithmetic,  geometry,  music,  and  astro- 
nomy ;  sciences  which  like  the  part- 
ing of  three  and  four  roads  con- 
ducted the  student  to  truth.  Dante 
in  his  sonnet  "  Da  quella  luce  che  il 
suo  corso  gira^''  makes  them  answer 
to  the  seven  heavens.  The  Moon, 
Grammar;  Mercury, Dialectics;  Venus, 
Rhetoric;  the  Sun,  Arithmetic  ;  Mars, 
Music ;  Jupiter,  Geometry  ;  Saturn, 
Astrology.  To  the  eighth  heaven  or 
firmament  of  fixed  stars,  he  assigns 
Physics.  To  the  ninth  or  Prima 
Mobile^  Morality ;  and  to  the  tenth 
or  Empyreum,  Theology.  We  per- 
ceive this  also  in  his  Paradise. 


M18C.  CHAP.]    TUSCAN  POETS,  AND  EARLY   POETRY. FARINATA.    611 

Long  before  this  however  a  few  flashes  of  poetiy  had  occa- 
sionally broken  forth  and  Ciullo  d' Alcamo  in  1197,  Folcachiero 
and  Lodovico  della  Vemaccia  in  1200,  and  even  San  Francesco 
himself  in  1216  all  gave  indications  of  that  approaching  flame 
which  the  two  great  Florentines  afterwards  kindled  into  so 
amazing  a  brightness  *.  Bologna  was  the  first  to  echo  the 
Sicilian  lyre  ;  and  there  Onesto  GhisiHeri,  Fabricio,  and  Guide 
Guinicelli,  all  sung  in  their  native  language  about  the  year 
1220  and  the  last  is  particularly  praised  by  Dante  in  three  of 
his  works  f . 

Tuscany  soon  rang  to  similar  strains,  for  love  is  everywhere 
and  love  is  the  real  muse  of  poetry :  Ser  Nofia  d'  Oltr'  Amo  who 
wrote  some  amorous  poetry  in  1240  appears  to  have- been  the 
first  of  the  Florentines  whose  verse  has  reached  us ;  but  he 
was  quickly  followed  by  Amorozzo  and  Migliore  da  Firenze, 
Monte  d'  Andrea,  Dante  da  Maiano,  and  thirteen  or  fomteen 
others  who  filled  up  the   remaining  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century  l   Amongst  these  Florentines  is  placed  the  celebmted 
name  of  Farinata  degli  Uberti  and  the  still  more  distinguished 
Brunetto  Latiiii :  of  Farinata's  verse  we  have  nothing  except 
the  strange  jumble  of  proverbial  rhyme  which  he  cliose  for  the 
text  of  his  famous  discourse  at  Empoli ;  but  some  manuscript 
poems  of  his  still  exist  it  is  said  in  the  Vatican  and  Barbarini 
libraries.    It  was  the  custom  of  those  days  to  speak  from  some 
text  applicable  to  the  subject,  as  clergymen  now  preach,  and 
Farinata  chose  two  ancient  proverbs  when  he  indignantly  rose 
to  speali  against  the  contemplated  destruction  of  Florence : 
these  were  "  Come  asino  sape  cost  Minuzza  rape.  Si  va  capra 
zoppa  se  il  lupo  non  la  'ntoppa  "  §,  which  (his  head  all  intent 

♦  Poeti  del  P"  Secolo,  vol.  i°.  da  Varlungo,  Dino  Frescobaldi,  Cione 

t  Convito,  Volg.  Eloquenza,  and  Pur-  Baglione,  Salvino  Doni  and  others  in 

gatorio,  cap .  xx vi.  1 300. 

X  Such  as  Bindo  d' Alesso  Donati  in  §  Literally  ^' As  the  Ass  knows  how 

1270.    Dello  da  Signa  in  1250.    Gra-  so  doth  he  chew  turnips.'"  '^Tfielame 

zido  and  Ricco  di  Firenze  in  1290.  Goat  will  go  on  wellif  tlie  wolf  don't 

Montuccio  Fiorentino  in  1290.    Ricco  come.'"' 

R  R  2 


1 


612 


GUITTONE    D     AEEZZO. — BRUNETTO   LATIXI, 


[book  I. 


on  higher  matters)  when  asked  from  what  text  he  was  going  to 
speak,  he  confused  thus,  "  Come  asino  sape  si  va  capra  zoppa, 
cosi  minuzza  rape  se  hipo  non  la  'ntoppa "  yet  apphed  it  well 
to  the  interested  views  and  ignorance  of  his  audience  who  like 
the  animals  he  named  were  still  guided  by  then*  petty  instincts, 
and  followed  their  habitual  baseness  in  extraordinary  times  and 
circumstances  without  peering  beyond  them-. 

The  Fra  Guittoue  d'  Arezzo  also  flourished  about  this 
period  and  though  not  strictly  a  native  yet  lived  and  died  in 
Florence  where  he  founded  the  Convent  of  the  Angioli :  he 
was  one  of  the  Frati  Cavalieri  Gaudenti,  an  order  more  epicu- 
rean than  ascetic.  Dante  blames  his  style  as  cold  and  void  of 
feeling,  aiid  Petrarca  does  not  let  him  off  unscathed  \. 

Brunetto  I^tini  was  perhaps  the  most  generally  distin- 
guished Florentine  of  his  age,  but  more  known  to  modems  as 
the  friend  and  instructor  of  Dante  than  for  the  superior  excel- 
lence of  any  works  tliat  have  reached  us :  he  was  a  lawyer, 
statesman,  philosopher,  and  poet ;  had  an  extensive  influence 
over  his  countrjTuen ;  he  instnicted  his  cotemporaries  and 
formed  the  rising  generation,  was  admired  while  he  lived  and 
regretted  when  he  died,  but  was  far  from  being  untidnted  with 
the  vices  of  the  world.  The  year  of  his  birth  is  unknown,  but 
as  Malespini  says  he  was  "  a  man  of  great  wisdom  "  in  1260, 
it  may  be  supposed  that  he  had  no  little  share  in  the  revolu- 
tion of  1*250  and  the  formation  of  the  ''Prima  FopfAo^'  or  go- 
vernment of  the  Anziani.  He  was  learned  witty  and  sagacious, 
and  is  described  by  Giovanni  Yillaiii  as  a  consummate  master 
of  rhetoric  both  in  speaking  and  writing ;  Brunetto  was  the 
first  who  began  to  teach  and  refine  the  Florentines  ;  showing 
them  how  to  express  their  thoughts,  and  instructing  them  in 
the  art  of  civil  government:  Dante  and  Guido  Cavalcanti  were 
his  most  celebrated  disciples  and  the  year  1207  is  especially 


*  Poeti  del  Prio  Secolo,  vol.  i».— Fil. 
Villani,  Vite,  Notes  by  Mazzuchelli. 
— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  u9. 


f  Purgatorio,  Canto  xxiv. — Volgare, 
Eloquenza,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  vi. — Petrar. 
Trioafo  d'  Amore. 


MISC.  CHAP.  ]     HIS   INFLUENCE. CHARACTER. TESORO. 


613 


mentioned  as  one  of  unusual  tranquillity  in  which  many  young 
men  who  had  been  educated  in  the  school  of  Brunetto  Latini 
began  to  give  a  literary  and  philosophic  tone  to  society ;  where- 
fore if  stamping  a  better  form  on  the  barbarous  character  of 
the  age  be  a  proof  of  genius  Brunetto  Latini  is  entitled  to  the 
appellation  of  a  great  man.  Philip  Villani  describes  him  as 
kind  and  courteous,  and  happy  in  the  practice  of  every  virtue 
if  with  a  more  steady  mind  he  could  have  supported  the  inju- 
ries of  his  distracted  country ;  but  this  eulogy  can  scarcely  be 
reconciled  with  the  post  assigned  to  him  in  the  Inferno  by 
his  great  pupil  along  with  other  distinguished  Florentines,  nor 
does  his  crime  allow  us  to  admit  without  dispute  the  boasted 
simplicity  and  virtue  of  those  primitive  times,  more  especially 
as  he  almost  acknowledges  it  in  the  twenty-first  chapter  of  his 
"  Tesoretto  "'i^. 

This  poem  which  is  a  moral  vision  has  by  some  been  consi- 
dered as  a  compendium  of  the  "  Tesoro  "  and  is  also  supposed 
to  be  what  gave  Dante  the  first  notion  of  his  own  celebrated 
production  :  its  visionary  form  and  the  circumstances  of  the 
author  supposing  himself  to  be  lost  in  a  wood  where  he  gives 
an  imaginative  description  of  the  virtues  and  ^dces,  might  per- 
haps have  suggested  a  similar  idea  in  the  mind  of  Dante  ;  but 
still  we  should  bear  in  memory  the  words  of  the  Abate  Zan- 
noni  that  if  it  were  so,  a  "  slight  and  almost  invisible  spark 
served  to  kindle  a  vast  conflagration."  The  Tesoro;  on  which 
Brunetto  principally  relied  for  fame;  seems  to  be  the  pro- 
mised prose  explanation  of  the  Tesoretto,  and  is  a  compilation 
from  the  Bible,  Aristotle,  and  Pliny  the  naturahst  \ ;  being 
probably  an  abstract  of  all  the  knowledge  of  that  age.  The 
French  original  never  was  printed   and  the  present  Italian 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  x. — 
Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  199. — 
Fileppo  Villani,  Vite.-#-lnferao,  Canto 
XV. — Tesoretto,  cap.  xxi. 


f  T  vi  dird  per  prosa 
Quasi  tutta  la  cosa,  &c. 

(  Vide  Tesoretto,  cap.  xi.) 
I  will  tell  you  in  prose 
Almost  all  the  matter. 


614  FAVOLETTO. TESORO   WRITTEN   IN    FRENCH.         [booe  i. 

translation  by  Buono  Giamboni  was  first  published  in  1474 
one  hundred  and  eighty  years  after  the  author's  death. 

Besides  these  two  Brunetto  has  left  the  '*  Favoletto  "  and 
several  prose  works;  amongst  them  a  compendium  of  Aristotle's 
Ethics,  a  work  on  the  poverty  of  the  learned,  and  another 
on  the  glory  of  ignorant  pedants.     The  subjects  of  the  Tesoro 
are  metaphysics,  Bible  and  other  ancient  story;  astronomy, 
geography,  natural  philosophy    and   histoids   the  Ethics   of 
Aristotle  above  mentioned ;  morality  rhetoric  and  civil  govern- 
ment.    It  was  composed  during  his  exile  after  the  battle  of 
Monteaperto  in  1260.  "  And  if  any  one  ask,"  he  says,  "  why  this 
book  is  written  in  the  French  language  since  we  are  of  Italy?" 
I  will  answer  that  it  is  for  two  things :  one  because  we  are  in 
France;    and  the  other  because  the  French  tongue  is  more 
agreeable  and  more  common  than  all  the  other  languages  "*. 
Such  is  the  influence  of  a  mihtary  and  a  conquering  nation 
which  France  has  been,  with  few  intennissions,  from  Charle- 
magne downwards.     Another  passage  in  this  little  volume 
merits  some  notice  because  in  conjunction  with  a  well-known 
passage  in  Dante's  Purgatory  it  would  argue  more  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  southern  hemisphere  amongst  the  people  of 
that  day  than  they  are  generally  believed  to  have  possessed  f . 
The   author  after  some   discourse  on  astronomy  continues. 
"  Thus  follow  in  order  all  times,  days,  and  nights  according  as 


*  All  the  languages  derived  from  the 
Latin    were     in    those     days    called 
*' Romans"   and     this    book    which 
never  was  printed  in  French  is  said  in 
the  MS.  to  be  done  in  "  Romans  sc- 
ions le  patoys  de  France:'      Some 
suppose  that  Brunetto  either  wrote  it 
first  in  Latin,  or  compiled  the  greater 
part  from  Latin  authors :  he  however 
seems   to  have  been  too  proud  of  it 
himself  according  to  Dante  to  admit 
the  belief  that  it  was  little  more  than 
a  translation.     "  Siate  raccommandato 


il  mio  Tesoro.  Nel  qual  io  vivo  an- 
cora,  e  piu  non  cheggio."  (Inferno, 
Canto  XV.)  [See  Notes  to  Filippo 
Villani,  Vite,  p.  126.]  Martino  da 
Canaie  also  gives  the  same  reasons  as 
Latini  for  translating  the  Venetian 
Chronicles  into  French  from  Latin 
and  nearly  in  the  above  words.  (  Vide 
Archivio,  Storico  Italiano,  vol.  viii.) 
See  also  a  Discourse  on  this  subject 
by  Count  Galvani,  vol.  viii.,  Ar.  Stor. 
Ital. 
t  Purg.,  Cant.  i°. 


MISC.  CHAP.]     POLE  STAES. — LVTINl's  KNOWLEDGE  OF  THEM.        615 


; 


the  firmament  turns  continually  from  east  to  west  under  its 
two  eyes,  which  are  two  stai's,  one  the  south  and  the  other  the 
north  star;  and  these  never  change  except  as  the  axle  of  a 
wheel.     Thence  it  comes  that  mariners  navigate  by  the  sign  of 
these  stars  which  are  called  pole-stars  by  every  people ;  and 
those  of  Europe  and  Africa  navigate  by  the  northern  star,  and 
other  people  towards  the  south  navigate  by  the  southern  star. 
And  to  prove  this  truth  take  a  loadstone  and  you  will  find  that 
it  has  two  faces  the  one  lying  towards  the  north  and  the  other 
towards  the  south  pole-star,  and  therefore  marinei-s  would  be 
laughed  at  if  they  did  not  take  care  of  this.     And  since  these 
two  stars  do  not  change  their  position  it  follows  that  some  stars 
in  the  firmament  turn  in  smaller  circles,  and  others  in  larger 
according  as  they  are  nearer  to  or  further  from  these  pole- 
stars.     And  know  that  by  these  two  stars  we  can  understand 
the  point  of  the  needle  and  towards  which  pole  it  lies  "*.      He 
died  in  1294  says  Gio.  Villani,  and  "  was  a  man  of  extensive 
erudition  in  his  day,  extremely  active,  an  eminent  citizen, 
often  employed  in  public  matters,  and  of  great  celebrity  "f . 

The  last  but  not  the  least  distinguished  author  of  this  age 
was  Ricordano  Malespini :  bom  of  an  ancient  family  he  is  the 
well  and  source  of  all  subsequent  historians :  Villani  copies 
him  in  silence,  probably  because  his  history  was  too  generally 
known  to  require  any  notification:  the  early  part  of  his 
chronicle  is  full  of  fables ;  then  of  course  believed,  or  Villani 
would  scarcely  have  ventured  to  transcribe  them  word  for  word  ; 

•  Tesoro,  Lib.  i^  and  ii",  pp.  1  and  54.  which  are  by  some  authors  said  to 
+  Brunetto  Latini  was  buried  in  the  have  been  first  constructed  by  him  in 
church  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  where  1288.  Round  his  effigy  were  the  fol- 
however  his  tomb  is  no  longer  to  be  lowing  words.  ^  QVI  DIACE 
seen  but  another  memorial  still  re-  SALVING  D'ARMATO  DEGL* 
mained  in  the  time  of  Ferd.  Miglore 
though  much  damaged  by  the  repara- 
tion of  the  church  :  it  was  the  tomb 
of  Salvino  d*  Armato  whom  from  the 
following  epitaph  the  Florentines 
claim  as  the   inventor  of  spectacles, 


ARMATI  DI  FIR.  INVENTOR 
DEGL'  OCCHIALI.  DIG  GLI 
PERDGNl  LA  PECCATA.  ANNG 
D.  MCCCXVII.  {F.  Migliore, 
p.  431.) 


616    MALESPINl. DINO  COMPAGNI. FINE  ARTS. LOVE,     [book  I. 

but  for  eveiything  that  occurred  about  his  own  times  he  is 
much  relied  on  and  is  indeed  the  only  authority  we  have  :  the 
extreme  simplicity  of  his  style  and  the  artless  manner  in  which 
he  relates  the  most  important  events  at  once  impress  the 
reader  with  a  conviction  of  his  sincerity.  His  chronicle  was 
continued  from  the  year  of  his  death  1281  until  1286  by  his 
nephew  Giachetto  Malespini  so  that  from  the  year  1230  or 
1240  when  he  is  supposed  to  have  visited  his  relations  at  Rome 
and  first  collected  materials,  to  the  conclusion  of  Giachetto's 
chronicle  it  maybe  considered  as  a  cotemporary  histoiy.  Dino 
Compagni  continued  the  history  of  his  own  times  with  un- 
common eloquence  and  deep  feeling,  from  1280  until  1312. 
Although  at  heart  a  Ghibeline  he  acted  with  the  Guelphic 
government  but  denounced  their  crimes  with  honest  mdig- 
nation. 

Connected  with  literature  are  the  fine  arts,  which  do  not 
appear  to  have  received  the  same  inspiration  from  love  and 
beauty  that  the  Provencal  and  Italian  poetrj%  and  even  the 
manners  of  this  heroic  age  give  signs  of:  it  is  true  that  the 
Troubadours  began  to  decline  about  the  middle  of  the  thir- 
teenth   century,   and   their  tongue,  eclipsed  by  the  Italian, 
became  only  a  dialect ;  but  the  latter  replete  with  youth  and 
genius,  and  stimulated  by  love,  expanded  into  a  permanent 
noble  and  beautiful  language.     Love  itself  about  this  period 
assumed  a  more  platonic  and  unreal  form ;    ladies  were  wor- 
shipi)ed  for  the  mere  fame  of  their  charms  which  sometimes 
existed  only  in  the  imagination  of  the  knight ;  they  were  sened 
for  the  honour  of  such  slavery  without  hope  of  recompense ; 
vows  were  made  at  feasts  before  tliem  and  the  peacock,  to  dare 
any  danger  that  might  be  commanded  by  the  beloved  object ; 
and  her  surpassing  excellence  was  asserted  both  with  sword  and 
pen  in  every  court  of  Christendom  ;  indeed  the  insensibility  to 
this  more  refined  devotion  was  considered  as  a  reproach  to 
gentle  blood,  and  those  who  frequented  the  lower  female  society 


\ 


I 


MISC.  CHAP.]    ITS   PLATONIC    CHARACTER. PAINTING. — GUIDO.     617 

were  denounced  as  wanting  true  nobility*.  Such  was  the 
devotion  of  Petrarch  for  Laura,  of  Dante  for  Beatrice,  of  Caval- 
canti  for  Giovanna,  and  perhaps  of  Cino  for  La  Selvaggia ;  but 
the  painters  and  sculptors  of  the  thirteenth  century  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  thus  strongly  affected.  Painting  although 
never  totally  extinct  in  Italy  yet  for  many  centuries  remained 
inanimate  or  was  only  kept  alive  by  Greek  artists  who  occa- 
sionally left  Constantinople  to  display  their  talents  in  the  west. 
It  was  about  the  first  quarter  of  the  thirteenth  century  that 
some  feeble  efforts  were  made  to  escape  from  the  harsh  out- 
lines of  Grecian  saints  and  virgins,  their  pointed  wooden  fingers 
and  stiff  drapery,  and  advance  one  step  towards  a  more  natural 
taste  :  the  first  symptoms  of  returning  vitality  appeared  at 
Siena  and  Pisa  where  Guido  and  Giunta  painted  with  some 
little  variation  from  the  Greek  manner  in  1221  and  1230; 
but  Bartolommeo  of  Florence  made  a  bolder  stride  in  1236 
and  may  be  considered  the  first  of  the  Florentine  school :  his 
pictui'e  of  the  Annunciation  in  the  Servites'  convent  is  far  from 
a  common  work  and  required  a  Giotto  to  surpass  it.  Giovanni 
Cimabue,  who  died  in  1 300  at  the  age  of  sixty,  made  the  next 
attempt ;  but  judging  by  his  Florentine  pictures,  a  very  feeble 
one,  to  break  from  the  trammels  of  Byzantine  artists;  and 
neither  of  his  Madonnas  at  Florence  impress  the  spectator  with 


*  Dante  in  that  beautiful  canzone 
where  he  defines  true  "  Leggiadria  " 
(a  word  which  combines  all  the  beau- 
tiful qualities  of  mind  and  person  and 
can  scarcely  be  translated  except  as  the 
"  beau  ideal "  of  human  or  other  per- 
fection) in  reproaching  a  certain  class 
of  people  "  whose  visages  do  cream  and 
mantle  like  the  standing  pool,"  says — 

"  Non  son  inamorati 

Mai  di  Donna  Amorosa ; 

Ne'  parlamenti  lor  tengon  scede ; 

Non  Moverieno  il  piede 

Per  donneare  a  guisa  di  leggiadro  ; 

Ma  come  al  furto  il  Ladro. 


Cosi  vanno  a  pigliar  Villan  deletto  ; 
Non  pero  che  in  donne  e  cosi  spento 
Leggiadro  portamento, 
Che  paiono  animai  senza  intelletto." 
(Dante,  Poesie  Liriche,  canzone  xv^ 
p.  45.     Fraticelli's  12»  edition.) 

They  are  never  in  love  with  any  loving 
woman,  nor  banter  nor  amuse  them  in 
society,  nor  take  any  pains  to  make 
themselves  agreeable  ;  but,  like  the 
thief  to  his  theft,  they  seek  low  plea- 
sures ;  yet  not  because  their  lovely 
and  graceful  ways  are  extinguished,  so 
that  they  might  appear  to  be  animals 
devoid  of  intellect. 


I  I 

!    I 


618    CI]!kL\BUE. ENTHUSIASM   OF    FLORENCE. GIOTTO,         [book  r. 

any  high  idea  of  the  pictorial  art  as  it  then  existed :  a  some- 
what softer  expression  perhaps ;  a  sHght  relaxation  and  increas- 
ing roundness  of  the  joints  and  muscles  are  all  that  distinguish 
them  from  Greek  compositions,  unless  it  he  inferiority  of  colour- 
ing. One  of  these  pictures  however  so  pleased  the  natural  taste, 
all  ready  to  be  awakened  to  greater  things,  in  the  Florentine 
people,  that  they  crowded  about  the  painter's  study  with  such 
expressions  of  delight  as  to  gain  for  the  street  where  he  resided 
the  distinctive  name  of  "  Borgo  AUegri "  which  it  still  retains. 
This  uniYei*sal  feeling  for  the  fine  arts  was  again  manifested, 
with  a  certain  mixture  of  religious  sentiment,  on  the  same  pic- 
ture being  removed  to  its  destination  in  the  church  of  Santa 
Maria  Novella  where  the  whole  population  united  in  public 
procession  with  shouts  and  music,  to  accompany  their  favoiuite 
Madonna  :  when  such  enthusiasm  is  excited  in  a  compai'atively 
civihsed  people  amongst  whom  learning  had  already  made  con- 
siderable progress,  our  wonder  ceases  that  the  early  inventors  of 
more  useful  things  should  have  been  adored  as  gods  by  the 
ruder  inhabitants  of  the  ancient  world*.  It  is  for  artists  to 
judge  of  Cimabue  s  genius  ;  but  none  can  dispute  his  judgment 
in  bringing  forward  the  shepherd  s  boy  Giotto  whom  he  disco- 
vered at  ten  years  old  drawing  one  of  his  sheep  on  a 
smooth  slate  as  he  tended  the  flock  amongst  the 
green  pastures  of  Vespignano  about  fourteen  miles  from  the 
capital. 

Angiolotto  Giotto  di  Bondone  was  a  sculptor,  painter,  and 
architect  who  soon  pushed  the  pictorial  ait  far  beyond  the 
powers  of  his  master :  relieving  his  figures  from  the  iron  stiff- 
ness of  Cimabue  he  endowed  them  with  a  grace  and  spirit  that 
were  heightened  by  the  superiority  of  his  composition  and 
colouring.  One  of  Giotto's  finest  works  on  a  great  scale  is  a 
representation  of  the  Last  Supper,  still  to  be  seen  nearly  perfect 
in  the  refectory  of  Santa  Croce,  a  picture  excellent  in  its  expres- 

♦  Vasari,  Vite  de*  Pittori. 


A.D.  1276. 


\ 


MISC.  CHAP.]      HIS  AHCHITECTUEE. — PORTRAITS   OF   DANTE.     ■    6l9 

sion  and  drapery  ;  the  composition  good,  and  the  colouring  still 
bright  after  an  exposure  of  five  hundred  years :  perhaps  this 
picture  may  have  excited  the  imagination  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci, 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  spark  of  Brunetto  Latini  is  said  to 
have  kindled  the  flame  of  Dante's  muse  ;  yet  Giotto's  produc- 
tion is  no  spark.  The  best  specimens  of  his  pamting  are  at 
Padua  and  Assisi,  but  he  also  worked  at  Ravenna,  Pisa,  Naples, 
and  m  the  sacristy  of  Saint  Peter's  at  Piome :  he  was  a  friend 
of  Dante  and  painted  his  portrait  as  well  as  that  of  Brunetto 
Latini  and  Corso  Donatio,  and  his  architectural  taste  still 
stands  conspicuous  in  the  magnificent  belfry  of  the  Duomo  and 
the  church  of  Orto  San  Michele  at  Florence  ;  for  the  former  of 
which  he  received  the  high  honours  of  citizenship  and  100 
golden  florins  a-year  as  a  pension  from  the  republic  f.  The 
cathedral  church  to  wliich  this  tower  is  attached  was  designed 
and  partly  finished  by  Amolfo  di  Lapo  if,  as  Lanzi  asserts,  the 
latter  name  did  not  designate  a  distinct  person  ;  he  was  also  a 
sculptor  and  disciple  of  Niccolo  Pisano  and  executed  works  at 
Pisa,  Rome,  and  other  parts  of  Italy  J. 

Mosaic  work  also  began  to  make  its  appearance  at  Florence 
towards  the  middle  of  this  century;  it  was  introduced  by 
Andrea  Tafi  who  although  an  older  man  studied,  according  to 
Baldinucci,  as  a  pamter  imder  Cimabue  :  bom  in  1213  he  felt 
his  powers,  and  a  strong  inclination  to  the  arts,  and  resolved,  in 
spite  of  the  rudeness  and  consequent  disadvantages  of  the  age 
to  pursue  their  study.  As  at  this  time  Mosaic  pictures  were 
j  perhaps  the  most  esteemed  he  determined  to  gain  a  name,  if 
not  from  superiority  of  hand  at  least  by  the  durability  of  his 
materials;  therefore  repaired  to  Venice  then  the  best  school  of 

*  This  portrait  of  Dante  has  been  re-  f  Vasari,  Vita  di  Giotto,  vol.  ii°,  p. 

cently  discovered  and  saved  from  de-  304. 

Btruction  principally  by  the  exertions  J  Baldinucci,   Decennali,  ^  vol.   i«. — 

of  Mr.  Kirkup  an  English  artist  and  Lanzi,  Storia  Pittorica  dell'  Italia,  vol. 

some  other  foreigners  and  natives  of  i*',  p.  21. 

Florence. 


620 


A.    TAFI. — GADDI. EPISCOPACY, 


[book  I. 


this  art,  studied  under  those  that  were  employed  iu  decorating 
the  Church  of  Saint  Mark,  particularly  Apolonio  Greco  whom 
he  persuaded  to  accompany  him  to  Florence,  and  there  learned 
his  secret  of  composition  for  Mosaic  pictures  ;  they  were  after- 
wards employed  together  to  adorn  the  Baptistry,  where  Gaddo 
Gaddi  a  better  artist  than  either  ultimately  joined  them. 

The  latter  was  bom  m  r239  and  died  twelve  years  after  his 
supposed  master  Cimabue,  having  painted  in  Florence,  Pisa 
and  in  Rome,  where  he  had  been  invited  by  Clement  the 
Fifth ;  but  his  talents  survived  in  his  son  Taddeo  and  grandson 
Agnolo,  both  distinguished  artists ;  and  besides  this  the  family  of 
Gaddi  acquired  some  reputation  in  the  subsequent  affairs  of 
their  country*. 

Perhaps  the  three  sister  arts  would  have  remained  long  if 
not  entirely  dormant  had  not  the  powerful  stimulus  of  religion 
assisted  in  their  revival :  that  strong  and  prevalent  inclination 
to  please  whom  we  love,  and  deprecate  those  we  fear,  has  in 
ancient  and  modem  times  produced  more  temples,  statues, 
and  paintings,  than  any  inherent  taste  or  mental  necessity  for 

the  beautiful  alone. 

In  the  early  ages  of  modem  civilisation  the  superior  riches 
and  refinement  of  the  clerg}',  theur  comparatively  domestic  life, 
and  the  poHcy  of  alluring  devotees  by  agreeable  objects,  which 
they  well  knew  how  to  invest  with  a  peculiar  sanctity,  turned 
ihe'ir  attention  more  immediately  to  the  fine  arts ;  these  were 
as  much  encouraged  withhi  their  churches  and  cloisters  as  in 
the  outward  world,  wherefore  they  became  essentially  the 
patrons  of  art,  and  were  enabled  to  be  so  not  only  from  their 
rehgious  influence  but  their  extensive  temporal  power  and 
unbounded  wealth. 

The  episcopacy  in  these  early  times  was  anything  but 
clerical ;  its  sacred  calling  was  no  exemption  from  military 
service,  and  in  the  character  of  feudal  Barons  the  Bishops 


♦  Baldinucci,  Dccen.— Vasari,  Vite  de*  Pittori.— Lanzi,  Storia  Pittorica. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


ITS    TEMPOIiAL    POWER. 


621 


/ 


were  often  compelled  even  by  popes  and  emperors  to  carry  arms, 
besides  being  in  constant  collision  with  their  no  less  warhke 
neighbours.  Amongst  the  most  powerful  churchmen  of  those 
days  were  the  Bishops  of  Ai'ezzo  and  Florence,  whose  temporal 
juiisdiction  was  enormous :  the  ample  means  and  belhgerent 
disposition  of  one  of  the  former  has  already  been  noticed,  but 
something  may  be  now  said  about  the  authority  of  the  latter. 

It  is  commonly  supposed  that  the  first  bishop  of  Florence 
was  Frontino  a  disciple  of  Saint  Peter  who  with  Saint  Paolino 
Bishop  of  Lucca  preached  Christianity  there  in  the  year  56  and 
was  cotemporary  with  Saint  Ptomulus  fii-st  bishop  of  Fiesole  : 
how  these  facts  are  ascertained  would  now  perhaps  be  difficult 
to  discover  ;  but  ancient  documents  are  adduced  to  prove  that 
the  primitive  title  of  the  Florentine  prelates  was  "  servants  of 
Saint  John  and  unuorthy  hlshops"  The  last  epithet  was 
probably  not  long  retained,  but  its  truth  was  often  manifested 
especially  about  the  last  quarter  of  the  ninth  century  when  the 
increasing  temporal  power  of  the  Italian  prelates  sadly  mter- 
fered  with  their  spiritual  office*. 

Charles  the  Bald's  contention  with  his  brother  Louis  and 
others  for  the  kingdom  of  Italy  was  decided  by  bribery,  the 
clergy  forming  a  considerable  part  of  the  elective  body;  their 
support  therefore  was  not  given  for  nothing,  and  in  the  long 
tempest  of  intemal  war  which  began  with  the  stmggle  between 
Berenger  the  First  and  Guido  Marquis  of  Spoleto,  both 
spiritual  and  temporal  lords  acted  with  more  sagacity  than 
patriotism.  The  dignified  clergy  were  then  bribed  like  laymen, 
with  temporal  lordships,  with  counties,  cities,  castles,  mar- 
quisates,  dukedoms,  and  public  revenues,  and  the  Hungarian 
and  Saracenic  incursions  gave  them  in  common  with  others  a 
fair  excuse  for  building  strongholds  and  fortifying  towns ;  and 
thenceforth  they  gradually  assumed  the  chai'acter  and  authority 
of  militaiT  nobles  and  counts,  that  is  governors  of  cities  and 

*  Ferd  del  Migliorc,  Firen.  Illustrata,  p.  1 1 7.— Borgliini,  Discorsi. 


623 


BISHOPS   OP   FLORENCE, 


[book  I. 


Mrsc.  CHAP.]  THEIR   FEUDAL  POWER. — CATTANI. 


623i 


l» 


their  surrounding  country :  this  clerical  thirst  for  power  be- 
came epidemic  and  each  prelate  strove  hard  to  combine  spiritual 
and  temporal  authority  by  ousting  the  civic  counts  and  usui'pmg 
the  functions  of  their  office  while  they  still  retained  the  empty 


name. 


The  abbots  of  convents,  and  even  lady-abbesses  strove  with 
the  bishops  in  this  worldly  race,  and  at  every  fresh  succession  to 
the  Italian  crown  managed  by  the  power  of  gold  to  have  old 
grants  confirmed,  and  generally  augmented :  this  system  had 
arrived  at  such  a  height  in  the  eleventh  century  as  to  make  the 
sovereign  insist  that  those  prelates  who  enjoyed  temporal  dig- 
nities under  the  crown  should  also  receive  the  investiture  of 
their  abbeys  and  bishoprics  from  his  hands.  A  new  source  of 
fraud  and  simony  was  thus  opened ;  miholy  tretisures  were 
poured  into  imperial  coffers,  papal  mterests  were  affected,  and 
the  system  ultimately  terminated  in  open  warfare  between  the 
church  and  empire  under  Hildebrand  and  his  successors :  the 
abbots,  increasing  in  pride  and  power,  disdained  longer  to 
acknowledge  any  superiority  in  the  ancient  episcopal  authority, 
and  assuming  the  staff  and  mitre  surpassed  the  bishops  them- 
selves in  pomp  and  splendour.  The  result  in  both  cases  was 
a  total  neglect  of  the  pastoi-al  duties  to  follow  a  court  which  in 
those  days  was  never  stationary ;  they  sent  their  vassals  to  war 
and  as  we  have  said  were  sometimes  even  forced  to  take  the 
field  themselves  in  defiance  of  all  church  canons,  while  their 
feudal  neighbours  tempted  by  the  riches  and  false  position 
of  the  clergy  lost  no  opportunity  of  attacking  them  under  a 
regular  system  of  spoliation  *. 

On  this  commanding  position  of  double  authority  were  placed 
from  very  early  times  the  bishops  of  Florence,  and  their  ancient 
power  great  as  it  was,  augmented  after  the  fall  of  the  Lombard 
dynasty;  first  under  the  general  protection  of  Charlemagne, 
and  subsequently  by  tlie  bounty  of  devout  smners ;  but  more 

*  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Diss.  Ixxi. 


\ 


: 


s    •■ 


J 


/ 


especially  after  the  commencement  of  Florentine  independence 
by  the  spontaneous  obedience  of  the  "  Cattani  "  or  feudal  chief- 
tains, who  became  willing  vassals  of  the  church  in  order  to 
avoid  the  less  agreeable  domination  of  that  republic.  In  this  | 
way  the  Bishop  of  Florence  rose  into  a  powei-fiil  chieftain,  the 
lord  of  between  forty  and  fifty  castles  and  towns  witliin  its 
ierntory,  and  was  pui^^osely  spared  by  that  city  at  a  time  when 
the  surrounding  chiefs  were  successively  disappearing  in  the 
spreading  shadow  of  its  power. 

Florence  had  not  m  fact  the  same  causes  of  quarrel  with 
these  prelates  as  with  other  feudal  barons,  the  Cattani,  aU 
of  Lombard  or  German  blood  held  strongly  to  the  emperors ; 
were  proud,  aristocratic,  impatient  of  control,  and   despised 
the  persons  while  they  feared  the  power  of  the  citizens.     The 
republic  on  the  contrary  followed  MatUda's  example  by  sup- 
porting  the  church :  the  bishops  were  naturally  on  that  side 
and  therefore  allowed  to  enjoy  their  estates  in  peace  and  almost 
independence  whHe  willing  to  acknowledge  the  same  paramount 
authority  in  Florence  that  formerly  belonged  to  the  dukes  and 
marquises  of  Tuscany.     Tliis  supremacy  was  demanded  from 
all,  and  these  prelates  virtually  submitted  by  appearing  before 
tlie  Florentine  courts  in  disputes  with  their  own  vassals.    The 
Cattani  on   the   other   hand  endeavoured  to  shelter  them- 
selves under  that  reverence  which  was  then  shown  to  every- 
thing ecclesiastical  by  giving  their  allegiance  to  the  bishop 
alone,  and  so  becoming  vassals  of  the  church.    The  lords  of 
Castiglione  were  the  first  to  do  this  in  1072,  and  their  example 
was  followed  as  occasions  offered  through  neariy  the  whole  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  but  generated  much  political  disturbance 
and  finally  brought  the  republic  and  the  episcopacy  into  hostile 
collision  *. 

Nor  were  these  disputes  confined  to  the  government;  the 
election  of  Florentme  bishops  by  the  free  votes  of  the  in'habi- 

*  Lami,  Lezioni,  Prefazione,  cxxi.— Ferd.  del  Migliore,  p.  117. 


V 


( 


\ 


124 


QUARRELS. MASNADIERI,    ETC. — SLA\^S. 


[book  I. 


MISC.  CBAP.]      MILITARY   RETAINERS. — FEDELI. SLAVES. 


625 


lilts  and  clergy  bad  occasioned  sharp  struggles,  bad  blood,  and 
[often  double  returns ;  to  check  such  squabbles  Honorius  IV. 
first  violated  the  custom  in  1*286,  and  it  was  entirely  abolished 
for  a  similar  reason  by  John  XXII.  in  13*22  ;  the  republic 
prudently  reserving  to  itself  a  right  of  nominating  candidates 
and  simultaneously  breaking  the  ancient  custom  of  receivmg  a 
foreign  ecclesiiistic  as  bishop  of  Florence.  Many  of  these 
Cattani  after  haWng  been  subdued  and  made  citizens  of 
Florence  still  maintained  their  feudal  following  and  were 
usually  attended  by  troops  of  retainers,  half  slaves  half  freed- 
men,  called  "  Uomuil  di  Masnada  "  who  held  certain  posses- 
sions of  them  by  the  tenure  of  militarj^  service,  took  oaths  of 
'  fidelity,  and  appear  to  have  included  every  rank  of  person  in 
the  different  Italian  states  according  to  the  quality  of  the 
chief;  but  without  any  degradation  of  character  being  attiiched 
to  such  employment. 

This  Idud  of  semtude,  which  could  not  be  thrown  off  without 
a  formal  act  of  maimmission,  was  common  in  the  north  of  Italy 
and  began  in  the  eleventh  centmy,  when  innumerable  chieftains 
started  up  owning  no  superior  but  the  emperor.  Being  at 
constant  war  with  each  other  they  sought  everj^  means  of 
creating  a  military  following  by  granting  lands  to  all  ranks  of 
people,  and  it  is  probable  that  many  slaves  were  then  partly 
emancipated  for  the  purpose :  such  a  condition,  though  not  consi- 
dered dishonourable,  was  thus  essentially  tinged  ^vith  the  colours 
of  slavery,  and  so  far  differed  from  the  "  Vassi "  and  ''Vassali  "  as 
well  as  from  the  Vavasours*.  This  union  of  "  Servi  "  slaves, 
or  vassals  of  one  chief,  was  called  "  Masnada  "  and  hence  the 
name  "  Masnadien'  so  often  recurring  in  early  Italian  history ; 
for  the  commanders  of  these  iiTegular  bands  were  often  re- 
tained in  the  pay  of  the  republic  and  frequently  kept  the  field 

*  Some  slight,  perhaps  unnecessary  (lis-  were  the  vassals  of  gi-eat  lords.     The 

tinction,is  made  between  the  '•  Vms't"  "  Vavasours'"  were  the  vassals  of  great 

who  are  supposed  to  have  been  vassals  vassals, 
of  the  crown,  and  the  "  VassalV  who 


N 


when  the  civic  troops  had  returned  to  their  homes,  or  when  the 
war  was  not  sufficiently  important  to  bring  the  latter  out  with 
the  Carroccio.  Hence  the  distinction  between  the  common 
expressions  "  Fare  Esercito  "  and  "  Fare  Masnada^ 

Besides  these  military  VillainsYih.o  were  also  called  ''Fedeli,'' 
there  were  two  other  kinds  of  slaves  amongst  the  early  Italians, 
namely  prisoners  of  war  and  the  labourers  attached  to  the  soil, 
who  were  considered  as  cattle  in  every  respect  except  that  of 
their  superior  utility  and  value  :  the  former  species  of  slavery 
was  probably  soon  dissolved  by  the  union  of  self-interest  and 
humanity  :  the  latter  began  to  decline  in  the  twelfth  century ; 
partially  continued  through  the  thirteenth  and  vanished  entirely 
in  the  fourteenth  century.    This  emancipation  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  so  much  the  effect  of  any  particular  Christian 
influence  or  direct  moral  improvement ;  although  both  might 
have  materially  assisted;  as  that  of  utility  and  necessity  :  mas- 
ters began  to  feel  more  sensibly  the  inconveniences  of  slaveiy 
while  its  advantages  were  subject  to  many  drawbacks.     The 
high  price  of  the  slave,  his  sickness  death  or  flight ;  his  crimes 
if  capital,  for  which  his  owner  was  so  far  responsible  as  to  be 
compelled  to  pay  the  consequent  fines ;  the  cost  of  tracing  and 
identifying  deserters  which  frequently  involved  long  and  ex- 
pensive suits  if  tlie  runaway  denied  his  being  a  slave ;  marriages 
between  bondsmen  and  women  belonging  to  different  mastere, 
invoh-ing  the  separation  of  man  and  wife ;  all  these  tended  to 
undennine  the  hideous  fabric  of  predial  and  domestic  slavery. 

But  the  most  powerful  agent  in  the  destruction  of  this  deep- 
seated  injustice  was  the  blaze  of  liberty  which  in  the  twelfth 
century  overran  northern  Italy  and  left  so  many  independent 
altars  burning  on  its  plains.  The  frequent  wars  of  the  new 
republics  caused  a  demand  for  soldiers  and  rendered  the  flight 
and  concealment  of  slaves  comparatively  easy ;  for  the  ancient 
laws  of  the  Franks  and  Lombards  against  enlisting  and 
secreting  them  had  ceased  with  the  imperial  sway ;  incipient 


VOL.    I. 


s  8 


626 


DECLINE   OF   SLAVERY. RISE   OF   LIBERTY.  [book  i. 


MISC.  CHAP.]  ART   OF   WAR. CASTLES. TOWERS. 


627 


freedom  found  a  new  interest  in  relaxing  antique  rigour  and 
arming  slaves  with  the  buckler  of  liberty  for  the  defence  of 
their  common  country.    At  Bologna  about  the  year  1256  rural     j] 
slaves  belonging  to  no  less  than  a  hundred  citizens  were  not      /l 
only  emancipated  by  a  public  decree  but  their  freedom  was     ^ 
purchased  with  the  public  money  at  the  rate  of  ten  Lire  a     il 
head  for  man,  woman  and  child  above  fourteen  years  of  age, 
and  eight  for  all  below ;  a  price  which  approaches  in  value 
to  perhaps  near  thirty  pounds  of  our  present  money*.  \1 

The  condition  of  these  slaves  was  not  however  at  any  time  '  ^ 
so  hopeless  as  to  darken  that  prospect  of  future  liberty  which 
might  open  on  them  from  their  own  conduct  or  the  benevo- 
lence of  their  master :  this  boon  was  frequently  granted  by  all 
but  priests,  who  are  supposed  to  have  considered  such  benefi- 
cence as  an  alienation  of  ecclesiastical  property  and  therefore 
against  the  canons  of  the  church.  But  sons  of  slaves  if  suffi- 
ciently educated  and  manumitted  were  often  received  into  holy 
ordei's,  and  thus  a  slight  compensation  was  sometimes  offered 
for  the  almost  hopeless  condition  of  their  parents.  These 
bondsmen  were  nevertheless  allowed  to  accumulate  capital  by 
their  own  industry  and  finally  purchase  their  freedom ;  many 
were  emancipated  by  the  dying  commands  of  their  masters  ; 
many  for  long  sendee,  fidelity,  ability ;  at  the  birth  of  chil- 
dren, and  for  the  good  of  their  deceased  owner  s  soul  :  thus  by 
degrees  the  public  mind  was  influenced  by  more  liberal  senti- 
ments, liberty  generated  liberty,  and  this  milder  form  of  an 
inhuman  system  gradually  though  not  entirely  mouldered 
awayf.  J 

The  same  free  spirit,  the  offsprmg  of  commerce  and  intelli- 
gence, which  so  stooped  to  remove  the  shackles  of   slavery 
had  already  risen  imder  the  stranger's  yoke  and  repelled  his 
aggressions  ;  freedom  rode  triumphant  on  the  plains  of  Lorn-     /] 
bardy  ;  each  city  stood  nobly  for  itself  yet  all  so  united  in  the 

•  Mumtori,  Antich.  Ital.,  Diss.  xiv.  f  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Diss.  x. 


common  cause  that  the  German  felt  he  was  no  longer  lord  and 
master  of  Italy.  It  was  a  long  and  bloody  contest,  but  the 
people  had  been  prepared  by  many  concurring  events :  industry 
had  enlarged  commerce,  commerce  had  enlarged  wealth,  and 
both  together  had  enlarged  knowledge  ;  knowledge  begat  free- 
dom of  thought  and  juster  notions  of  human  dignity;  men 
began  to  perceive  that  they  were  not  placed  aright,  and  a  thou- 
sand grievances  which  had  previously  been  overlooked,  disre- 
garded, perhaps  unfelt,  were  now  by  the  piying  eyes  of  inno- 
vation magnified  beyond  their  real  size  and  natural  deformity. 
Neither  had  the  art  of  war  been  neglected ;  necessity  had 
forced  upon  the  Italians  a  profession  which  is  in  general  as 
hastily  taken  up  as  it  is  too  reluctantly  abandoned,  yet  one  tliat 
brings  many  noble  spirits,  many  private  \drtues,  with  much 
public  wickedness  into  strong  relief,  and  by  which  nations  are 
blinded  to  the  infamy  of  such  crimes  as  would  fill  their  indivi- 
dual members  mth  disgust. 

The  savage  inroads  of  fierce  Hungarian  tribes  and  rainous 
descents  of  the  Saracens  in  tlie  beginmng  of  the  tenth  centur}^ 
totally  changed  the  aspect  of  Italy  :  under  the  Franldsh  dynasty 
a  long-continued  calm,  unruftled  by  the  sweeping  tempests  of 
l)arbarian  ^^olence,  had  accustomed  the  people  generally  to 
inhabit  unfenced  places  so  that  even  the  old  civic  fortifications 
had  mostly  fallen  to  decay ;  but  first  the  civil  wars  of  Guido 
and  Berenger,  and  then  the  Hungarian  inroads,  created  a  dif- 
ferent state  of  things  throughout  the  land.  Cities  and  towns 
were  rapidly  surrounded  with  walls,  numberless  castles  seemed 
as  it  were  to  grow  out  of  the  massive  rocks,  grey  lines  of  ram- 
parts circled  every  crag,  and  scarcely  a  hamlet  or  even  private 
gentleman  that  did  not  demand  the  royal  permission  to  secm-e 
themselves  and  their  property :  the  whole  country  had  thus 
assumed  a  warlike  aspect  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries ; 
and  even  thus  early  those  lofty  towers  of  the  city  nobles  which 
multiplied  so  rapidly  in  the  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  frenzy  of 

s  s  2 


628      TOWERS    CONTINUED. FORMS   OF   BATTLEMENTS.         [book  I. 

the  twelfth  and  following  ages,  are  said  to  have  originated; 
when  even  the  very  stones  seemed  to  share  the  general  madness, 
and  the  battlements  took  a  different  form  according  to  the  fac- 
tion they  defended.  These  towers  were  in  Florence  a  sign  of 
high  nobility,  because  nobles  alone  had  in  general  tlie  power 
or  the  privilege  of  erecting  them  ;  but  tlie  means  probably  con- 
stituted the  privilege,  as  Malespini  tells  us  that  several  of  those 
destroyed  in  1250  belonged  to  opulent  citizens  who  were  not 
nobles  *.  The  number  of  these  buildings  at  Florence  was  enor- 
mous but  in  Pisa  incredible ;  ten  thousand  of  them  it  is  said  hav- 
ing once  existed  there  in  a  warlike  state ;  and  at  Lucca  Castruccio 
ordered  three  hundred  lofty  towers  to  be  reduced  to  the  level  of 
the  neighbouiing  houses :  state  policy  and  poily  rage  in  Uke  man- 
ner lowered  and  demolished  those  of  Florence  but  the  ground 
story  of  multitudes  may  still  be  traced  by  the  curious  rambler 
in  the  more  ancient  streets  of  that  metropolis  f.  These  high 
and  slender  towers  clustering  so  thickly  against  a  cloudless 
sky  must  have  given  a  bright  and  lively  aspect  to  the  city  when 
first  bursting  upon  the  view  uf  the  traveller ;  a  show  of  peace 
from  the  abodes  of  strife !  The  town  of  San-Gimignano, 
still  called  "  San  Gimiffnano  cleUe  helle  torre  "  hj  the  people, 
where  many  still  remain  ;  and  even  Siena,  will  now  perhaps 
afford  the  best  example  of  this  rich  antique  appearance,  un- 
accompanied by  the  more  revolting  features  as  well  as  the 
daring  and  romantic  energ}-  of  those  turbulent  ages.  Some  of 
these  buildings  leaned  out  of  the  perpendicular,  as  the  belfry  of 
Pisa  and  the  rougher  built  Garisenda  of  Bologna  which  furnished 
Dante  with  so  striking  a  simile  \ ;  tliis  position  is  doubtless 
accidental  in  both ;  in  the  fonner  certainly,  as  recent  excava- 
tions have  proved ;  but  all  were  intended  in  Florence  as  for- 
tresses, while  at  Siena,  as  we  have  seen,  a  different  origin  is 


*  Malespini,  cap.  cxlL 

f  Pisa  however  is  said  to  have  been 

entirelv  composed  of  isolated  towers  in 


its  early  days,  a  circumstance  that 
might  render  the  above  statement  less 
incredible.         J  Inferno,  Canto  xxxi. 


msc.  CHAP.]         DONJON. MASCHIO. CASSERO. ROCCA. 


629 


ascribed  to  them  and  some  doubt  exists  about  the  real  object 
of  their  erection. 

The  massive  tower  in  the  midst  of  a  castle  was  called  as 
with  us  the  '^Donjonr  or  '^Maschio:''  the  "  Cassero''  was  a 
building  of  the  same  description  but  walled  round  (of  which 
there  is  a  fine  specimen  at  Volterra)  attached  to  the  citadel  or 
''Boccay  This  last  name  was  however  more  particularly  applied 
t»  the  strong  fortified  hamlets  on  precipitous  hills,  those  on  the 
plains  being  for  the  most  part  larger  and  generally  called 
"  CastelU;'  a  denomination  which  should  not  be  mistaken  for 
a  simple  castle  according  to  our  English  meaning.     Some  of 
these  Castelli  had,  hke  that  of  Santa  Maria  a  Monte  men- 
tioned by  Villani,  no  less  than  three  circuits  of  walls  besides 
the  Rocca;  and  some  had  a  barbacan  or  lower  wall  beyond 
the  rampart  and  sloping  outwards  which  seems  to  have  inclosed 
a  naiTow  space  between  itself  and  the  latter  to  prevent  the 
application  of  scaling-ladders;  (like  the  ''Cordon''  of  modem 
works)  and  the  approach  of  other  wariike  engines.     That  this 
could  not  have  been  very  liigh  from  the  ground  or  far  from 
the  rampart,  is  evident  from  a  circumstance  quoted  by  Mura- 
tori:  a  knight  called  Ghinozzo  being  in  1329  prisoner  in  a 
certaui  Senese  fortress,  one  day  mounted  his  horse  and  riding 
neai*  the  walls  suddenly  gave  him  the  spur,  leaped  over  the 
ramparts  and  alighting  on  the   barbacan  reached  the  outer 
gromid  with  a  second  spring,  then  spurring  on  apace  gained 
the  friendly  fortress  of  Sassoforte  *. 


*  Sassoforte  whose  lords  used  to  send 
100  men  as  their  contingent  to  Siena 
in  1260  and  long  after,  is  now  a  wild 
beautiful  picturesque  hill  covered  with 
short  greensward  and  shady  chesnut 
trees  looking  as  old  as  the  ruined 
walls  and  towers  that  are  showing 
their  grey  forms  above  the  luxuriant 
foliage  which  smothers  them.  The  view 
from  this  is  extensive  and  fine.  To 
the  N.  E.  Siena  and  all  its  undulated 


country;  to  the  west,  Elba, Corsica,  Sar- 
dinia ;  to  the  north  the  hilly  Maremma 
and  all  the  Volterra  country ;  and  to  the 
south,  the  low  dead  flat  plain  of  Gros- 
seto  and  its  pestiferous  marshes,  look- 
ing from  its  flatness,  more  like  sea  than 
land  and  with  the  aid  of  a  slight  mist 
scarcely  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
former. — G.  Villani,  Lib.  x,,  cap. 
xxviii.,  Muratori,  Antich.  Italiane, 
Dissertazione  xxvi. 


630 


BASTIE. BATTIFOLLI. MILITARY  ENGINES.  [book  i. 


The  "^rts^/f, "  which  seem  to  be  identical  with  the  ''Battl- 
follV  so  frequently  mentioned  in  Italian  chronicles,  were  a 
sort  of  redoubt  built  of  timber  in  a  flat  countiy,  and  generally 
round  some  tower  or  houses,  as  a  blockading  station  against  a 
fortress  or  other  besieged  place  :  they  were  encompassed  by  a 
ditch  and  earthen  rampart  and  were  garrisoned  by  both  cavalry 
and  mfantiy*. 

After  the  yeai'  1000  but  especially  in  the  twelfth  century, 
the  northern  Italians  having  become  warlike  and  republican, 
acquired  also  a  taste  for  wealth  industrj-  and  dominion :  the 
two  former  were  then  indispensable  to  maintain  their  state ; 
population  became  necessary  for  industrj-,  and  land  for  popula- 
tion. They  all  therefore  set  themselves  to  recover  their 
ancient  landmai'ks  by  reducing  the  neighbouring  aristocracy  to 
obedience;  they  then  opposed  the  emperors  on  the  plea  of 
their  infringing  ancient  rights  and  customs  and  loading  them 
with  unjust  tiixation  ;  and  thus  a  warlike  spirit  sprang  up  from 
the  force  of  circumstances,  but  it  is  supposed  that  the  Sicilian 
Normans  were  the  first  to  introduce  a  more  regular  discipline 
and  inspire  the  Italians  with  a  professional  love  of  anus  and 
military  glory. 

The  age  of  castle-building  brought  with  it  also  an  improve- 
ment or  perhaps  a  revival  of  militarj'  besieging  engines.  After 
filling  the  ditch,  moveable  wooden  towers  called  "  Castra"  and 
"  Phalas,''  were  pushed  close  up  to  the  walls  and  a  bridge  let 
fall  from  them  upon  the  battlements,  so  that  nothing  but  fire 
or  hard  fighting  could  defend  the  city :  then  there  were  various 
instruments  for  casting  stones  either  in  solid  masses  or  in 
showers,  such  as  the  "  Mangani''  and  ''ManganelU;''  the  last 
a  mere  diminutive  of  the  first;  the  '' Troja''  or  Son\  the 
'' Ballistum''  called  also  *'Liipa"  or  the  Wolf;  and  several 
others,  all  under  the  general  appellation  of  "  Petriere."  The 
Troja  used  by  the  Genoese  in  I'^IH  is  said  to  have  thrown 


G.  Villani,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  ii. ;  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  iv. ;  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xvii. 


MISC.  CHAP.]        MANGONELS. — CAVALLEEIA. — KNIGHTHOOD. 


631 


stones  of  from  eighteen  hundred  to  two  thousand  seven  hundred 
pounds  weight,  a  tiling  scarcely  credible  *.  The  Lupa  threw 
a  weight  of  three  hundred  Modenese  pounds  and  the  effects 
corresponded;  wall,  and  house,  and  tower,  came  crashing 
down  under  their  ponderous  strokes,  while  a  storm  of  smaller 
stones  kept  beating  from  the  mangonels  and  other  artilleiy. 
The  besieged  had  little  shelter  from  such  tempests;  their 
general  defence  was  a  strong  netting  hung  loosely  before  the 
place  exposed  to  such  attacks,  but  the  mischief  was  often  ter- 
rible: the  killed  and  wounded  were  said  to  be  ''McmgamtV' 
or  mangoneUed  {mangled)  and  this  is  frequently  used  by  the 
Italian  writers  in  a  general  sense  for  being  wounded  or  annoyed 
by  missiles  or  projectiles  of  any  kmd ;  thus  F.  Villani  says, 
"Their  horses  were  more  annoyed  and  manganati  by  the 
English  arrows ;  hence  probably  our  own  word  mangle  both 
verb  and  substantive  f . 

The  Italian  "  Cavalleria  "  a  name  common  to  those  gentlemen 
who  had  received  the  knightly  belt  and  sword,  had  its  origin 
among  the  northern  conquerors  of  Italy  :  after  the  tenth  cen- 
tury this  honour  was  more  strictly  confined  to  persons  of  noble 
bu*th,  and  in  general  none  but  those  who  already  wore  the  spur 
could  confer  it ;  this  was  either  done  in  the  field  before  or  amidst 
the  clang  of  arms  or  victory,  or  on  the  peaceful  celebration  of 
some  great  festival.  It  however  was  not  micommon  for  inde- 
pendent states  to  exercise  this  power  as  was  often  done  at 
Florence,  where  the  people  appointed  a  commissioner  or  public 
representative  to  perform   the  ceremony.      Gilt  spurs  were 


*  This  fact  is  quoted  by  Muratori  from 
the  Genoese  Aunals  of  Stella.  Machina 
una  qua;  Troja  vocata,  jaciens  lapidem 
ponderis,  quod  cantariorum  xii.  usque 
in  xviii.  vocatur.  "  Now,"  says  Mura- 
tori, "  if  the  '  Cantaro '  in  Genoa 
weighs  150  pounds  (Troy)  it  is  a 
wonderful  thing,  a  machine  powerful 
enough  to  launch  such  a  great  weight 


through  the  air."  It  probably  was 
far  under ;  for  the  "  Cantaro^^  varied 
in  weight  in  different  states ;  yet  there 
must  have  been  one  common  measure 
of  that  name  because  it  was  applied  to 
designate  the  burden  of  ships. 
+  Filip**.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  xxii. — 
Muratori ,  An  tichita  Itali,  Dissertazione 
xxvi. 


632 


VARIETY  OF  THE   EQUESTRIAN   ORDERS. 


[book  I. 


buckled  to  the  heel,  a  golden  fringe  was  attached  to  the 
knightly  hood  and  the  hilt  and  pommel  of  the  sword  was 
gilded*.  There  were  several  sorts  of  knights  :  those  generally 
called  "  Cavalieri  a  Spron  cVOro"  knights  of  the  golden  spur, 
con'esponded  in  all  respects  Tvith  the  knights  of  English  chro- 
nicles, and  were  thus  distinguished  from  the  noble  squires  or 
"  DonzeUi "  who  wore  silver  spurs  but  fought  in  armour  on 
horseback,  and  ranked  above  the  "  Scudieri "  or  esquires.  Such 
knights  were  also  denominated  "  Cavalieri  di  Corredo  "  from 
the  arms  they  wore,  or  as  some  suppose  from  the  public  feast 
usually  given  by  them  at  their  installation ;  but  we  do  not 
gather  this  from  Sacchetti  who  in  his  Novelle  describes  four 
distinct  ceremonies  for  as  many  kinds  of  knights,  namely  ;  the 
*' Cavalieri  di  Corredo  T  ''Cavalieri  Bagnati,''  or  knights  of 
the  bath  ;  "  Cavalieri  di  Scudo  ;"  and  "  Cavaliere  dArmi" 

"  The  Cavalieri  di  Corredo,"  he  says,  **  are  those  who  in  a 
deep  green  habit  and  a  golden  garment  take  the  order  of 
knighthood :  Knights  of  the  Bath  are  made  mth  exceeding 
great  ceremony  and  should  be  washed  from  every  vice  :  Knights 
of  the  Shield  are  those  that  are  made  by  the  people  or  great 
lords,  and  receive  the  honour  of  knighthood  armed,  and  with 
the  "  Barhuta  "  or  crested  helmet  on  their  head.  Knights  of 
Arms  are  those  that  in  the  beginning  or  even  in  the  midst  of  a 
battle  receive  this  distinction."  Besides  these  there  were 
"  Cavalieri  di  Cavallate,''  *'  Cavalieri  d'  Elmo  "  and  simple 
'*  Cavalieri  *'  none  of  which  were  terms  of  honour,  and  only  sig- 
nified men-at-anns  on  horseback  belongmg  to  the  Cavallati 
or  civic  companies  of  cavalry  f . 

•  Dante  alludes  to  this  in  the  xvi'''  Canto  of  the  "  Paradiso*'' 

**  Quel  della  Prcssa  sapcva  gia  come 
Regger  si  vuole,  ed  avea  Galigaio 
Dorata  in  casa  sua  gia  1'  clsa  1'  pome," 

"  Fair  governance  was  yet  an  art  well  prized 
By  him  of  Pressa  :  Galigaio  showed 

The  gilded  hilt  ^nd  pommel  in  his  house." — (Gary's  Dante.) 
f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib,  ix.,  cap.  cclxxvi.  (and  note). 


\ 


MISC.  CHAP.]    ARMORIAL  BEARINGS. — MEN-AT-ABMS. — SQUIRES.    633 

Towards  the  latter  end  of  the  eleventh  century  armorial 
bearings  were  emblazoned  on  the  shields  to  distinguish  the 
several  knights  in  battle  or  tournament;  those  of  princes,  pass- 
ing from  their  shield  to  their  money,  carried  the  name  along 
with  them  and  hence  the  pecuniary  denominations  of  the  Italian 
'*  Scudo;'  and  the  ''Ecu  "  of  France ;  but  the  French  Hlies  did 
not  appeal'  as  armorial  bearings  until  1150  under  the  reign  of 
Louis  the  Seventh  *. 

A  cavaliere  or  man-at-arms  was  accompanied  by  one  **  Des- 
triero  "  or  strong  war-horse,  and  one  or  two,  sometimes  three 
mounted  squires  who  led  the  animal  fully  caparisoned ;  or  car- 
ried tlie  helmet  lance  and  shield  of  their  master:  these 
"  Dcstrierl''  ("  rich  and  great  horses"  as  Villani  calls  them,) 
were  so  named  because  they  were  led  on  the  right  hand  without 
ariy  rider,  and  all  ready  for  mounting  :  the  squire's  horses  were  of 
an  inferior  kind  called  "Ronzi)ii;'  and  on  the  "  Palafreni  "  or 
palfreys  the  knight  rode  when  not  in  battle.  The  number  of 
squires  usually  attending  on  men-at-arms  was  very  great,  some- 
times even  trebling  their  nominal  force  as  given  in  histo- 
rical relations :  by  the  contract  between  France  and  Venice 
for  transporting  troops  to  the  Levant  in  1281,  the  French  de- 
mand that  the  Venetians  should  carry  in  their  vessels  four  thou- 
sand five  hundred  men-at-arms,  as  many  horses,  and  nine  thou- 
sand squires  besides  twenty  thousand  infantry ;  but  what  became 
of  the  squires'  horses  in  this  expedition  does  not  appear  f . 

Sometimes  the  squires  were  banded  together  in  close  array 
and  sent  forward  to  the  onslaught  before  the  Imights,  who  cased 
in  iron  charged  after  them  with  a  tremendous  shock:  a  few 
of  the  bravest  knights,  as  already  noticed,  called  Feditori  or 
Feritori  were  always  selected  to  begin  the  fight,  because  if 
they  succeeded  in  breaking  the  adverse  line  their  comrades' 
spirit  and  confidence  increased,  while  the  enemy's  diminished  : 

*  Muratori,  Antich.  Italia,  Dissertaz.     f    "  Giunte  al  Dandalo,"  Apud  Mu- 
liii.  ratori,  Dissert,  xxvi.,  p.  121. 


634         FEDITORI. CERVELLIERA. SHIELDS. — ARROWS.       [book  i. 

at  the  signal  to  charge  the  whole  army  cheered,  drums  and 
trumpets  sounded,  and  the  Feditori  dashed  forward  to  the  on- 
slaught :  if  repulsed  they  fell  back  through  intervals  in  the 
main  Ime  and  rallied  on  the  resen  e  which  sometimes  won  the 
battle  as  at  Campaldino. 

Amongst  the  usual  pieces  of  defensive  armour  worn  in  these 
days  was  one  called  the  '*  CerrelUera  "  or  iron  scull-cap  in- 
vented by  the  famous  Michael  Scott,  which  was  worn  under 
the  helmet  and  much  celebrated :  the  lance,  the  mace,  the 
sliield,  the  sword,  the  knife,  and  the  poniard,  were  the  offensive 
arms  of  horsemen:  footmen  handled  the  long  spear,  the  javelm, 
the  bow,  the  axe,  the  shng,  the  crossbow,  the  sword,  the  long 
knife,  the  dagger,  and  other  offensive  arms ;  with  the  shield 
and  helmet  for  defence.     Of  shields  there  were  various  sorts 
in  Italy;  such  as  the  '' Scudo;'  the  '' RotelW  the  '' Broc- 
clikre:'  the  "  Tarr/a,''  and  the  ''Pavese  "  all  differing  in  form, 
size,   and  material  :   they   were   of  iron,   brass,   wood,   and 
leather ;  round,  oblong,  square  and  pointed  :  the  Pavese  were 
shields   made  after  the  fashion  of  Pavia ;  the    FiOtelli  were 
named  from  their  circular  form  ;  the  Brocchieri  because  they 
bulged  out  into  a  pomted  boss  and  spike,  which  in  close  com- 
bat might  serve  as  a  weapon  of  offence.     The  crossbowmen 
served  on  foot  or  on  hoi*seback ;  they  were  sometimes  arrayed 
in  divisions  or  sections,  shooting  alternately,  so  that  a  constant 
discharge  was  kept  up  against  the  men-at-arms :  the  crossbow- 
arrows  were  commonly  called  "  MoschetteT  also  ''  Quadrilli ;" 
either  from  the  form  of  the  head  or  being  four-feathered  :  the 
"  Bolzoni "  were  something  of  the  same  kind,  but  knobbed 
instead  of  pomted,  and  the  "  Verrettoni,"  a  short  light  arrow, 
also  discharged  from  the  crossbow,  was  very  generally  used, 
especially  in  the  civil  tumults  of  Florence. 

After  the  eleventh  century  when  an  Italian  republic  de- 
clared war  everybody  that  could  carry  arms  was  forced  to  take 
the  field,  and  if  any  place  were  besieged  the  different  Quarters, 


MISC.  CHAP.]       CUSTOMS   OF   WAR. — RIBALDI. — GUALDANI. 


635 


L, 


; 


Sixths,  or  Thirds,  of  the  city,  according  as  it  was  divided,  took 
their  turn  and  were  regularly  relieved  about  every  thirty  days. 
War  was  not  made  in  those  ages  without  previous  notice  and 
reasons  given :  the  enemy  was  often  challenged  to  fight  at  a 
particular  time  and  place ;  a  herald  threw  down  the  gauntlet 
of  defiance,  and  the  sun,  wind,  and  all  local  advantages  were 
duly  balanced ;  a  custom  preserved  long  afterwards  in  duelling. 
Winter  campaigns  were  rare,  May  being  the  usual  time  of 
commencing  war,  especially  the  '' Guerra  Guernata''  or  a  ra- 
vaging desultory  warfare  without  coming  to  serious  combat : 
armies  were  attended  by  irregular  troops  called  ''BihaldV  and 
'^Gualdani,''  who  it  is  supposed  did  not  differ  materially  from 
each  other  and  were  used  to  scour  the  country  for  plunder 
forage  and  intelligence ;  they  fought  without  order  as  occasion 
offered,  running  in  between  the  regular  battalions  and  under 
the  horses  of  the  men-at-arms  whose  bowels  they  ripped  up 
with  long  knives  -. 

The  "  Masnade "  have  been  already  noticed ;  but  besides 
regular  vassals  we  have  early  accounts  of  paid  bands  of  soldiers 
who  with  the  former  constantly  kept  the  field  when  unpaid 
citizens  had  withdrawn  to  their  occupations :  they  w^ere  com- 
monly foreigners,  and  probably  deserters  or  fragments  of 
imperial  armies  disbanded  at  the  death  of  emperoi's  in  Italy,  or 
dispersed  from  other  causes.  These  mercenaries  however  did 
not  consist  of  Germans  only;  English,  Flemings,  and  even 
Hungarians,  found  out  that  the  Italians  were  in  need  of  troops 
and  paid  well  for  them ;  so  that  as  early  as  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury this  custom  had  already  begun  to  undermine  the  martial 
skill  and  spirit  of  some  communities  and  paved  the  way  for 
future  Condottieri  and  their  robber  companions.  The  Italian 
genius  afterwards  revived,  but  in  an  unwholesome  form,  and 
Florence  although  richer,  perhaps  more  powerful,  yet  never 
was  so  great  as  when  her  citizens  willingly  took  the  field  at 

*  Muratori,  Dissert,  xxvi. — Yillani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  clxxxiii. 


636 


RANSOMS.— OBLIGATIONS  OF  THE  VANQUISHED.         [book  i. 


their  own  expense  to  fight  for  their  own  country  under  the 
shadow  of  the  time-honoured  Carroccio. 

**  It  was  drawn  forth  with  joy  and  honoui*  when  the  state 
*'  went  out  to  war,  and  ahove  it  on  a  lofty  saU-yard  was  borne 
"  the  bright  and  triumphant  banner  to  which  the  whole  army 
*'  looked :  neither  was  there  any  castle  in  the  territory,  whether 
"  on  mountain  or  in  plain,  to  defend  which  the  people  would 
"  fight  so  manfully,  or  so  readily  expose  both  life  and  soul  to 
"  every  chance  and  danger  for  on  this  car  depended  the  honour, 
"  strength,  and  glorj-  of  the  republic  "*. 

These  are  not  the  words  of  a  Florentine  but  the  spirit  was 
alike,  and  when  kings  or  emperors  came  into  Italy  the  highest 
honour  that  could  be  offered  was  to  meet  them  on  their  way 
with  the  Carroccio,  and  all  public  ceremonies  were  rendered 
more  solemn  by  the  presence  of  this  banner  and  its  gorgeous 
accompaniments.  The  Carroccio  only  went  to  the  field  "  a  Oste,'' 
or  with  the  whole  militaiy  force  of  the  commonwealth;  at  other 
times  the  colours  were  carried  by  a  single  man  who  was  never 
to  retreat  or  lower  them  under  pain  of  eternal  iuftimy.  Pri- 
soners who  declined  joining  the  ranks  of  a  victorious  army 
were  despoiled  of  theii*  horses  and  anus  and  lield  to  ransom,  or 
sent  al)Out  their  business ;  but  the  Florentines  were  considered 
so  opulent  that  their  ransom  was  always  more  exorbitant  than 
other  prisoners  of  war,  and  this  is  one  of  the  reasons  alleged 
for  their  gradually  renouncing  the  military'  profession.  Some- 
times the  captives,  especially  when  taken  in  a  fortress,  were 
released  on  their  parole  not  to  serve  for  a  certain  period ;  some- 
times they  were  kept  in  prison  for  months  and  even  years,  but 
generally  exchanged  when  both  pailies  became  encumbered 
with  them  :  they  were  often  dismissed  under  certain  conditions 
and  in  case  of  decisive  victories  the  vanquished  obhged  them- 
selves to  obey  the  victors  whenever  called  upon,  either  in 
paying  tribute  or  receiving  a  Podesta  at  their  nomination,  or 

•  Rolandini  of  Padua,  Apud  Muratori,  Dissertazione  xxvi. 


•'X 


K 


MISC.  CHAP.]  MILITARY  SPIRIT.— TROOPS.— CARS.— EESOUECES.    637 

perhaps  in  supplying  them  with  a  body  of  auxiharies  in  their 
expeditions ;  these  were  all  marks  of  homage  and  lost  national 
independence ;  but  not  of  diminished  internal  freedom  *. 

There  was  a  strong  and  proud  spirit  of  jealous  patriotism 
amongst  all  the  Italian  republics  that  burned  as  fiercely  in 
Florence  as  anywhere,  and  in  their  own  estimation  placed  her 
above  every  other  comitry :  this  encouraged  rivaliy  implaca- 
bility  and  war,  and  probably  brought  out  both  the  bad  and  good 
qualities  of  the  people  in  deeper  colouring. 

All  served,  from  sixteen  to  sixty,  either  in  garrison  or  the 
field ;  and  although  all  were  not  equally  soldier-Hke  there  were 
few  who  could  not  manage  the  arms  then  most  commonly  in  use, 
because  their  holiday  amusements  were  athletic,  militarjr,  and 
the  skilful  management  of  anns.  The  more  disciplined  troops 
were  distinguished  by  their  peculiar  weapons,  their  horses,  or 
the  cars  on  which  in  some  places  they  went  out  to  battle ;  or 
else  from  their  known  station  in  the  line,  or  the  particular  time 
or  occasion  when  they  were  to  join  in  the  fight :  for  instance 
one  body  defended  the  Carroccio,  another  led  or  sustained  the 
first  attack,  while  a  third  was  held  in  reserve.  It  does  not 
appear  that  the  Florentines  made  use  of  cars  for  sending  their 
troops  to  the  field,  like  the  Milanese,  who  according  to  Denina 
had  tln-ee  hundred  and  the  people  of  Asti  a  thousand ;  on  each 
of  which  ten  armed  soldiers  issued  to  the  war  f . 

The  military  resources  of  some  of  these  republics  were 
astonishing  when  any  great  effort  required  them  :  Milan  offered 
Frederic  II.  ten  thousand  men  to  accompany  him  into  Pales- 
tine ;  the  Bolognese  armed  forty  thousand  against  Venice! 
and  the  tyrant  Eccelino  maintained  amongst  his  other  troops  a 
legion  of  twelve  thousand  Paduans  alone !  Florence  at  one 
time  could  bring  a  hundred  thousand  fighting  men  at  a  few 
days'  notice  into  the  field  from  the  capital,  contado,  and  dis- 
trict;   all  organized  under  captains  of  tens,  hundi-eds,  and 

*  Muratori,  Ant.  Ital.,  Dissert,  xxvi.     f  Dt  ninu,  Rev.  d'ltalia,  vol.  ii.,  p.33i). 


638 


CAMP-EQUIPAGE. PADIGLIONI. INSULTS.  [book  i. 


MISC.   CHAP.] 


COINAGE    OF   MONEY   IN    WAE. 


639 


thousands,  and  completely  equipped  according  to  their  various 
nature.  The  greater  part  of  these  were  agricultural  labourers 
well  used  to  carry  arms,  and  while  thus  employed  the  c(teimon- 
wealth  supplied  them  ^\ith  provisions  and  even  a  certain  allow- 
ance of  pay  equivalent  to  the  avemge  wages  of  the  time  ;  thus 
when  Florence  made  a  sudden  demonstration  of  her  forces 
before  Arezzo  in  1384  as  \s'ill  be  hereafter  noticed,  twenty 
thousand  cavalry  and  sixty  thousand  infantr}^  were  rapidly  and 
almost  instantaneously  assembled  to  gain  their  object  *. 

In  these  expeditions  a  camp  equipage  accompanied  the 
troops,  the  tents  being  as  at  present  made  of  canvas,  but  pro 
bably  at  the  expense  of  the  soldier:  they  were  called  ''Tra- 
hacche  "  and  "  Padifjlioni "  and  were  of  various  shapes  and 
sizes  accordmg  to  the  rank  and  wealth  of  the  owner:  those  of 
kings,  princes,  and  other  great  people  were  magnificent,  and 
some  are  described  as  bemg  so  spacious  as  to  startle  all  common 
belief;  but  that  considerable  cost  and  ingenuity  were  lavished 
on  these  vast  tabernacles  is  indubitable,  and  the  national 
pavilion  being  considered  second  only  to  the  Carroccio  in 
honour ;  it  was  in  especial  charge  of  the  general  and  had  a 
guard  of  honour  amongst  the  Florentines  f . 

National  pride  and  hatred  rendered  ever}-  insult  personal, 
and  produced  a  punctilious  sensibility  which  often  vented  itself 
in  sudden  fiery  expeditions  without  adequate  cause  :  during 
these  hostilities,  and  even  in  times  of  ^jeace,  everj'thing  was 
done  by  adverse  states  to  insult  and  aggravate  each  other: 
dead  asses  were  thrown  into  besieged  places  ;  races,  particu- 
larly of  infamous  women,  were  mn  under  the  rity  walls  :  the 
sports  of  peace  were  celebrated  in  similar  situations,  as  if  to 
show  the  perfect  safety  in  which  the  invaders  considered  tlieni- 
selves,  with  their  utter  contempt  of  the  enemy  :  money  was 


V 


struck  on  the  stock  of  a  felled  tree ;  generally  one  of  those  that 
formed  a  shady  resort  for  the  citizens  beyond  the  walls ;  as  if 
to  exercise  the  rights  of  sovereignty  and  insult  the  vanquished: 
and  even  permanent  inscriptions  and  other  abusive  emblems 
were  placed  over  the  gates  as  the  Pisans  did  near  Lerici  in 
1250 ;  or  on  some  lofty  tower  as  the  marble  aims  of  Carmig- 
nano*.  All  these  customs  and  feelings  made  the  wars  of 
this  early  period  between  neighbouring  states  more  like  the 
pei-sonal  quarrels  of  individuals  than  the  conllicts  of  contend- 
ing  nations  and  often  stamped  a  bitter  and  bloody  character  on 
the  contest  to  which  except  hi  civil  contentions,  we  now  are 
happily  strangers. 

*  The  Pisans  having  taken  Lerici  an.l  suhurb  between  the  two  towers  tbev 

Trebbiano  Irom  the  Genoese  built  a  placed  a  stone  carved  into  the  form  of 

strong  suburb  to  the  former  with  two  a  bale  of  merchandise  and  cut  on  it 

great  towers,  and  above  the  gate  of  this  the  following  inscription  : 

''Sfoppa  in  Bocca  al  Gvnorcsc, 
Crepacuore  a  Porto  Vcnere, 
Strappa  Borsello  al  Lucrhese.'" 

(Vide  Tronci,  Annali,  An.  1256.) 

The  peculiar  point  of  this  wit  would  heart  of  Porto  Yenere,  and  stopping  the 

now  perhaps  not  be  easy  to  discover,  mouth  of  Genoa,  vet  Genoa  recaptured 

but  although  the  capture  of  Lerici  was  it  immediatelv.— Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  vi., 

cutting  the  purse  of  Lucca,  breaking  the  cap.  v.— Tronci,  Aunali  di  Pisa. 


4 
K 


a? 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxxix.     iii",  pp.  26  and 

— Deuina,   vol.    ii®,    p.    335. — Goro     f  Muratori,  Dissert. 

Dati,  Storia  di  Fircnze,  Libri  ii"  and 


::\v;. 


APPENDIX. 


641 


APPENDIX. 


DANTE,  PURGATORY. 

(CANTO  VI.) 

Florence  mine,  well  may'st  thou  be  content 
With  this  digression,  it  ne*er  touches  thee  ; 
Thanks  to  thy  people  that  conduct  thee  so. 

Many  are  just  in  heart  yet  slow  to  shoot, 

Nor  without  judgment  lightly  seize  the  bow  : 
But  thy  good  men  wear  justice  on  their  tongue. 

Many  refuse  the  weight  of  public  charge  : 
But  thy  wise  people  readily  respond 
Without  a  call  ;  exclaiming,  «  I  will  serve." 

Now  make  thee  joyful  for  thou  hast  good  cause  : 
Th/u,  rich,  thou  peaceful,  thou  of  wisdom  full. 
If  1  say  true  th'  effect  can  scarce  be  hid. 

Athens  and  Lacedsemon,  when  of  yore 

For  antique  laws  and  policy  reno\MiM, 
Were  poor  in  social  life  compared  to  thee, 

Who  weav'st  so  provident  and  subtle  laws, 
That  scarce  to  mid-November  will  extend 
What  in  October  thou  perchance  may'st  spin. 

How  many  times  within  thy  mem'ry  still. 

Laws,  Money,  Office,  Manners,  Customs  ;  all 
Hast  thou  changed,  and  members  oft  renew'd  ? 

And  if  thy  mera'ry  's  good  and  vision  clear, 

Thou  'It  see  thyself  hke  to  the  bed-rid  crone, 
Who  knows  no  rest  tliough  on  soft  plumage  laid, 

But  shuns  her  pain  by  turning  here  and  tliere. 


f 


Page  319. 
COUNT  UGOLINO.— DANTE,  HELL. 

(canto  XXXIII.) 

Lifting  his  muzzle  from  the  fell  repast, 

That  sinner  turned,  and  wiped  it  on  the  hair 
Of  the  maimed  skull  he  had  so  gnaw'd  behind. 
Then  he  began  : — Thou  wantest  to  renew 

The  hopeless  grief  which  presses  on  my  heart. 
E'en  with  a  thought,  before  I  tell  the  tale. 
But  if  each  syllable  prove  fruitful  seed 

Of  shame  unto  the  traitor  that  I  gnaw, 
Together  thou  shalt  see  me  speak,  and  weep. 
I  know  not  whom  thou  art,  nor  by  what  mode 
Thou  earnest  here  below  ;  but  Florentine 
Thou  seem'st  indeed  to  me  when  thee  1  hear. 
Know  that  I  was  once  Count  Ugolino, 

And  this  the  fierce  Archbishop  Ruggieri : 
Now  I  will  tell  thee  why  I  'm  coupled  thus. 
That  by  the  working  of  his  wicked  thoughts, 
Trusting  to  him  I  was  close  pris'ner  made. 
And  after  murder'd  ;  there  's  no  need  to  say. 
But  that  of  which  thou  never  couldst  have  heard, 
I  mean  the  cruel  nature  of  my  death. 
Listen  now  ;  and  learn  if  he  hath  wronged  me. 
A  narrow  chink  within  the  dreary  mew, 

Since,  after  me,  the  "  Tower  of  Famine  "  named, 
(Where  other  victims  yet  must  be  immured,) 
Had  shown  me  through  its  iron-fasten'd  hole 

What  moons  had  waned  ere  came  that  fatal  dream 
Which  from  the  future  rent  its  shadowy  veil. 
This  dog,  methought,  as  Lord  and  Master  rode 
Chacing  the  wolf  and  woMuigs  to  the  hill 
Which  bars  our  Pisans'  view  of  Lucca's  towers. 
With  faniish'd,  eager,  and  insatiate  hounds, 
Gualandi,  Sismondi,  and  Lanfranchi 
He  placed  himself  directly  in  the  front. 
After  short  course  methought  were  wearied  out 

Both  sire  and  cubs,  and  then  with  piercing  fangs 
It  seemed  as  if  their  bleeding  flanks  were  torn. 
VOL.   I.  TT 


642 


APPENDLX. 


APPENDIX. 


648 


When  I  awaken'd,  ere  the  morning's  dawn, 

I  heard  my  children  weeping  in  their  sleep  ; 

Those  that  were  with  me  ;  and  demanding  bread. 
Cruel  art  thoiiy  if  yet  untouch'd  in  heart 

With  thoughts  of  what  my  soul  foreboded  then  ! 
And  if  thou  weep'st  not,  what  e'er  made  thee  weep  ? 
All  had  now  wak'd  and  the  due  hour  drew  near 

When  daily  food  was  wont  to  be  supplied  ; 

And  still  his  dream  made  every  dreamer  doubt. 
xViul  then,  beneath,  I  heard  the  wicket  nailed 

Of  tlie  horrible  tow'r  !  and  then  I  stared 

Into  my  children's  face,  without  a  word  ! 
I  did  not  weep  !  all  petrified  within  ! 

But  they  did  weep  ;  and  Anselmuccio  mine 

Exclaim'd  Thou  look'st  so  strange  !  What  ails  thee  Father  \ 
Nor  this  drew  tears  !  nor  did  I  once  reply 

All  that  long  day,  nor  the  ensuing  night, 

'  Till  the  next  sun  had  broken  on  the  world. 
As  through  the  hole  a  slender  ray  was  struck 

Within  that  doleful  cell,  and  I  perceived 

In  four  sad  visages  my  looks  impressed, 
With  very  anguish  both  my  hands  I  bit  ; 

And  they  supposing  it  was  want  of  food 

With  sudden  movement  altogether  rose. 
And  said,  O  father  we  should  feel  less  pain 

If  thou  wouldst  feed  on  us  :  'twas  thee  that  dress'd  us 

In  this  most  wretched  flesh  ;  despoil  us  now. 
I  then  was  calm,  not  to  increase  their  wo. 

For  that  day  and  the  next  we  all  were  mute  ! 

Hard-hearted  earth  why  didst  not  open  then  ! 
After  the  fourth  sad  morning  had  appear'd 

Gaddo  fell  down  extended  at  my  feet. 

Crying,  Father  mine  canst  thou  not  aid  me  ? 
There  he  died  ;  and  sure  as  thou  seest  me  now, 

I  saw  them  die  all  three  child  after  child 

Between  the  fifth  day  and  the  sixth  ;  and  then 
Sightless  from  want  I  passed  my  hands  o'er  each  : 

Three  days  I  called  them  after  they  were  dead  ; 

And  then  sharp  famine  did  what  grief  could  not. 


Thus  having  spoke,  he  with  dark  scowling  eye 
Refix'd  the  mangled  skull  between  his  teeth, 
Strong  as  a  dog's  against  the  harden'd  bone. 

All  Pisa  !  thou  reproach  and  endless  shame 

To  that  fair  land  where  the  soft  Si  doth  sound  ! 
Since  to  chastise  thee  neighb'ring  states  are  slow, 

Ivcn  let  Gorgona  and  Capraia  move, 

And  dam  the  waters  up  in  Arno's  mouth, 

So  that  all  living  souls  within  thee  drown  : 
For  if  'gainst  Ugolino  charge  were  made 
Of  having  given  thy  castles  to  the  foe, 

I  lis  sons  at  least  should  not  have  suffer'd  thus. 
Their  tender  age  had  render'd  innocent, 
Thou  modem  Thebes  !    Uguccion  and  Brigata 

And  th'  other  two  'hove  named  in  om'  song. 


Pwie  4(kS. 

PURGATORY. 

(canto  xxtv.) 

Cecauj^e  the  place  where  1  was  put  to  live, 

Is  day  by  day,  more  pulp'd  of  all  its  good, 
And  t«)  unhappy  ruin  seems  disposed. 

Now  go  he  said,  for  him  who  's  most  to  blame, 
1  now  see  trailing  at  his  horse's  heels 
Towards  the  vale  where  no  redemption  lies. 

1\\('  l)east  at  ev^ery  step  more  rapid  flies, 

With  still  increasing  speed  until  he  kicks 
And  leaves  the  mangled  and  disfigured  cori^c 

Vc  have  nat  inucli  to  tm'n  celestial  wheels, 
(And  hx'd  his  eyes  above)  until  thou  seest 
Whar  words  of  mine  are  not  allowed  to  tell. 


END  OF  VOL.  1. 


};!iAUHfK 


LONDON  : 

V.Ws.    I'KIMKfO,    \V  iliri!;FR(Ah.->. 


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BIBLIOGRAPHIC  IRREGULARITIES 


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LIBRARY 


S    } 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  AUTHENTIC  RECORDS 


TO    THE   ACCESSION    OF 


FERDINAND   THE   THIRD, 


Ma  queir  ingrato  popolo  nialigno 
Che  discese  di  Fiesole  ab  antico, 
E  tiene  ancor  del  monte  e  del  macigno. 

Davte,  Inferno,  Canto  xv. 

E  come  '1  volger  del  ciel  della  luna 
Cuopre  ed  iscuopre  i  llti  sanza  posa, 
Cosi  far  di  Fiorenza  la  for  tuna  . 

Perche  non  dee  parer  mirabil  cosa 
Ci^  ch'  io  dinS  degli  alti  Fiorentini, 
Onde  la  fama  nel  tempo  e  nascosa. 

Dantk,  Paradito,  Canto  xvi. 


GRAND    DUKE    OF    TUSCANY. 


BY 


HENRY  EDWAED   NAPIER, 

Captain  in  the  Royal  Nary,  F.R.S. 


IN    SIX    VOLUMES 


VOL.   II. 


LONDON: 
EDWARD   MOXON,   DOVER   STREET. 

MiyCCCJ^LVI. 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  I. 


CIL\PTER  XIX. 


HRADBrHt    .%M>   »VA.%8.    rBl»TEKS.  WHll. 


(FBOM  A.I).  133G  TO  A.l).    1342.) 

Great  power  of  Mastino  della  Scala— Florentine  preparations— Sei  della  Guerra  and  other 
boards  to  conduct  the  war— Hostilities  with  Pier  Saccoui— Treaty  with  Venice — 
First  interference  of  Venice  with  Italian  politics — Finance  of  Florence — Public  debt 
begim  —  Active  war  in  Lombardy  —  Tlie  Ubaldini  declare  for  Florence  — New 
Guelphic  League— Piero  de'  Rossi  made  general  of  the  Florentines  in  Tuscany — 
Defeats  Mastino's  troops  near  Cerruglio — Commands  the  Lombard  army  against 
Mastino— His  activity  and  success— Retreats  to  Bovolento— Encamps  permanently 
there— Militor)'  operations— Attacks  on  Padua— The  Carrara's  treachery  to  Mastino 
— Nature  of  war  in  those  days —Orlando  Rosso— Great  power  of  Florence— Negotia- 
tions with  Saccone— Acquisition  of  Arezzo —  Expense  —  Discontent  of  Perugia- 
Lombard  affairs— Mastino  tries  for  peace— Bucentaur — Marsilio  Carrara  at  Venice 
— Diet  at  Cremona — Azzo  ^'isconte's  speech— League  against  Mastino — Progress  of 
the  war— Lucchino  Visconte  retreats— Mastino  takes  the  offensive— Marches  on 
Bovolento — Piero  Rosso's  striu  jreui — Mastino  withdraws — Marsilio  Rosgo  rejoins 
his  brother — Conspii*acy  m  Pauua— Alberto  della  Scala  made  prisoner  and  Padua 
deliveretl  to  the  allies — Death  of  the  two  brothers  Rossi — Orlando  Rosso  the  third 
brother  succeeds  them — Prosecutes  the  war — Brescia  in  the  power  of  Azzo  Visconte 
-New  attempts  at  peace— Bad  fortune  of  Mastino  —  Fresh  negotiations— Peace — 
Anger  of  Florence — Acquisitions  —  Financial  and  mercantile  distress — State  of 
Italy— Philip  of  Valois  arrests  the  Italian  merchants  and  bankers  in  France — His 
depreciated  currency —  Edward  III.  of  England— His  wars  —Debts— Ruin  of  the 
Bardi  and  Peruzzi  companies— Great  sxiffering  at  Florence  in  consequence— 
NervQvis  state  of  the  Florentines  —They  become  peacemakers — Domestic  reforms — 
PoliticaLtricka-r-J'^iunifle  and  pestilence — Exiles  recalled — Sumptuary  law^-r-f  lo- 
rence  governed  by  a  faction— Poiwlani  GmMe"— (jabrieUi  d'  Agubbio  captain  of 
the  guard^^His  lyfanhy-^bnspiracy  of  the  Bardi  and  Frescobaldi— Civil  war — The 
Podestk's  fine  conduct — The  Bardi  surrender — Tranquillity  restored— Persecution 
of  the  exiles— Another  conspiracy — T^Tanny  of  government  and  persecution  of  the 
Nobles— Mastino's  affairs— Parma  revolts— Lucchino  Visconte  Lord  of  Milan— 


'II 


_1  v.-  X  tv  •'  'J 


Tl 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


VU 


Lucca  offered  for  salc-Pisa  and  Florence  competitors  -A  board  of  twenty  citizcas 
formed  at  Florence  vith  extensive  powers— Lucca  purchased— Anger  of  PL^— Her 
dbtermination-War  with  norence-Viseontc  joins  risa-Azzo  VL^conte's  death 
and  character— Lucchino'8  character  and  po>cmmcnt- Francesco  daPostierla— His 
nusfortune?  and  death-Pisa  prepares  for  war-Horentine  exiles  assist  her- 
Besieges  Lucca— norentines  taken  by  surprise— Assemble  an  army— Invade  the 
Plsan  state— Bad  mana?cment— Mastino's  demands-  New  arrangements  with  him 
-Florentine  army  marches  to  Lucca— ReUev€-s  the  garrison  and  gets  possession  of 
it_siege  continual  by  the  IMsans— 1  heir  battle  and  victory  over  the  Horentines— 
Villani's  conversation  at  Ferrara- Malatesta  of  Rimini  Captain  General  of  Ho- 
rence— The  command  offered  to  the  Duke  of  Athens— Aid  demanded  of  King 
Robert  of  Naples— His  coHduct— Anger  of  Florence— Negotiations  with  the  Em- 
peror— Their  results-Commercial  tUstress— The  army  marches  to  Lucca— Delays 
of  Malatesta-Duke  of  Athens  joins  the  army-His  character— Distinguishes  him- 
.<«elf-Sicge  continued— Malatesta  retires^  Negotiations  for  peace— Lucca  surren- 
ders  to  Pisa— Dionesio  del  Borgo's  prophecy  fulfilled       .  I'age  1  to  60 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Cfrom  a.d.  1342  TO  a.d.  1344.) 
\  Puke  of  Athens  Captain  and  Consen-ator  of  Horence- State  of  parties— Severe  govern- 
ment—The Duke's  executions— Intrigues  and  popularity  -  Dismay  of  the  oligarchy 
—Made  perpetual  Lord  of  I-lorence-Robert's  advice— Peace  with  Pisa— His  un- 
steadv  rule,  tATannv,  extortions— Villani's  character  of  him— Executes  Naddo 
Rucellai— Becomes  unpopular- French  corrupt  Florence —Cruelty  to  Bettoni  Cmi 
—General  incUgnation— Trade  languishes— All  classes  unite  against  him— Three 
conspiracies— One  becomes  known  to  him— His  alarm- Summonses  a  general 
council— Distrust  prevails- General  revolt— The  Duke  besieged  in  the  Palace- 
Releases  Antonio  Adimari— Comes  to  term*- Dependant  cities  revolt— Popular 
ferocity— Death  of  his  ministers— His  expulsion- Signs  his  ab<lication  at  Poppi— 
Retires  to  Venice  and  Puglia— His  character  by  Maccluavelli— Florence  tranquil- 
Reforms— Her  weakness— Her  prudent  conduct— Balia— City  di^^detl  into  quarters 
—Nobles  admitted  to  power-. Jealousy  of  the  people— Nobles  begin  to  tyrannize— 
Popolani  Grassi— Their  power  and  riches— Di"«content  of  the  i)eople  increased  by 
the  nobles'  conduct— Attempts  to  exclude  the  latter  from  power  resented— Tumults 
—The  nobles  expelled  from  the  seignor)-- New  reforms— A  coimcil  of  the  people 
created— Connexion  of  the  divers  classes  with  each  other— Andrea  Strozzi's  sedi- 
tion-Encourages the  nobles— Their  anger  and  preparations  for  revolt— Barricades 
—Civil  war— The  Adimari,  Donati,  and  othcT  nobles  defeated— Oltramo  strongly 
fortified— The  Bardi,  Rossi,  Frescobaldi  and  NerU  hold  out— All  subdued  but  the 
Bardi- Their  obstinate  resistance  in  the  Via  de'  Bardi— Attacked  in  the  rear— 
Strozza's  gallantry— The  Bardi  overcome— Saved  by  the  Mozzi— Their  houses 
plundered— The  nobles  completely  subdued— Tliree  democratic  classes— New 
Balia— Great  iwwer  of  the  lower  classes— Concessions  to  the  nobles  through  Count 
Simon's  influence— Many  noble  families  are  granted  the  honours  of  democracy- 
People's  ingratitude  to  some  of  them— The  many  changes  in  Florence— Peace  with 
Pisa— CK)ro  Dati's  accouut  of  the  Florentine   constitution— Four   Gonfalons— 


Twenty-one  Arts— The  Seignora  or  Priors— Gonfalonier  of  justice— Their  votes,  by 
ballot— Tlieu-  establishment,  officers,  &c.— Gonfaloniers  of  companies— Buonomiiii 
—Colleagues— Council  of  the  people- ConcigUo  del  Comime— Died  di  BaU^— Otto 
della  Guardia— Regulators  of  public  accounts— Captains  of  the  party  Guelph— Dieci 
di  Liberta— Officers  of  abimdancc,  of  the  Grascia,  of  the  castles,  of  the  tower,  of 
the  Condotta— Consuls  of  the  trades— Commercial  court— Podestk— Captain  of  the 
people— Executor  of  the  ordinances  of  justice— Exteraal  officers  and  PodestJls-- 
Conclusion Page  61  to  HI 


CHAI'TER  XXI. 

(from  a.d.  1343  TO  A. I..  1349.) 
Causes  of  evil  in  Florentine  affairs-State  of  Italy-Naplcs-Death  of  Robert-Succes- 
sion  of  Giovanna-Court  intrigues-Unpopularity  and  mui'der  of  Prince  Andi'ca 
of  Hungary-Faction  and  anarchy  at  Naples-King  of  Hungary  prepares  to  invade 
Pugha-Marches  to  the  relief  of  Zara-Baffled  by  the  Venetians-AlUes  himself 
with  Louis  of  Bavaria  who  threatens  Italy-Clement  VI.  opr)Ose8  him-Charles  of 
Moravia  elected  Emperor- Gcnnany  disturbed-John  of  Bohemia  killed  at  Crecy— 
Ix)uis  of  Bavaria  is  killed  and  Charles  IV.  imiversaUy  acloiowlcdged  as  Emperor- 
Importance  of  Pisa— Visconti's  iwwer— Pisa  and  Visconti  quarrel  on  account  of 
Giovanni  d'Oleggio's  conspiracy  against  the  former-  Sends  an  army  against  them 
—Covertly  aided  by  Florence,  which  cedes  Pictra  Santa  to  the  Bishop  of  Luni— 
War  between  Pisa  and  Mihui— Marquis  Malespini  dies— Peace  made— Lucca 
remains  to  PLsa-AfFairs  of  Genoa-Of  Lombardy- Parma  sold  to  the  Marquis  of 
Este— Treachery  of  Filippino  Gonzaga— War  active  in  Lombardy— Mastino  aban- 
dons Obizzo  of  Este -Peace  made  ^ith  Milan  and  Mantua  and  Parma  sold  to 
Visconti— His  power-Foreign  mercenaries— Their  valour  and  importance-Dis- 
missal of  them  by  Pisa— Its  consequences— Foraiation  of  the  great  company  under 
Werner— Their  Avickcdness  and  formidable  power— Their  acts  in  Siena,  Perugia, 
Romagna,  Bologna,  and  Lombardy— Paid  off  ;.nd  <Usperscd— Reflections  on  the 
state  of  Italy— On  Florence- Persecutions  there— League  against  t5Tants— New 
I>ersecution  of  the  nobles— Duke  of  Athens  denounced— His  enmity— Florentines 
peisecuted  in  France— Public  debt  first  funded—"  Monte  "—Its  nature— Debt  paid 
to  Mastino— Laws  against  the  clergy— Their  boldness  and  consequences- Villani's 
opinion— Quarrel  with  the  Inquisitor— Determination  of  the  government— The 
Inquisitor  retires— Embassy  to  Pope  Clement— His  conduct  exposed— Restrictive 
laws  against  the  Inquisitor— New  persecution  of  the  nobles— Second  and  tota 
failure  of  the  BartU  and  Peruzzi—lfs 'disastrous  consequences  to  Florence— Legal 
"^"^A—-^?^^^.  °f  T^''^  I^^^.P^'^.'^J:""  ^ourleen  De/enders  of  Libgrty'  created^ 
Alarm  at  the  election  of  the  Emperor'Charles  IV.  and  Ghibeline  influence— League 
with  Siena-''  Parti/  Guelph''  begins  to  interfere  with  the  goverumentj-Laws 
against  the  Ghibeliucs  and  attacks  on  the  low  democracy— Priors  attempT'to 
par^yze  it  without  success— New  Guclphic  League— San  Miniato  delivers  itself  to 
Florence  for  five  years— Kone  of  the  Duke  of  Athens'  Priors  or  Ghibelines  allowed 
armorial  bearings- Other  regulations— Cola  di  Rienzo— His  extraordinary  actions 
at  Rome— His  rise,  progi-ess,  altitude  and  fall— Resigns  his  office  of  Tribune  of  the 
People  and  retires  to  the  castle  of  Saint  Angelo— Misfortimes  of  Florence— A  sue- 


VUl 


CONTENTS. 

cession  of  baa  crop^  stonns,  »n<l  -^'^^  ^'^^^ '''' ':'^'''f'"'''''^Z 
reception  of  pestilencc^Commeneement  of  plague  m  '"e  jast-Ite  progress  ™ 
extension  oveV  aU  F.urope-It»  horrors  and  ^jrmptoms-Boecaceio's  eelebratol 
dStton  of  it  at  FiorenVe-TTe  great  mortality  there-Remarks  on  t^js  descnp- 
L-L  ravages  in  Italy  and  SieUy-Death  of  Laura-Of  Giovamn  MU^  the 
Florentine  historian-Effects  of  the  plague  in  Horencc-FaUacious  "'P^'"''""^ 
Charities-Peculations-Legal  reforms-Bankrupts-Marriages  numerous-Sump- 
tuarylaw^Ne-  scrutiny  lists-Sobles  again  partiaUy  """""'•'^  ^"  °«;«-'',^, 
with  the  UbaUlini  ..••■•  ^       " 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


the  Count  of  Avignon— Peace  of  Sarezzana  concluded  by  the  exertions  of  Lotto 
Gambacorta  of  Pisa— Disorderly  state  of  Florence— Robberj-  to  the  sound  of  music 
— Bordoni  conNicted— His  family  influence— Podesta  retires  to  Siena— PubUc 
feeling  high— Podcstii  returns— Bordoni  beheaded— Famine— Montepulciano  and 
Siena— Usurpations  how  considered— San  Gimignano  gives  itself  to  Florence— Fair 
conduct  of  the  latter— St.  Gimignano  incorporated  in  Contado— War  between 
Genoa  and  Venice— Genoa  under  Viseonti— The  latter  angry  with  Florence,  who 
refuses  to  join  Venice  against  liim— Nobles  raised  to  the  rank  of  com- 
moners     rage  161  to  198 


aLVPTER  XXII. 

(FROM  A.D.   1349  TO  A.l».    1354.) 

Conduct  of  the  UbalcUni;  war  and  laws  against  them-State  of  Naplcs-^I;^rriage  of 
Giovanna-lntrigties  of  King  Lo^us  of  Hungary-Revolt  of  Aqudea-H.mgar.an 
advanc«l  gxiard  in  Italy-Charles  of  Durazzo  incUgnant  at  the  queen  s  mamage- 
Loms  arrives  in  person  with  60(10  horscv-The  court  of  Naples  m  contusion-thgh 
of  king  and  queen-Louis  at  Aversa-Murders  Durazzo  and  imprisons  the  royal 
princet-Leaves  Naples  for  Hungary  on  account  of  the  plague-Reaction  m  hivour 
of  Giovamla-A^-ignon  sold  to  the  Popes-The  king  and  queen  prepare  to  r^^. 
to  Naples-Duke  Werner  engaged  by  them-His  excesses  and  ^'•^-^^f^'^-^f^^^^^^ 
flture  of  Neaix,litan  barons-Truce  between  Naples  and  Ilungary-Lologna-Col 
di  Rienzo-Pisan  factions  of  the  Raspanti  and  Bergolini-Lucchino  Msconti  and 
Genoa-Mantua-War  in  Lombardy-Lucchino's  death-Succeeded  by  the  arch- 
brop-Unsettled  condition  of  other  states-Affairs  of  Florence-Defensive  im-a. 
sore^Prato  purchased  from  Naples-Giovanni  Visconti's  jx^wer  and  anibUion^^ 
Jubilee  of  ISoLAmbition  of  Clement  M.-IIector  de  Durfoit-Affairs  of  Komagn 
-TTie  Peppoli  Revolution  of  Bologna-Sold  to  MUan-Visconti's  quarrel  Anth  the 
Pope-ReeonciUation-Receives  the    invesUture   of   Bologna   ^^0"^ /^^"^^^  " 
Attempted  Lea^e  against  Visconti-Fails  in  consequence  of  Mastino  della  Scala  . 
death-Fears  of  norence-Pistoia  besieged  and  g;irrisoned  agamst  Mseonti-Hi> 
ambition-Diet  of  Ghibclines  at  Milan  against  Horenee-HjTocrisy  ot  Msconti- 
Supineness  of  Florence-Invasion  of  her  territory  by  Visconti-Extensive  con- 
federacv  against  and  danger  of  Florence-Milanese  occupy  the  plain  of  Horence- 
Their  ^stress  and  danger-Secure  a  retreat  by  the  bad  conduct  of  a  Florentine 
officer-Their  operations  in  Mugello-Piero  Sacconi  and  the  Ubalchm  attack  the 
Florentines-DLstress  of  Horence-Its  spirit-Siege   of   Scari>ena   and    gallant 
defence-Saccone  cuts  off  a  detachment   from   Perugia-Failure   ot    Giovanm 
d'Oleggio  before  Scarperia-The  Milanese  army  retreats-Rewards-Measures  of 
defence  against  Milan- League-No  confidence  in  the  Pope-  InvitaUon  to  Louisof 
Bavaria-New  financial  board-CommuiatifliUutUiJhtar;'  service:-Merce5aries^ 
Observations  thereon-Tj««.,    La  ';  <  .abclUi.deUe  Querimonie"-Regulaton  a  new 
financial  board-Law  about  embassies -Pope  Qement's  reconcihation  with  \  isconti 
-Its  effects  at  Florence^Treaty  with  Charles  IV.  pubUshed-Ambassadors  sent  to 
him-Their  faUure-War  in  Upper  Val  d'Amo-F.  Castracani  curbed- Saccone 
burns  Figlini-War  with  Ubaldini-Shameful  defeat  of  the  Horentmes  by  a  body 
of  peasantrv-Wish  for  peac(>-Death  of  Dement  Vl.-IIis  character  and  that  of 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

(FUOM   A.D.    1354  TO   A.D.   1359.) 

New  troubles- The  Chevalier  de  Montreal  and  his  company— Its  government  and  his  bold 
design— Attacks  Malatcsta— Who  appeals  to  the  Tuscan  states— Their  indifference— 
Progi-css  of  the  ''Great  Company'' -Lcaguo  of  Florence,  Siena,  and  Perugia  against 
it— Montreal's  artful  conduct  and  its  disastrous  effects— Florence  deserted  by  her 
aUies— CompeUed  to  pay  Uke  the  rest— The  Company  passes  into  Lombardy— 
Montreal  at  Rome— Beheaded  by  Cola  di  Ricnzi— Adventures  and  Restoration  of 
the  latter  by  CarcUnal  Albornoz -Enthusiasm  of  the  Romans  for  him— His  obUga- 
tions  and  treachery  to  Montreal-IIis  weakness  and  cruelty— Stefano  Colonna 
revolts— Rionzo's  popularity  gone— A  sedition  and  his  weakness— Besieged  in  his 
palace— Taken— Murdered- Affairs  of  Florence— Quarrel  of  the  Ricci  and  Albizzi— 
Party  Guelph— New  laws  proposed  against  Ghibelincs  by  the  Ricci— Piero  Albizzi's 
artful  conduct  and  its  eonseciuenccs— Milan  at  war  with  Venice— Lombard  League 
against  Viseonti— Florence  refuses  to  join— Treaty  of  the  League  with  the  Emperor 
—His  love  of  gain  and  artful  conduct  -Boccaccio  ambassador  at  Arignon— Charles 
IV.  blamed  by  Petrarch— His  movements— Attempts  to  make  peace  in  Lombardy 
— CroMTied  at  Milan— Giovanni  Archbishop  of  ^lilan  dies— Partition  of  liis  domi- 
nions between  Matteo,  Bernabo  and  Galeazzo  Viseonti— Florence  uneasy  at  the 
imperial  visit— Creates  a  board  of  national  defence— Another  of  war  and  iieace— 
Qivic  troops  embocUed- Endeavom-s  to  unite  Guelphic  Tuscany— Watches  her 
subjccFstafes— Influence  of  the  emperors  in  Italy— Obser\'ations  and  opinions  on 
their  rights  there— Conduct  of  the  Viseonti— Charles  arrives  at  Pisa— Florentine 
embassy— Its  language  and  conduct— Anger  of  the  Court— Deserted  by  Siena  and 
other  places— Negotiations  with  Charles— At  last  concluded— Tenns  of  agreement 
are  unpopular  at  Florence— Sorrow  of  the  citizens— Siena— Its  troubles  and  fac- 
tions—Charles arrives  there— Deposes  the  gevernment  of  "  Nine  "—Assumes  the 
Lordshii>— Proceeds  to  Rome— Returns— Leaves  his  brother  to  govern  Siena- 
Goes  on  to  Pisa— Disorders  there— New  revolution  at  Siena— The  Vicar  cUsmissed 
—Siena  again  free— Altairs  of  I'isa— Lucca— Charles's  conduct  to  the  Gambacorti— 
Seditions— Revolt  of  Lucca— Put  down -Charles's  plans  baffled— His  cruel  treat- 
ment of  the  Gambacorti— Departs  for  Pietra  Santa  and  then  for  Germany— Charac- 
ter  of  the  Gambacorti— Their  loss  to  Pisa  and  norence-;;Newjaw8;:::^;qbljss^th 
restricted— Attempt  to  register  real  property  at  Florence— Fails— Count  Lando— 
League  against  him— Angry  fcelmg  of  Pisa  against  Florence— Its  consequences- 
Disputes-"  I?K'ci  del  Mare"  created- Their  acts— Port  of  Talamone— Effects  of 


CONTEXTS. 

the  withdrawal  of  commerce  from  l*isa— Death  of  Picro  Saccone— Anecdote  of  him 
—Count  Lando  in  La  M  area— Florence  embodies  native  troops— Mountain  passes 
occupied— Negotiations  with  Lando— Encouragement  and  pay  of  crossbow-men 
— Pisan  folly  and  conduct— Aided  by  lioccanegra  of  Genoa— Lucca's  subjection 
prolonged— Forbearance  of  norencc— Lando  again  in  Uomagna— Defensive  mea- 
sures—Albomoz  pressed  by  the  Great  Company-- Publishes  a  crusade  against  it- 
Collects  money  and  troops  in  Horence— Enthusiasm  of  the  latter— Albonioz  treats 
■with  Lando— Horence  p;iy*— Pisa,  Siena,  and  Perugia  refuse— Profound  peace  of 
Florence— IXjmestic  aifairs— The  "  IHcieto"— Its  effects— Power  changes  hands- 
Political  intrigues—  Cry  against  Ghibelines— Ricci's  law  enforce<l— Its  e%-il  conse- 
quences—Great power  of  the  Party  Guelph— Their  tyranny— Chocks  and  restric- 
tions of  their  power— "  yimwo/uVi,"  what  ?— Terror  of  the  Florentines  at  this  new 
tyranny— Uguccione  Ricci's  exertions  and  final  success  to  restrict  this  power- 
Formation  of  first  naval  armament  of  Horence— Trade  to  Talamonc  declared  free 
by  Pisa— Disputes  of  Siena  and  Perugia— Great  Company  hired  by  the  former- 
Free  passage  demanded  by  Great  Company  thrf>ugh  the  Florentine  states— Refused 
and  consequences -Disaster  of  the  Scalelle— Part  of  the  Company  escapes— Peace 
between  Siena  and  Penigia— Bad  conduct  of  the  Horentine  ambassadors  in  assist- 
ing the  remnant  of  the  Great  Company  to  escape — Opinions  and  conduct  of  the 
Florentines — Their  mcasiu-es  imd  subsequent  discontent — Great  influence  of  the 
ambassadors  in  the  public  councils — After-movements  of  the  Companv  and  Flo- 
rence— Defensive  me;u>.ures— I'andolfo  Malatcsta  made  general  of  the  Florentines— 
Albomoz  in  Horence  Haughty  conduct  of  the  Florentine  ambassadors— They  are 
absolved — Observations  on  this  government    .  .  .  Page  199  to  24G 


C1L\PTER  XXIV. 

(from  a.d.  1359  TO  A.D.  1365.) 

Observations— Financial  state  of  Horence— Count  Lando's  projects— Operations  of  the 
company— Its  anger  at  Florence— Severe  winter— Treaty  ^ith  Lando  concluded  by 
Albomoz  on  the  part  of  Horence — Spirited  conduct  of  the  latter-  l*ublic  indigna- 
tion—Offers—Deceit of  AllK>moz— Strength  and  excesses  of  the  company— Florence 
alone  against  the  company— Defensive  works  in  Lombardy— Florence  assembles  her 
army— Bad  conduct  of  her  allies— Supportetl  by  the  rest  of  ItiUy— Perugia's 
treachery  -  Siena — Pisa— Florence  rejects  all  overtiu-es  with  the  company — Lando 
skirts  the  frontier— Opposed  by  Pandolfo— Baffleil- Shamed,  and  forced  to  depart— 
Company  broken  up— Pandolfo's  triumph  and  modesty— (Observations— Laws— New 
*•  iJ/Wiwo"- War  in  the  Casentino— Bibbiena  acquiretl- Other  acquisitions— Tarlati 
hiunbled— Tano  degli  Alberti— Anecdote— n)ertini  and  Ubaldini  citizens  of  Flo- 

Irence- Law  of  admonition- Its  evil— Discontent— Conspiracy  of  Bartolommeo  de' 
Medici  and  others— Detected— Repressed  with  mercy— Two  interesting  events  at 
Scarperio  and  Perugia— Triennial  scrutiny  at  ITorcnCfi-r- Conniption  in  election 
matters  — Briber} —Legislation— Interference  of  foreign  powers— Party  Guelph 
strengthened— Nobility  compelled  to  change  their  name  when  made  commoners — 
State  of  riding  party  in  Florence— Its  general  conduct— Volterra  falls  under  the 
rule  of  Horence- Pisa  angry— I'iero  Gambacorti's  prophecy—  Designs  of  Pisa- 
War  inevitable  with  Horence— Pietrabuona—IMero  Gambacorti  invades  the  I*i8an 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


state— Remonstrances— Denial— War  ready  to  break  out— A  great  council  assem- 
bled at  Horence— Zato  Passavanti's  speech— War  determined  on— A  board  called 
"  Gli  otto  della  Ouerra"  created— Bonifazio  Lupo  general— Pietrabuona  surrenders 
to  the  Pisans— Preparations  for  war— Coolness  of  Siena  and  Perugia— Superstition 
—Boasts  of  the  Pisans— Progress  of  the  war  by  sea  and  land— Porto  Pisano  taken 
by  Grimaldi— Neutrality  of  Genoa— Lupo  removed  from  the  command— Ridolfo  da 
Camci-ino  succeeds— His  general  inability— Army  in  disorder— Mutiny-Company 
of  the  Cappellctto— New  military  regulations— Observations— Pisa's  cruel  conduct 
to  Lucca— State  of  Florentine  army— Military  bank  of  loan— Piero  Farnese  general 
of  Horence— Attempts  Lucca  by  treachery— Fails— Gallant  conduct  of  two  Horen- 
tine  officers  —  Farnese  defeats  the  Pisans  near  Bagno  a  Vena  —  Altopascio  lost— 
Pimishment— Private  character  of  this  war— Prosecution  of  the  campaign— Victory 
of  Faniese  near  Pisa— Siege  of  Barga  raised— Plague  rages- Army  infected— Far- 
nese dies  of  it— Funeral  honours— I  lis  brother  Rinnuccio  general— The  English 
White  company— Force  of  the  Pisan  army  luider  Ghfsello  degli  Ubaldini— Observa- 
tions—The  plain  of  Florence  invaded  and  ravaged— Army  retires  to  Pisa— Ghisello 
rtieg—Plague  still  in  Florence— Death  of  Matteo  Mllani  the  historian— His  charac- 
ter—Observations—State  of  Florence— Discontent— Preparations  for  next  campaign 
— Pandolfo  Malatesta  oftered  the  command  of  the  army— llis  intrigues— He  arrives 
at  Horence— War  in  Upper  Val  d'Arno— Malatesta's  treachery  and  ambition— 
Horentine  camp  taken  by  the  English,  who  threaten  Florence— Pandolfo's  bold 
demimds  rejected— Pcruzzi's  speech— Threats  of  the  English— Eipoli  plundered— 
Dread  of  the  English— Obscivations— Pandolfo's  views— Destruction  of  the  Cap- 
pellctto company  —  Threats  of  the  Engli5h— San  Sahi  —  Confusion  at  Horence— 
Pandolfo's  treachery  palpable— The  English  retreat  by  Chianti— Vigour  of  the  Ho- 
rentine government  against  Pandolfo— English  at  Pisa— Lances,  what  ?— English 
troops  and  mode  of  fighting  descrilx-d— Their  hardihood— Ilawkwood— Their  winter 
campaign — Unsuccessful— Baumgarten  and  his  Germans  join  the  Pisans,  who  try 
for  i>eacc,  but  fail— Their  confidence- Financial  state  of  Horence  exhibited— Hos- 
tilities rccoumience— Plain  of  Florence  again  overrun— Insults— English  penetrate 
the  Mugello— Pandolfo's  conduct— English  beaten  in  MugcUo— Gallant  conduct  of 
a  Gei-man  knight— English  retreat- ^Malatesta  dismissed— The  Vb^n  army  spread 
over  the  plain— Gallant  defence  of  the  Pctraia  or  BruncUesco  tower- Hesole  and 
Montughi  occupied— Attack  and  defence  of  Porto  san  CJallo— New-made  knights- 
Night  alarm  of  Horence — Pisiin  army  dislodge — Repulsed  beyond  Amo — Retire  to 
Upper  Val  d  'Arno  and  then  to  Pisa— Their  loss— Horentines  invade  the  Pisan  ter- 
ritory and  return  safe  under  Hem  y  de  Montfort— All  the  English  bribed  to  leave  the 
Pisan  service  except  Ilawkwood— Galeotto  Malatesta  general— Battle  of  Cascina — 
Hawkwood  repulsed  witli  k)ss— Intrigues  of  Malatesta— Discontent  of  the  soldiers 
—Treatment  of  Pisan  prisoners—"  Tttto  de''  Pimni "  built —Troops  still  mutinous 
— Affray  between  Germans  and  English — Army  divided— Peace  wished  for — Nego- 
tiations at  Pescia— Revolution  at  Pisa— Giovanni  d' Agr.ello— His  intrigues— Makes 
himself  Doge  of  Pisa —Peace  concluded— Conditions  favoui*ablc  to  Florence — Reflec- 
tions on  the  war  .......  Page  247  to  322 


xu 


CONTEXTS. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


(from  A.I).  1364  TO  A.D.  1371.) 

Disquiet  of  Florence— Comi)anic8,  at  A^^p:non— The  White  companj- — renters  Piedmont- 
Carries  the  plague — The  Visconti  shut  themselves  uji — Bemab<)"s  precautions,  and 
report  of  his  death— Plajfue  one  >-ear  later  in  Tuscany— Tliat  province  harassed  by 
the  companies — Conduct  of  Horence — Offers  made  to  the  i)opc— Comptiny  of  Saint 
George — Bargain  with  it— All  Itidy  disturbed  by  the  Condottieri— Policy  of  Florence 
— Star  company— Joins  Baimigarton  ;md  defeats  IIa\rkwoo<l  near  Perugia— Again 
in  the  Maremma— EngUsh  retire  towards  Genoa  —Treaty  between  Siena  and  Florence 
—  Restoration  of  the  "Capitano  del  Popolo "— Reform  of  Pmlesta's  coxmcil— 
Nobility  "itill  retain  some  power— General  confederacy  against  all  new  companies— 
Vrban  V.  pontiff^Avignon — Character  of  the  city  and  papal  court — Its  dependance 
on  France — Observations  on  the  ecclesiastical  power— Papal  residence  out  of  Italy 
impopular  there — Petrarcli's  exhortations  supposed  to  have  intiuenced  I'rban  to 
return  to  Italy — Condottieri  just  then  a  more  powerful  stinudus— Urban's  quar- 
rels  with  Bemabo— Resolves  in  concert  with  the  emi)eror  to  remove  to  Rome  an'd 
extirpate  the  Visconti  —  Negotiates  with  Florence  —  Settlement  with  Charles- 
Returns  to  Italy— .Vlbomoz  dies — Ilis  treaty  against  Bcrnabo— Florence  declines  to 
join — She  sends  ambtxssadoi-s  to  the  emperor — Urban  endeavours  to  induce  Florence 
to  join  him  but  fails— Pope  displeased— Se<lition  at  Viterbo — Pope  succoiu-ed  by 
Florence — Revolt  of  San  Miniato — Pacified  for  a  moment — Emperor's  aiTival — The 
Viiconti's  unpopularity— Fears  of  Florence  abmit  the  emperor — His  operations  and 
treachery  in  Lombardy— Treats  with  Bemabo— Variety  of  nations  in  the  Italian 
armies— Emperor's  progress— Agnello's  negotiations  and  their  result — Lucca  given 
to  Charles  —  Pisa  revolts — Becomes  free —  Armed  association  of  Saint  Michael — 
Cambacorti  restored- His  conduct — Cliarles  attempts  Pisa— Rei)ulscd— Emperor's 
anger  at  Florence— She  appeals  to  the  pope — She  arms— Then  buys  the  emperor's 
peace — Charles  IV,  intrigues  at  Siena— Is  driven  from  the  town— Retires  to  Lucca 
— Resolves  to  extract  money  and  return  home —  Plorence  and  Urban  alarmed — 
They  reconcile  Pisa  with  Charles— The  Lucchcse  buy  their  freedom— Their  spirit— 
.^mmerce  of  Porto  Pisano  restored — Charles  returns  to  Germany — San  Miniato 
besieged  by  Florence — (iuarrel  with  Bemabo— Hawkwood  advances  to  Cascina — 
League  with  Urban  and  others — Folly  of  the  Seignory — The  pope  excommunicates 
Bemab6— Reception  of  his  ambassadors  at  Milan — Florentines  defeated  by  Hawk- 
wood — He  overruns  the  plain  of  Horence — San  Miniato  taken — Joy  of  the  Floren- 
tines— Borrommei  family — ^lanno  Donati  sent  to  Ltimbanly — BemabCi  attempts 
Lucca  and  Pisa — Fails— Power  of  Piero  Gambacorti— Hawkwood  retires — Lucca 
fiet  entirely  firee — Agisted  by  Florence — Death  of  Manno  Donati— Peace  with  Ber- 
Iiab6 — The  influence  of  Horence  increases  —  Urban  ^■.  returns  to  A^-ignon — His 
general  character  and  death — Petrarca's  opinion  of  him — Gregory  XL — An  embassy 
from  Florence — She  becomes  alarmed  at  the  church — Endeavours  to  make  a  league 
— Fails — Concludes  one  with  the  pojje  and  other  states — Internal  troubles — Ricci 
and  Albizzi— Ricci  gonfalonier — Disappointp  the  people  and  it?  reconciled  with  Kero 
Albizzi  —  Discontent  and  suspicions  of  the  ijcople — Benchi  Buondelmonte  —  Joins 
tile  Albizzi— Conduct  of  the  party  Guclph— Obscuiity  of  the  niacbiner)-  of  Florcn- 


CONTENTS. 


XUl 


tine  government— Rosso  de'  Ricci's  conduct— Bartolo  Siminolti's  outrageous  pro- 
ceeding—Meetings of  the  citizens  in  consequence  at  San  Piero  Schereggio— Adch^ss 
to  the  Seignory— Their  proiwsition- Speech  of  Filippo  Bastari— Recrimination  of 
the  factions— Reforms  and  abasement  of  both— Measures  of  the  BaUi— "  The  Ten 
0/  Libert]/"— MegMore  Guadagni  —  Further  measiu-e  against  the  Albiz/i— Piero 
Petriboni— Persecuted— Obsci-vations— New  opposition  to  party  Guelph— Megalotti 
Lapo  lU  CastigUonchio— Party  Guelph  in  danger— Measures  faU— Minor  trades 
admitted  to  the  council  of  commerce— Proceedings  against  the  ITjaldini— Power  of 
the  church—"  Elyht  of  the  Aljjs "—'Mahmrdo  Ubaldino  beheaded  —  That  fanuly 
entirely  subdued Page  323  to  366 


CHAPTER  XXVL 
(from  A.D.  1373  TO  A.D.   1378.) 
state  of  Italy— Naples— Sicily  ceded  to  Aragon— Venice— Bologna  — Milanese  affairs 
—Siege  of  Pana— Fra  Jacopo  Bussolari— Revolt  of  Genoa— Canlinal  Albomoz  in 
Romagna— Siege  of  Cesina— Peace  in  Lombardy— Second  siege  of  Pa^•ia— Surren- 
ders to  Galeazzo— Peace  in  Romagna— Oleggio  cedes  Bologna  to  the  church- 
League  against  :Milan  in  which  Horence  refuses  to  join— War  in  Lombardy— Ber- 
nab6  excommunicated  and  unsuccessful— Relinquishes  his  claims  on  Bologna — 
Peace  of  1 3G4— Visconte  prepares  for  war— Company  of  St.  George  raised  by  his 
son— Who  marches  to  Naples— Is  defeated  and  made  prisoner— Marriage  of  Violante 
Visconte  with  Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence— Bcrnabo  acquires  Sarzana  and  Reggio— 
Treachery  of  Este  and  Lando— Death  of  the  Marqius  of  Monferrato— AVar  on  both 
the  Visconti— Allies  defeated  by  Ambrogio  Visconte  —  Bernabb's  cruelty— Hawk- 
wood  quits  the  Visconti  and  joins  the  pope— Truce— Broken  by  Ambrogio— Tithe 
imposed  on  England  and  other  countries  for  this  war  — Two  powerful  armies 
against  the  two  Visconti  —  And  both  princes  excommunicated  1373— Its  conse- 
quences— War  recommenced— Ambrogio  defeated  by  Hawkwood  at  Panaro — Its 
consequences — Beats  Ikriiabu  at  Gavardo — Revolts- Death  of  Ambrogio  Visconte — 
Avarice  of  the  papal  legates  prevents  peace— Church  property  usuri^ed  in  the  pope's 
absence  at  Avignon— Recovered  by  Albomoz— His  character— Evil  effects  of  foreign 
government  of  church  dominions — Truce  between  Bernabd  and  the  pope — State  of 
Florence— Conduct  of  William  de  Noellet  legate  of  Bolouna— His  false  estimate  of 
the  Florentine  character— His  ambitious  views— Sends  Hawkwood  to  ravage  their 
territor}'— Out-witted  by  them— War  resolved  on  against  the  church— Otto  della 
Guerra  created— Vigorous  measures— Papal  anger,  and  spirit  of  the  Florentines- 
League  with  Bernab6— Able  conduct  of  the  Eight— Standard  of  Liberty— Universa 
revolt  of  papal  towns— Disinterestedness  of  Florence— Alarm  of  Pope  Gregory  XI. 
—He  engages  the  Breton  company— Their  boasting— Attempt  at  peace— Revolt  of 
Bologna— Blame  and  conduct  of  Florence— Firmness  of  the  government— Cruel 
plunder  of  Faenza  by  Hawkwood— Evil  effects  of  excommmiication  on  Florentine 
commerce— The  Florentines  cited  to  appear  at  Avignon— Donato  Barbadori's  bold 
defence  of  the  republic— The  pope's  reply— Florence  condemned— Her  firmness — 
Party  discontent— Ambassadors  sent  to  justify  her  conduct  throughout  Europe — 
Honours  to  the  Eight  of  War— Called  Eight  Saints— Defensive  measui-es- Succours 
to  Bologna  under  Ridolfo  da  Varano— Bologna  invested  by  the  Bretons  under  the 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CONTEXTS. 


XV 


Cardinal  of  GcncTa— His  crueltj'— Duels  between  two  Bretons  and  two  Italians— 
Devastation  of  the  Bretons— Horrid  fate  of  Cesina  -  Unites  the  league  more  firmly 
—The  Breton  leaders  bribed  and  Hawkwood  engaged  by  Florence— Faithlessness 
of  Ridolfo  da  Varano— Church  projierty  seized— The  pope  arrives  in  luly— State  of 
Rome— Vainly  urged  by  Horence  to  revolt— Coluccio  Salutati's  letter — Produces 
some  effect — Vain  endeavours  at  peace— Bologna  returns  to  the  church— Negotia- 
tions for  peace  begun  at  Sarzana  under  Bcrnab6's  mediation— Death  of  Gregory  XL 
—Election  of  Urban  "VI.— War  tacitly  ceases  on  the  pope's  death  .    Page  367  to  406 


CIUPTEll  XXVII. 

(from  a.d.  1377  TO  A.D.  1390.) 

Domestic  affairs  of  Florence— State  of  parties— Giorgio  Scali— Terror  inspired  by  the 
Capiiani  of  the  party  Guelph— Tlieir  artful  conduct— Right  of  petition  abu-^ed  and 
reformed— Fear  of  opposing  the  party  —  Giovanni  Dini  admonished— Increased 
audacity  of  the  party  Guelph— vSaint  Cathciine  of  Siena— Agitation,  and  insults  to 
the  admonished — The  community  wearied— Preparations  for  revolution — Salvesiro 
de'  Medici— Chiefs  of  the  tMo  factions— Bold  design  of  the  Guelphs— Lapo  da  Cas- 
tiglionchio's  promptitude— Piero  degli  Albizzi's  delay — Their  compiict  with  Sal- 
vestro — Broken— His  anger,  and  its  effects — His  measures— Affects  to  resign  the 
gonfaloniership  —Tumults  in  the  council  and  city — His  measures  pass— Tumults 
continue — SjTidics  of  trades — Different  views — Hence  confusion — Armed  meetings 
— A  Balii  created — Outrages  begin — Lapo's  house  burned — He  escapes  in  disguise — 
More  riots — The  atlmonishcd  restored  on  conditions — Luigi  Guicciardini  gonfalo- 
nier attempts  to  restore  i^eace- Great  agitation  in  the  city — New  SjTidics  chosen — 
New  measures— Arms  again  resorted  to— The  government  intimidated — Salvestro's 
popularity — Guicciardini's  speech— Discontent  of  the  populace — Their  grievances 
'  — Opposition  of  the  upper  and  lower  trades— Wool-trade— Its  power  and  jurisdic- 
tion:=dOnipf-M)rigIn  of  the  name— Secret  meeting  of  the  populace  at  Ronca— 
Their  views  unfolded — Revolt  determined — Tlieir  intentions  discovered — 8alvcstro 
and  other  leaders  implicated— Tumult  of  the  Ciompi— Their  success  and  excesses — 
Create  knights  —  Their  inconsistency  —  They  take  the  Podesta's  paLice  —  Their 
demands — Not  unreasonable — Granted— People  impatient  and  suspicious— Expel 
the  Seignory— Occupy  the  palace— Michele  di  Lando  gonfalonier— His  prudence — 
Restores  order— Commands  the  Eight  of  War  to  quit  the  palace— Is  thought  to 
favour  the  rich— Discontent  and  di^•ision  of  his  own  party — Council  of  Eight  of  St». 
MiU"ia  Novella— Their  audacity  and  demands— Lando  wounds  and  imprisons  their 
deputies,  arms  the  city  and  disperses  them— Resigns  office — Resolutions  against 
the  Ciompi — Giorgio  Scali  and  his  faction  again  in  power  —  The  two  councils  of 
Podesti  and  Captain  of  the  people  reformed — Public  measures— Peace  by  treaty 
with  the  pope — Interdict  removed — Law  to  check  war —  State  of  Florence  after 
these  events — Popular  and  plebeian  parties — New  scrutiny — Constitutional  reforms 
— Union  Priorate— Population — Dissatisfaction — Vicious  system  of  criminal  law — 
Discontented  Guelphs— Formation  of  free  companies— Leagues— Plots— Piero  degli 
Albizzi — Donate  Barbadori  accused  and  executed  amidst  imiversal  tumult — New 
Balia — Exiles— Affairs  of  Naples — Alberigo  di  Barbiano— Beaten  at  Malmantile  by 
Everard  Lando— Charles  of  Durazzo  asks  aid  from  Florence— la  refused— Restora- 


tion of  church  property— Florentine  ambassador  murdcre  \  at  Arezzo— Consequcn  ccs 
—Eight  of  Peace  and  Eight  of  War— Treaty  with  and  departure  of  Durazzo— Discon- 
tent and  absence  of  rich  citizens— Compelled  to  return— Bad  laws  of  the  minor 
trades— National  bankruptcy — Estimo— State  of  Florence— Tyrannical  conduct  of 
the  governing  faction— Giovanni  Cambi  falsely  accused— Scali  and  Strozzi's  ^^o- 
lence— The  former  beheaded— Barbarities— Children— State  of  the  city— The  noble 
Popolani  begin  to  rise— Guelphic  standard  raised— The  wool-trade  takes  the  lead 
—Demands  reform— A  new  Balia— Discontent  of  the  minor  arts  and  nobles— New 
plots— Timiult— Fear  of  the  Condotticri— New  constitutional  reforms— New  BaliSL 
—New  exiles— Michele  di  Lando  banished— New  plots— New  sedition  of  the  Ciompi 
—Its  success  and  final  repulse— Arezzo  offered  for  sale— Difllcult  politics  of  Florence 
—Charles  of  Anjou  arrives  in  Italy— Another  plot  of  the  Ciompi  detected— A  new 
Balik— The  two  great  councils  again  altered— Natural  calamities  and  public  misery 
—Another  tumult  of  the  Ciompi— Bad  feeling  of  the  Florentine  citizens— Power 
and  character  weakened  by  their  excesses— De  Coucy's  arrival— Occupies  Arezzo 
which  is  besieged  by  Florence  and  on  Anjou's  death  sold  to  her— Fine  organisation 
of  Florentine  militia— Cost  of  Arczzo—Rejoicings— Magnificence  of  Alberti— Union 
scrutiny— Vast  numl)er  of  Condottieri— Leagues  against  them— Durazzo  king  of 
Hungary— Murdered—Affairs  of  Naples  and  endeavours  of  Horence  to  pacify  it- 
Fall  and  exile  of  Benedetto  degli  Alberti— His  death  and  character— Violence  of 
Faction— The  BorselUno —  FlorovAinos  naturally  peace-makers— Alarmed  at  the 
progress  of  Visconte  and  the  conduct  of  Siena— Urban's  violence  at  Perugia— Dis- 
putes witli  Siena- Montepulciano  gives  itself  to  Florence— Discontent  of  Siena— 
Visconte  intervenes  as  a  mediator— New  league— Conquest  of  Padua  and  Verona- 
Florentine  advice  to  the  i^eople  of  Montepulciano— Recalls  her  troops— Her  alarm- 
ing state— Offers  to  lYance— Gian-Galeazzo  angry  — Piero  Gambacorti  effects  a 
general  reconcUiation— Death  of  Urban  VI.  at  Rome— Boniface  IX.— His  character 
—War  inevitable— Gloomy  character  of  the  age— Cotemporary  monarchs. 

Page  407  to  467 


CHAPTER  XXMII. 

(from  a.u.  1390  TO  A.D.  1402.) 
State  of  Florence  after  twelve  years'  peace— Her  public  spirit  and  poUtics— Gian-GaleazzD 
Visconte  Count  of  Vertii— His  dissimulation— Dethrones  and  poisons  Bernab6,  hLs 
son  and  his  own  sister— Abolishes  some  taxes  and  is  popular— Plague  of  dogs— War 
between  Padua  and  Verona— Gian-Galeazzo's  cunning— Seizes  Verona— Fall  of  the 
Scala  family— Quarrels  with  Francesco  da  Carrara— Marries  his  daughter  Valentina 
to  Louis  of  Turenne— Besieges  Padua— FaU  of  the  Carrara  fiimily  and  conquest  of 
Padua— Alarm  of  Italy— Of  Florence— Ricci's  speech— War  resolved  on— Ten  of  the 
Balik— Ilawkwood  engaged  by  Florence  and  sent  to  Bologna— Ho^tilitte^  begin  in 
the  Senese  state  — Jacopo  del  Verme  enters  the  Bolognese  — Is  unsuccessful  — 
Repulsed  by  Giovanni  da  Barbiano  —  Retreats  —  Bombarde—Y<^ng  Francesco  da 
Carrara  retakes  Padua— And  recovers  all  his  dominions  —  Verona  revolts  — Is 
retaken  with  great  cruelty— Stephen  of  Bavaria  arrives  at  Padua  in  aid  of  the 
allies— Ferrara  makes  peace  mth  them— Conduct  of  Stephen  and  its  consequences 
—King  of  France's  terms  rejected  and  Count  d'Armagnac  engaged  by  Florence— 
Mantua  detached  from  Visconte- Plan  to  murder  Hawkwood  and  Carrara— Plan  of 


/ 


xvi  CONTEXTS. 

campaifm— Advance  of  Hawkwootl  to-wards  :>Iilan— Forced  to  retreat  by  Jacopo  del 
Vcrme— Uncertainty  of  this  movement  as  related  by  different  authors— Its  ability 
and  8uccesf»— Count  d'Armagiiac's  defeat  and  death  at  Alexandria— Enormous  cost 
of  the  expedition— Florentine  ambassadors  prisoners— Ilansome<l—^■erme  marches 
ajfaini't  Hawkwood— Skilful  conduct  of  the  latter— His  tine  retreat  and  dangerous 
situation— Finally  saves  his  army— Discrepimce  of  Italian  authors  on  this  transac- 
tion—Ha-wkwood  made  a  citizen  of  Florence  and  his  family  pro^^ded  for— Alarm  at 
Florence— Fears  for  Bologna— Ilawkwoocl  orderetl  to  that  city-  Invasion  of  Tus- 
cany by  Del  Verme— Hawkwood  recaUed— Negotiations  for  peace  at  Genoa— Tuscan 
campaign— Hawkwood  surprised  at  Poggibonzi— The  Horentine  territory  ravaged 
by  Del  Vcrme— The  latter  partially  beaten  and  forced  to  retreat— Taddeo  del  Vcrme 
prisoner— Horentine  territory  cleared  of  enemies— Del  Verme  advances  once  more 
to  Cascina— norentine  suppUes  stopi^ed -Incursions  continued— A  Florentine  con- 
voy  captured— John  Belcott's  cowardice— Peace  of  Genoa— Conditions— Guido  del 
Paiagio's  spirited  declaration  —  Condottieri —Visconte's  intrigues— Revolution  at 
Lucca— LazzeroGuinigi— Pisa  troubled— Genoa  vexed— Perugia  in  disorder— Piero 
Gambacorta— His  government— Unpopularity— And  murder  by  Jacopo  d'Appiano 
—Revolution— Usurpation  of  the  latter— Hollow  tranquillity  of  Italy— Visconte  and 
Gonzagii's  quarrel— The  latter  kills  his  innocent  wife— Is  denounced  by  Galcazzo 
—Situation  of  Mantua— Visconte's  attempts  to  destroy  it— Fails— Revolution  at 
Ferrara— Convulsions  at  Genoa- Hawkwood's  death— His  discipline— Genoa  still 
convulsed— Gian-Galeazzo  Visconte  created  Duke  of  Milan  by  the  Emperor  Win- 
ceslas— Its  consequences— Alliance  of  Horencc  and  Lucca— Another  extensive  con- 
federacy of  Italiiin  states  — League  of  France  and  Florence— All  inconsequent- 
Battle  of  Nicopolis— Tlie  French  king  Charles  VI.  made  Lord  of  Genoa— Visconte 
sends  succours  to  Appiano  —  Miizo  degli  Albizzi  and  new  Baliii  blamed— Peace 
between  Lucca  and  Pisa— Appiano's  treachery— Attempts  to  surprise  San  Miniato 
—Fails^— Alarm  and  council  at  Florence— War  resolved  on— Incursions  of  Barbiano 
—Intrigues  of  Florence— Succours  sent  to  Mantua— Carlo  Malatesta— Dangerous 
state  of  that  city— Bridge  over  the  Po  destroyed  and  the  seraglio  of  Mantua  occu- 
pied—Defeat of  Milanese  armies  and  flotilla  by  Carlo  Malatesta,  Gouzaga,  and 
Francesco  Bembo  at  Govemola— Retreat  of  Del  Verme— Victory  not  followed  up- 
Milanese  victorious  on  the  Po  at  Borgoforte  and  Mantua  itself  in  danger— Peace 
talked  of— Negotiations  procrastinatetl— Venice  joins  the  league— Truce  for  ten 
years— Visconte's  duplicity— Attempts  to  gain  possession  of  Pisa  and  other  places 
—Fails— Death  of  Jacoix)  d'Appiano— His  son  Gherardo  sells  Pisa  to  Msconte— 
Dangerous  condition  of  Florence  and  state  of  Italy  and  Europe—"  WhiU  Penitents" 
— VL-H:ontc  Lord  of  Perugia— Revolution  in  Lucca— Which  falls  under  Visconte's 
influence— Venice  concludes  a  peace  with  Milan  independent  of  Florence  — The 
plague— League  with  the  new  emiK-ror  Robert  of  Bavaria— His  arrival  at  Trent- 
Giovanni  Bentevoglio  Lord  of  Bologna— Visconte's  intrigues  and  vast  preparations 
for  war— His  generals— Florentine  arrangements— Allies  beaten  m  a  skirmish— 
S«periority  of  the  Italian  men-at-arms— Allied  army  separates— Terror  of  Horence 
—Quarrels  with  the  emperor— Visconte  attacks  Bologna— Defeats  the  Florentine 
army  under  Bemardone  della  Serra— Ofters  i)eace— Despair  of  Horence— Gian- 
Galeazzo  dies  of  the  plague— His  character— Joy  of  the  Rorcntines— Internal  state 
of  Rorence— Miiso  degli  Albiz-zi— GonfiUonier  of  justice— His  hatred  of  the  Alberti 
—Creates  disturbance— A  parliament— A  Balia— Troops— Arbitrarj-  measures- 


CONTENTS. 


xvu 


Podesta  dismissed-Two  parties  in  arms-Donato  AcciajuoU  and  Rinaldo  Gianfig- 
lazzi  are  sent  to  pacify  the  people  who  demand  Vieri  de'  Medici  to  be  their  leader- 
His  refusal  and  spirited  answer  to  Antonio  de'  Medici-Quiets  the  people-Military 
preparations  of  the  government-Use  of  arms  forbidden-Baliil  augmented-Fur- 
ther  persecution  of  the  Alberti-Good  citizens  disgusted-Nobles  made  Popolani- 
Tyranny  of  the  faction  in  power  in  the  case  of  Gianfiglazzi-Donato  AcciajuoU  s 
disgrace  and  fall-More  persecution-Maso's  government  an  oUgarchy-Prmcipal 
chiefs-Conspiracy  against  him  by  eight  exiles  fails-Their  orat:on-.\nother  and 
more  alarming  plot  by  the  exiles  and  Visconte-Discovered  by  Salvestro  Cavicciuh 
-More  executions-Exiles  and  admonitions -The  Alberti  crushed-Reflections- 

,  Page  468  to  527 

Cotemporary  monarchs  .  •  •  •  •  ^  ^ 


MISCELLANEOUS  CHAPTER. 

FOURTEENTH  CENTVRY. 

Moral  and  political  reflections-Scanty  information  on  the  state  of  the  lower  classes- 
Pauperism  ef  Florence-Much  suffering  from  wars-Yet  wealthy-Higher  ransoms 
demanded  for  Florentines  than  others-Struggles  for  and  against  luxury-Simph- 
citv  of  manners  combined-Plain  food-Marriage  portions -Riches  of  Niccolaio 
degU  \lberti-His  charity-Magnificence  of  dress-Female  ornaments-Sumptuary 
laws  against  dress   and  entertainments  -  Buffoons   and  minstrels  -  Petrarch's 
account  of  them  in  a  letter  to  Boccaccio-Defensive  armour  partially  worn  by  the 
Florentines-Sacchetti's  account  of  the  fashions  of  his  day-The  head-gear  enor- 
mous-Monna  Diana-Change  of  dress  introduced  by  the  French  followers  of  the 
Duke  of  Athens-Splendour  of  pubUc  life  at  Florenc^Sir  John  Hawkwood's  fune- 
ral-Marriage  presents  of  dress  &c.  in  the  Pitti  famUy-Magnificence  of  dress  a 
prevaUing  taste  in  Italy-Francesco  Pippino  and  Giovanni  Musso's  accounts  of  dress 
food  and  manners-Taste  for  wines-And  cultivation  of  new  sorts-Wolves  com- 
mon in  the  ^ineyards  of  Porto  Venere-Marriage  feast  of  Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence 
at  Milan-Petrarch  honoured  there-Long  enduring  feasts-Efifect  of  sumptuary 
laws  on  the  Florentines- Petrarch's  letter  on  Horentine  luxury-Character  of 
norentine  wit  and  anecdote-Jews  availed  themselves  of  superstition-pverbeamg 
tyranny  of  the  rich  and  great-Illustrative  anecdote  of  this  amongst  the  Medici- 
Character  of  Florentine  society,  and  aristocratic  power  of  landholder^-Xlicnts- 
Slavery  still  existing-Buonaccorso  Pitti-His  esUibUshment-Rank  and  influence 
of  Florentine  merchants-Donati  AcciajuoU's  grandeur-AU  the  higher  trades 
honourable  to  every  rank-Trade  and  gambling  united-Buonaccorso  Pitti's  acts- 
Martial  spirit  of  the  Italians-That  of  the  English  and  Scotch  as  described  by 
Petrarch  and  its  change-Sallust-Causes  of  Italian  decay-Moral  character  of  their 
troops-Petrarch's  account  of  Avignon  and  its  maimers  and  morals-Reverence  of 
the  Florentines  for  the  church -Giovanni  Magalotti-Their  devotion  and  compunc 
tion  for  the  war  against  the  i^pe-Its  effects  on  the  pubUc  mind-Judicial  astrology 
and  superstitious  fears-Lay  companies-Desire  for  reUcs-This  religious  feehng  not 
general  in  Italy-Padua  and  Venice-Prevalence  of  Aristotle's  opinions  and  those  of 
Averroes-Sentence  of  young  Venetians  on  Petrarch-Ignorance  of  the  priesthood 
especially  at  A^^gnon-Right  of  sanctuary  modified  by  Urban  V.-Dress  of  the 
priesthood  reformed -Contributions  levied  by  Florence  on  the  clergy-ParUy 

VOL.  II.  ^ 


■f!ip^ 


will 


CONTENTS. 


repaid— Famines— Charitable  conduct  of  Florence— Madness  of  hunper— Immense 
cost  of  thes^e  scarcities— Regulations  for  feeding  the  i)eople  proposwl  by  Villani— 
His  astrology — Deplorable  scenes  in  the  market-place  in  times  of  famine— Officers 
of  abundance— Various  sorts  of  wheat— average  produce  of  the  district  compared 
with  consiunption— Ibices  of  wheats— General  licence  for  making  and  sale  of  bread 
— Its  good  effect*- Kevenue  and  expenditure  of  Horence- Table  of  it— Public 
salaries — Retiections  on   them — Prosperous  condition  of  Florence — Population — 
Militia  according  to  Goro  Dati— Births,  male  and  female- Schools — Convents,  &c. 
— Monasteries — Churches— Parishes — Wool-trade— Workshops— Work  done  &c. — 
Bankers  and  other  trades— Ovens— Consumption  of  food,  wine,  fruit  ^tc- Foreign 
magistrates— Dwellings— Town  and  country,  numerous  and  magnificent  —  The 
wonder  of  foreigners— Ariosto's  description  of  them— Architecture  -Reflections  on 
it— Democracy  favourable  to  art— Excites  energy  and  spirit— Encouragement  given 
to  building— Improvement  of  houses  itc— Suburbs  extensive— Walls— Santa  Croce 
—Cathedral— Baptistry— Santa  Reparata- Artists  employed  successively  on  the 
Duomo — Its  cost— Florence  s\)CJ\i  more  on  buildings  than  on  wars  -  (Jiotto's  tower 
— Arnolfo  di  Cambio— Castello  Ciuaratcsi  otters  to  finish  the  front  of  Sta.  Croce— Is 
refused— Loggia  della  Pi;iz/a— Michael  Angelo's  proposal— Guelph  and  Ghibeline 
distinctions  infect  the  arts,  dress  itc— Military  architecture— Military  establish- 
ment of  Florence— Insufficient  for  garrisons    Substitutes— The  inhabitants— Cas- 
telli—Rocchc— Inroads,  their  nature— Camps  -Battles    seldom  bloody— Men-at- 
arms — Ransom— Followers  of  each  horseman— Defeat  of  one  involves  several— A 
lance— Number  attached  to  it— Various— Pay  of  one  in  Savoy— Florentine  militia- 
Mercenaries  when  first  in  us<^— Catalans— Companies-Source  of  modem  tactics- 
Advantages  of  mercenary'  soldiers— Great  military  iwwer  of  the  gen-  ral- Bemar- 
done  delle  Serre— Executes  lioccanera  of  I'rato  -  No  citixen  exempt  from  service — 
which  vras  rigidly  enforce<l — Military  life   seductive  and  iKipular— Condotticri— 
Ordclatii,  Malatesti,  Varani,  Vlsconte,  Alberigo  of  Barbiano  raised  the  first  Italian 
company — Which  was  the  source  of  all  subsequent  generalship  -Pay  of  a  lance — 
Varioi;s  expenses  necessary — Cost  of  divers  articles  in  tlie  1-lth  century — Labourers' 
wages — Price  of  necessaries  compared  with  the  present  day— Itinerant  military 
adventurers— Infantry  began  to  be  more  prized  in  the  14th  century—"  Clients  " — 
Their  arms— Archers  *:c.— Cross-bows— Shields— Other  arms — Ilimgariim  horse- 
Engines  of  war — Cannon— Formation  of  numgonels  ice— Barbarities  to  besieged 
places — Nature  of  military  service — Cavalcades— ii^rrciVo — Esercito  Generate — 
Bando,  or  Ban— CaraWa/c— Division  of   the  militia— Civil  commissioners  with 
armies — Other  officers— Constables-  Engineers — Heralds,  trumpeters,  surgeons,  &c. 
Gunpowder— When  first  used  in  Itdly—Boinbarda—Rcbaudichini—Sinvs ;  gene- 
rally women,  monks,  and  minstrels— Their  punishments— Pay  of  generals — Military 
bank  at  Florence— Stockjobbing   in  Florence— Tax  on  bargains— Ihinishment  of 
bankrupts  very  severe— Honest  dealing  in  trade  encouraged -Minute  account  of 
manufacturing  expenses  &c.  marked  on  each  piece  of  cloth— Great  associations  of 
%■  Italian  merchants  for  general  security -Tolls  &c.— In  foreign  lands— Two  lines 
of  trade  beyond  the  Alps— Power  of  united  uicrchants-"  Salca(]uardia"  "  Salva- 
condotto,"  "  Guidagio "—  Extensive  combinations  of  mercliants—  Popes  always 
employed  and  protected  them— Paper  money  at  Milan — Princes  and   bankers 
brought  together  by  necessity — Florentine  spies'  in  foreign  states— I*ublic  debt — 
Real  property  of  Horence — Sums  expended  in  war— Cebraio's  estimate  of  ancient 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


and  modem  money,  from  Piedmontese  and  Savoyard  records -Corresponding  esti- 
mate by  the  author  from  Florentine  records— Militant'  pay— Knight— Squire— Man- 
at-arms— Barbute— Lances  -  Crossbowmcn   horse   aiid   foot— Crossbow-maker— 
Archers— Client— Galley  pay— Surgeon— Carpenter  of  engineers— Stone-cutter— 
Cavaliere  Banderese— Knight  bachelor— Donzello— Dragoman— Price  of  a  romance 
— Hoi-ses- Journies— Petrarca's  complaint— Horses- War-horses-Mules-Inns— 
Silver  plate— Expense  of  travelling— Buonaccorso  Pitti's  jouinics— His  account  of 
Florentine  justice  and  mtrigue— His  own  danger  and  that  of  his  brother  Luigi- 
Reflections- Further  proof  of  the  power  of  Horentine  rectors— Paulo  di  Lapo 
CsistigUonchio- Louis  and  Francesco  di  Capua— Care  of   public   morals— Laws 
against  gambling— Cccco  di  Vanni  reinstated— Laws  against  loose  women— Morals 
—Female  vanity  and  ingenuity— Manners— The  tediousness  of  law— Velluti  and 
Frescobaldi— Villany  of  foreign  rcHitors— Misfortmies  of  the  Tiglioiietri  family- 
Severity  to  nobles— Pagonazzo  Stro//.i— Orders  to  medical  men— Pilgiims  execu- 
tioners—Revision  of  laws,  periodical— Weisrlits  and  measui-es  equalised— Register 
of  real  property— Latin  discontinued  in  legal  enactments— Registry  of  public  docu- 
ments—Clerical abuses- -Minors  protected  from  usury— Chi rges  of  notaries  re- 
stricted-Celebrated men— Law— DinodiMugello— Medicme,  rhetoric,  philosophy, 
poetry.  See.— Dino  del  Garbo -Toniniaso  del  Garbo—Torregiano— Reflections  on 
medicine— Petrarca's  opinion  of  physicians— Roberto  Bardi— Public  lectures- 
Bruno  Cassini— Francesco  da  Barberino— Morals— Dante  cited— Barbagia— Other 
authors  quoted— Poggio,  Bar gigi—Landino— Love— Dociunentid'Amore—Bonifazio 
Uberti—Dittanxondo— Musicians— Francesco  Cieco—  Massino—  Cascia—  CasseUa— 
Dante  cited— Guido  Cavalcanti— Love— Anecdote— Cavalcanti's  poetrj'—  Dante— 
Studies— Marriage— Elected  prior— Banished— A   wanderer— His  haughtiness — 
Boccaccio's  character  of  him— Not  exempt  from  love— Beatrice— La  Vita  Nuova— 
Convitc— Monarchia— De   Volgare    Eloquio— Other  works— Divina   Commedia— 
Seven  cantos  -wTitten  before  exile  -Probable— Origin  of  the  name^- Lectures  on  it 
by  Boccaccio— Multitude  of  commentatovs— Not  yet  imderstood— Boccaccio's  anec- 
dote of  him— Petrarch— llis  family— His  account  of  himself— Description  of  his 
person— Early  grey— His  vanity— Opinion  of  riches— His  first  sight  and  character 
of  Laura— Her  influence  over  him— Dislikes  the  profession  of  law— Reflections- 
General  reputation  of  Italy— LiteratiuT  the  only  object  of  imiversal  interest- 
Petrarch  at  Vaucluse— Recci\  cs  letters  from  Paris  and  Rome  to  be  crowned  with 
laurel— Chooses  Rome— Goes  to  Naples— Examined— luN-ited  by  King  Robert  to  be 
crowned  there— Crownicd  at  Rome— His  Africa— His  Triumphs  sonnets  and  other 
works- Never  saw  the  Decameron  vuitil  just  before  his  death— His  opinion  of  it— 
Griselda— His  death— Influence  on  litctature  and  principles  of  punishment— Seems 
to  have  had  an  idea  of  a  new  world— Recovers  old  MSS.— Complaints  of  the  copj-ists 
-Reflections  on  this— Boccaccio— Birth— Education-Applies  to  literature— Origi- 
nates the  lectures  on  Dante— Lives  at  Naples— Dante's  opinion  of  King  Robert- 
Becomes  acquainted  with  Petrarch -Sees  Maria,  La  Fiammetta— Seduces  her— 
Manners  of  the  time  dangerous— Writes  Filocopo  at  Maria's  request— Returns  to 
Horence— Writes  La  Fiannnettu—Tescid(^—Ameto— Its  subject— Returns  to  Naples 
Queen  Giovanna— Court  of   Love— ^\'rites    Filostrato  in  Ottava    Rima— He  the 
inventor  of  it— Writes  the    Amorosa  Visione— Ninfale  Fiesolano— Subdued  by 
Petrarch's  genius— The  Decameron— Reasons  for  writing  it— Moral  intention  of  it- 
Becomes  the  stimdard  of  prose  writing— Produces  much  malice— The  author  con- 


XX 


coNTE>rrs. 


verted  by  Pietro  Petroni— Scared— Writes  to  Petrarch— The  latter's  advice— Fol- 
lowed—Boccaccio's  letter  to  M.  Cavalcanti— Sends  Dante's  poem  to  Petrarch— The 
latter  gives  his  opinion  of  him— Advantages  of  then  writing  in  Italian  instead  of 
Latin— Boccaccio's  death— Description  of  him— The  Villani— Coluccio  Salutati — 
His  Latin  Epistles— Zanobi  di  Strada— Crowned  at  Pisa— Francesco  Sacchetti— His 
novels— Ridicules  judicial  astrology— Dante  believes  in  stellar  influence — Cited — 
Agnolo  Pandolfino— IILs  style— Govemo  dcUa  Famiglia— Fine  arts— Small  progress 
after  Giotto — Andrea  Oreagra — Architecture — Bernardo  Orcjigna — Buffalmacco — 
Society  of  Saint  Luke  established— Wood  carding  prevalent- Other  painters — Re- 
flections on  the  genius  of  the  fourteenth  centurj-- Recapitulation  of  celebrated 
names— Amusements,  tournaments,  iicc.— Troops  of  maskers— May-day— Calendi- 
maggio— Maggi,  &c.— Befania— San  Giovanni— Jubilee,  its  origin— Profusion  of 
provisions  at  Rome— Clement  \1.*b  supposed  Bull— Very  doubtful  Page  528  to  667 


ERRATA. 

— ♦ — 


I'AGE        LINE 


FOR 


18 

74 

176 

351 


3,  Note  Luccino 

2,     „  feel  the  pain 

2,     „  Vol.  ccxxv. 

1,  Marchionni 


READ 


Luchino. 
feel  pain. 
Folio  224. 
Marchionne. 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


BOOK    THE     FIEST. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

FROM    A.D.    1336     TO    A.D.     J342. 


A  LARMED  at  Mastiiio's  ambition  and  seeing  war  ine\dtal)le, 


xJL 


A.D. 1336. 


the  Florentines  worked  witli  jdl  the  vigour  of  angiy  men, 
and  they  had  need,  for  he  was  no  common  enemy : 
the  lord  of  Verona,  of  Padua,  Panna,  and  Viceuza ; 
of  Brescia  Treves  and  Feltro ;  of  Beluno,  Modena  and  Lucca  ; 
!\\'ith  a  revenue  of  700,000  florins,  assumed  so  imposing  an 
aspect  as  to  justify  full  belief  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  most 
arrogant  denunciations.  We  are  assured  by  Villani  that 
there  was  not  at  this  epoch  a  single  potentate  of  Em-ope 
except  the  King  of  France  who  possessed  resources  so  ample, 
besides  a  numerous  suite  of  dependent  Ghibelines  eagerly 
crowding  to  liis  standard ;  no  Italian  prince  had  hitherto 
equalled  him  in  solid  power,  and  few  in  the  ambition  and 
talent  to  use  it.  Nevertheless,  animated  by  present  danger 
all  classes  at  Florence  moved  with  a  common  impulse  and 
worked  in  concert ;  manifestoes  were  published  and  circulated 
throughout  the  peninsula ;  aid  was  demanded  from  Naples, 
Siena,  Perugia,  and  Bologna,  besides  all  the  Guelphic  cities  of 
Romagna  and  Tuscany,  and  alliances  formed  with  most  of  them. 

VOL.  II,  B 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


The  Lombard  members  of  the  late  league  were  called  upon  to 
see  its  conditions  fulfilled,  and  open  or  secret  negotiations 
were  commenced  with  almost  all  the  states  whose  domestic 
tj[iiarrels  did  not  prevent  their  joining  in  hostilities  against  a 
man  now  become  fomiidable  even  to  the  most  powerful.  A 
board  of  four  Popolani  and  two  nobles  was  created  to  conduct 
the  war  under  the  title  of  "  1  Sel  della  Guerra'^  Fourteen 
other  citizens  of  the  popular  class  were  also  formed  into  a  com- 
mittee of  ways  and  means  to  supi)ly  the  general  funds ;  fur 
that  of  the  combined  army  of  Florence  and  Venice  which  was 
destined  to  act  in  Lombardy,  seems  to  have  been  directed  by  a 
particular  lx)ard  hereafter  to  be  noticed  ;  both  being  limited  to 
one  year  s  duration :  yet  this  was  a  long  stride,  and  thus  the 
evanescent  nature  of  the  ordinary  administration  was  corrected 
by  a  necessity  arising  from  a  wider,  more  permanent,  imd  m(jre 
complex  system  of  exterior  politics. 

These  energetic  measureb  rendered  the  citizens  so  coniident 
that  on  hearing  of  Pier  Saccone's  sudden  alliance  with  Mastino 
they  instantly  declared  war  agiiinst  him  without  an  attempt  to 
negotiate,  and  ])romptly  occupying  the  mountahi  passes  of 
Romagna  cut  off  all  comnmnication  between  these  new  ixllies, 
while  in  concert  with  Perugia  hostilities  were  carried  up  to  the 
very  walls  of  Arezzo.  But  the  great  aiLxiety  of  Florence  was  to 
adopt  the  most  secure  and  effectual  way  of  annoying  so  distant 
an  enemy  as  Mastino  ;  as  the  operations  against  Lmra  even  if 
successful  could  but  slightly  affect  the  centre  of  his  solid  do- 
mains and  it  became  necessary  to  tind  him  enemies  nearei* 
home.  Secret  negotiations  were  accordingly  commenced  with 
Azzo  Visconti  and  other  potentates,  but  more  successfully  with 
Venice,  first  through  Florentine  merchants  on  the  spot,  and 
then  by  a  formal,  but  still  secret,  embassy  composed  of  the  gon- 
falonier Francesco  Baldovhietti  and  that  Salvestro  de'  Medici 
who  afterwards  acted  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the  political 
factions  of  his  couutrj'.     The  Florentine  merchants  were  also 


i 


statesmen,  and  their  government  could  therefore  place  the 
management  of  any  secret  negotiation  in  the  hands  of  men  who 
had  been,  or  might,  in  the  usual  course  of  events,  become 
ministers  of  the  republic ;  who  were  perfectly  acquainted  with 
the  policy  of  their  own  country  as  well  as  with  the  character 
and  resources  of  that  in  which  they  resided;  and  who  moreover 
were  enabled  to  preserve  the  most  profound  secrecy  by  means 
of  their  simple  mercantile  character. 

Venice  was  at  this  period  highly  incensed  against  the  Scali- 
geri  of  Verona  as  well  on  account  of  severe  commercial 
restrictions  in  the  territories  of  Treves  and  Padua,  as  on  that 
of  their  interference  with  the  salt  works  of  Chioggia  by  a 
rival  manufactory  which  they  established  near  Mestre :  the 
Venetians  being  jealous  of  their  own  monopoly  of  this  article 
annoyed  the  rising  town  and  works,  and  the  brothers  retali- 
ated by  destroying  their  salt  pans  at  Chioggia  and  occupying 
Mestre  itself*. 

Before  this  epoch  Venice  had  been  almost  exclusively  em- 
ployed in  her  eastern  trade  and  conquests,  and  interfered  but 
little  in  Italian  politics:  although  decided  imperialists,  the 
(jruelph  and  Ghibeline  factions  were  scarcely  felt  in  that  re- 
public, and  a  succession  of  treaties  with  the  rulers  of  Treves 
Padua  and  Verona  had  hitherto  pvotictod  their  commerce  in 
Lombardy  and  the  neighbouring  states.  With  Florence  at  this 
epoch  the  Venetians  may  be  supposed  to  have  had  no  common 
feeling  but  the  usual  petty  jealousies  of  mercantile  competition, 
wherefore  the  project  of  a  close  union  between  them  was  full  of 
doubt  and  difficulty:  common  danger  however  removed  all 
obstacles  and  a  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  twenty-first  of 
June  by  which  two  tliousand  men-at-arms  and  two  thousand 
infantry  were  to  be  employed  in  the  territories  of  Treviso  and 
Verona,  the  expense  being  eipially  divided  between  them.     A 

*  Sardi,  Istorie  Fc-rraresi,  Lib.  vi„  p.  109.— Sabellico,  Cronaca  Vencta,  Lib.  i.- 
cap.  iii. — Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  133G. 

B  '2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


mked  commission  of  Venetian  and  Florentine  deputies  was  to 
direct  the  genend  course  of  warfare,  with  power  to  increase  the 
army,  and  ample  funds  for  secret  seiTice  an  item  of  gi'eat 
moment  in  those  days  when  the  revolt  of  disaffected  towns 
fonned  one  of  the  most  common  operations  of  war.      Florence 
was  also  to  act  independently  against  Lucca  and  if  success- 
ful attack  Parma  at  her  ONvn  charge,  both  parties  engaging 
neither  to  make  peace  or  truce  without  each  other's  consent 
and  to  give  three  months'  notice,  before  its  niitural  termi- 
nation, of  their   intention   either   to    finish  or  continue  the 
alliance.     The  treaty  was  then  formally  published  by  procla- 
mation both  at  Venice  and  Florence  on  the  iifteenth  uf  July, 
and  thus  began  the  greatest  enterprise  which  tlie  latter  state 
had  as  yet  undertaken  and  the  lii-st  grave  interference  of  the 
former  in  Italian  affairs.     This  event  was  more  reinarkable 
because  Venice,  although  habitutdly  inclined  to  the  Caesars. 
had  hitherto  avoided  any  serious  intimacy  with  Italian  powers, 
while  Florence  always  an  unflinching  adherent  of  the  church  ; 
which  Venice  ever  kept  distinct  from  and  subservient  to  the 
state;  had  in  1300  mainly  assisted  in  defeating  the  Venetian 
annies  near  FeiTara  when  opposed  to  the  forces  of  Clement 
the  Fifth  about  the  disputed  succession  to  that  [>rincipality. 
To  conduct  the  war  with  vigour  ten  of  the  most  skilful  and 
opulent  merchants  of  Florence   were  chosen,  and  with   full 
powers  to  raise  funds  on  the  security  of  :]On,(i(»o  florins  of 
annual  revenue  arising  from  certain  taxes  now  for  the  most  part 
doubled :  one  third  of  that  sum  however  having  been  already 
appropriated  to  pay  the  interest  of  a  debt  contracted  for  an 
imnecessaiy  war  against  Lucca.     These  ten  commissioners  in 
conjunction  with   certain  mercantile   houses  and  other  com- 
mercial men,  (amongst  them  the  historian  Gio.  Villjiiii)  under- 
took to  raise  supplies  for  the  whole  duration  of  hostilities  in  the 
following  manner.     They  engaged  with  their  own  means  and 
credit  immediately  to  raise  100,000  florins,  one-tliird  of  which 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY- 


s 


was  a  direct  payment  from  their  private  coffers,  and  the  re- 
mainder from  a  loan  amongst  the  citizens  on  the  above  men- 
tioned public  security ;  some  of  the  creditors  to  be  repaid  in  a 
year,  others  in  two,  according  to  circumstances.  Those  who 
thus  confidently  risked  their  money  received  an  interest  of 
fifteen  per  cent,  per  annum ;  more  cautious  people  who  pre- 
ferred the  -responsibility  of  a  private  company  to  the  security 
of  public  faith,  had  only  eight  per  cent. ;  while  the  united  body 
of  managing  merchants  appear  to  have  cleared  about  five  per 
c^nt.  on  the  whole  transaction.  Any  person  without  disposable 
capital  who  yet  made  use  of  his  credit  to  borrow  money  for  the 
purpose  of  suppl}ing  tlie  public  need,  had  a  remuneration  or 
''guerdon  "  of  twenty  per  centum. 

The  expenses  of  this  war  were  thus  securely  provided  for, 
but  a  national  debt  and  a  pernicious  system  of  public  loans  was 
now  commenced  which  continued  until  it  ruined  the  republic. 
Two  resident  commissioners  were  dispatched  to  manage  the  finan- 
cial and  commissariat  departments  at  Venice  in  conjunction  with 
two  Venetians,  while  a  couple  more  of  knightly  rank  assisted 
in  the  ducal  cabinet  and  two  other  knights  were  attached  to  the 
army  as  permanent  members  of  the  general's  council.  These  mo- 
netary arrangements  received  the  applause  not  only  of  Florence 
but  of  all  Italy  which  as  yet  did  not  perceive  the  danger  of  an  ac- 
cumulating public  debt,  wliich  vampire-like  l)egan  thus  softly  to 
fan  the  public  while  it  drained  the  sources  of  national  existence. 

A  thousand  infantry,  bearing  on  their  arms  the  united  badge 
of  the  two  states,  marched  immediately  from  Florence  and 
were  followed  by  six  hundred  men-at-arms,  the  same  that  had 
been  guarding  the  mountain  passes  between  Arezzo  and 
Romagna  under  Pino  della  Tosa  and  Gerozzo  de"  Bardi : 
Venice  no  less  active  immediately  poured  fifteen  hundred  men- 
at-arms  and  a  great  force  of  infantry  into  the  territory  of  Treves, 
and  Mastino  had  long  foreseen  and  prepared  for  the  combat*. 

*  Gio.   Villani,    Lib.    xi.,    cap.    xlv.,   xlviii.,  and  1. — Scip.    Ammirato,  Lib. 
viii.,  p.  103. 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Knowing  how  much  mischief  might  be  committed  by  a  com- 
paratively uisignilicant  enemy,  and  having  often  experienced 
the  Ubaldini's  fickleness,  the  Florentines  sent  a  messenger 
to  learn  what  pai'ty  they  intended  to  favour  in  the  approach- 
ing contest.  This  powerful  clan  ^vith  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo 
at  its  head  had  already  felt  both  the  friendship  and  enmity 
of  Florence  and  had  then  no  mind  to  forfeit  the  one  or 
unnecessarily  provoke  the  other.  All  therefore  without  hesi- 
tation, not  only  declared  for  the  allies  but  offered  to  attack 
Arezzo  and  the  Tarlati,  and  even  allow  the  Florentines  to 
dispose  of  them  and  their  possessions  during  the  war ;  saving 
only  episcopal  rights  ;  provided  that  they  should  be  comprised 
as  alhes  in  anv  treatv  that  might  eventuallv  be  concluded, 
and  these  conditions  were  gladly  accepted*. 

About  the  same  period  another  league  was  foraied  with 
Xaples,  Bologna,  and  Pei-ugia,  who  together  agreed  to  raise  three 
thousand  cavalry  in  aid  of  the  Guelphic  cause  of  which  Flo- 
rence alone  furnished  eight  hundred  :  Faenza  and  Imola  were 
afterwards  admitted  to  this  confederacy  and  an  embassy  was 
dispatched  to  implore  the  pope's  favour  and  if  possible  recon- 
cile him  with  Bologna.  Siena  subsequently  jomed  it  under 
certain  conditions  which  presened  her  friendship)  with  Arezzo, 
and  King  Robert  added  one  hundred  men-at-arms  to  Ids  con- 
tingent. 

During  these  transactions  neither  the  army  of  Florence  nor 
Mastino's  Lucchese  garrison  was  inactive  ;  inroads,  skinnishes, 
and  devastation  occupied  the  troops  of  both  nations  ;  the  de- 
fences of  Empoli,  Pontormo,  Montelupo  and  other  places  w^hich 
had  suffered  from  the  flood,  were  now  repaired  and  ever}-  pre- 
paration made  for  active  warfare  ;  a  leader  alone  was  wanting 
but  soon  and  miexpectedly  suppUed.  The  Fiossi  of  Parma 
after  suffering  excessive  injustice  from  the  power  and  perfidy 
of  Mastino  and  their  hereditaiy  foes  the  Correggi  of  that  city, 

*  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.,  p   404. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


found  themselves  ousted  from  all  their  domams  in  the  Par- 
masan   and   finally  besieged  by  the   Veronese   army   under 
Spinetto   Malespini    in    their  only  remaining   stronghold  of 
Pontremoli.     Piero  de'  Rossi  the  youngest  of  six  brothers  is 
described  as  a  man  of  high  military  talent  and  general  ac- 
complishments both  of  mind  and  body :  to  a  daring  courage 
he  joined  exceeding  skill  and  pradence ;  prompt  and  decisive 
as  a  general,  he  was  averse  from  every  act  of  cruelty  and  bore  a 
character  unstained  by  the  vices  of  that  barbarous  age.     It  was 
his  custom  on  undertaking  any  enterprise  to  wani  his  troops 
against  unnecessary  bloodshed  and  to  prohibit  all  outrage ;  and 
so  much  was  he  beloved  for  his  humanity  tliat  there  were  but 
few  m  his  camp  whether  natives  or  strangers  who  did  not  give 
him  the  name  of  father.     Tall  and  beautiful  in  person  he  un- 
consciously attracted  the  notice  of  every  woman  who  looked  on 
him,  while  the  purity  of  his  morals  was  such  as  gained  liim  the 
reputation  of  never  havhig  overstepped  the  bounds  of  chastity  : 
soldiers  of  every  rank  and  nation  were  devoted  to  him,  and  this 
was  returned  by  a  liberality  that  frequently  left  him  destitute 
of  everjlhing  but  his   horse,  his  arms,  aiid  his  ornaments. 
When  he  died  his  soldiers  put  on  mourning,  and  long  and 
deeply  bewailed  their  misfortune.     Piero  Rosso  had  been  de- 
tained as  a  hostage  at  Verona  but  contrived  to  escape,  and  on 
the  twenty-third  of  August  offered  his  seiTices  in  person  at  Flo- 
rence :   struck  with  the  confidence  of  one  so  lately  their  enemy 
the  citizens  felt  more  disposed  to  remember  the  services  of  his 
grandftitlier  who  had  led  their  troops  to  victory  at  Campaldino, 
than  the  injuries  they  had  suffered  from  Piero  himself  while  in 
possession  of  Lucca,  and  without  hesitation  gave  him  command 
of  the  army  then  ready  to  march  against  his  former  subjects 
now  the  vassals  of  IVIastino*.    In  this  situation  he  ravaged  the 
enemy's  countr}%  insulted  his  capital,  and  even  passed  the  Ser- 

*  Sabellico,  Cronaca  Vencta,   Lib.  i.,  cap.  iii.  —  Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  117, 
who  cites  Cortusius*  Hist. 


8 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLOEENTINE    HISTORY. 


chio  by  the  bridge  of  San  Quilico  in  hopes  of  drawing  down  on 
himself  the  besieging  army  from  Pontremoli :  Malespini  did 
not  move,  but  the  governor  of  Lucca  leaving  the  defence  of  that 
city  to  the  inhabitants  made  a  bold  push  with  all  his  garrison  to 
the  strong  position  of  Cemiglio  where  he  could  intercept  Piero's 
communications  with  Florence   and  compel    him  to  retreat. 
The  Florentine  general   thus   forced   to   make   a  retrograde 
movement  met  his  enemy  on  the  fifth  of  September  at  Cas- 
truccio  s  ancient  intrenchments  between  the  marshy  lake  of 
Bientino  (then  more  extensive  than  at  present)  and  the  momi- 
tain :  the  Lucchese  were  instantly  atti\cked  and  defeated,  but 
the  excited  soldiers  heedless  of  Piero's  command  bore  rashly 
on  in  pursuit  until  near  the  gates  of  Cen-uglio  they  fell  into 
an  ambuscade,  and  were  in  their  turn  driven  back  with  great 
slaughter.     Piero  Rosso  foreseeing  the  probability  of  this  had 
kept  the  rest  of  his  troops  in  hand,  and  after  covering  the  re- 
formation (.>f  these  fugitives  he  finnly  encountered  their  pursuei^s 
who  came  rushing  down  the  hills  in  all  the  confidence  of  recent 
victory :  an  obstinate  combat  and  final  defeat  of  the  assailants 
added  new  laurels  to  those   already  won  by  the  Florentine 
general,    and   the   capture   of  ^lastino's   banner   with   about 
thirteen  of  his  principal  officei-s  earned  such  satisfaction  to  the 
heart  of  Florence  that  Piero  was  immediately  promoted  to  the 
more  important  command  of  the  allied  forces  in  Lombardy 
where  with  his  brother  Marsilio  he  maintiiined  a  liigh  and  well- 
deserved  reputation.     These  two  chiefs  at  the  head  of  fifteen 
himdred  cavalry  took  the  field  in  October  and  overran  the 
whole  territoiT  of  TreWso  up  to  the  gates  of  that  city ;  then 
retuniing  by  Mestre  burned  its  suburbs  and  pushed  on,  per- 
haps with  more  daring  than  discretion,  amongst  the  dikes  and 
streams  of  Padua,  until  the  world  marvelled  to  see  them  reach 
Pieve  di  Sacco  unmolested,  which  they  did  on  the  fii*st  of  No- 
vember 1336.     Here  Mastino  might  have  attacked  them  with 
four  thousand   men-at-arms  from  Padua,   but  he  is  accused 


of  over  pinidence  and  the  Rossi  probably  knew  his  character ; 
yet  entangled  as  they  were  in  that  aqueous  district,  escape 
would  have  been  difficult  and  combat  almost  hopeless.  In 
these  trying  circumstances  Marsilio  audaciously  proposed  to 
send  a  challenge  to  Mastino  and  all  his  followers;  but  the 
wary  Veronese  suspected  the  existence  of  a  secret  understanding 
between  the  enemy  and  certain  Paduan  malcontents,  also 
doubtful  of  some  of  his  foreign  troops,  and  feeling  sure  of 
ultimately  taking  liis  adversaiy  in  a  net  by  destroying  all  the 
roads  and  bridges  of  that  intei-sected  country;  he  after  an 
empty  show  of  battle  effected  the  latter  object  and  returned  to 
Padua  convinced  that  he  had  been  prudent  in  refusing  what 
the  enemy  seemed  so  anxiously  to  desire.  On  this  the  Rossi 
began  their  retreat  and  with  great  and  rapid  efforts  past  every 
stream  river  and  canal  by  rafts  of  timber  or  wickerwork,  until 
they  reached  Bovolento  on  a  branch  of  the  Baciglione  only 
eight  miles  from  Padua  but  commanding  eveiy  water  communi- 
cation between  the  Adige  and  Cliioggia.  Here  covered  on  two 
sides  by  the  river  in  a  strongly-fortified  position  which  had 
free  access  to  Venice  the  combined  anny  posted  itself  for 
the  winter  equally  ready  for  offensive  or  defensive  operations  ; 
and  tliis  became  their  permanent  head  quarters  duiing  the 

Will**. 

The  troops  were  soon  augmented  to  three  thousand  five 
hundred  horsemen  and  five  thousand  foot,  and  with  fresh  spirit 
attacked  the  Paduan  salt  works  at  Castello  delle  Salme  which 
Mastino  had  fortified :  he  and  Alberto  della  Scala  advanced  to 
their  defence ;  Piero  offered  battle  which  Mastino  refused  and 
the  place  was  carried  in  spite  of  him  on  the  twenty-second  of 
November ;  this  and  a  subsequent  discomfiture  of  four  hundred 
Veronese  cavaliy  on  their  way  to  Monselice  diminished  the  Sca- 


*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  116. —  cap, 
Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  liv. —  viii 
Sabellico,    Cronaca   Vencta,    Lib.  ii.,     1336 


i.,  &c 
,  p.  407. 


-Scip.    Ammimto,    Lib. 
-Muratori,  Annali,  An. 


10 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


ligeri  s  reputation  while  it  augmented  that  of  their  antagonists. 
A.D.1337.  ^^^^  stimulated,  Piero  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  Janu- 
ary assailed  Padua  itself,  made  a  lodgement  in  the 
suburb  of  Ognissanti  and  would  have  maintained  his  post  had 
not  the  garrison  succeeded  in  burning  it  down  :  this  partial 
success  was  not  however  entirely  owing  to  Piero,  for  Marsilio 
and  Ubertino  da  Carrara  two  chiefs  of  Padua  related  to  the 
Rossi,  and  by  whose  means  that  city  fell  under  the  dominion  of 
Verona,  had  kept  up  a  constant  comnuniication  with  their 
kinsmen:  the  cause  was  that  Ubertino's  wife  had  been  outraged 
by  Mastino's  elder  brother  Albert  della  Scala,  then  governing 
Padua,  who  with  the  bold  bnitality  of  a  tyrant  boasted  of  it  even 
to  the  husband  himself:  Ubertino  said  nothing,  but  immediately 
added  two  golden  horns  to  his  ordinar}-  crest  until  the  moment 
of  revenge  arrived.  War  favoured  the  designs  of  these  chiefs 
but  ]\Iastmo  probably  suspecting  this  secret  intercourse  with 
the  Rossi,  was  far  from  having  that  absolute  confidence  in  their 
fidelity  that  they  managed  to  inspire  into  his  brother,  witli 
whom  their  influence  was  imbounded  *. 

Trusting  to  this  Piero  again  on  the  seventh  of  February 
pushed  forward  a  small  force  and  earned  the  suburb  of  San 
Marco,  but  disappointed  liy  his  supporting  culuinns  which  had 
gone  astray  m  the  night,  he  found  himself  at  daylight  in  con- 
siderable danger,  with  only  a  few  men  and  no  sign  of  revolt 
in  the  city :  rising  with  the  circumstances,  he  boldly  attacked 
a  gate,  as  if  strong  and  confident,  while  his  troops  were  gra- 
dually withdrawn,  and  the  gaiTison  blinded  by  this  audacity 
allowed  him  to  make  good  his  retreat  unmolested. 

The  usual  style  of  warfore  followed  these  unsuccessful 
attempts ;  indeed  scarcely  any  other  could  have  been  effectually 
adopted  where  each  city,  town,  and  ^illage,  was  inclosed  or 
regularly  fortified,  yet  entirely  dependent  on  the  neighbour- 
hood for  its  daily  subsistence  :  a  decisive  battle  being  seldom 

♦  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  413.~-Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1337. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


11 


the  wish  of  either  party,  devastation,  revolts,  sudden  assaults, 
empty  boasts,  insults,  and  cartels  of  defiance,  characterised  the 
general  course  of  hostilities  in  these  romantic  times.  But  the 
average  of  human  ability,  however  varied  and  circumscribed  its 
field  of  action  may  be,  is  in  its  particular  application  to  the 
popular  business  of  the  age  and  nation  nearly  equal  at  all 
epochs :  we  may  therefore  conclude  that  the  mode  of  warfare 
then  pursued  was  probably  best  suited  to  the  period  and  \'iews 
of  belligerent  nations,  and  he  who  displayed  most  talent  in 
conducting  it  was  as  much  the  great  captain  of  the  age  as 
Pompey,  Osar,  or  Hannibal.  The  scale  of  operations  was 
necessarily  too  confined  for  any  extensive  exliibition  of  deep 
military^  talent,  yet  the  objects  of  war  were  perhaps  accom- 
plished as  effectually  as  in  the  grander  operations  of  our  own 
day ;  although  its  horrors  are  common  to  both.  Where  pure 
democracy  prevails,  heavy  contributions,  or  the  devastation  of 
their  country,  seems  a  legitimate  means  of  making  self-governed 
nations  feel  and  appreciate  all  the  inconveniencies  of  war;  but 
this  becomes  unmodiiied  cruelty  when  they  are  in  reality  the 
mere  vassals,  or  only  the  nominal  controllers  of  their  own  govern- 
ment. In  the  times  and  country  of  which  we  write  the  generals 
capacity  was  judged  of  more  by  the  amount  of  liis  successful 
ravages  than  his  skill  in  conducting  a  campaign  to  auy  decisive 
national  result ;  it  prhicipally  lay  in  besieging  towns,  persuadmg 
or  bribing  places  to  revolt ;  in  scorning  the  cotmtry,  insulting 
the  enemy,  and  retiring,  loaded  with  plunder,  after  a  few  weeks 
of  devastation  and  huAiiig  arrogantly  defied  the  advei-saiy  to 
battle.  In  the  present  instance  the  object  of  Venice  and  Flo- 
rence was  to  exhaust  IMastiuo's  resources  by  a  protracted  war 
which  they  knew  he  could  not  very  long  maintain  against  two 
of  the  most  powerful  Italian  republics. 

Orlando  Rosso,  who  during  these  events  appears  to  have  been 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  Florentine  army  in  Tuscany,  marched 
in  November  to  raise  the  siege  of  Pontremoli  which  however 


!2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


had  already  capitulated,  and  he  retunied  without  having  in 
any  way  distmguished  himself,  for  he  lacked  the  talent  of 
his  two  brothers  and  seems  to  have  owed  liis  exaltation 
rather  to  their  feme  than  any  public  impression  of  superior 
abihty :  the  Florentines  however  still  kept  him  at  the  head 
of  their  Tuscan  legions,  for  their  spirit  and  confidence  at 
this  epoch  mounted  liigh,  and  their  resources  were  great  and 
conspicuous.  Besides  the  great  force  in  Lombardy,  which  had 
already  been  increased  to  nearly  five  thousand  men-at-arms, 
and  her  own  contingent  for  the  Guelphic  League,  with  Orlando 
Rosso  s  powerful  army  emi)loyed  against  Lucca  ;  she  still  waged 
a  separate  war  on  Arezzo,  and  by  the  help  of  Pemgia  pressed 
that  republic  so  closely  that  Piero  Saccone  now  despairing  of 
aid  from  Verona  was  compelled  to  give  way  before  the  popular 
cr}^  and  commence  negotiations  with  the  membei-s  of  this  con- 
federacy. The  demands  of  Pemgia  were  however  thought  too 
exacting,  and  a  secret  attempt  of  that  peo^de  to  surprise  Arezzo 
during  the  treaty  at  once  put  an  end  to  it,  so  that  hostilities 
recommenced.  To  Florence  the  Tarlati  looked  for  more 
fevourable  teims  as  their  mother  was  a  Floi'entine  of  the 
Frescobaldi  race  and  they  had  many  kinsmen  in  that  city  from 
whom  they  expected  support ;  actual  hostilities  were  therefore 
no  bar  to  this  secret  negotiation,  but  there  would  still  have 
been  great  difficidty  in  concluding  a  separate  peace  had  it  not 
been  for  an  occurrence  that  was  eagerly  seized  on  by  Florence 
as  a  clear  justification  of  her  conduct  in  doing  so,  although 
contrary  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  her  alliance  with  Perugia. 

Lucigniano,  a  dependency  of  Arezzo  being  hard  pressed  by 
the  Pemgians  sent  ambassadors  with  an  offer  of  its  allegiance  to 
Florence  who  refused  it  from  a  fear  of  displeasing  the  latter  by 
a  violation  of  the  treaty  which  proliibited  exclusive  acquisitions 
or  separate  negotiations  to  any  confederate  without  the  general 
sanction.  Upon  this  the  people  of  Lucigniano  offered  their 
town  to  Perugia  and  were  instantly  received  under  its  protec- 


CHAP.  XI\'.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


13 


tion,  while  about  the  same  time  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo  another 
member  of  the  League,  appropriated  to  himself  the  strong 
fortress  of  Montefocappio.  These  events  excited  the  real  or 
feigned  resentment  of  Florence  which  immediately  followed  up 
the  treaty  with  Pier  Saccone  and  by  the  assistance  of  Regolino 
de'  Tolomniei  of  Siena,  who  was  afterwards  pensioned  for  it 
by  the  Florentines,  brought  all  to  a  conclusion  on  the  seventh 
of  March  1337 1^. 

By  this  important  step  Florence  acquired  the  lordship  of 
Arezzo  for  ten  years  at  the  expense  of  25,000  florins  paid  to 
the  Tarlati  for  the  cession  of  their  claims  on  the  city  itself;  and 
14,000  more  for  the  rights  of  that  family  in  the  Val  d'  Ambra. 
Besides  these,  1^,000  florins  were  nominally  lent  to  the  Are- 
tines  to  pay  off  the  garrison  of  foreign  mercenaries  the  instru- 
ments of  their  oppression,  while  the  Tai'lati  retained  all  the  rest 
of  their  own  family  property  and  became  citizens  of  Florence 
as  of  Arezzo.  Twelve  Florentine  commissaries  at  the  head 
of  three  thousand  five  hundred  troops  then  took  possession  of 
that  city  on  the  tenth  of  March  and  were  met  at  two  miles  dis- 
tance bv  almost  all  the  inhabitants  of  both  sexes  bearintr  olive 
l»rtmches  in  their  hands  and  making  the  air  resound  with  cries 
of  "  Peace,  Pence,  loiKj  live  the  Pu'puhUc  and  people  of  Florem-eS' 
Tims  accompanied  these  commissaries  entered  Arezzo  and  for- 
mally received  the  resignation  of  Piero  Saccone  :  it  was  imme- 
diately remodelled  in  its  old  democratic  form  without  distinction 
of  party ;  the  Guelphs  were  recalled,  after  sixty  years  of  exile ; 
a  general  amnesty  proclaimed ;  all  offences  pardoned,  and  mii- 
versal  joy  pervaded  a  city  that  had  so  long  and  keenly  suffered 
from  external  war  and  domestic  tyranny. 

Great  must  be  the  misery  of  that  countiy  which  thus  joy- 
fully resigns  its  liberty  and  independence  into  the  hands  of 
a  stranger  I  But  the  Aretines'  satisfaction  was  somewhat 
dimmished  by  the  immediate  construction  of  two  citadels  and 

*  Malavolti,  Stor.,  Parte  ii.,  Lib.  v.,  p.  98. 


WW 


u 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


the  permanent  residence  of  a  strong  Florentine  garrison  :  a 
board  of  twelve  commissioners  was  also  created  ^vitll  extraor- 
dinary powers,  but  subject  to  qiuirterly  renewal,  for  controlling 
conjointly  witb  the  Florentine  seignor}'  the  public  administration 

of  the  town. 

Thus  was  completed  the  annexation  of  this  noble  appendage 
to  the  Florentme  state  at  tlie  total  expense  of  about  100,000 
florins ;  besides  a  quaiTel  with  Perugia,  and  the  loss  of  some 
reputation  as  a  direct  breach  of  international  faith.  Yet  Flo- 
rence, fairly  enough,  eited  the  example  of  Perugia  herself,  as 
well  in  her  incipient  negotiation  with  Arezzo  as  in  the  acqui- 
sition of  Lucigniano ;  they  declared  that  the  alliance  liad 
actually  expired ;  but  must  jesuitically  added  that  its  provisions 
although  they  prohibited  lesser  acquisitions  did  not  forbid  that 
of  the  enemy's  capital.  They  asserted  that  the  Arctines  would 
never  have  come  to  any  terms  with  Pcnigia  wherefore  if  they  had 
not  at  once  stepped  in  and  closed  with  Tarlati,  that  city  would 
have  been  lost  to  both  parties  and  the  (iuelphic  cause  in  Tus- 
cany deteriorated.  Such  reasoning  did  not  satisfy  Perugia  and 
Florence  so  far  gave  way  as  to  allow  a  judge  of  appeals  to 
reside  and  administer  justice  in  Arezzo  for  five  years  under  tli»* 
title  of  *'  Conservator  oj  the  Peace,'^  which  with  the  cession  of 
a  few  inferior  towns  softened  the  feelings  of  her  ally  while 
Florence  retidned  the  sovereignty.  Villani  acknowledges  that 
the  conduct  of  his  countrv  in  this  transacti<»n  wa>  not  strictlv 
just,  and  that  the  intidelity  of  Perugia  did  not  excuse  it ;  but 
that  she  was  tempted  by  the  prospect  of  terminating  an  expen- 
sive war  and  by  the  acquisition  of  considerable  strength,  terri- 
tory, and  national  security*. 

As  vet  the  struj^j^le  in  Lombardv  was  not  marked  bv  aiiv 

V  CO  %  K  I 

permanent  advantage  alth(jugh  the  combined  forces  had  aug- 


•  Istoric  Pistolcsi,  Anno  133G. — Gio. 
Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  lix.,  \\.,  Ixi. — 
Pompco  Pdlini,  Hist,  di  Perugia,  Lib. 


vii.,  pp.  530,  o40,  &^c. —  Leon.  Art  tinu, 
Lib.  vi. — Scip.  Aiuniirato,  Lib.  viii., 
p.  415. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


15 


mented  to  five  thousand  horsemen  with  "  Barhuta  "*  or 
visored  helmets,  besides  a  numerous  infantry;  an  immense 
display  of  strength  in  those  days  even  without  reckonuig  the 
two  thousand  men-at-arms  employed  by  Florence  in  the 
Tuscan  war.  After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  by  Mastino  to 
assassinate  Piero  Piosso  whose  camp  at  Bovolento  he  attacked 
and  tired,  a  second  invasion  of  the  Trevisau  district  was  made 
by  the  latter  and  then  the  haughty  lord  of  Verona  began  to 
suspect  that  he  had  miscalculated  the  spirit  and  resources  of 
his  antagonists  as  well  as  his  own  powers.  His  deceit,  pride 
and  aggi'essions  liad  roused  two  ricli  and  powerful  antagonists 
who  long  before  this  had  compelled  him  to  crave  the  good 
offices  of  his  former  confederates  in  negotiating  a  peace ;  some 
of  these  cliiefs  had  met  at  Venice  for  that  purpose  in  the 
previous  January;  Obizzo  Man^uis  of  Ferrara,  Giovanni  Pepoli, 
Manfredi  Pio  and  otlier  ambassadors  embarked  on  the 
Po  "in  a  vessel  then  first  built  by  Sordino  of  Ferrara  the 
court  chamberlain,  and  afterwards  c;dled  the  Buncintdro  :  for 
it  was  large  and  magnihcent/"  says  S,(nli,  "  with  saloons  and 
chambers  and  had  fur  its  ensign  a  Centaurf. 

*  That  the  ''Burhuto.'"  m.is  a  of  Boyardo,  (not  Borni),  Libr.»  i", 
vis«)rc<l  hclnu-t  may  be  ].r«.vr.l  by  a  Canto  xviii",  Stanza  xiv", — Canto  xxi, 
rffereuco  to  the  Orl'ntdo  li'Ht'.nornfo     and  Lib.  i",  Stanza  xix. — 

*'  Lei  jier  (pu  1  <olj.a  uieiite  si  niuta 
Ma  im  tal  ne  dette  ul  «'avalier  ardito, 
Che  (>(iff>  r  2:li  i'v  il  vunto  alia  liurhiita 
Cala  !icl  -ri:<ln,  f  liitto  Tha  partito, 
Maglia,  ne  piastia.  in-  sbertro  Tauta, 
^la  crudehueute  al  tianco  Tlia  fcvito." 

*•  Mcnan(b>  hu'  le  botte  aspre  c  diverse, 
Itin;'.hh)  chc  a-pettava  il  tempo  lia  eolto ; 
l*er()  (he,  cime  ubertr)  si  sco, terse, 
(iiii:i-r  l''i;-!Kiti '  e  Telino  cbbe  di>ciolto. 
La  JUif/'Uti'  .  1'///'    /.   /"/  tiitto  '..li  apersc, 
E  erudelmeiite  lo  Ivii  nel  volto,"  «S:e. 

t  The  name  of  tlie  \'enetian  state  eonsidered  to  be  a  corruption  of  "  i>/<- 
sralley,  the  BiicenUiUr  (Bwcrnturo)  h     cuifonuti''''  because  in  the  decree  for 


'■  Tiie  hauie  of  Kiiialdo's  sword. 


16 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


These  lords  proceeded  to  Venice  where  they  were  joined  by 
Guido  Gonzaga  of  jVIantua,  and  according  to  SabelUco,  about 
sixtv  diplomatic  envoys  of  various  states  interested  in   the 
affairs  of  this  powerful  seignor :  his  court  was  crowded  with 
all  the  nobles  of  Northern  luily  that  were  in  need  either  of 
favour  or  protection,  and  he  himself  ambitiously  aimed  at  the 
kingly  cro\N-n  of  Lombardy.     The  Lombard  ambassadors  were 
publicly  instmcted  to  restore  peace  if  possible,  but  had  secret 
orders  to  join  the  allies  if  tlieir  exertions  proved  unsuccess- 
ful.    At   this   conference   Mai-silio    Camira   of    Padua   also 
assisted  as  an  envoy  of  the  Scaligeri  and  (probably  v^ith  the 
connivance  of  government)  was  insulted  by  the  Venetian  popu- 
lace on  his  arrival  in  order  to  remove  all  bu^^picion  of  his  real 
object ;  for  it  is  related  that  in  presence  of  the  other  ambas- 
sadors either  at  a  public  audience  or  a  banquet,  lie  ^ai.l  in  an 
under  voice  to  the  Doge,  "  What  iviU  happen  0  Prince,  if  ire 
delirer  Padua  into  thj  hands  T'     To  which  Daiidolo  replied 
mthout  any  alteration  of  voice  or  feature,  "  We  nill  hntoir  it 

upon  thee'^"^. 

This  negotiation  failed  entirely,  for  the  allies  would  libtt-n 
to  no  terms  short  of  ceding  Padua,  Panna,  Lu.c.i,  and  Treviso; 
upon  which  the  Maripiis  of  Ferrara  at  once  openly  joined  the 
league,  and  in  a  general  meeting  of  the  Lombard  princes  held  at 
Cremona  in  the  following  April  not  a  chief  would  stir  a  finger 
in  Mastmo  s  cause :  on  the  contrarj^  Azzo  Visconti  in  bold  and 
homely  teims  reproached  him  with  his  faults.  "  Messer 
*'  Mastino,"  said  he,  "  as  I  have  had  no  share  in  the  begiiming 
•'  of  your  wai',  so  do  I  wish  to  avoid  its  middle,  and  its  end. 
"  And  the  reason  you  are  so  puffed  up  with  the  gloiy  of  your 

building  this  vessel  there  was  a  pro-  *    Sardi,    Hist.  Ferraresi,  Libro   vn., 

vision  that  it  should  have  a  crew  of  p.    110.— Libro   del  Polistore,    tome 

200  men. — The  model  alone  remains  xxiv.,  p.  700,  Rer.  Ital.  Scriptores  — 

at  Venice  and  like  the  city  itself  is  only  Sabellico,  Cronica  Vencta,  Dccha  ii% 

a  beaunful  and   empty  relic   of  the  Lib.  ii°,  cap.  ii'\  p.   100.— Muratori, 

ancient  original.  Aunali,  An.  1336,  1337. 


CHAP.   XlJt.J 


FLORIINTINE   HISTORY. 


17 


"  present  rule,  is  because  you  scorn  all  the  world.  When  I 
"  sent  you  a  letter  you  treated  it  with  contempt,  and  cared  not 
**  to  open  it,  or  read  it ;  but  threw  it  on  the  bed,  and  remained 
"  four  or  five  days  before  you  answered  me.  Besides  this  you 
"  have  had  made  for  yourself  a  crown  of  gold,  hoping  to  be 
*'  chosen  King  of  Lombardy ;  and  to  this  part  I  reply  that 
"  T  will  not  suffer  such  a  king.  If  the  other  lords  of  Lom- 
"  bardy  will  have  you  I  know  not.  So  now  you  may  depart 
"  when  you  please,  but  place  no  hope  in  me  "  '•'. 

Shortly  after  this  Azzo  Visconti,  Guido  Gonzaga,  Obizzo  of 
Este,  and  otlier  princes  united  against  him ;  a  body  of  his 
Gennan  troops  deserted,  several  dependent  towns  of  the  Paduan 
and  Trevesan  states  revolted ;  and  in  June  the  allied  armies 
of  Milan,  Ferrara,  and  Mantua  were  reeiiforced  at  the  last  city 
by  Marsilio  Rosso  with  two  thousand  four  hundred  men-at- 
arms  from  Bovolento  where  Piero  at  the  head  of  sixteen  hun- 
dred more  and  a  numerous  infantry  still  remained  in  camp. 
Lucchino  Visconti  the  generalissimo  of  this  fine  army,  iiow^ 
four  thousand  strong  in  men-at-anns  alone,  carried  fire  and 
sword  up  to  the  gates  of  Verona  :  jMastino  who  wanted  not  skill, 
spuit,  or  soldiers  and  would  not  brook  the  being  thus  bearded 
in  his  own  ca})ital,  instantly  poured  out  about  three  thousand 
cavaliy  and  dai*ed  Lucchino  to  battle  at  a  place  called  Isola 
delta  Scala :  but  whether  from  want  of  resolution ;  disagree- 
ment with  the  marquis  Xiccolo  of  Ferrara ;  or  a  suspicion  of 
treacheiy  in  his  German  mercenaries ;  or  it  may  be,  as  Villani 
drily  observes,  "  fi-om  the  natural  dislike  of  one  tyrant  to 
overwhelm  aiiotlier;"  Lucchino  retreated  in  great  confusion 
on  the  twenty-first  of  June  with  the  loss  of  his  tents  and  bag- 
gage f.  Leaving  Verona  strongly  garrisoned  Mastino  pushed 
boldly  forward,  and  in  his  turn  hisulted  Mantua ;  then  turning 
suddenly  on   Piero  Rosso  at  Bovolento  forced  him  to  recall 

*  Libro  del  Polistore,  cap.  xxiii. — Rer.  f  Muratori,  Annali,  1337. — Lib.  del 
Ital.  Scrip.,  torn,  xxiv.,  p.  763.  Polistore,  cap.  xxii. 

VOL.  II.  C 


13 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Marsilio  in  order  to  be  Me  to  fight  and  restore  his  communi- 
cation with  Venice  which  the  Veronese  had  cut  off  by  occupy- 
ing a  position  that  also  prevented  the  junction  of  the  latter 
without  risking  a  battle.  The  danger  was  imminent,  but 
Piero  s  sagacity  and  the  necessity  of  Mastino's  presence  else- 
where, extricated  both  himself  and  brother  from  their  diffi- 
culties ;  for  knowing  that  the  Veronese  army  which  was  only 
three  miles  off,  depended  exclusively  on  the  river  for  their 
supply  of  water,  he  caused  all  the  filth  of  liis  camp  to  be  cast 
into  it ;  besides  wliich,  immense  quantities  of  the  hemlock 
abounding  in  that  neighbourhood  was  bniised  to  a  pulp  and 
then  sent  doAni  the  stream  :  neither  man  or  horse  could  drink, 
and  Mastino  would  have  been  obliged  by  this  alone,  as  most 
authors  say  he  was,  to  abandon  his  position  even  if  other 
circumstances  had  not  compelled  him  to  retreat  *. 

A  harassing  protracted  warfare  was  the  game  of  Venice,  and 
the  Rossi  were  never  idle ;  the  maintenance  of  four  thousand 
Geiman  horse  alone,  besides  his  Italian  troops  was  a  drain 
that  even  Mastino's  treasuiT  could  not  long  withstand  and 
secret  intelligence  with  Mai'silio  Carrara  gave  the  allies 
a  hope  of  speedily  becoming  masters  of  Padua.  Alberto 
della  Scala  at  this  period  resided  in  that  city,  a  man  more 
addicted  to  licentious  pleasures  than  government,  to  the  amuse- 
ments of  peace  than  the  conduct  of  wiu':  the  outrage  com- 
mitted on  Ubertino  s  wife  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  yet, 
as  if  the  injur}-  were  forgotten  on  both  sides,  this  nobleman 
with  his  brother  Mai'silio  were  as  we  have  said  the  principal 


*  Sabellico  asserts  that  he  was  only 
compelled  to  decamp  by  the  intelli- 
gence of  Luccino  (Azzo?)  Visconti's 
appearance  before  Brescia  but  dates 
Will  not  admit  of  this  althouch  it  may 
h'.-  very  possible  that  suspicion  of  Bres- 
cian  infidelity  might  thus  early  have 
arisen  in  Mastino's  mind.  Sabellico  is 
scarce  of  dates  and   confused  in  his 


narrative.  (Lib.  ii«,  cap.  ii»,  p.  102, 
Decha,  u\)  The  anonymous  author  of 
the  ^'latf/rie  Pistolesi  "  says  that  Mar- 
silio Rosso  secretly  passed  the  river 
where  Mastino  did  not  expect  him  and 
etfecttd  a  junction  with  Piero.  upon 
which  Mastino  decamped ;  but  there 
is  much  disagreement  in  the  different 
accounts  of  this  affair. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


19 


counsellors  and  most  intimate  friends  of  Alberto.  Marsilio 
had  once  been  lord  of  Padua  but  resigned  it  to  the  power  or 
influence  of  Cane  della  Scala  and  longed  to  reestablish  himself. 
Ubertino  was  excited  by  ambition  and  private  revenge  ;  the 
people  were  reduced  to  despair  by  exactions,  and  furious  from 
daily  insults,  therefore  all  parties  were  ready  to  revolt.  A 
secret  correspondence  with  Venice  was  maintained  which  Mas- 
tino is  said  to  have  discovered  and  immediately  wrote  to  desire 
that  the  two  brothers  should  be  imprisoned  and  put  to  death  : 
Alberto  was  at  chess  when  the  letter  came  and  handed  it 
over  to  Marsilio  without  breaking  the  seal :  the  latter  read 
his  death-warrant,  and  with  unchanged  countenance  calmly  told 
Alberto  that  his  brother  merely  wrote  for  a  certain  falcon  of 
which  he  had  need  at  a  hawking  party,  but  sending  Uberto 
instant  word  to  prepare  for  revolt  that  very  night  while  he 
remained  with  Alberto  to  prevent  any  further  intelligence 
reaching  him  from  Mastino*. 

Piero  Rosso  apprised  of  these  preparations  moved  silently 
on  the  night  of  the  third  of  August  to  the  gate  of  Ponte  Corvo 
which  was  instantly  ()[)ened  by  the  Guelphic  adherents  of  Mar- 
silio; at  the  same  hour  Alberto's  palace  was  surrounded, 
his  guards  disarmed,  and  he  himself  made  prisoner.  The 
Veneto-Florentine  army,  four  thousand  strong  in  cavalry, 
scoured  the  city  l)ut  molested  none  except  the  enemy's  sol- 
diers ;  rigid  discipline  was  observed  ;  Alberto  was  led  a  prisoner 
to  Venice  and  on  the  sixth  of  August  Marsilio  da  Carrara 
was  declared  Lord  of  Padua  by  the  assembled  people  and 
admitted  as  an  independent  member  of  the  league  f. 

This  success  however  humiliating  to  Mastino  was  quickly 
followed  by  two  events  that  threw  a  gloom  over  that  joy 


*  Istoria,  Padovana  di  Galeazzo  Ga- 
taro.  (Apud  Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  122). 
+  Istorie  Pistolesi,  An.  1337- — Gio. 
Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixii.,  Ixiii.,  Ixv. 
— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.  p.  422. — 


Muratori,  Annali,  An.  1337. — Leon. 
Aretino,  Libro  vi. — Sabellico,  Cronica 
Veneta,  Decha  ii%  Lib.  ii",  cap.  ii.,  p. 
HI. 


c  2 


20 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


with  which  so  brilliant  an  event  had  filled  the  public  mind, 
and  were  he  not  already  reduced  so  low  might  have  changed 
the  whole  aspect  of  the  war.      Marsilio  de'  Rossi  worn  out 
with  extreme  exertion  fell   sick  at  Padua,  and  Piero  while 
leadmg  on  his  men  to  the   assaidt  of  Monselice  was  struck 
by  a  javelin  or  aiTow  in  the  loins,  and  died  on  the  seventh 
of  August :  grief  at  his  brother's  death  conspiiing  with  dis- 
ease and  exhaustion,  brought  Marsilio  to  the  gi'ave  on  the 
seventeenth  ;  and  Oriando  out  of  pure  regard  tx3  their  memory 
was  immediately  made  generalissimo  of  the  combmed  armies. 
The  wai'  had  been  left  by  them  in  so  prosperous  a  state  that 
Oriando,  inferior  as  he  was  in  abdities,  had  little  difficulty  in 
maintainmg  the  ascendant :  Mestre  was  taken  soon  after,  Mon- 
selice under  the  able  Pietro  del  Venne  held  out  for  many 
months  and  its  citadel  much  longer ;  Orci  and  Canneto  m  the 
Brescian  district  followed  and  announced  the  speedy  loss  of 
that  capital ;  for  the  Brescians  tired  of  subjection  determined 
to  change  their  master,  and  negotiated   with  Azzo  Visconti, 
who  by  a  stratagem  gained  possession  of  the  place  on  the 
eighth  of  October,  and  of  the  citadel  shortly  after.     It  was  con- 
firmed to  him  by  the  allies  and  especially  the  Florentines,  for  in 
their  hatred  to  Mastino  they  seemed  to  have  forgotten  that  Azzo 
had  been  the  friend  of  Castruccio,  that  he  was  the  victor  of 
Altopascio  and  the  disdainful  insulter  of  their  own  capital. 
Mastino  now  became  alarmed  ;  Padua  and  Brescia  were  lost ; 
his  brother  a  prisoner ;  town  after  town  were  slipping  from 
his  grasp ;  his  treasury  was  exliausted,  and  fortune  ever}' where 
his  enemy :  nor  was  this  all ;  Charles,  the  son  of  John  Kmg 
of  Bohemia,  now  Duke  of  Carinthia,  had  joined  the  allies, 
made  himself  master  of  Feltre,  and  ultimately  of  Belhmo ; 
so  that  the  Veronese  chieftain  was  forced  to  make  another  effort 
for  peace  but  mthout  success.      The  confederates  were  too 
high  in  spurit,  too  arrogant,  and  too  exacting  in  their  demands, 
and  Mastino  was  not  yet  down;  negotiations  were  therefore 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


21 


A.D.  1338. 


broken  off;  Albert  still  remained  a  prisoner,  and  the  war 
recommenced,  more  roughly  than  before:  the  Veronese  dis- 
trict was  again  ravaged  in  March  and  April,  and  Verona 
itself  insulted  by  running  for  the  Palio  under  its  walls  ;  the 
Adige  was  passed  without  opposition,  and  sixteen  hostile  towns 
unmercifully  plundered '-'. 

In  May  the  strong  and  important  town  of  Montecchio,  the  inter- 
mediate link  between  Vicenza  and  Verona,  surrendered 
to  the  confederates  and  resisted  all  sul)sequent  efforts 
for  its  recapture  ;  Marsilio  Carrara  died  in  March  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  cousin  Ubertino  who  reduced  Monselice  in  August ; 
many  combats  took  place  in  various  quarters,  and  in  September 
Mastino  was  beaten  with  great  loss  while  attempting  to  retake 
the  town  of  Montagnana ;  the  allies  rode  triumphant  through 
all  the  land  and  even  mastered  a  suburb  of  Vicenza  itself,  while 
the  remainder  of  the  city  was  reduced  to  the  last  extremity. 
Mastino  finally  demanded  aid  of  the  emperor;  but  Louis 
although  willing  was  now  at  enmity  with  his  former  confederate 
John  of  Bohemia  and  found  the  Tyrolese  passes  occupied  by 
the  young  Duke  of  Carinthia  so  as  to  preclude  every  chance  of 
succour  from  that  quarter.  Thus  bafffed  and  unfortunate,  his 
capital  threatened,  and  Vicenza  on  the  point  of  surrendering, 
tliis  proud  leader  was  driven  once  more  to  negotiate ;  but 
now  \vith  some  hope  of  dissolving  a  confederacy  that  he  knew 
was  united  only  by  individual  interest  and  a  common  anger 
against  himself.  To  gain  his  object  he  determined  to  treat 
secretly  with  Venice  alone,  and  if  Villani  says  true  his  ambas- 
sadors were  ordered  to  distribute  money  with  a  lavish  hand 
amongst  her  principal  citizens,  imploring  them  not  to  counte- 
nance the  total  ruin  of  Mastino  and  with  him  that  of  all  the 
imperial  party  in  Italy.  To  give  their  exertions  greater  effect 
they  industriously  spread  a  report  that  if  the  negotiation  failed 
Louis  would  march  with  six  thousand  French  Barbute  into  Italy, 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxiii.  and  Ixxvii. 


wwp.'-i^^raf 


22 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAF.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


23 


and  take  part  in  the  contest :  these  hrihes  and  threats  were 
accompanied  by  the  most  advantageous  offers  of  peace,  and 
seconded   by  the    Pisan  and    Lucchese  envoys,  both   being 
Ghibehne  friends  of  Mastino  and  jealous  of  Florentine  ascend- 
ancy.    But  this  piince  was  not  friendless  even  in  Venice  ; 
his  large  bribes,  the  accomplishment  of  their  own  objects,  and 
their  natural  inclination  towards  his  politics  added  to  some 
little  fear  of  an  imperial  visit,  seemed  to  have  tempted  it« 
citizens  so  far  to  sacrifice  their  ally  as  to  consent  that  the  great 
object  of  Florentine  warfare,  the  cession  of  Lucca,  should  be 
entirely  excluded  from    any  treaty.     A    separate  peaxje  was 
accordingly  signed   with  Mastino   in    December  and   on  the 
eighteenth  of  the  same  month  announced  by  a  formal  embassy 
to  the  Florentines.     At  this  unexpected  intelligence  anger  and 
disappointment  took  possession  of  Florence,  and  her  people  were 
in  a  ferment ;  but  the  Venetians  remained  cool  and  deter- 
mined :    fair  conditions  they  said  were  secured  to  her  which 
might  be  accepted  or  rejected  as  she  pleased,  but  no  longer 
count  on  the  assistance  of  Venice  if  she  decided  on  continuing 
the  war  with  Mastino.     Councils,  debates,  public  and  private 
meetings  and  univei-sal  anger,  were  the  result  of  tliis  haughty 
message ;  passion  prevailed  here,  prudence  there,  but  mortifi- 
cation everj^where  :  resentment  finally  gave  way  to  necessity  ; 
a  heavy  expense  had  been  incurred  ;  immense  exertions  made, 
large  debts  contracted,  the  revenue  mortgaged  for  six  years, 
every  nerve  of  the  commonwealth  strained  to  breaking,  and 
therefore  small  hope  of  success  in  single-handed  warfare  against 
the  still  powerful  lord  of  Verona.     Prudence  finally  gained  the 
ascendant,  and  ambassadors  reached  Venice  with  instructions 
to  insist  first  on  a  strict  obser^'ation  of  the  original  condi- 
tions of  the  league  ;  and  failing  this,  to  try  for  better  terms ; 
but  with  secret  orders  to  sign  the  articles,  if  nothing  better 
might  be  effected.    It  was  a  vain  effort ;  nothing  of  great  im- 
portance could  be  gained  from  that  implacable  commonwealth ; 


A.D.  1339. 


the  treaty  was  therefore  ratified  and  peace  proclaimed  at  Flo- 
rence on  the  twenty-fourth  of  January  1339,  with  a  sullen  ex- 
pression of  displeasure.  This  was  not  diminished  by  a  final 
settlement  of  accounts  in  which  the  Venetians  still 
managed  to  preserve  the  ascendant,  and  Florence 
again  yielded  to  the  inflexibility  of  a  republic  that  now  for  the 
first  time  laid  the  foundation  of  a  new  dominion  on  "  Terra 
firma,"  a  dominion  more  brilliant  than  salutary,  by  which  she 
was  finally  entangled  in  the  mazes  of  continental  politics  at  a 
moment  when  every  exertion  was  necessary  to  preserve  her 
waning  influence  in  the  east,  the  real  source  of  her  power. 

By  this  treaty  Treviso  and  its  territory  besides  several  other 
important  places  were  ceded  to  Venice,  others  to  the  lord  of 
Padua ;  Feltre  and  Belluno  to  the  Duke  of  Carinthia ;  the  Ptossi 
were  reestablished  in  their  possessions,  the  navigation  of  the 
Po  declared  free ;  Azzo  Visconti  was  confirmed  in  the  sove- 
reignty of  Brescia  ;  Alberto  della  Scala  released  unransomed ; 
and  Florence  once  more  excluded  from  Lucca,  the  great  object 
of  her  aspirations,  although  m  thirty-one  months  she  had  ex- 
pended more  than  000,000  florins  in  the  war.  Yet  was  not 
her  interest  entirely  neglected,  nor  was  her  portion  small, 
although  inadequate  either  to  her  expectations  or  exertions  : 
she  was  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  Fucecchio,  Castel- 
Franco,  Santa  Croce,  Santa  Maria-a-Monte,  and  Montetopoli 
in  Val-d'  Arno  ;  of  Montecatini,  Monte  Sommano,  Monte  Vet- 
tolini,  Massa,  Cozzile  and  Uzzano  in  Val  di  Nievole  ;  and  of 
Avellano,  Sorana,  and  Castel-Vecchio,  in  Val-di-Luna;  be- 
sides the  important  towns  of  Buggiano,  Pescia,  and  the  fortress 
of  Altopascio  which  were  subsequently  added,  along  with  two 
other  small  fortresses.  Thus  a  great  cantle  was  scooped  out 
of  the  Lucchese  territory,  its  frontier  opened,  and  that  of  Flo- 
rence everywhere  extended  to  the  west,  while  the  important 
acquisition  of  Arezzo  enlarged,  rounded,  and  strengthened  her 
eastern  boundary    and    increased    her  political  importance. 


K 


24 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CMAP.   XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


25 


Within  a  brief  period  she  had  been  twice  overreached,  and  the 
people  were  discontented ;  but  she  had  already  meted  out  the 
same  measure  without  remorse  to  Perugia  and  justified  her 
own  infidelity,  therefore  met  no  sympathy  =:=. 

Thus  ended  the  Lombard  war  by  a  disadvantageous  peace 
after  two  years  and  a  half  of  actual  hostilities ;  a  war  which 
although  reluctantly  concluded  and  failing  in  its  principal  and 
most  selfish  object,  was  still  so  far  successful  as  to  ciipple  the 
power  humble  the  pride  and  render  al>ortive  the  ambition  of 
Mastino,  who  with  poetical  justice  was  finally  compelled  to 
pawn  the  veiy  diadem  which  he  had  caused  to  be  made  for  his 
contemplated  coronation  as  sole  monarch  of  Lombardy.     Yet 
the  bitter  pill  thus  swallowed  by  Florence,  forced  on  her  as  it 
was  by  financial  and  commercial  distress,  was  scarcely  made 
palatable  by  the  enemy's  abasement :  this  distress  arose  in  a 
distant  and  unexpected  quarter  and  serves  to  exhibit  the  vast 
extent  and  magnitude  of  her  mercantile  transactions :  but  first 
it  will  be  expedient  to  notice  some  political  changes  that  hap- 
pened in  Italy  during  the  continuance  of  the  Lombard  war. 

Bologna  which  never  remained  long  quiet  after  the  expul- 
sion of  Bertmnd  du  Poiet,  had  in  1387  broken  out  once  more 
into  open  conflict ;  the  two  potent  families  of  Gozzadini  and 
Peppoli,  who  had  been  long  struggling  for  masteiy,  finally 
came  to  a  decisive  battle  on  the  third  of  July ;  but  one  day 
while  the  sons  of  Taddeo  de'  Peppoli  were  hotly  engaged  with 
Brandaligi  de'  Gozzadini  and  many  followers  on  both  sides, 
their  father  suddenly  appeared  and  parting  the  combatants 
as  if  desirous  of  peace,  took  Brandaligi  in  a  friendly  manner 
to  his  own  house  and  there  with  plausible  discourse  persuaded 
liim  to  disarm  his  followei-s.  No  sooner  was  this  accomplished 
than  the  Bianclii,  Bentivogli,  and  others  of  the  Peppoli  faction, 
attacked  and  destroyed    the  palaces  of    the    Brandaligi  and 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxxii.,     1 339.— Istoric  Pistolcsi,  Anno  1339. 
Ixxxix.,  xc— Muratori,  Annali,  Anno     — Sardi,  Istorie  Fcrrarese,  Lib.  vi. 


drove  them  from  the  city ;  and  Taddeo  with  the  aid  of  his 
kinsman  the  Marquis  of  Este,  after  nearly  two  months  of  civic 
agitation  was  made  Captain-General  and  Lord  of  Bologna,  but 
without  any  alteration  in  its  foreign  policy  or  connexions. 
The  friendly  relations  with  Florence  were  therefore  undisturbed, 
and  the  latter  was  about  the  same  period  not  ill  pleased  to 
find  the  Guelphic  cause  relieved  from  a  powerful  adversarj*  by 
the  death  of  Frederic  King  of  Sicily. 

This  was  a  prince  of  great  ability,  who  for  many  years  under 
all  the  disadvantages  of  a  new  and  unsettled  dynasty  withstood 
the  long-continued  assaults  and  perpetual  enmity  of  so  able  a 
monarch  as  Robert :  after  Frederic's  decease  the  king's  hopes 
were  for  a  moment  revived  by  a  partial  revolt  in  the  island, 
and  preparations  made  for  a  descent ;  but  the  attempt  failed 
and  things  held  on  their  couree.  An  event  of  more  serious 
importance  to  a  commercial  state  was  the  simultaneous  arrest, 
by  Philip  de  Valois,  of  all  the  Italian  merchants  and  bankers 
in  France  :  usuiy  and  extortion  were  the  crimes  laid  to  their 
charge,  and  a  belief  in  their  guilt  was  sufficiently  grateful  to  the 
feelings  of  a  needy  aristocracy  more  eager  to  borrow  than  able 
or  willing  to  pay,  much  less  to  calculate  the  hazard  of  a  loan. 
But  however  innocent,  there  was  no  release  for  these  victims 
until  the  uttermost  penalty  were  exacted,  nor  until  the  king  had 
realised  a  large  sum  by  their  ransoms.  This  of  course  gave  a 
check  to  Florentine  trade  which  had  already  been  considerably 
perplexed  by  that  monarch's  debasement  of  the  French  currency ; 
for  to  such  an  extent  had  he  carried  this  ruinous  practice  that 
the  golden  florin  of  Florence  which  early  in  liis  reign  was  worth 
only  ten  Parisian  sous,  in  the  year  1340  exchanged  for  thirty 
pieces  of  the  same  denomination.  New  impediments  and  in- 
creased troubles  arose  from  Philip's  w^ars  with  the  English 
Edward  which  drained  the  treasuries  of  both  monarchs  and  half 
ruined  Florence ;  at  a  moment  too  when  the  resources  of  this 
state  were  all  needed  to  pay  for  her  own  expensive  armaments. 


ij 


/ 


26 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Edward  III.  had  appointed  the  two  great  commercial  houses 
of  Bardi  and  Peruzzi  to  be  his  agents  and  bankers ;  all  his 
revenues,  wool,  and  every  material  of  wealth  passed  through 
their  hands,  while   they  undertook  to  furnish  him  with  the 
money  necessary  for  war  and  other  public  expenses  :  but  this 
expenditure  so  much  exceeded  both  the  public  revenue  and 
mortgaged  property  that  on  Edward  s  return  from  France  the 
Bardi  found  themselves  his  creditors  for  more  than  180,000 
marks  sterhng,  and  the  Pemzzi  for  upwards  of  130,000,  each 
mark  being  then  equd  to  sometliing  more  than  four  and  one- 
third  golden  florins,  or  in  round  numbers  to  about  two  pounds 
nine  shillmgs  of  the  present  day  *,  so  that  the  whole  debt 
amounted  to  700,000/.  steriing,  weight  for  iveiffht,  (independent 
of  the  relative  value  of  com  at  the  two  periods)  which,  says 
Villani,  was  *'  the  worth  of  a  kingdom."     He  then  proceeds 
to  blame  these  two  houses  for  being  so  tempted  by  an  exces- 
sive desu-e  of  gain  as  to  risk  not  only  their  own  but  many  other 
people  s  property  in  one  precarious  investment ;  for  the  greater 
part  belonged  to  persons  who  had  trusted  their  capital  to  the 
management  of  these  long-established  tirms,  or  accommodated 
them  with  money  on  the  ancient  credit  of  their  name.  The  con- 
sequences of  this  calamity  were  not  confined  to  Florence,  they 
spread  throughout  a  wide  circle  of  connexions  in  every  part  of  the 
civilized  world  by  blighting  the  nearest  as  well  as  the  remotest 
branches  of  commercial  business;  yet  the  extensive  landed  pro- 
perty of  these  houses  still  supported  them  and  total  bankruptcy 
was  thus  avoided :  but  the  Florentine  commercial  interest  of 


*  The  golden  florin  of  Florence  (at  8 
to  the  ounce  troy  of  560  grains)  would 
weigh  70  grains  therefore  4-^  florins 
would  be  equal  to  303*3  grains.  In 
two  guineas  there  are  about  258^ 
grains  of  standard  gold,  therefore  the 
mark  sterling  (if  as  Villani  says  it  were 
then  equal  to  4^  florins)  was  also  equal 
to  21.  8«.  lOfti.  of  the  present  day  in 
actual  weight  of  metal  at  a  rough  cal- 


culation. Wliat  quantity  of  com  or 
labour  this  weight  of  gold  would  then 
purchase  is  another  and  more  intricate 
question,  and  may  have  differed  very 
widely  in  Florence  as  a  rich  commer- 
cial state  from  the  less  opulent  coun- 
tries of  Europe  at  the  same  period  ; 
but  its  purchase  value  may  fairly  be 
taken  as  at  least  equal  to  about  £5  of 
the  present  day. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


27 


which  they  were  considered  the  sustaining  columns,  was 
terribly  shaken ;  no  other  firm  could  any  longer  be  trusted, 
and  a  general  suspicion  of  all  inferior  houses  pervaded  the  com- 
mercial world  from  the  Sea  of  Azof  to  the  distant  shores  of 
Britain.  Just  before  this  catastrophe  the  Bardi 's  power  and 
wealth  appeared  so  alarming  that  a  decree  passed  on  the  four- 
teenth of  March  1338  aimed  directly  at  them  and  forbidding 
all  Florentine  citizens  to  purchase  towns  or  castles  beyond 
the  frontier,  which  by  removing  them  from  republican  autho- 
rity, facilitated  treasonable  designs  against  the  state,  and 
was  therefore  displeasing  to  an  ever-jealous  people,  who 
omitted  no  occasion  of  curbing  the  nobles;  but  more  par- 
ticularly because  these  same  Bardi  had  recently  purchased 
the  fortified  towns  of  Vernia,  Margona,  and  other  strong 
places  situated  beyond  the  border,  which  gave  them  an  inde- 
pendent and,  as  it  was  considered,  an  illegitimate  influence, 
incompatible  with  the  rank  of  simple  citizens  in  a  free 
state  *. 

For  some  time  after  these  events  the  Florentines  remained 
armed  and  watchful ;  their  acquisitions  on  the  side  of  Lucca 
required  setting  in  order,  and  Mastino  s  sudden  appearance  in 
that  city  alarmed  the  whole  community  even  in  the  midst  of 
peace  ;  so  little  was  he  trusted :  but  this  fear  was  dispelled  by 
his  almost  immediate  departure  with  20,000  florins,  the  levying 
of  w^hich  had  been  his  main  object.  Nevertheless  a  nervous 
feeling  of  apprehension  still  weighed  on  the  public  mind  as  if 
some  indistinctly-conceived  misfortune  were  threatening  the 
commonwealth.  The  unsatisfactory  peace  after  so  brilliant 
and  constant  a  success,  had  unsettled  men's  tempers;  the 
unpromising  condition  of  their  finances,  the  distressed  state  of 
commerce,  the  failure  of  banks,  and  the  sudden  and  depressing 
reaction  from  years  of  high  excitement,  had  unbraced  their 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxiv.,    Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii'^,  p.  428. — 
Ixxxviii. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vi. —    Istorie  Pistolesi. 


28 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY, 


[book  I. 


mind :  this  despondency  was  increased  by  various  meteorological 
phenomena;  such  as  eclipses,  comets,  unusmil  stonns  of  hail  and 
thunder,  and  consequent  injuo^  to  public  buildmgs ;  added  to 
all  was  a  deficient  harvest  and  the  dismal  prospect  of  famine, 
which  altogether  had  an  effect  so  superstitious  that  the  lightest 
and  commonest  accidents  were  received  as  sinister  omens  and 
urged  the  people  through  fear  of  coming  wi'ath  to  a  laudable 
course  of  pohcy.  They  accordingly  became  peace-makers ;  and  by 
then-  mfluence  restored  tranquillity  in  Romagna where  Forli,  Ce- 
sina,  Ravenna,  Rimini,  Faenza,  Imola,  and  the  Counts  Guidi, 
were  all  in  a  state  of  mutual  hostUity :  then  turning  to  Perugia 
they  healed  the  wound  so  lately  given  by  the  acquisition  of 
Arezzo ;  mutual  concessions  were  made  and  Lucignano,  Monte 
Sansovino,  Friano,   and  Anghiari  were  secured   to  the   first, 
whHe  Florence  was  left  in  the  unshackled  sovereignty  of  the 
last.     Amicable  arrangements  were  afterwards  entered  into 
\vith  Pisa  to  meet  the  coming  scarcity,  and  then  public  atten- 
tion was  exclusively  directed   to  reform  the  election  of  the 
Seignory  which  had  already  been  cUstorted  by  the  daring  frau- 
dulence  of  ambition  *. 

A  parliament  or  general  assembly  of  the  people  was  held  on 
the  twenty-fourth  of  December  to  take  this  important  subject  into 
consideration  and  in  the  course  of  their  investigation  it  appeared 
that  one  of  the  means  used  by  ruling  citizens  to  retain  the 
powers  of  government  in  their  own  hands  was  as  follows.     It 
has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  names  of  all  those  citizens 
who  had  been  chosen  as  eligible  for  office  in  the  general  scru- 
tiny were  written  on  sepai'ate  billets  and  deposited  in  six  bags, 
one  for  each  Sesto  of  the  city ;  but  instead  of  destroying  those 
billets  which  bore  the  names  of  candidates  already  elected  to 
the  different  offices  of  government ;  they  were  artfully  trans- 
ferred to  another  set  of  purses  until  all  the  names  were  drawn; 
and  then  the  same  operation  was  recommenced  from  the  latter, 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  c,  ciii.,  cv.,  cxiv. 


CH\P.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


29 


SO  that  the  whole  administration  of  government  thus  moved  in 
a  circle  and  by  remaining  in  the  hands  of  a  certain  set  became 
a  close  aristocracy  and  almost  an  oligarchy ;  to  the  exclusion 
of  nmnerous  discontented  citizens  just  as  ambitious  and  not 
more  honest  than  themselves.  These  last  however  succeeded 
in  fixing  public  attention  to  this  abuse  and  passing  a  law 
in  full  assembly  which  commanded  the  immediate  destruction 
of  all  those  names  once  drawn  for  office,  without  however 
rendering  the  individuals  themselves  ineligible  at  the  next 
periodical  scrutiny.  In  this  manner  was  checked  for  a  time 
the  tyranny  of  a  prevniling  faction ;  but  there  were  other  ways 
of  maintaining  and  even  increasing  its  authority  which  soon 
manifested  themselves  in  the  second  and  unlawful  appoint- 
ment of  the  infamous  Gabrielli  d'  Agobbio  as  supreme  rector  of 
Florence. 

The  superstitious  terror  which  had  gained  possession  of  the 
inhabiumts  was  ere  long  contirmed  by  the  visitation 
of  two  dreadful  scourges  ;  a  devouring  pestilence  fol- 
lowed by  hard  and  withering  famine  :  the  first  raged  through 
the  town  in  unmitigated  fury ;  the  last  held  it  with  so  close  a 
gripe  that  the  death  of  fifteen  thousand  souls  within  the  city  by 
pestilence  alone  was  insufficient  to  relax  its  pressure.  A  sixth  of 
the  population  exclusive  of  the  suburbs,  had  perished,  and  yet  the 
intensity  of  want  was  still  unmodified  :  conflagration  added  new 
terrors  to  the  scene ;  and  a  liail-storm  in  May  wiiich  lay  like  snow 
upon  the  gTound  and  destroyed  the  fruit,  increased  the  general 
miser}^ ;  superstition  gained  fresh  force,  and  Florence  was  wild 
with  lamentation  wretchedness  and  woe.  Religion  then  inter- 
fered and  pleaded  for  misfortune  ;  the  public  heart  was  softened ; 
and  at  the  instance  of  the  church  it  was  decreed  that  all  exiles 
should  be  recalled  and  allowed  to  remain  unmolested  on  paying 
a  certain  amount  of  taxation  ;  and  that  all  confiscated  property 
still  in  the  hands  of  government  should  be  restored  to  the 
widows  and  oi-phans  of  deceased  refugees ;  but  the  latter  part 


A.  D.  1340. 


30 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  t. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


31 


was  imperfectly  executed  and  as  was  believed  the  plague  raged. 
inconsequenceofthisfraud,untilwinter.  The  Florentines  never- 
theless drew  some  comfort  from  their  misfortunes ;  supersti- 
tion gradually  evaporated  and  made  room  for  a  certain  small 
philosophy  which  taught  them  to  contemplate  the  plague  as  a 
necessity  of  nature,  and  so  far  merciful  as  it  carried  off  numbers 
that  must  otherwise  have  slowly  perished  by  famine ;  while 
the  destmction  of  their  fruit  suggested  the  consolation,  that 
had  it  remained  to  be  eaten  by  a  sickly  famishing  population  a 
second  pestilence  would  probably  have  been  produced. 

This  serious  state  of  the  public  mind  was  deemed  a  good 
oppoitunit}^  for  checking  luxur>^  and  reforming  that  general 
tendency  to  show  and  magnificence  which  was  fust  overla}'ing 
ancient 'republican  fnigality  and  the  simplicity  of  private  life. 
A  new  code  of  sumptuary-  laws  was  therefore  promulgated,  by 
which  excess  at  feasts,  dinners,  and  weddings ;  at  the  making 
of  knights  ;  in  presents  to  brides  and  other  extravagances ;  in 
fimerak ;  but  especially  in  dowers,  which  impeded  marriages 
and  filled  convents,  was  once   more  forbidden  without   any 
permanent  effect ;  for  besides  their  direct  opposition  to  the 
very  spirit  and  nature  of  human  progress,  these  edicts  always 
come  too  late   for  the   object ;   they  are  commonly  enacted 
after  the  evil  is  introduced  and  the  tiste  confirmed.     In  a 
declining  state  tliis  taste  \sill  gradually  wear  away  for  lack 
of  nutriment,  in  an  improving  one  it  will  push  forward  against 
all  impediments  ;  the  only  effectual  check  to  be  expected  from 
such  restrictions  (for  there  is  no  prevention)  might  haply  be 
found  in  making  them  prospective,  smd  as  it  were  anticipat- 
ing the  issue  of  those  inevitable  cravings  of  riches  and  fancy  by 
the  prohibition  of  what  is  as  yet  undesired  or  unattainable, 
and  this  could  only  be  accomplished  in  a  poor  colony  from  an 
already  civilised  countrj-  *. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  there  were  other  ways  of  un- 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxiv. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ix.,p.  434. 


lawfully  retaining  the  administrative  power  besides  that  which 
had    been   recently  abolished;     namely  by  the   niling    sect 
axjquiring  a  paramount  influence  over  the  election  of  the  foreign 
rectors,  and  thus  rendering  these  functionaries  entirely  depen- 
dent on  themselves.     This  was  a  favourite  mode  of  working, 
and  we  have  already  seen  that  not  content  with  the  ordinary 
govemoi-s,  a  third  was  added  in  1335  under  the  new-fangled 
title  of  "  Ciipta'ui  of  the  GuanV  the  value  of  whose  services 
was  gratefully  remembered  by  the  ascendant  faction.     From 
the  bad  conduct  of  a  weak  or  artful  administration  Florence  at 
this  time  was  indirectly  mled  by  a  cabal  composed  of  two 
individuals  from  each  Sesto  belonging  to  that  class  which  was 
called  the  "  Popolaui  Grassi"  or  richest  citizens  below  the 
mnk  of  nobles,  although  superior  to  most  of  them  in  power 
and  opulence.      These  oligarchs  being  detennined  to  admit  no 
equals  into  the  government,  managed  to  have  the  seignory 
composed  of  such  men  only  as  were  devoted  to  themselves,  and 
selected  from  their  own  class  alone,  equally  excluding  the  lower 
and  lowest  classes  of  citizens  and  the  higliest  ranks  of  nobility. 
But  not  satisfied  with  nominating  the  Podesta,  the  Captain  of 
the  People,  and  the  Executor  of  the  Ordinances  of  Justice,  which 
were  already  thought  too  many  for  the  good  government  of  an 
independent  community,  they  created  the  new  office  above 
mentioned,  and  recalled  Gabrielli  d'  Agubbio  with  a  hundred 
men-at-amis,  two  hundred  infantry  and  an  enormous  salary ; 
invested  too  as  before  with  super-legal  powers,  to  be  a  ready  in- 
strument in  oppressing  their  fellow-citizens  ;  and  this  in  despite 
of  the  public  decree  which  for  ten  yeare  forbade  his  nomination 
or  that  of  any  of  his  family  to  the  rectorship  of  Florence.    Such 
was  the  nature  of  its  liberty !    This  tyrant  resumed  his  former 
course  with  implacable  consistency,  and  being  strengthened 
with  a  band  of  myrmidons  and  an  authority  above  all  law, 
swept  away  great  and  small,  guilty  and  innocent,  to  destitution, 
exile,  and  ignominious  death.     All  Florence  trembled  save  the 


32 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


33 


master-tyrants  that  employed  him ;  most  of  the  citizens,  but 
particularly  the  nobles,  were  exaspemtecl  to  so  great  a  degree 
that  a  conspiracy  ^vas  formed  amongst  the  latter  to  hurl  Jacob 
Gabrielli  and  his  masters  from  their  unlawful  emmence  and 
^dndicate  republican  liberty.      Amongst  the  minor  sufferers 
from  his  iniustice  were  Pietro  de'  Bardi  and  Baldo  Fres- 
cobaldi  •   the   former  was  fined   6000   Lire  for  havmg   out- 
raided  one  of  his  own  vassals  at  Vemio,  a  town  beyond  the 
iurisdiction  of  Florence  and  therefore  not  subject  to  the  ordi- 
nances of  justice ;  the  latter  was  also  forced  to  pay  a  considerable 
sum  of  money  for  a  trifling  offence  which  he  even  domed  ever 
haviiKt  committed.     Besides  these  there  was  also  Andrea  de' 
Bardi'^a  kinsman  of  the  fii-st  whom  the  government  compelled 
to  sun-ender  his  fortress  of  Mangona  to  the  republic.     The 
Bardi  and  Frescobuldi,  both  in  rank  and  fortune  were  amongst 
the  most  illustrious  citizens  of  Florenrc  iuid  therefore  un- 
popular ^^'ith   the   ruling  faction,   especially  the   former,  be- 
cause their  foreign  possessions  natundly  brought  them  into 
closer  intimacy  with  other  l)order-cliieftmns  whose  territories  had 
many  pomts  of  contact  with  those  of  Florence  and  who  were 
generally  readv  to  annoy  her.     Thus  outraged,  these  powerful 
families  united  in  the  determination  to  brhig  a  conspiracy 
already  in  preparation  against  the  government,  to  an  immediate 
issue,  and  being  joined  by  the  Rossi  and  many  other  noble  and 
even  popular  families  on  both  sides  of  tVie  Anio,  the  plot  began 
to  assume  a  formidable  aspect.    Nor  was  external  aid  wanting  ; 
many  independent  barons  eager  to  humble  the  burghers,  had 
promised  their  assistance;   amongst  them  were  most  of  the 
Counts  Guidi,  the  Tarlati  of  Pietramala.  the  Pazzi  of  Val  d  amo, 
the  Uberti  and  I'baldini  of  the  Apennines,  the  Guazzalotti  of 
Prato,  the  Belforti  of  Yolterra  and  othei-s.     These  were  to 
gather   thickly  round   Florence    on  All  Saints'  eve  and  the 
hopes  of  the  conspirators  ran  high,  for  on  the  following  day 
while  the  whole  people  were  supplicating  for  the  souls  of  their 


dead,  Gabrielli  and  his  supporters  were  to  be  exterminated,  the 
seignory  dissolved,  and  a  revolution  accomplished,  which  accord- 
ing to  the  belief  of  some  was  to  have  entirely  abolished  the 
popular  form  of  government.  This  impression  probably  de- 
terred many  from  openly  joining  in  the  plot  who  would  other- 
wise have  been  willing ;  for  notwithstanding  its  abuses  the 
form  of  government  was  popular  and  that  of  the  nobles  dreaded ; 
yet  success  would  still  have  been  certain  had  every  conspirator 
remained  true  and  firm  to  his  resolution  ;  but  as  there  is  gene- 
rally some  feeble  link  in  a  long  chain,  so  is  there  a  weak  or  re- 
pentant spirit  in  most  conspiracies,  a  mind  wliich  unable  to  bear 
the  pressure  of  the  crisis  }ields  to  the  force  of  circumstances. 

The  same  Andrea  Bardo  whose  peculiar  wrongs  amongst 
many  others  the  insurrection  was  intended  to  redress,  whether 
from  remorse  or  a  quarrel  with  his  companions,  revealed  the 
whole  to  his  brother-in-law  Jacopo  degli  Alberti  one  of  the 
ruling  sect  and  therefore  an  intended  victim.  Alberti  imme- 
diately informed  the  priors  and  preparations  were  instantly 
made  to  meet  a  danger  more  felt  than  distinctly  apparent  to 
the  gi'eater  number  of  citizens  :  yet  the  city  was  soon  in 
violent  agitation  no  person  knowing  exactly  how  to  act,  from 
ignorance  of  facts,  while  both  conspirators  and  priors  were 
equally  afraid  to  begin ;  the  one  from  their  prematm-e  detection, 
the  other  from  apprehension  of  consequences.  The  conduct  of 
the  ruling  chiefs  was  however  decisive  ;  they  promptly  repaired 
to  the  palace  and  almost  by  force  caused  the  great  bell  to  be 
sounded  notwithstanding  a  strong  opposition  from  Francesco 
Salviati  and  Taldo  Valori  one  a  prior  the  other  gonfalonier,  and 
both  kinsmen  of  the  Bardi.  These  men  insisted  on  the  im- 
prudence of  ringing  the  Canipana  on  every  slight  occasion,  as 
an  armed  multitude  was  always  a  dangerous  auxiliary  and  more 
easily  roused  than  calmed ;  it  would  therefore  be  wiser  they 
said  to  search  into  the  truth  of  the  accusation  and  afterwards 
legally  punish,  than  risk  the  destruction  of  Florence  by  an 

VOL.  II.  D 


34 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[eook  I. 


ill-timed  violence  on  the  simple  assertion  of  a  single  individual. 
Their  words  were  plausible  but  the  motives  probably  appreciated, 
for  their  voice  was  droNnied  in  loud  and  univei-sal  reproaches  of 
folly  and  presumi)tion  ;  and  a  resohition  for  an  immediate  attack 
on  the  conspirators  was  carried  by  acclamation.     No  sooner 
had  the  deep  tones  of  the  Campana  mng  out  the  alanu  tlian 
the  town  as  if  by  magic  was  ever}-where  and  at  the  same 
moment  in  agitation  and  all  the  people  aimed  :  horse  and  man 
were  soon  arraved  before  the   public  palace,   each  civic  com- 
pany under  its  oavu  standard,  and  loud  cries  of  "  Lonrf  live  the 
People  '  and  "  Let  the  Traitors  die"  echoed  in  eveiy  street, 
while  the  storaiy  crash  of  the  Campana  jarred  (»n  the  ears  of 
many  a  still  unconscious  citizen.     The  gates  were  promptly 
shut  to  cut  off  all  rommmiication  from  without,  for  the  country- 
was  full  of  araied  bands  marching  from  eveiy  side  and  concen- 
trating on  the  capital,  but  still  too  distant  to  cooperate.     The 
conspu-atoi-s  seemg  their  plot  discovered,  their  allies  far  away, 
and  no  signs  of  revolt  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  where  the 
people  were  most  powerful,  determined  to  sell  their  lives  as 
dearly  as  they  could,  or  if  ix)ssible  maintain  themselves  on  the 
left  bank  mitil   succoui-s  arrived.      The  bridge-heads  of  the 
Ponte  Vecchio  and  La  Trinita  which  had  remained  in  wood 
since  the  great  tlood  were  instan^  tired,  aud  from  the  adjohiing 
houses  a  shower  of  aiTows  poured  down  on  every  other  approach  : 
the  position  w^s  strong,  and  easily  tenpblc  n<4ainst  all  the  ad- 
verse force  had  their  cause  been  popular  ;  but  the  nobles  were 
feared  and  hated  and  the  people  of  Oitranh>  remained  true  to 
themselves  and  their  party  with  whicli  they  felt  even  a  ba<i 
government  to  be  identified  :   it  was  stdl  democracy  against 
aristocracy,  a  common  bond  of  feeling  and  principle,  that  even 
the  tvrannv  of  a  Gabrielli  was  not  sufficient  to  untie.     The 
inhabitants  rose  to  a  man,  mustered  under  their  own  banner, 
boldly  attacked  the  conspii-atoi*s,  extmguished  theftre,  tjok  both 
bridges,  and  then  being  jouied  by  their  fellow-citizens,  who  after 


OIAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


33 


a  hard  fight  had  forced  the  Ponte  alia  Carraia,  together  pushed 
on  the  attack  with  bolder  spirit.  The  bridge  of  llubaconte  was 
still  fiercely  defended,  but  the  conspirators  being  now  assailed 
both  in  flank  and  rear,  were  finally  driven  to  the  castellated 
houses  and  towers  in  the  Via  de'  Bardi,  the  strongest  part  of 
their  position,  wliere  they  struggled  long  and  obstinately,  espe- 
cially at  the  bridge  wliich  their  antagonists  were  exerting  even- 
effort  to  possess.  Meanwhile  Gabrielli  d'  Agobbio  feeling 
that  he  would  fidl  the  first  sa(;rifice  to  victoiy  on  the  adverse 
side,  stood  trembling  and  stupified  iu  the  midst  of  his  guards 
before  the  palace  without  making  effort  in  favour  of  the 
government :  not  so  the  Podesta  ]\Iaffeo  da  Ponte  Caredi  oH 
Brescia,  who  all  unarmed  as  he  was,  instantly  putting  liimself 
at  the  head  of  a  few  liorseuien  hurried  to  the  scene  of  action 
and  advancing  alone  over  the  bridge  amidst  a  flight  of  arrows 
with  outstretched  arm  demanded  a  parley. 

His  high  station,  his  l)uldness,  and  venerable  character  ex- 
cited instantaneous  admiration  and  respect ;  the  combat  stopped, 
the  revolted  chiefs  crowded  round  him,  and  liis  lirm  and  earnest 
expression  of  wisdom  and  humanity,  was  listened  to  with  silent 
attention. 

"  If  I  were  conscious,"  he  is  made  to  say,  "  if  I  were  con- 
"  scions  O  most  noble  citizens  of  ever  having  done  auglit  to 
"  injure  one  of  you  in  the  exercise  of  those  «luties  attached  to 
"  the  high  station  where  your  voices  have  placed  me,  or  if  1 
"  had  even  suffered  wrong  from  any  of  j^ourselves,  certes  1 
"  would  not  now  appear  almost  unarmed  in  the  midst  of  you 
•'  and  expose  myself  either  to  your  vengeance  for  the  former, 
"  or  your  mistrust  on  account  of  the  latter.  But  as  my  inno- 
"  cence  gives  me  the  confidence  to  come  and  reason  with  you, 
"  even  here  in  the  middle  of  hostile  spears,  so  do  I  hope  that 
"  your  consciousness  of  never  having  injured  me,  will  assure 
"  you  that  I  am  only  come  for  the  purpose  of  benefiting  your- 
"  selves :  if  then  vou  have  this  reliance  in  my  motives,  resign 

D  '2 


36 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


t( 


(( 


n 


n 
(I 


these  dangerous  arms  which  are  even  less  hurtful  to  your 
antagonists  than  to  you,  I  do  not  only  mean  if  you  be  over- 
come, which  you  must  necessarily  be,  Init  even  if  you  remain 
victorious   in   this  unnatural   conflict.— Will  your  families 
rejoice  in  your  victory? — Have  you  not  sisters,  wives,  and 
daughters  of  the  same  blood  as  that  which  you  now  have 
dared  to  shed  ?     How  can  you  rejoice  in  a  \'ictory  that  will 
make  them  weep  for  fatliei*s  brothers  and  nephews  slain  by 
their  kinsmen's  swords  !    Will  you  not  respect  their  sorrow  ? 
Lay  down  these  arms  then,  since  certain  victor}^  were  it  even 
now  in  your  hands,  can  bring  nothing  but  crime  and  misery. 
But  I  will  not  deceive  you  ;  there  is  no  hope  ;  the  succoui*s 
you  expected  come  not,  and  were  they  come  where  would 
they  find  an  entnmce  when  every  gate  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
citizens  ?     The  bridges  are  all  occujiied  ;  the  whole  Sesto  of 
Oltramo  is  in  the  power  of  your  enemies  except  this  single 
street ;  and  can  this  single  street  long  resist  the  power  of 
the  whole  Florentme  people  ?     It  would  be  folly  to  believe 
so  !— But  if  on  the  other  hand  you  ex{)oct,  as  you  must  ex- 
pect, to  be  overcome,  what  are  you  resolved  on '?   Are  you  so 
blinded  by  furj-  that  you  cannot  behold  your  own  certain  ruin ; 
can  you  not  see  the  plundering,  the  conflagi'ation,  the  mur- 
ders, the  carnage  that  will  shortly  fill  this  unhappy  street ; 
or  do  you  believe  that  the  people  will  be  more  merciful  to 
you  than  what  they  have  persuaded  themselves  you  by  your 
conspiracy  intended  to  be  towards  them  ?     Believe  rather 
that  such  men  will  be  so  much  the  more  cruel  to  you  than 
you  would  ever  have  been  to  them,  because  the  lower  classes 
and  mere  populace  are  commonly  more  ferocious  than  those 
of  noble  blood ;  poverty  makes    them  rapacious  ;   licence, 
anger,  fierceness,  impunity,  all  will  drive  them  on  to  ever}' 
devilish  act  however  daring  and  horrible  I      You  will  see 
the  ancient  mansions  of  your  forefathei-s  plundered  burnt 
and  destroyed  witli  all  their  treasures  I     Wliat  do  I  say  ? 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


"  These  are  trifles  that  may  be  restored  ;  but  you  will  se( 
"  wives,  your  daughters, your  children,  all  mercilessly  butcl 
"  and  then  your  own  selves  will  follow  !  Shun,  fly  from  s^ 
"  horrors  ;  provide  for  your  safety  ere  this,  and  worse  evil^ 
'*  that  I  shudder  to  think  of,  fall  upon  you !  With  all  my 
"  power  and  influence ;  if  you  will  only  accept  my  mediation, 
*'  I  will  honestly  assist  you,  and  if  I  cannot  obtain  your  entire 
"  pardon  I  will  at  least  secure  for  you  a  safe  and  unmolested 
"  retreat." 

The  sad  reality  of  his  words  and  full  confidence  in  his  sin- 
cerity overcame  the  conspirators;  their  spirit  bowed  to  dis- 
cretion and  he  became  their  advocate  with  an  indignant  people. 
Promptly  returning  to  the  priors  he  with  equal  success  per- 
suaded them  to  sanction  the  conditions  offered,  and  the  insur- 
gents were  allowed  to  retire  to  their  castles  the  same  night  by 
the  gate  of  Saint  George  without  further  molestation  and 
almost  without  noise,  under  the  safeguard  of  the  Podesta. 
Agitation  then  gradually  subsided,  the  city  soon  became  tran- 
quil, and  on  the  following  day  legal  prosecutions  were  com- 
menced ;  but  against  those  only  who  had  actually  taken  up 
arms  ;  after  this  each  man  laid  aside  his  harness  and  all  quietly 
returned  to  their  usual  occupations. 

By  the  wisdom  of  one  man  Florence  was  thus  saved  from 
further  bloodshed,  but  so  many  citizens  of  all  ranks  had  been 
engaged  more  or  less  in  the  conspiracy  without  actually  appear- 
ing in  arms  that  it  was  deemed  most  prudent  to  restrict  the 
condemnations  to  those  only  who  on  being  called  upon  did  not 
assist  the  government,  or  who  had  taken  an  active  part  against 
it  in  the  insurrection.  About  thirty  of  the  Bardi,  Frescobaldi, 
and  Rossi  were  declared  rebels  and  the  Guelpliic  cities  of  Tus- 
cany and  Lombardy,  forbidden  with  greater  malice  than  pru- 
dence, but  with  all  the  influence  of  Florence,  to  receive  the 
fugitives  :  the  latter  thus  hunted  sought  shelter  at  Pisa  and 
the  court  of  Avignon  and  became  implacable  enemies  of  their 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


country :  their  houses  were  demolished  their  property 
Icated ;  and  both  jVIangona  and  Veniia  were  afterwards 

Kstly  acquired  by  a  forced  sale  (the  latter  after  several 
fonths'  siege)  from  Andrea  and  Piero  de'  Bardi. 

About  the  same  time  another  law  was  made  which  again 
forbid  any  Florentine  to  purchase  or  possess  castles  in  a  foreign 
stat«  within  twenty  miles  of  the  frontier :  but  not  yet  content, 
the  Florentines  \\'ith  extreme  arrogance  condemned  no  less 
than  nine  of  the  Counts  Guidi  who  had  taken  part  in  this 
conspiracy,  and  by  such  an  insult  made  them  still  bitterer 
enemies  of  the  republic.  The  Urban  truops  seem  to  have 
felt  the  want  of  more  efficient  arms  in  this  sedition,  for 
every  citizen  that  could  afford  the  expense  was  thenceforth 
required  to  furnish  liimself  with  a  cuirass  and  steel  helmet 
after  the  maimer  of  the  Flemmings,  and  six  thousand  cross- 
bows were  immediately  purchased  at  the  public  charge  for 
their  use. 

Such  was  the  conclusion  of  this  alarming  plot  the  result  of 
general  misrule  and  individual  suffering  :  mikl  treatment  would 
have  done  good,  but  the  subsequent  condemnations  had  only 
the  effect  of  exciting  new  and  augmented  anger  so  as  to  pro- 
duce a  second  attempt  the  following  year,  by  which  Schiatta  de' 
Frescobaldi  lost  his  head,  and  six  other  gentlemen  of  the  Bardi, 
Frescobaldi,  Pazzi,  and  Adimari  families  were  condemned  as 
rebels--. 

As  nothing  is  more  selfish,  cra\ing,  and  insatiable  than 
power,  a  simple  victor}^  over  their  enemies  was  insuf- 
ficient for  the  mling  faction,  especially  as  their  re- 
venge had  in  the  first  moment  of  success  been  more  restrained 
by  fear  and  discretion  than  by  clemency :  not  content  there- 

*  To  commemorate  this  escape  of  the  — Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxviii., 

city  a  solemn  procession  with  otFerings  cxix. — Istorie   Pistolesi. —  S.    Ammi- 

vras  ordered  on  the  26th  November  to  rato,  Lib.   ix.,  p.  43G. — N.  Macchia- 

be  annually  repeated  on   All  Saints'  velli,  Lib.  ii". 
dav. — Annali  di  Simoue  della  Tosa. 


A.D.  1341. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTOEY 


39 


fore  with  one  captain  of  the  guard  they  replaced  Gabrielli 
whose  office  had  expired,  by  the  creation  of  two,  one  for  the 
city  and  one  for  the  country ;  and  having  once  broken  the  law 
by  electing  that  miscreant  they  had  no  difficulty  in  again  doing 
so  by  choosing  his  kinsman,  Currado  della  Branca,  to  replace 
him.  But  as  if  conscious  of  their  own  turpitude  in  thus  doubling 
this  outrage  on  public  ophiion,  they  committed  the  country 
<tuard  to  a  man  whose  character  and  recent  services  insm'ed  a 
just  administration  of  its  unconstitutional  powers  and  Maffeo 
da  Ponte  Caredi  was  elected  ;  yet  even  his  integrity  was  insuf- 
ficient either  to  calm  the  public  mhid  or  conceal  the  sinister 
olvjects  uf  his  employers.  None  whom  the  oligarchy  even  sus- 
pected were  allowed  a  moment  s  rest,  and  the  nobles  became 
so  much  more  than  ever  the  victims  of  persecution,  that  they 
were  ready  to  sell  themselves  and  their  country  for  one  long 
refreshing  draught  of  vengeance  :  they  only  waited,  says  Mac- 
chiavelli,  for  a  fiiir  occasion ;  '*  it  came  well ;  and  they  used  it 

better"*. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  Tuscany  the  ill-luck  of 
Mastino  della  SraLi  still  clung  to  his  Lombard  policy :  Pama 
and  its  territory  formed  the  connecting  link  between  his  eastern 
and  western  states,  and  be^me  so  much  the  more  valuable  as 
it  strengthened  Lucca  the  possession  of  which  gave  him  so  firm 
a  footing  in  Tuscany.  To  secure  that  important  dominion 
he  Jiad  given  it  in  fief  to  his  own  uncles  of  the  Correggio 
race,  the  deadly  foes  of  the  Rossi,  and  trusted  to  gratitude  and 
relationship  for  its  safety  ;  but  in  those  fierce  times  of  ambition 
and  romance,  the  ties  of  blood  were  often  snapped  in  the  start 
for  power,  and  all  moral  considerations  trampled  in  the  race. 
Azzo  de'  Correggi  the  third  of  four  brothers  and  the  friend  of 
Petrarch,  disgusted  at  being  compromised  with  the  pope  by  the 
deception  of  Mastino  in  a  certain  negotiation  wherein  he  was 
employed,  made  it  a  reason  for  revolting  from  the  latter  and 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxxiii.— N.  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii". 


40 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


aspiring  to  independent  sovereignty :  secretly  demanding  aid 
of  Luchino  Visconti  who  had  succeeded  his  nephew  in  the  lord- 
ship of  Milan ;  also  of  the  lord  of  Mantua,  and  Robert  of 
Naples,  with  the  covert  approbation  of  Florence  and  the  pope  ; 
he  after  a  hard  struggle  succeeded  in  driving  forth  his  nephew's 
garrison  and  along  with  his  three  brothers  boldly  assumed  the 

government-. 

Mastino  who  had  already  quarrelled  with  Milan  and  Mantua 
was  not  in  a  condition  to  recover  this  loss  especially  as  the 
people  hated  him,  and  therefore,  despairing  of  Lucca,  now  com- 
pletely severed  from  his  dominions,  determined  to  sell  it  to  the 
highest  bidder  whether  Pisan  or  Florentine.  Pisa  dreading  to 
see  the  power  of  Florence  as  it  were  fixed  and  watching  at  her 
very  gates  wished  Lucca  to  be  free  and  refused  the  purchase, 
but  Florence  was  still  determined  on  this  acquisition  at  any 
price :  Luchino  Visconti  offered  her  a  thousand  men-at-arms 
if  she  would  break  the  peace  with  Mastino  and  besiege  Lucca ; 
mistrusting  the  motives  of  an  old  enemy  the  proposal  was 
declined,  and  as  dexterous  traders  the  Florentines  preferred 
the  more  busmess-like  proceeding  of  a  simple  purchase.  A 
commission  of  twenty  citizens  was  formed  in  July  1341   to 

*  The  four  Correggi  governed  well  for  "  Quel  c' ha  nostra  natura'"  in  which 

a  year  and  admitted  Petrarch  who  was  he   describes    the    liberation     of  the 

then   on  a   visit  to  Azzo,  into  their  country  and  the  fraternal  union  of  the 

councils.    He  wrote  a  Canzone  on  this  four  Correggi  in  their  public  govern- 

occasion  which  is  not  generally  printed  meut  thus : 
with    his    other    poetry,     beginning 

"  La  patria  tolta  a  Tunghie  de'  tiranni, 

Liberaraente  in  pace  si  govema, 

E  ristorando  va  gli  antichi  danni, 

E  riposaudo  le  sue  parti  stanche." 
"E  ringratiando  la  pieta  supema. 

Pero  ch'  un'  alma  in  quattro  cori  alberga, 

Ed  una  sola  verga, 

£  in  quatro  mani,  ed  un  medesmo  fcrro." 

Gio.  Villam,Lib.  xi.,cap.cxxvii. — Is-     Letter  of  Petrarch   to    Cardinal  Co- 
torie  Pistolesi,  An.  1341. — Muratori,     lonna,  vol.  ii.,  Lib.  iii.,pp.  14,  17. 
Annali,  An.  1341. — De  Sade,  Mem., 


r!IAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


41 


manage  this  transaction  in  all  its  consequences,  with  full 
powei-s  to  raise  money  for  the  purpose  in  any  way  they  deemed 
fit ;  to  make  war  or  peace ;  form  alliances ;  and  attack  whom 
and  what  they  pleased  for  a  whole  year,  without  any  subsequent 
responsibility.  Such  vast  powei-s  could  scarcely  work  well, 
and  the  less  honestly  from  their  limited  period ;  they  were 
besides,  the  pure  essence  of  faction  and  party  aggrandisement 
and  consequently  engendered  evil. 

For  Lucca,  shorn  as  it  was  of  some  of  its  finest  towns, 
250,000  golden  liorins  were  offered  and  accepted,  although 
Florence  had  still  a  debt  of  400,000  hanging  heavily  on  her 
resources  for  the  cost  of  the  late  war;  tmd  this  for  a  state 
once  thought  too  dear,  even  with  unviolated  territory,  at 
80,000!  Nor  was  this  all,  the  pm'chase  brought  Florence 
into  direct  collision  with  Pisa  a  republic  less  powerful  and 
opulent  but  equally  brave  and  determined,  and  also  justified  in 
her  opposition  not  only  by  the  more  legitimate  motive  of  self- 
defence,  but  by  the  direct  claim  of  a  previous  purchase  for 
wliich  the  money  had  been  actually  paid  in  13-29.  Fifty 
hostages,  and  amongst  them  the  historian  Giovanni  Villani, 
were  sent  on  the  ninth  of  August  to  Ferrara  under  the 
Marquis  of  Este  s  protection,  where  sixty  of  equal  mnk  arrived 
from  Verona  as  pledges  of  mutual  fidelity ;  and  the  bargain 
thus  concluded,  no  bounds  were  set  to  the  peculation  and 
extravagimce  of  the  conmiissionei-s.  War  with  Pisa  being 
certain,  troops  were  levied  and  preparations  canied  on  so 
lavishly  that  their  expenditure  amounted  to  30,000  florins 
a  month  besides  the  militar}^  assistance  demanded  from 
every  ally  of  the  republic.  The  sagacious  and  implacable 
Mastino  in  thus  entangling  Florence  took  ample  vengeance  for 
the  late  war  and  all  he  had  suffered  in  consequence  :  he  solaced 
himself  with  the  thought  of  having  sold  to  his  enemy  a  ruined 
and  besieged  city  at  an  excessive  price,  and  of  having  by  the 
same  stroke  involved  her  in  a  dangerous  quarrel  with  Pisa  and 


42 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


other  hostile  states  which  he  foresaw  inubt  ultimately  be  en- 
gaged in  the  dispute,  for  the  Pisans  whose  treasury  was  then 
full  detemuned  with  tlie  aid  of  Visconti  to  substitute  iron  for 
gold  in  the  acquisition  of  Lucca.  They  immediately  raised 
twelve  hundred  men-at-arms  besides  three  companies  of  civic 
Cavallate,  and  sent  and)assadors  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  ]\Iilan :  Luchino  was  well  disclosed;  for  besides  his  en- 
mity to  Mastino  and  consequent  auger  against  Florence  Pisa 
had  otherwise  won  his  goodwill  and  the  former  had  not  only 
rejected  his  prorfered  aid  but  by  the  pm'chjisc  of  Lucca  re- 
lieved Mastino  from  the  burden  of  its  maintenance,  and  with 
the  purchase  money  supplied  him  with  ntw  resources*. 

Azzo  Viscunti  who  played  so  distinguished  a  pai't  in  the  Cas- 
truccian  and  Lombard  wars  died  after  nearly  eleven  years'  sove- 
reignty and  in  the  flower  of  his  age  on  the  sixteenth  of  August 
1330,  with  the  reputation  of  a  just  and  beneficent  prince  who 
possessed  the  then  singular  quality  of  really  attending  to  the 
welfare  of  his  people  :  he  is  described  by  cotemporary  authors, 
besides  liis  fine  figure  and  noble  aspect,  as  being  gracious,  good, 
wise,  and  adored  by  his  subjects,  three  thousand  of  whom  went 
into  mourning  at  his  death.  Azzo  had  employed  his  mind  and 
treasures  on  useful  and  beautiful  works,  and  every  one  pros- 
pered under  his  government :  Lord  of  ]\Iilan,  Pavia,  Cremona ; 
Lodi  Como  Brescia  and  Bergamo ;  besides  Piacenza  Vercelli 
and  Vigevano ;  as  he  was  the  best  so  wjis  he  the  first  Visconte 
that  was  really  sovereign  of  Milan.  None  of  the  Torriani,  nor 
Ottone,  nor  Matteo,  nor  Galeazzo  luul  yet  dared  to  put  their 
name  on  the  national  coinage;  that  of  the  city,  the  King  (jf  the 
Romans,  the  Emperor,  or  Saint  Ambrose,  beuig  the  common 
device  ;  but  Azzo  boldly  though  cautiously,  substituted  liis  o\sti 
alone,  entwined  by  the  Viscontine  serpent  \.    Azzo  s  uncle  and 


*  Ranieri  Sardo,  Cronaca  Pisana,  tap.     cap.  cxxvii.,  vxxx. 

Ixxix. — IstoriePistolcsi,Tronci  Annali     +    Xotwitlistaiiding    the     dimiiiislied 

Pisani,  vol.  iii. — Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,     power  of  the  Emperors  in  Italy,  they 


CilAP.   XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


43 


successor  Luchino  was  an  austere  but  licentious  man,  who  it  is 
said,  never  pardoned  nor  was  known  to  love  anybody  but  his 
own  children:  jealous  of  Azzo's  popularity  he  is  described  as 
hating  and  persecuting  all  his  friends  and  ministers,  yet  con- 
tinued his  general  plan  of  govennnent  with  severe  justice  and 
great  sagacity,  without  however  being  personally  exempt  from 
cruelty :  but  under  his  sway  arts,  science,  commerce  and  re- 
finement advanced,  and  Asti,  Bobl)io,  Parma,  Crema,  Tortona, 
Novara  and  Alexandria  were  in  various  ways  added  to  his 
dominions  =:=. 

Francesco  da  Postieila  one  of  Azzo's  friends  and  principal 
ministers  had  married  jMarglierita  Visconti  a  beautiful  and 
virtuous  woman  whom  Luchino  wanted  to  seduce  but  failed  in 
the  attempt ;  her  indignant  husband  taking  advantage  of  the 
prince  s  unpopularity  conspired  with  other  offended  nobles  to 
depose  him  and  place  Matteo,  Bemabo',  and  Galeazzo,   his 
three  nephews  at  the  head  ofafiliirs.     The  plot  w^as  discovered 
and  Postieria  e^.aped  to  Avignon,  but  Luchino  never  lost  sight 
of  him  :  by  a  forged  letter  in  the  name  of  Mastino  della  Scala 
he  was  insidiously  invited  under  flattering  promises  to  Verona  : 
having  arrived  at  ^Marseilles  he  found  there  a  Pisan  galley, 
sent  at  his  own  retpiest  with  the  assurance  it  is  said  of  that 
state's  protection  ;  but  no  sooner  was  he  landed  than  arrested, 
and  being  hurried  away  as  a  prisoner  to  Milan  suff'ered  de- 
capitation   along    witli   his    innocent  wife   and   many  of  his 
friends  and  adherents.      This  was  the  peculiar  service  that 
cemented  Lucliino  Viscontis  new  alliance  with  Pisa ;  yet  the 
extreme  treachery  attributed  by  Villani  to  the  latter  seems  at 
least  but  doubtful;   the  Pisans  and  Florenthies  hated  each 


were  still  feared,  and  Azzo  therefore 
did  not  venture  at  once  to  assert  his 
independence  by  too  bold  an  assiniij)- 
tion  of  the  high  prerogative  of  coining 
money  in  his  own  name.  He  first 
merely  added  the  initials  A.  Z.,  then 


omitted  the  Emperor's  name,  and 
finally  his  own  name  and  device  alone 
remained  to  stamp  the  coin  of  Milan. 
*  Corio,  Hist,  di  Milano,  Parte  iii%fol. 
216. — Pietro  Verri,  Stor.  di  Milano, 
vol.  ii.,  cap.  X.,  p.  133. 


44 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Other  with  an  intensity  not  3'et  entirely  evaporated,  and  there- 
fore all  such  assertions  must  be  received  "svith  caution ;  Mura- 
tori  does  not  notice  it ;  but  of  Postierla  s  arrest  and  deliver}^  to 
Luchino  by  the  Pisans  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  any  more 
than  the  subsequent  tragedy  *. 

A  general  council  was  assembled  in  the  cathedral  of  Pisa  to 
discuss  the  policy  of  war,  where  according  to  a  chronicle  of 
that  city  as  quoted  by  Sismondi,  Giovanni  Buonconti  Prior  of 
the  Anziani  addressed  his  fellow-citizens  as  follows.  *'  Seignors, 
"  we  liave  now  assembled  you  to  annoimce  the  purchase  of 
"  Lucca  by  Florence  !  The  Florentines  intend  that  this  acqui- 
"  sition  shall  throw  open  the  gates  of  Pisa  to  their  aims  ;  and 
"  already  do  tliey  menace  oui'  city  with  barricades  even  at  the 
"  foot  of  its  walls,  in  order  to  stane  us  into  slaveiy ;  and  when 
"  we  shall  be  reduced  to  surrender  thev  mean  to  destroy 
"  the  ramparts,  raze  the  principal  quarters  to  the  ground  and 
"  preserving  one  alone  give  it  the  name  of  Firenzuola.  It  re- 
"  mains  for  yourselves  to  judge  of  what  it  may  now  become 
"  you  to  do."  At  these  words,  rather  addressed  to  the  actual 
passions  of  the  audience  than  to  truth,  a  general  feeling  of 
indignation  per^'aded  the  assembly  and  the  cathedral  rang  with 
cries  of  war ;  yet  Giovanni  Benigni  who  prospered  as  advocate 
of  the  Florentines  at  Pisa  was  bold  enough  to  make  one  un- 
successful attempt  at  a  peacefid  settlement!.  "Seignors," 
said  he,  "  you  well  know  the  present  power  of  the  Florentine 


♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxxxi. — 
Corio,  Parte  iii.,  fol.  217. — S.  Amnii- 
rato.  Lib.  ix.,  p.  443. —  Muratori, 
Annali,  Anno  1340. — P.  Verri,  Storia 
di  Milano,  vol.  ii.,  cap.  xii.,  p.  l40. 
t  In  these  days  even-  free  city  had 
what  was  called  an  "  advocate"''  or 
consul  resident  in  every  neighbouring 
state,  whose  duty  was  to  send  minute 
accounts  of  all  that  occurred  day  by 
day,  and  also  act  in  some  sort  as  an 
envoy,    by    declaring   in    the   public 


coii-icils  the  commissions  intrusted  to 
him  ;  and,  according  to  Roncioni,  Gio. 
Benigni  convoked  this  council  and 
began  the  debate.  Buonconti  an- 
swered him,  both  speeches  being  alike 
in  substance  but  not  in  words  to  the 
above.  —  Jioncloni^  Istorie  Pisane, 
Lib.  xiii.,  p.  780. — Parte  i.,  vol.  vi., 
Archivio  Storico  Italiano.  Roncioni 
also  places  the  meeting  of  this  assem- 
bly during  the  siege  of  Lucca,  but  be- 
fore war  was  declared. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


45 


"  republic  for  you  behold  her  in  close  alliance  with  most  of 
"  the  Tuscan  states;  with  several  in  Lombardy ;  with  Bologna; 
"  and  lastly  with  Robert  of  Naples  ;  and  to  the  sagacity  of  the 
*'  Florentines  you  are  I  believe  no  strangers.  I  from  the 
"  affection  I  bear  to  my  countiy  would  be  a  negligent  and 
"  undutiful  citizen  if  I  did  not' attempt  to  dissuade  you  from 
"  this  useless  war,  which  with  certain  and  infinite  misery  will 
'*  bring  uncertainty  in  everything  else  except  the  expense.  And 
"  although  the  Florentines  have  purchased  the  state  of  Lucca, 
"  only  let  us  remain  at  peace  and  we  may  fairly  expect  that 
"  they  will  prove  good  neighbours  ;  for  it  is  not  their  custom 
"  to  molest  others  without  provocation."  Benigni  was  not 
without  supporters,  but  Giovanni  Vernagalli  a  man  of  weight 
and  prudence,  demonstrated  with  great  earnestness  the  justice 
and  necessity  of  war  on  the  principle  of  self-preservation,  and 
the  question  was  carried  almost  by  acclamation  ^-. 

The  bad  policy  of  exasperating  a  body  so  powerful  as  the 
recent  exiles  of  b'lorencc  now  became  apparent ;  for  Guelphs 
as  they  were,  having  been  excluded  by  Florentine  influence 
from  the  Guelpliic  stjitcs,  most  of  them  in  despair  sought  and 
received  shelter  at  Pisa  niid  were  indefiitigalile  in  securing 
the  assistance  of  all  those  barons  who  had  joined  in  their 
recent  conspiracy.  The  Pisan  league  was  now  therefore  becom- 
ing formidable;  for  besides  jMilan,  Parma,  Padua,  and  Mantua, 
all  enemies  of  Mastino ;  Siinone  Boccanegra  the  newly  elected 
and  first  Dojre  of  (lenoa,  joined  this  confederacv  ;  and  bv  the 
means  of  Florentine  exiles,  the  Counts  Guidi,  the  Ubaldini, 
Ordelafli  lord  of  Forli,  with  all  the  Gliil)elines  of  Romagna 
and  Tuscany  were  added  to  the  list.  The  contingent  of  Luchino 
alone  for  which  he  was  to  have  50,000  florins,  amounted  to  a 
thousand  men-at-arms  under  his  kinsman  Giovanni  Visconti 
d'  Oleggio  ;  and  live  hundred  and  fifty  more  cavalry  were  sent 


*  Cronaca  di  Pisa  apnd  Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  ]>.  1(>4. — Tronci,  Annali  Pisani, 
vol.  iii. 


46 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[B(I<>K   I. 


CHAP.   XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


47 


from  the  other  Lombard  allies,  so  that  independent  of  the 
Genoese  cross-bows,  a  body  of  three  thousand  men-at-arms 
were  soon  assembled.  A  national  force  composed  almost 
entirely  of  civic  troops  had  about  the  middle  of  August  entered 
the  Lucchese  territory,  and  by  bribeiy  obtained  possession  of 
CeiTuglio  and  Monte  Carlo  ;  then  marching  directly  on  Lucca 
invested  that  city.  With  wonderful  rapidity  ihey  surrounded 
it  bv  a  fortified  line  twelve  miles  long  composed  of  two 
deep  pahsaded  ditches  inclosing  a  broad  space  on  wbich  the 
armies  of  Lombardy  and  Pisa  were  separately  encamped  and 
imi)en-ious  to  any  sudden  attack  from  within  or  without.  The 
prompt  formation  and  rapid  movement  of  tliis  m-niy  took  Flo- 
rence by  surprise ;  she  had  nothing  ready  to  oppose  it,  nor 
even  sufficient  force  at  hand  to  take  pos^^essiun  of  Lucca  had 
the  road  been  open ;  but  no  time  was  now  lost ;  two  thousand 
horse  were  quickly  raised  ;  and  in  consequence  of  a  league 
formed  in  the  precedhig  June  with  Naples,  Peiugia,  Siena, 
Bologna  and  Ferrara,  though  purely  defensive  against  the 
emperor  or  any  other  prince  comhig  with  an  armed  force  into 
Italy,  gave  her  an  increased  command  of  friendly  assistance  -. 
Summonses  were  despatched  to  all  her  numerous  allies  demand- 
ing prompt  succours  in  case  of  war  being  declared  by  Pisa,  and 
so  great  was  her  hifluence  that  Siena,  Perugia,  Agobbio, 
Bologna,  Ferram,  Verona,  Volterra,  Prato,  San  (Timi.i:fnano, 
Colle,  the  Guelphs  of  Piomagna,  and  even  the  ( iliibeliiK  Tarlati 
of  Pietramala,  all  pom*ed  in  their  forces,  until  the  united  anny 
amounted  to  between  three  and  four  thousand  men-at-arms  and 
ten  thousand  infantiy,  under  the  chief  command  of  Matteo  da 
Ponte  Caradi  the  late  Podestaf. 

Although  a  vjJiant  and  good  soldier,  Mattuo  was  unequal 
either  from  his  rank  or  talents  to  the  cuiuhut  of  such  an  army; 
the  former  indeed  was  an  object  of  scarcely  less  importance 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  44 L  valli,  and  dates  this  in  l.'U2.     1  follow 

+  Uoucioni  calls  him  Matico  Ponlcca-     Amiuirato. 


than  the  latter  for  the  maintenance  of  discipline  at  a  period 
when  so  many  of  the  highest  nobility  and  even  sovereign  princes 
hired  themselves  out  as  Condottieri  with  more  or  less  of  fol- 
lowers, and  could  ill  brook  obedience  to  a  general  of  inferior 
rank  although  invested  with  all  the  authority  of  so  powerful  a 
republic.  Villani  asserts  that  there  were  above  fifty  captains 
in  the  army  more  fitted  to  command  than  he,  but  that  the 
ambition  of  the  twenty  war  commissioners  repulsed  wiser 
counsel  and  was  even  deaf  to  King  Piobert's  advice  who 
strongly  protested  against  the  Lucchese  expedition  altogether ; 
wherefore  they  refus<'d  to  have  any  of  that  royal  family  or 
nation  as  generalissimo  of  the  lea<^ue. 

Havhig  previously  sent  an  embassy  to  make  a  formal  protest 
against  the  warlike  [uocet^diiigs  of  Pisa,  the  Florentine  army 
concentrated  at  L'ucecchio  ;uid  thence  crossed  the  Pisan 
frontier,  took  Ponta.lora  and  the  Fosso  Anionico ;  burned  the 
towns  of  Cascina,  Sancasciano.  and  San  Donnmo,  and  .vasted 
all  the  Contado  as  far  as  liorgo  delle  Campane  only  two  miles 
from  the  capital  :  after  this  insult  they  turned  short  round 
towards  the  Val  d'  Km,  plundered  burned  and  mined  all  that 
countiy  unopposed  as  far  as  Ponte  di  Sacco  and  continued  the 
campaign  until  lieavy  ndu^  compelled  them  to  return  to  their 
quarters  in  and  about  I'lieerchio.  Tliis  inroad  produced  no 
decisive  result ;  much  misery  was  inilicted,  the  besiegers  were 
not  j)rovoked  to  quit  their  entrenchments,  and  the  war 
remained  as  before:  the  general  was  accused  of  ignorance; 
the  war  commissioners  of  obstinacy  ;  for  thevhad  been  alreadv 
informed  by  the  most  ex})oi-ionccd  soldiers  that  the  true  base 
of  operations,  in  order  to  raise  the  siege  of  Lucca,  was  on  the 
Fosso  Arnonico  where  good  quarters  and  provisions  abounded, 
and  where  the  posit  it  ni  i-ould  liave  been  easily  strengthened  on 
the  side  of  Pisa.  They  were  advised  to  occupy  Pontadera  in 
force,  strengthen  its  w((rks,  construct  a  redoubt  at  Castello  del 
Bosco,  leaving  a  sutiicient  garrison  to  secure  the  commuuica- 


48 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  t. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


49 


tions  with  Florence,  and  then  frequent  and  effective  inroads 
might  have  heen  safely  made  even  to  Porto  Pisano  and  Leghorn, 
as  well  as  in  every  other  direction  romid  Pisa,  by  passing  the 
Amo  on  temporar}'  bridges,  scoui'ing  the  Val-di-Serchio,  and 
cutting  off  all  commmiication  between  the  besieging  army  and 
the  capital :  this,  as  was  afterwards  contirmed  by  tlie  Pisans 
themselves,  would  quickly  have  raised  the  siege  and 
A.D.  1341.  £^j.^g^  ^jj^^j  ^Q  ^^  engagement  with  inferior  numbers. 

Mastino,  who  appears  to  have  been  justly  accused  of  a  ma- 
licious union  of  vengeance  and  protit  in  his  compact  with  Flo- 
rence, now  insisted  on  her  occupying  Lucca  and  its  subject 
towns  under  the  threat  of  instiuitly  selling  that  state  to  Pisa 
with  whom  he  was  in  constant  negotiation.     This  ill-timed 
demand  occasioned  much  discussion,  as  well  on  the  impossibility 
of  complving  as  because  numbers  had  opened  their  eyes  to  the 
folly  of  purchasing   at   an  exorbitant   price  a  place  actually 
blockaded  by  a  powerful  and  determined  enemy;  and  many 
were  the  voices  for  an  instiuitaneous  dissolution  of  the  compact 
accompanied  by  a  >igorous  prosecution  of  the  war  against  Pisa 
in  her  o^vn  territoiy.     Such  a  proceeding  was  justified  on  the 
ground  that  the  Veronese  chief  had  not  fultillcd  his  promise 
as  he  should  have  done  by  the  deliveiy  of  Lucca  and  its  depen- 
dencies unfettered  into  the  luxnds  of  the  Florentines :  but  once 
more  the  intiigues  of  the  war  commissioners  and  their  adherents 
silenced  wiser  counsel  and  alleged  that  the  national  lionom'  would 
be  tarnished  by  a  timorous  relinquishment  of  the  enterprise. 
A  resolution  to  gain  better  terms  was  however  carried  in  the 
assemblies,  and  two  ambassadors  were  ordered  to  return  with 
those  of  Verona  as  far  as  Ferrara,  where  by  the  mediation  of 
Obizzo  of  Este,  and  considering  the  loss  of  Cerruglio  and  Monte 
Carlo,  the  price  was  reduced  to  180,000  iloiiii^  :   100,000  of 
which  was  to  be  paid  in  a  year  and  the  rest  in  live  ;  but  ]\Ias- 
tino  became  bomid  to  maintain  a  body  of  live  hundred  horse  in 
the  Florentme  senice  while  the  siege  of  Lucca  continued.     It 


is  said  that  a  much  better  bargain  might  have  now  been  made 
had  the  Florentines  shown  less  eagerness ;  for  Mastino  exaspe- 
rated at  the  Pisans  for  their  close  alliance  with  his  enemy 
Luchino,  never  intended  to  put  his  threats  into  execution :  but 
the  commissioners  were  dishonest  if  Villani,  a  shrewd  and  close 
observer,  may  be  credited.  He  says  there  was  strong  reason 
to  beheve  that  Mastino  would  not  have  received  more  than 
•200,000  florins  of  the  original  purchase-money  had  it  been 
paid,  and  was  even  ignorant  of  the  greater  sum  being  in  ques- 
tion, the  commissioners  of  both  sides  having  cut  across  each 
other  like  scissors  and  clipped  the  public  interest  in  passing. 

The  Florentine  army  was  ordered  to  march  on  Lucca  in  two 
divisions  and  reunite  at  a  place  called  Colle  delle  Donne  in 
the  Val  di  Pescia  about  eight  miles  from  the  capital,  the 
camp  bemg  formed  at  Gragnano  only  a  few  miles  from  the 
enemy :  here  the  possession  of  Barga  and  Pietra  Santa  was 
formally  received  from  Mastino  s  commissioners  by  a  council 
of  two  deputies  from  each  Sesto  of  Florence,  which  was  now 
attached  to  the  army  with  more  embarrassment  than  mili- 
tary knowledge.  The  besiegers  had  hitherto  maintained  a 
blockade  m  three  separate  divisions,  but  on  the  enemy's  ap- 
pearance concentrated  their  whole  force  on  a  single  point  which 
enabled  the  Florentines  by  preconcerted  signals  to  penetrate 
then-  partially  unguarded  lines  and  throw  eight  hundred  men 
into  the  citadel  while  Mastino  s  garrison  evacuated  the  place 
by  the  same  operation. 

These  troops  were  accompanied  by  Giovanni  de'  Medici, 
Naddo  de'  Rucelhd  and  Ptosso  de'  PJcci  as  syndics  of  the 
republic  which  thus  found  herself  in  possession  of  the  .so  long 
coveted  city,  of  which  Giovanni  de'  Medici  assumed  the  mih- 
tary  command,  the  other  two  remaining  as  treasurers  and  com- 
missiaries  for  the  garrison.  In  defiiuice  of  the  besiegers, 
and  the  frequent  skirmishes  between  outposts  besides  the  loss 
of  Fort  Pontetetto  on  the  Ozzori  torrent,  they  managed  to 

VOL.  II.  E 


50 


FLORENTINE   UISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   lUSTORY. 


51 


receive  regular  and  constant  supplies  of  money  from  their  own 
camp,   hy*^ which  a  continual  lluw  of  provisions  was  attracted 
from   the   enemy's  Geman  troops   who   caring  little  about 
final  results  made  the  most  of  their  position  and  opportunities. 
The  risans  might  thus  have  been  tired  out  and  their  supplies 
gi-adually  cut  off  without  any  fears  for  the  besieged  who  had 
eight  months"  provisions ;  but  the  impatience  of  faction  could 
only  be    satisfied   by  a  general  battle   which  was  therefore 
peremptorily  commanded.  This  unlucldly  happened  at  the  very 
moment  when  Giovanni  Visconti  disgusted  with  the  Pisans  for 
failing  in  some  part  of  their  agi'eement,  was  as  he  afterwards 
declared,  on  the  point  of  quitthig  the  service  and  returning  t^j 
Milan.     Nevertheless  obedience  became  necessary  and  on  the 
first  of  October  the  army  descended  to  San  Piero  a  Vico  near 
the  river  Serchio  in  the  plain  of  Lucca  and  sent  a  challenge  to 
their  opponents :  the  Pisans  were  far  from  declining  a  battle 
and  both  armies  levelled  the  intenening  ground  for  the  com- 
bat, a  practice  common  in  that  age  ;  the  besiegers  moreover 
demolished  a  great  part  of  their  exteraal  Unes  for  the  sake  of 
freer  movement  in  case  of  a  repulse,  and  both  sides  prepared 
for  a  general  engagement. 

The  Florentine  anny  of  two  thousand  eight  hundred  men- 
at-arms  with  a  numerous  infantr\'^:<  drew  up  in  two  lines, 
the  Feditori  Hanked  by  three  thousand  crossbow-men  con- 
sisted of  twelve  hundred  gentlemen  principally  Tuscans  and 
amongst  them  two  hundred  and  fifty  Senese  of  high  rank  who, 
havmg  been  knighted  immediately  before  the  action,  swore  to 
maintain  the  honom-  of  their  spurs,  and  well  redeemed  the 
pledge.  Behind  these  fluttered  a  line  of  various-coloured 
banners  supported  by  the  second  division  which  was  a  solid 
body  of   troops   including   all   the  rest    of   the   army   both 

♦  Sardo  (Crownm  P/sflua)  says  that     3100   cavalry   and    20,000    infantry, 
the  Florentines  had  4000  horse  and     (Cap.  Ixxix.,  p.  112.) 
more  than  30,000   foot;    the  Pisans 


cavalrj'  and  infantry ;  in  rear  of  all  stood  the  loaded  baggage 
train  which  seems  still  to  have  been  destined  as  a  rallying 
point  in  case  of  misfortmie.  The  Pisans  with  neariy  equal 
numbers  and  better  bowmen,  were  drawn  up  in  three  lines, 
their  Feditori  eight  hundred  strong  being  led  by  the  Cap- 
tain-General Xolfo  da  Montefeltro  and  Arrigo  Castracani, 
flanked  by  strong  bands  of  native  and  Genoese  crossbow-men, 
both  famous  in  that  day.  (Hovanui  Visconti  at  the  head  of 
eighteen  hundred  JMilanese  and  Gemian  cavalry  and  all  the 
infantry,  led  the  second  division  under  his  uncles  banner, 
while  a  reserve  of  four  hundred  men-at-arms  kept  within  the 
lines  to  hold  the  garrison  in  check  and  serve  as  a  rallying 
point  for  fugitives;  these  were  commanded  by  Ciupo  degfi 
Scolari  and  Francesco  Castracani,  the  former  a  Ghibeline 
e.xile  of  Florence,  the  latter  an  independent  chieftain  and 
cousin  of  Castmccio.  Both  armies  being  prepared  the  trum- 
pets sounded  and  the  b'editori  in  a  single  line  feathered 
up  their  reins  and  lowering  their  lances  dashed  forward 
as  if  at  a  tournament,  but  the  Pisans  met  them  so  rouf^hlv  as 
to  make  everything  tremble :  the  Florentines  were  repulsed 
but  soon  rallying  charged  again  and  again  and  the  battle  be- 
came obstinate ;  man  to  man,  and  horse  to  horse,  the  ground  was 
long  and  stoutly  contested,  until  the  Pisans,  borne  do^vii  by 
weight  and  numbers,  were  sent  headlong  back  upon  their  fine 
of  standards.  The  Florentines  then  drove  like  a  tempest  on 
their  enemy's  main  battle  where  a  rough  and  determined  struggle 
with  great  honour  on  eveiy  side,  doubtfully  maintained  the  con- 
flict ;  the  crossbow-men  soon  wheeled  up  on  either  flank  and 
shot  so  fast  and  well  together  that  horse  and  man  came  to  the 
ground  like  grass  from  the  mower's  scythe  :  the  Florentine 
ranks  were  wasting  fast,  when  by  a  final  effort  this  line  too  was 
broken;  Visconti  and  his  standard  taken ;  and  Arrigo  Castracani, 
the  exile  Baldo  Frescobaldi,  with  many  other  chiefs  and  men 
of  lesser  note  made  prisoners.     The  day  seemed  now  to  be 

E  2 


52 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


won  and  in  this  beUef  the  gallant  Feditori  relaxed  their  order 
to  secure  their  prisoners :  but  all  this  while  the  mam  battle  of 
Florence  looked  on  mactive  and  the  fugitives  rallied  on  their 
reserve  within  the  camp  ^vhere  we  are  told  that  Ciupo  degli 
Scolari  who  had  been  quietly  watching  the  fight,  after  repuls- 
ing a  sally  of  the  garrison,  seized  on  this  crisis  to  let  loose  a 
number  of  camp-followers  at  full  speed  upon  the  Florentine 
baagage  with  loud  cries  that  the  Feditori  were  beaten  and  the 
battle  lost:  and  this  so  scared  tlie  guard  that  panic-struck  the 
whole  train  broke  into  sudden  confusion  and  dispersed.     The 
Florentine  main  battle  which  was  drawn  up  full  one  third  of 
a  mile  from  the   ix)int  of  conflict,  seeing  this  false   attack 
and  consequent  tumult  in  their  rear,  and   deceived  by   the 
disorder  in  front,  where  their  squadrons,  broken  and  mingled 
with  the  enemv,  seemed  already  beaten  whUe  his   third  Ime 
showed  a  firm,  steady,  and  increasing  front ;  instead  of  advanc- 
ing as  they  should,  turned  like  cowards  and  fled  in  disorder 
with  all  the  mfantry  at  their  heels. 

Ciupo  and  Francesco  Castracani  obser^-ing  the  success  of  this 
stratagem  fell  with  their  fresh  squadrons  on  the  dispersed  and 
tired  though  victorious  Florenthies,  recovered  exerj  prisoner 
except  Visconti,  who  had  been  hurried  off"  to  the  rear,  and 
after  another  obstinate  struggle  completely  defeated  them. 
The  slaughter  of  men  according  to  Florentine  writei-s  was  not 
great  for  their  armour  was  generally  impen'ious  to  arrows ; 
but  two  thousand  five  hundred  hoi-ses  lay  dead  on  the 
field  by  bolts  from  Genoese  and  Pisan  crossbows,  which 
says  the  Istorie  Pistolesi  were  on  that  day  the  real  workers 
of  victor}^  There  were  scarcely  a  thousand  prisoners  made 
in  all,  but  amongst  them  the  Florentine  general  and  some 
Veronese  genUemen  of  high  rank ;  for  the  main  body  re- 
treated unmolested  to  Pescia  while  many  broke  through  the 
hostile  Unes  and  sheltered  themselves  in  Lucca :  the  Pisans 
had  the  honour  and  advantage  of  the  day  but  are  supposed  by 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


53 


A.D.  1341. 


Florentine  writers  to  have  lost  more  men  and  horses  than  the 
defeated  army  *. 

The  first  news  of  this  victory  was  of  course  mingled  \Nith 
great  exaggerations  both  at  Ferrara  and  Florence ;  in 
the  former  city  the  hostages  gave  themselves  up  for  lost, 
under  the  idea  that  Florence  was  entirely  disabled,  and  Giovanni 
Villaui  relates  a  conversation  between  himself  and  one  of  his 
comimnions  characteristic  of  the  time  and  country. 

His  fellow-hostage  on  the  news  of  this  defeat  said  "  '  Thou 
'^ '  0  Giovanni,  hast  made  many  records  of  our  past  histor}- 
"  *  and  the  other  great  events  of  the  age ;  now  say  what  can 
"  *  be  the  reason  that  God  has  permitted  this  misfortune  to 
"  '  befal  us,  the  Pisans  being  greater  sinners  than  ourselves 
"  *  as  well  in  perfidy  as  having  always  been  enemies  and  per- 
*'  '  secutors  of  the  holy  church  while  we  have  ever  been  obe- 
"  '  dient  to  it  and  even  its  benefactors  ? '  We  replied  to 
*'  this  question  as  God  beyond  our  small  amount  of  knowledge 
"  mspired  us ;  saying,  '  That  with  us  there  prevailed  one 
"  *  little  sm  amongst  others,  that  displeased  God  more  than 
*'  *  those  of  the  Pisans ;  that  is  to  say  the  being  destitute  of 
"  *  either  faith  or  charity.'  The  gentleman  somewhat  cho- 
"  leric,  rejoined  *  Why  do  you  particularly  mention  charity 
"  '  when  more  of  it  is  given  away  in  one  day  at  Florence  than 
"  '  at  Pisa  in  a  month  ? '  I  replied,  *  You  speak  true,  but 
*'  '  as  a  reward  for  that  branch  of  charity  which  is  called  alms 
'*  *  God  has  protected  and  will  continue  to  protect  us  from 
"  '  greater  perils ;  but  real  charity  is  wanting  amongst  us  ; 
"  '  first  towards  God  because  we  are  not  thankful  enough  for 


*  Sardo  and  Roncioni  say  that  the 
battle  was  fought  on  2nd  of  October 
1342.  Tronci  agrees  with  the  Flo- 
rentine writers  by  placing  it  under  the 
year  1341,  but  the  Pisans  began  their 
year  differently  from  any  other  people. 
— Raneiri  Sardo,  Cronaca  Pisana,  vol. 
vL,  Parte  ii*,  Arch.  Stor.  Ital.— Ron- 


cioni Istor.  Pisan.,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  784. 
Arc.  Stor  Ital. — Istorie  Pistolesi. — 
Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxxxiv. — 
Leon  Aretino,  Lib.  vi. — Tucci,  Storia 
Antica  di  Lucca,  MS. — S.  Ammirato, 
Lib.  ix.,  p.  446. — Tronci  Annali  di 
Pisa,  vol.  iii.,  Anno  1341. 


54 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


"  •  so  many  benefits  conferred ;   moreover  because  we   have 
"  *  exalted  our  city  to  such  a  height ;  also  by  our  presumption 
*'  *  in  not  being  contented  with  our  present  boundaries  and  are 
"  '  coveting  not  only  Lucca  but  other  towns  and  cities  unlaw- 
"  *  fully.     How  charitable  we  were  with  our  neighboui*s  is 
"  '  manifest  to  all  by  our  meddling  with  and  betraying  each 
"  *  other ;  by  one  neighbour  endeavouring  to  ruin  his  compa- 
"  '  nion,   consort,   and   even   his  own   brother;   and   by  our 
"  '  infamous  wronging  of  the  weak  and  unprotected.     Fidelity 
"  *  and  charity  towards  our  own  repul)lie  and  particular  com- 
"  '  nmnity  have  also  manifestly  vanished  :  but  the  time  of  our 
"  '  misfortunes  is  come :  each  citizen  in  order  to  satisfy  his 
"  *  own  petty  desires  and  serve  his  personal  interests  \Nill  fmu- 
'•  '  dulently  usui*p  and  expose  to  sale  the  most  important  offices 
"  'of  the  state  and  the  consequent  danger  to  the  common- 
"  '  wealth  is  never  thought  of.     But  the  Pisans  are  the  reverse, 
"  'they  are  united  amongst  themselves  and  faithful  to  their 
"  '  country,  although  in  other  respects  they  are  as  great  or 
"  •  jxreater  sinners  than  ourselves :  but  our  Lord  Je^us  Christ 
"  '  says  in  the  Evangelist,  "  I  will  punish  my  enemy  with  my 
"  '  enemy."  '     Silence  being  thus  put  to  these  questions  each 
"  remained  satisfied  with  the  explanation ;  we  acknowledged 
*'  our  defects  and  agreed  that  little  charity  was  amongst  us 
"  either  in  community  or  individually  "  *. 

This  defeat  at  fii-st  filled  Florence  with  dismay,  but  the 
truth  restored  tranquillity;  shops  were  reopened,  trade  re- 
sumed, and  each  citizen  pursued  his  usual  occupations  as  if 
nothing  had  occurred  to  disturb  them,  while  government  took 
instant  measures  to  assemble  a  more  powerful  ai'my  :  assistance 
was  promptly  demanded  from  King  Robert  and  other  allies, 
new  levies  were  made  ;  and  merely  because  he  liappened  to  be 
nearest  at  hand,  Malatesta  da  Pamini  a  man  of  warlike  reputa- 
tion was  raised  to  the  chief  militar}^  command.     He  arrived  in 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxxxvi. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


55 


A.D.  i:u2. 


Februar}^  131*2  and  although  his  reputation  raised  some  expec- 
tations of  success  the  people  were  not  the  less  anxious 
to  have  a  Neapolitan  prince  as  their  generalissimo : 
disappointed  in  this  but  learning  that  the  Duke  of  Athens 
was  coming  from  France  certain  Florentines  wrote  secretly 
to  offer  him  the  chief  command,  which,  being  needy  he  ac- 
cepted without  hesitation  and  repairing  to  Naples,  l)ut  keeping 
his  motives  secret,  provided  himself  with  men  and  horses  on 
pretence  of  recovering  his  estates  in  Attica  which  were  then 
held  by  the  royal  family  of  Sicily. 

Meanwhile  King  lloljert,  now  grown  very  old  and  a^'aricious, 
was  entreated  by  the  Florentines  to  send  a  royal  prince  and 
troops  to  their  assistance,  but  averse  to  the  expense,  yet  loth 
to  mortify  so  old  a  friend,  a  proposal  was  made  which  he  thought 
could  not  be  ontertained  for  a  moment  and  would  therefore 
either  remove  the  dilemma  or  repay  him  if  accepted.  A  formal 
embassy  was  accordingly  despatched  to  demand  from  Florence 
the  possession  and  lordship  of  Lucca  as  it  stood  in  lol3,  and 
on  these  conditions  promised  his  aid  both  by  sea  and  land 
against  Pisa  :  Robert  did  not  conceive  it  possible  that  Floren- 
tine pride  would  ever  stoop  to  such  terms,  but  he  was  mis- 
taken ;  the  citizens  were  all  too  anxious  for  his  help,  too  eager 
for  war ;  thev  saw  clearly  throudi  him  but  knew  that  he  could 
not  live  long,  and  at  once  acipiiesced.  Suqirised  at  their 
success  the  Neapolitan  ambassadors  repaired  directly  to  Pisa 
and  sternly  demanded  thiit  the  siege  of  Lucca  should  be  raised 
as  now  forming  part  of  their  nuister's  dominions :  the  Pisans 
uncertain  whether  this  were  not  a  stratagem  of  Florence  yet 
fearful  of  olfending  so  powerful  :i  prince,  respectfully  answered 
that  their  reply  should  be  made  by  a  special  embassy,  and  thus 
gained  time  but  pressed  the  siege  with  redoubled  vigour.  The 
Florentines  urged  King  Robert  to  fulfil  his  promise,  but  still 
unwilling  to  spend  money  he  held  cautiously  back  and  all  they 
could  accomplish,  instead  of  a  royal  prince  and  army,  was  to 
get  six  hundred  cavalry  under  the  Duke  of  Athens,  half  the 


56 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


57 


I 

III 


expense  being  paid  by  themselves.  This  disgraceful  conduct, 
especially  the  denial  of  naval  succours,  was  considered  as  the 
cause  of  all  subsequent  disasters,  and  so  high  was  public  indig- 
nation that  sui-mounting  ancient  enmity,  and  in  concert  with 
Mastino  della  Scala,  ambassadors  were  actually  despatched  to 
the  Emperor  Louis  at  Trent  and  a  negotiation  commenced  by 
which  he  engaged  to  recall  the  Germans  from  Pisa  and  send  a 
force  to  Tuscany  in  aid  of  Florence.  His  ambassadors  had 
]>een  received  there  with  public  honours  and  every  other  mark 
of  friendship  hi  1341,  and  fifty  knights  besides  divers  gentle- 
men of  liigh  rank  actually  joined  the  Florentine  army.  Ever}^- 
thing  therefore  seemed  tending  to  a  closer  union,  when  a 
change  in  German  affairs  with  the  usual  apprehensions  of 
Ghibeline  ascendancy  at  Florence  arrested  this  strange  con- 
nexion, and  the  counsel  of  cooler  but  more  determined  Guelpha 
carried  a  decree  to  prosecute  the  Pisan  war  with  national 
resources  alone. 

The  fame  of  so  unexpected  a  transaction  however  soon  spread 
over  Italy ;  and  it  was  probably  on  this  occasion  that  Petrarca 
assailed  it  with  all  the  fire  of  a  poet  and  a  patriot  *.  Ptobert  of 
Naples  became  alarmed,  and  many  of  his  rich  nobles  and  pre- 
lates with  liirge  sums  in  the  hands  of  Florentines,  apprehen- 
sive of  consequences,  suddenly  withdrew  their  deposits.  This 
caused  so  rapid  a  drain  on  the  city  that  coupled  with  heavy 
taxation  and  the  subsequent  loss  of  Lucca,  many  of  the  first 
banking-houses  were  compelled  to  stop  payment  and  ruined 
smaller  merchants  in  their  fall.  Amongst  them  are  the  names 
of  Peruzzi  and  Bardi,  who  appear  to  have  quickly  resumed 
business  after  their  recent  failure  ;  also  the  Acciauioli,  Buon- 

*  Canz.  "  Italia  mia."' — 

Ne  v*accorgete  ancor,  per  tante  prove, 
Del  Bavarico  inganno 
Ch'  alzando  '1  dito,  con  la  morte  scherza,  &c. 

De  Sade  (Mem.  pour  La  Vie  de  Petrarque,  vol.  ii.,  Lib.  iii.)  places  this  spirited 
Canzone  in  the  year  1344,  but  I  think  vnih  insufficient  reason. 


accorsi,  Cocchi,  Antellesi,  Uzzani,  Corsuii,  Castellani,  Peren- 
doli  and  many  others  :  the  mischief  spread,  specie  failed,  goods 
were  offered  at  Florence  for  half  their  former  value  and  found 
no  purchaser,  while  in  the  country  prices  fell  still  lower.  Never- 
theless the  Florentines  pertinaciously  adhered  to  their  great 
object,  and  marching  from  Val-di-Nievole  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  March  began  the  campaign  of  1 342  with  more  than 
two  thousand  foreign  veterans  in  their  pay.  Forty  gentlemen 
of  Florence  accompanied  the  army  with  their  followers  as 
volunteers,  and  a  board  of  six  deputies  was  attached  to  the 
council  of  war :  besides  these,  upwards  of  two  thousand  more 
cavalry  were  supplied  by  the  allies  without  reckoning  the  in- 
fantry of  Counts  Guidi,  which  alone  amounted  to  ten  thousand 
men,  besides  a  numerous  militia  from  the  district  and  contado 
of  Florence  itself. 

In  the  old  position  of  Gragnano  Malatesta  remained  idle  for 
six  weeks ;  and  though  commanding  so  fine  an  army  trusted 
more  to  intrigue  than  action  :  but  liis  kinsman  Nolfo  di  Monte- 
feltro  the  Pisan  general  was  also  from  Romagna  and  quite  as 
expert  in  all  the  duplicity  for  which  that  province  was  notorious : 
the  troops  therefore  remained  unoccupied  and  Florence  natu- 
rally became  suspicious  and  discontented.  The  enemy  far  more 
active  succeeded  in  inducing  Piero  Saccone  with  all  his  clan, 
and  even  Arezzo  itself,  to  meditate  a  revolt ;  but  Guglielmo 
degli  Altoviti  averted  this  danger  by  that  chief's  arrest  along 
with  three  kinsmen,  all  of  whom  he  sent  prisoners  to  Florence 
where  they  narrowly  escaped  execution.      The  rest  of  that 
family  fled  to  their  castles  and  broke  out  into  open  revolt :  but 
the  example  spread ;  the  Ubaldini  with  some  aid  from  Milan, 
besieged  Firenzuola  and  beat  a  detachment  which  was  march- 
ing to  its  assistance  under  one  of  the  Medici ;  the  town  fell  by 
treachery,  was  plmidered  and  burnt,  and  the  Pazzi  and  Uber 
tmi  of  Vald'amo  took  prompt  advantage  of  this  success  to  raise 
an  insurrection  in  that  province,  by  which  Castiglione,  Campo- 
giallo,  and  Treggiaia  were  soon  wrested  from  the  Florentines. 


58 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


Finding  that  all  his  intrigues  were  baffled  by  a  counter- 
working deeper  than  his  own  Malatesta  moved  on  the  ninth  of 
May  tJ'san  Piero  in  Campo  on  the  Serchio,  about  two  miles 
from  the  enemv ;  here  he  was  reenforced  by  the  seventy-five 
German  knights  and  gentlemen-at-anns  already  mentioned ; 
here  also  were  the  Florentines  joined  by  Walter  de  Brienne 
titular  Duke  of  Athens  ^^'ith  a  hundred  retainers  on  horseback 
in  their  pay.  This  is  he  who  in  13-26  had  acquired  some 
popularity  "as  the  Duke  of  Cakd.ria  s  lieutenant  at  Florence ; 
and  as  one  who  was  on  the  point  of  playing  so  desperate  a 
game  in  her  domestic  policy  may  here  be  further  noticed.^ 

We  leam  from  Ducange,  as  quoted  by  Sismondi,  that  Walter 
de  Brienne  was  bom  in  Greece  of  that  mixed  race  which  sprung 
up  after  the  fii-st  crusade  from  the  intenuarriages  of  a  Euro- 
pean and  an  Asiatic  popidation,  and  were  designated  by  the 
appellation  of  "  PuUanir    His  father  was  driven  from  Athens 
bvthe  great  company  of  Catalans  in  131-2  but  retained  the 
duchy  of  Lecce  in  Puglia  as  his  patrimony.     The  Catalans 
having  submitted  to   Frederic   King  of  Sicily  in  13-26,  that 
monmh's  three  sons  successively  took  the  title  of  Duke  of 
Athens  and  steadily  mled  the  principality.     Walter  neverthe- 
less had  favour  from  the  kings  of  France  and  Naples,  where- 
fore the  Florenthies  hoped  finally  to  overcome  King  Robert's 
avarice  by  treating  the  friend  of  a  deceased  son  and  the  man 
whom  he  had  himself  named  as  his  lieutenant,  with  peculiar 
distinction.      Brienne    was  of    small   stature   and   revolting 
aspect ;  of  a  cautious  but  false  disposition,  a  treacherous  heart 
and  dissolute  manners  :  no  morals,  no  religion ;  nothing  ever 
checked  liis  ambition  except  avarice,  and  of  all  the  good  qualities 
that  might  have  illustrated  his  progenitors,  their  valour  only 
became  this  man's  inherittmce.     Such  was  he  whose  fatal  con- 
nexion ynih  Florence  so  unhappily  recommenced  at  the  dis- 
astrous uivestment  of  Lucca  =5=. 


Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  1 70.— Roncioni,  Istor.  Pisane,Lib.  xiii.,  Ar.  Stor.  Ital. 


CHAP.  XIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


59 


The  army  with  great  difficulty  from  rains  and  floods,  crossed 
the  river  Serchio  on  the  eleventh  of  May  134-2,  and  after  a  useless 
offer  of  battle  threatened  the  fortress  and  bridge  of  San  Quilico ; 
this  drew  forth  troops  from  both  armies  and  caused  frequent 
skinnishes  without  any  serious  result.  There  were  two  bridges 
over  the  river  both  occupied  by  the  Pisans,  the  Florentine 
army  being  posted  between  them  and  divided  by  the  river 
from  the  enemy's  camp  which  was  in  this  part  unfortified. 
Here  therefore  the  great  effort  should  have  been  made  to 
throw  supplies  into  Lucca;  but  Malatesta  had  lost  time  and 
the  river  continued  higli,  so  that  the  Pisans  had  four  days' 
leisure  to  strengthen  also  this  portion  of  their  camp ;  but  no 
sooner  had  the  waters  abated  than  a  German  knight  dashed 
through  the  river  with  all  his  vassals  and  charged  the  new 
defences  ;  the  Duke  of  Athens  as  bravely  followed,  and  their 
example  led  on  others,  until  fifteen  hundred  men-at-arms  and 
a  more  numerous  infantry  were  hotly  engaged  and  carried  the 
enemy's  entrenchments  at  the  Ijuice's  point.  Instead  of  sup- 
porting so  spirited  a  charge  ]\Ialatesta  sounded  the  retreat 
and  tlms  lost  a  second  occasion  oi  revictualling  and  probably 
raising  the  siege  of  Lucca,  for  he  might  previously  have  occu- 
pied this  ground  even  before  a  single  bulwark  had  been  raised, 
when  the  garrison  confidently  allowed  both  armed  and  un- 
armed citizens,  men  and  women,  to  issue  out  and  satisfy  their 
curiosity  without  any  apprehension. 

That  night  the  Pisans  repaired  tlieir  works  ;  rains  and  floods 
again  poured  down,  and  ]\lalatesta  either  through  indecision  or 
treacheiy  relinquished  the  enterprise  and  retreated  to  Cerruglio 
where  he  encamped  on  the  twenty-first  of  May.  After  an 
unsuccessful  attack  on  that  iilace  he  retired  to  Fucecchio  and 
thence  ravaged  the  Pisan  territory  with  some  trifling  advantage : 
meanwhile  the  Lucchese,  seeing  themselves  so  shamefully 
abandoned  and  having  consunied  their  pro\isions,  surrendered 
on  the  skth  of  July  13P2, 


60 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


Thus  with  an  army  as  powerful  as  that  which  conquered 
Mastino  deUa  Scala  the  Florentines  were  not  only  unable  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Lucca  but  even  to  maintain  that  city  against 
the  inferior  forces  of  Pisa !  So  hurtfid  is  power  without  talent 
or  the  honesty  to  use  it  properly.  But  ill  success  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  army  :  during  the  delays  of  Malatesta  negotiations 
had  begun,  and  a  treaty  was  almost  concluded  between  Florence 
and  Pila  by  which  the  latter  agreed  to  pay  180,000  florins  and 
10,000  a  year  in  perpetuity,  with  a  ''Polio''  and  a  steed  in 
scarlet  trappings,  as  marks  of  homage  for  the  undisturbed  posses- 
sion of  Lucca :  this  miscarried  through  the  intrigues  of  Rucellai 
and  his  faction  and  with  it  every  hope  of  accommodation. 

For  nearly  thirteen  years  the  Florentines  had  pursued  this 

object  with  a  perseverance  worthy  of  a  better  cause  and  better 

fortune  ;  but  a  fatality  seemed  to  attend  on  all  their  actions, 

Lucca  was  destined  to  yield  but  not  to  them,  and  Villani  takes 

care  to  remind  us  of  his  friend  Dionesio  del  Borgo's  prophecy, 

that  Florence  would  have  the  lordship  of  Lucca  ''from  the 

hands  of  a  man  whose  armorial  hearings  are  red  and  black; 

hut  xcith  great  vexation,  expense,  and  shaiJie  to  your  community:' 

This  he  says  was  verified  in  the  person  of  Guglielmo  Scannacci 

degli  Scannabecchi  of  Bologna,  Mastino  s  commissioner ;  whose 

device  was  a  black  goat  on  a  red  field,  and  he  certainly  gave 

up  Lucca  to  the  Florentines  with  all  the  vexation,  shame,  and 

expense  that  had  been  predicted  *. 


CoTKMPORARY  MoNARCHs.— England  :  Edward  III.  —  Scotland  :  David  II. 
—France  :  Philip  VI.  of  Valois.— Castile  and  Leon  :  Alphonso  XL— Aragou  : 
Peter  IV. — Portugal  :  Alphonso  IV.— German  Empire  :  Louis  of  Bavaria. — 
Pope  :  Benedict  XII.— Naples :  Robert  (the  Good).— Sicily :  Frederic  II. 
(of  Aragon)  until  1337,  then  Peter  II.— Greek  Empire:  Andronicus  the 
younger  until  1341,  then  John  Palceologus.— Ottoman  Empire  :  Orcan. 


♦  S.  Amn.irato,  Stor.,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  447.  Lib.  Ixxix.— Raffaello  Roncioni,  Istorie 
—Giov.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cxxxix.,  Pisane,  Lib.  xUi.— Tronci,  Annali 
cxl. — Ranieri,   Sardo,   Cron.   Pisana,    Pisani,  vol.  iii°,  p.  171. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


61 


CHAPTER  XX. 


FROM    A.D.  1342     TO    A.D.  1344. 


A.D.  1342. 


The  repeated  disasters  and  ultimate  failure  of  this  war  pro- 
duced their  usual  effects  on  the  public  mind  and  Florence 
teemed  with  abuse  both  of  the  government  and  the 
twenty  commissioners  who  had  conducted  it ;  shame, 
vexation,  and  augmented  debt  were  its  only  acknowledged 
results,  and  every  public  and  private  assembly  even  the  very 
shops  and  markets  rang  with  unmeasured  expressions  of  dis- 
gust. The  ascendant  faction  therefore  determined  by  an 
immediate  change  of  rulers,  either  to  overawe  the  citizens,  as 
in  the  time  of  Gabrielli  d'  Agubbio,  or  endeavour  to  cast  off 
their  unpopularity  by  directing  public  attention  to  the  conduct 
of  another  who  as  the  niling  power  could  scarcely  escape  cen- 
sure however  faultless  his  conduct.  The  behaviour  of  Walter 
de  Brienne  had  once  prepossessed  aU  Florence  in  his  favour,  and 
his  recent  gallantry  at  Lucca  had  renewed  old  impressions  ;  he 
was  therefore,  towards  the  end  of  May  made  "  Captain  and 
Conservator  of  the  people ^^  to  which  after  the  termination  of 
Malatesta  s  engagement,  was  added  his  military  command  and 
along  with  it  almost  unlimited  authority  "vsdthin  and  without 
the  city.  Florence  iit  tliis  epoch  contained  three  factions, 
two  of  which  were  active  and  powerful.  First  the  nobility; 
driven  to  desperation  by  an  implacable  democracy ;  secondly 
the  "  Popolani  Grassi "  or  opulent  burgesses  who  had  mono- 
polized all  power  emolument  and  public  honours,  and  were  fast 


62 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


reducing  the  commonwealth  to  what  may  be  called  a  close 
corporation  with  its  accustomed  evils.  Alike  obnoxious  to 
nobles  and  people,  they  persecuted  the  one,  insulted  the  other, 
and  oppressed  both,  wherefore  the  advancement  of  Walter  was 
a  popular  act  bv  which  ever}-  class  expected  to  profit ;  it  was  a 
change ;  and  changes  after  misfortune  often  come  with  a  brighter 
aspect  than  they  may  always  desen'e. 

The  fii-st  measm-es  of  de  Brienne  were  equally  agreeable  to 
the  two  extremes  of  faction,  but  fdled  the  centre  with  dismay : 
Giovanni  de' Medici  late  governor  of  Lucca  and  one  of  the  most 
jwwerful  of  their  number  :  had  his  head  chopped  off  in  August, 
chietlv  on  an  accusation,  which  he  was  made  by  torture  to  own,  of 
having  through  bribery  allowed  one  of  the  Tariati  to  escape  from 
Lucca°when  that  family  revolted.    Immediately  afterwards  Gug- 
lielmo  degli  Altoviti  sulfered  a  like  sentence  for  peculation  wliile 
governing  Arezzo ;  but  it  was  generally  believed  that  the  gold 
of  Pietmmala  whose  chiefs  he  had  sent  prisonei-s  to  Florence 
influenced  the  Duke  of  Athens  in  this  condemnation.     Naddo 
de'   Rucellai  and   Rosso   de'    lUcci    were    the   next  victims: 
accused  of  briberj'  and  pecidation  at  Lucca  both  received  sen- 
tence of  death,  and  escaped  only  through  the  power  of  their 
families  by  paying  enormous  lines  besides  exile  and  imprison- 
ment, for  pmdence  not  mercy  mduced  the   Duke    to   spare 
them.     Affectation  of  modesty  or  a  deeper  cunning  had  made 
him  choose  the  Franciscan  convent  of  Santii  Croce  for  his  ordi- 
nar}-  residence;  it  was  a  mendicant  order  and  denoted  humility, 
and  the  ample  space  in  front  of  that  building  favoured  the 
meetings  of  those  numerous  popular  assemblies  by  which  he 
intended  to  work  out  his  designs  ;   as  the  examples  he   had 
already  made  were  amongst  the  most  powerful  of  the  obnoxious 
class  Walter  de  Brienne  was  liailed  by  the  populace  and  more 
than  the  populace,  as  an  impartial  detennined  man  who  would 
distribute  wliat  they  called  justice  with  a  fearless  hand  ;  for 
justice  and  tyranny  are  as  easily  confomided,  when  apphed  by 


CHAJ'.   XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


63 


a  discontented  people  to  their  nilers,  as  in  their  application  to 
the  same  people  by  a  cmel  and  arbitrary  government  ^=. 

The  terror  of  those  who  had  invested  de  Brienne  with  this 
authority  was  only  equalled  by  their  astonishment  in  finding 
themselves  the  first  objects  of  his  tyranny,  and  his  con- 
fidential intercourse  with  the  nobles  completed  their  dread 
of  what  was  likely  to  follow.  He  was  eagerly  courted  by  the 
latter  and  urged  to  make  liimself  Lord  of  Florence,  for  he  had 
promised  to  abolish  in  their  favour  the  detested  ordinances  of 
justice:  to  the  burgher  fiunilies ;  particularly  the  Peruzzi, 
Antellesi,  Acciaiuoli,  Ihionaccorsi,  Bai'oncelli  and  others,  all 
deep  in  debt ;  he  proniised  public  assistance  to  save  them  from 
their  creditors ;  to  the  lower  classes  he  behaved  with  peculiar 
affability,  and  even  familiarity ;  promising  that  they  also  should 
have  a  share  in  the  <ommouwcalth.  Thus  winning  golden 
opinions  from  both  ends  of  society  he  heard  his  name  blessed 
while  riding  through  the  streets,  and  wherever  he  turned  beheld 
his  armorial  bearings  enil)l:i/.(^ncd  either  from  love  or  fear,  over 
ever}^  shop  and  palace  in  the  capital.  ''Erviva  il  ubi^to  Slf/nore  " 
was  shouted  whenever  he  presented  liimself,  "  Lout/  live  the 
man  icho  punishes  the  (jreat  icith out  fear  V  His  will  w^as  law, 
he  was  monarch  in  all  but  the  name. 

While  tilings  were  in  this  palmy  state  the  office  of  the 
Twenty  expired ;  they  had  ruled  the  commonwealth  more  for 
their  own  views  than  the  i^oneral  good;  had  augmented  taxes 
and  increased  the  public  debt ;  nothing  prospered  under  them  ; 
and  their  very  existence  was  an  impediment  to  the  Duke's 
ambition  :  trustuig  therefore  both  to  the  fear  and  goodwill 
that  he  had  inspired  in  the  various  classes  according  to  their 
peculiar  expectations,  Walter  coolly  requested  from  the  priors 
the  absolute  and  perj^etual  lordship  of  Florence.  The  astonished 
seimiorv  would  not  listen  for  an  instant  to  a  demand  that 
neither  kings  nor  emperors  had  ever  dared  to  make,  and  in 

*  Mar.  di  Coppo,  Stefani,  Lib.  viii.,  Rub.  551. 


64 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


defiance  of  his  popularity  plumply  refused  their  consent.     But 
Walter  had  better  security:  the  nobles  from  anger ;  the  bankrupt 
popolani  from  distress ;  and  the  poorer  citizens  and  populace 
from  detestation  of  the  late  commissioners;  all  offered  him  their 
armed  assistance  to  carry  out  his  views.    With  such  encourage- 
ment he  on  his  own  authority  summoned  a  general  parliament 
to  meet  at  Santa  Croce  and  consider  the  public  safety;  this  so 
alarmed  the  priors,  whose  permission  was  not  even  asked,  that 
they  deputed  certain  of  their  number  to  confer  with  him  on  the 
evening  of  the  seventh  of  September  and  then  addressed  him 
thus.  "Ve  come  to  you  O  Seignor,  moved  fii-st  by  your  demand, 
"  and  secondly  by  "the  orders  wliich  you  have  issued  to  as 
*'  semble  the  people,  because  it  appears  certain  that  you  wish 
*'  by  extraordinar}^  means  to  obtaui  that  which  we  have  refused 
"  to  your  solicitations :  nor  is  it  our  intention  to  oppose  your 
"  designs  by  force,  but  simply  to  demonstrate  how  heav}^  is  the 
"  burden  that  you  are  about  to  take  upon  your  shoulders  and 
"  how  dangerous  the  course  you  pui-sue ;  in  order  that  you 
"  may  remember  our  advice   along  with  that  of  those  who 
"  give  a  different  counsel,  not  for  your  good  but  to  siitisfy  their 
"  own  vengeance.     You  are  trjdng  to  enslave  a  city  that  has 
♦'  ever  been  free  ;  for  the  power  that  we  have  occasionally  con- 
'*  fen-ed  on  the  Neapolitan  monarchs  was  that  of  confraternity 
"  not  bondage.     Have  you  seriously  considered  what  in  a  city 
'♦  like  this  may  be  the  full  strength  and  meaning  of  the  word 
"  *  Liberty  r  which  no  force  conquers,  no  time  consumes,  and 
"  no  merit  counterbalances  !     Think  Sir,  how  much  power  it 
"  needs  to  hold  such  a  city  in  slaver}^ !     Your  foreign  guards 
"  are  insufficient ;  those  within,  you  cannot  trust ;  for  the  very 
*'  citizens  who  are  now  your  friends  and  counselbn-s,  so  soon  as 
'*  they  by  your  help  shall  have  subdued  their  adversiiries  will 
'*  seek  means  to  extinguish  you  and  seat  themselves  in  your 
"  place.     The  plebeians  in  whom  you  confide  will  turn  at  the 
•*  slightest  accident,  so  that  m  a  short  time  you  may  expect  to 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


65 


see  the  whole  city  your  enemy  to  its  own  and  your  ruin. 
Nor  will  you  be  able  to  find  a  remedy  for  this  evil;  for 
notwithstanding  that  those  princes  who  have  but  few  enemies 
can  secure  their  own  authority  by  death  and  exile  ;  yet  amidst 
universal  hatred  security  was  never  found  :  it  is  never  known 
where  mischief  may  begin,  and  he  that  fears  all  can  be  cer- 
tain of  none  :  Nay,  if  you  attempt  a  remedy  you  increase  the 
danger,  for  those  who  remain  become  more  bitter  in  their 
hatred  and  more  eager  for  revenge.  That  no  time  suffices  to 
exhaust  the  desire  of  freedom  is  certain,  for  we  have  frequent 
examples  of  its  resumption  in  cities  whose  living  citizens 
never  enjoyed  it  and  only  loved  the  sound  as  they  heard  it 
echoed  by  songs  and  traditions  of  their  ancestors,  yet  when 
once  recovered  preser\^ed  it  with  obstinacy  against  every  in- 
vader :  and  even  if  their  fathers  had  not  reminded  them  of  it, 
the  public  palaces  the  seats  of  justice  and  all  the  ensigns  of 
freedom  would  have  done  so,  for  all  would  have  been  eagerly 
sought  for  and  known  by  the  citizens.  But  what  pecuharly 
good  work  have  you  ready  to  compensate  for  the  lost  sweet- 
ness of  liberty,  or  to  destroy  the  pubhc  affection  for  our  actual 
state  ?  Not  even  were  you  to  add  all  Tuscany  to  Florence 
and  return  in  daily  triumph  from  without  would  it  avail  you  ; 
for  that  glory  would  not  belong  to  them  but  to  you,  and  the 
citizens  would  not  acquii-e  subjects  but  fellow-sersants  by 
whom  their  own  sei'^  itude  would  be  made  more  galling.  And 
though  your  conduct  were  even  saintly,  your  manners  cour- 
teous, your  judgments  just ;  all  this  would  not  suffice  to 
raalve  you  beloved;  if  you  believe  otherwise  you  deceive 
yourself,  because  eveiy  tie  is  irksome  every  chain  heavy  to 
tliose  who  are  accustomed  to  freedom.  A  good  prince  and  a 
turbulent  people  can  hardly  exist  together,  for  they  must  soon 
either  be  quickly  assimilated  or  the  one  be  soon  overcome  by 
the  other :  wherefore  you  must  resolve  to  retain  this  city 
by  violence;  for  wliich  citadels  guards  and  foreigners  will 


VOL.    II. 


66 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


er 


n 


(( 


t( 


(( 


scarcely  avail ;  or  else  be  satisfied  witli  that  authority  which 
"  we  have   already  bestowed   upon  you.      The  latter  we  ad- 
vise, with  this  warning,  that  voluntary   obedience  is  alone 
durable  ;  and  we  urge  you  not  to  allow  yourself,  blinded  by 
ambition,  to  clamber  up  to  a  place  where  you  can  neither 
"  remain  nor    pass,   and  therefore  from    which   with  infinite 
''  mischief  to  yom-self  and  us  you  must  surely  fall '"  -. 

A  long  and  protracted  discussion  followed  and  was  finished 
by  the  execution  of  a  compact  confirmed  by  oaths  which  con- 
tinued Walter  de  Brienne  in  absolute  power,  with  the  juris- 
diction and  allowances  before  enjoyed    by  Charles  Duke   of 
Calabi-ia,  for  one  year  beyond  his  actual  ai>pointment,  on  con- 
dition that  he  would  maintain  the  existing  constitution  and 
public  liberty,  uph(.ld  the  seignoiy  according  to  law,  execute 
the  ordinances  (»f  justice,  and  adjourn  the  next  days  parlia- 
ment to  the  square  in  front  of  the  public  palace  for  a  final 
ratification  of  his  authority.     On  these  conditions  the  priors 
consented  to  attend  in  form  and  propose  him  to  the  people. 
On  the  following  moniing  the    Duke   of  Athens  :irmed   his 
retainers  to  the  number  of  four   hundred  and    twenty  men 
and  supported  by  most  of  the  nobility,  besides  Giovanni  della 
Tosa  and  his  Consorteriaf,    with  many  of  the  Popolani,  all 
secretly  armed,  proceeded  to  the  place  of  adjuunnneiit.     At 
his  an-ival  the  Gonfalonier.   Priors,  Buonomini.  and  Gonfa- 
loniei-s  of  companies  with  all  their  subordinate  officers  and 
attendants  issued  in  state  from  the  palace  and  seated  themselves 
along  \vith  the  duke  on  the  "  Uiwjhhra  "  ;  or  marble  landing 

name  for  mutual  protection. 
X  The  Rhrjhkra  or  Annokkra, 
(from  Arhujare,  to  harangue),  was 
the  broad  flight  and  hmding  of  white 
marble  steps  forming  the  ascent  to  the 
Prior's  palace,  now  the  Palazzo  Vev- 
t7</o  of  Florence,  and  from  this  ] dace 
all  public  propositions  were  ma<le  to 
the  parliament  or  general  assembly  of 
the  people. 


*  Macchiavelli,  Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  ii". 

Unless    Macchiavelli    found    this 

speech  amongst  the  public  records  to 
■which  he  had  access  as  secretary,  I 
should  imagine  it  to  be  his  own  com- 
position from  the  substance  of  what 
reallv  passed,  because  1  find  it  nowhere 

else. 

•f*  The  Consvi'tirkt   was  an  union  of 

several   families  under   one  common 


at  its  base.    Silence  having  been  commanded  Francesco  Piusti- 
chelli  one  of  the  priors,  arose  and  attempted  to  harangue  the 
people,  but  on  coming  to  the  words  '\for  one  year;'  his  voice, 
by  preconcerted  plans,  was  lost  in  a  tumult  of  shouts,  of  '' For 
life,  for  life,''  which  commencing  with  a  few  wool-carders  and 
retainers  of  the  nobility  stjitioned  on  the  skirts  of  the  crowd, 
rolled  onward  with  gathering  force  until  the  whole  square  rang 
with  the  cry  of  ''For  life^   "  Let  the  lordship  he  for  lifer    "  Let 
the  duke  be  our  Jord^     These  words  were  joyfully  reechoed  by 
the  nobles  who  rushing  up  the  steps  closed  round  their  idol, 
tossed  him  lightly  on  their  shoulders  and  attempted  to  enter 
the  palace ;  but  as  the  gate  was  closed,  according  to  custom 
when  the  seignory  were  outside,  axes  were  loudly  called  for : 
between    force    and    treachery    they    succeeded    in    placing 
Walter  on  the  judgment  seat  and  then  thrust  the  priors  con- 
temptuously into  one  of  the  meanest  chambers  of  the  build- 
ing.    The  great  gonfalon  of  Florence  was  torn  from  its  staff 
while  the  banner  of  Alliens  overshadowed  the  battlements  ;  the 
ordinances  of  justice  were  given  to  the  winds,  and  the  great 
republican  bell  rang  out  a  loud  Te  Deiiin  for  the  triumph  of 
absolute  government,     liinieri  of  San  Gimignano,  captain  of 
the  priors  guard  wli..  treacherously  opened   the  palace,  and 
Cerrettieri  de"  Visdoinini  the  dukes  esquire  were  dubbed  kni'^hts 
on  the  spot,  Guglielmo  of  Assisi  the  captain  of  the  people  ac- 
quiesced in  everything  and  accepted  the  place  of  l^argello  ;  but 
the  Podesta  Meliaduso  d"  Ascoli  renounced  his  oflice,  yet  with 
doubtful  signs  of  sincerity,  since  he  consented  to  remain  as  one 
of  the  dukes  retainers.  Great  rejoicings  followed,  and  two  days 
aftenvards  a  decree  of  per])etual  dictatorship  i)assed  through 
all  the  councils ;  the  priors,  now  shoni  of  their  power,  were 
removed   from  the  seat  of  government  to  the  Petri  palace 
in  San  Piero  Schereggio  with  an  honorar}-  guard  of  twenty 
instead  of  a  hundred  men;   most  of  the  citizens  were  dis- 
armed,  and  then,   after  a  solemn  thanksgiving  and  oflering 

F  2 


68 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


69 


at  Uie  shrine  of  Santa  Croce,  Walter  de  Brienne  considered 
himself  securely  settled  in  the  government  ^. 

Sul  r  the  heedless  impetuosity  of  a  pec,.le  .hose  gne. 
ances  were  real  and  complaints  just ;  hut  .hose  means  and 
ZZ  were  mistaken  :  hlinded  hy  passion  and  deceived  hy  the 
ar^s  of  their  champion,  confidence  hecame   unbounded,   and 
c^ifoundrng  institutions  wnth  men,  they  ^^-^^^  ^^^  ^X^^^ 
liberty  from  its  pedestal  and  set  up  a  monster  m  its  place. 
Such  folly  is  scarcely  excusable  even  in  an  oppressed  and  ex- 
Jed  populace  yet  it  was  only  repeatuig  the  lesson  lately  taught 
TetZ  a  worse  object,  by  the  very  men  ^^^^^- 
now  displacing :  and  the  only  difference  between  the  Duke  of 
Uhens  and  Giacomo  GabrieUi  is  that  the  fonner  ..s  elected 
with  upright  intentions  by  many,  and  with  excusable  feelmgs 
by  most,  as  their  perpetual  ruler;  the  latter  -n^-^^^^^  f  r 
ith  the  worst  intentions,  for  a  year :  m  the  choice  of  W  al tei 
the  people  exercised  an  acknowledged  and  legitimate  authonty ; 
but  the  electors  of  Giacomo  usuri^ed  their  power  and  disobeyed 
a  positive  law :    that  was  the  sudden  act  of  a  too  generally 
calumniated  mulutude,  thi.  the  coolly  calculated  measure  of 
constituted  authorities  intrusted  .ith  the  maintenance  of  pub  he 
liberty      On  the  other  hand  the  conduct  of  the  nobles  was  the 
result  of  a  settled  plan  of  vengeance  to  overturn,  no  matter 
how,  a  form  of  government  which  had  almost  dnven  tliem 
beyond  the  pale  of  society  and  made  them  desi)erate  by  a  con- 
tinually recurring  persecution!.  „   ,     ,         i     , 
The  Duke  of  Athens  lost  no  time  in  making  all  the  dependent 
cities  of  Florence  own  his  authority  by  separate  elections  as 
perpetual  ruler,  and  Arezzo,  Pistoia,  CoUe,  Voltorra,  and  baii 
Gimignano  soon  acknowledged  him  while  orders  were  simul- 

•    Istorie  Pistolesi,   Anno   1342.  -     ^^^^^%^'t^^ 2ftl 
Gio.  Villani,    Lib.   xii.,   cap.   iii.  -     --  S.   Anjm  rato  ^>b     >x  '       L. 
Marchionne  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Istona     Arctino,  Lib.   v,.  --  »*""^'«»' 

Fiorentina,    Lib.  'viii..    Rub.    555.,     ^»^-^'' ^'^i,""^^  ^  ^^^^^^^ 
vol   xiii.     Dclizie  dcgli  Eruditi  Toih     t  Ciiov.  Villani,.Lib.  xu.,  cap. 


taneously  dispatched  for  a  le\7  of  troops  in  France  and  Bur- 
gundy to  sustain  his  power,  so  that  he  very  soon  had  eight 
hundred  foreign  men-at-arms  in  his  pay  besides  Italians.  His 
relations  too  humed  over  in  shoals  to  share  the  favour  of  their 
kinsman  ;  but  when  Philip  of  Valois,  (who  had  been  told  that 
his  journey  to  Naples  was  a  pilgrimage),  heard  of  Walter's 
exaltation,  he  dryly  remarked  "  Alherge  il  est  le  Pelerin,  mais 
il  y  a  mauvnifi  ostein  And  his  words  were  quickly  confirmed. 
A  grave  letter  of  reprehension  and  advice  was  also  received 
from  Robert  of  Naples  in  which  the  Duke  is  told  that  as 
neither  wisdom  nor  virtue,  nor  long  friendship,  nor  worthy 
sei-vices,  nor  vengeance  for  their  wrongs  had  made  him  lord  of 
the  Florentines  ;  but  only  their  great  discord  and  evil  state,  he 
had  better  govern  by  the  people  and  their  laws  than  by  his 
own  exclusive  authority :  he  is  told  to  restore  the  priors  to  their 
palace  and  power,  to  quit  tlie  former  himself  and  reside  in  that 
of  the  Podesta  where  Charles  of  Calabria  lived ;  and  as  the 
Florentines  had  seven  in  their  administrative  council  he  was 
adnsed  to  have  ten  "  a  conn  no  n  numher  that  unites  in  itself  all 
the  sinffular  )uunbers  and  means  that  they  should  not  he  ruled 
hy  factions  or  division  hut  in  common''^. 

A  state  of  warfore  being  unfavourable  either  to  the  accumula- 
tion of  money  or  consolidation  of  power,  which  formed  the  para- 
mount objects  of  Walter  s  ambition,  no  time  was  lost  in  strength- 
ening his  influence  amongst  the  dependent  cities  of  Florence, 
and  concluding  a  peace  with  Pisa  and  all  her  allies,  but  totally 
unmindful  of  Florentine  honour  or  interests  f.  By  a  treaty 
signed  in  October  the  possession  of  Lucca  was  confirmed  for 
fifteen  years  to  Pisa ;  the  Guelphic  exiles  were  re-established  in 
their  rights,  and  the  Duke  was  to  have  the  nomination  of  a  Po- 
desta for  the  same  period,  while  Pisa  retained  possession  of  the 

*  Giov.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  iv.  or  peace  wth  Pisa  formally  to  all  the 

t  According  to  the  anonymous  author  councils   and   acted   with   their   con- 

of  the  Istorie  Pistolesi  the   Duke  of  sent. 
Athens  submitted  the  question  of  war 


70 


FLORENTTNE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


71 


citadel  of  Agosta  and  all  the  solid  power,  siil>ject  to  the  pay- 
ment of  150,000  florins  to  the  Duke  by  fifteen  annual  instal- 
ments*: the  Florentine  merchants  were  exempted  from  all 
impositions  for  five  years  only,  although  hy  ancient  treaties 
they  had  a  perpetual  franchise  :  all  exiles  of  the  republic  m  the 
Pisan  senice  were  pardoned  as  well  as  their  allies  of  the 
TJbaldini,  Pazzi,  Tarlati,  and  Ubertini  families,  so  that  the 
rebellious  Bardi  luid  Frescobaldi  with  all  tlieir  ^>llowers  returned 
in  triumph  to  Florence  f . 

Thus  extenially  secured,  the  Duke  began  his  internal  and 
unsteady  govenmient  and  being  in  consequence  of  king  Robert  s 
advice,  unwilling  to  efface  every  form  of  republican  institutions 
appointed  nine  priors  from  the  lowest  class  of  artisans,  shorn 
of  power,  honour,  and  ever}'  ancient  distinction  except  a  new 
standard,  where  his  own  arms  were  emblazoned  between  those 
of  the  people  and  the  city,  with  the  popular  escutcheon  hanging 
as  a  medallion  round  the  neck  of  the  Athenian  lion.     The 
nobles   who   had   expected   to   see   the   people    irretrievably 
crushed,  became  alarmed  at  this  open  display  oi  an  union  which 
they  never  anticipated ;  and  the  more  so  when  it  was  followed 
by  the  condemnatiim  of  two  members  of  the  Bardi  family :  one 
in  a  penalty  of  500  florins  for  having  assaulted  a  citizen  that 
had  insulted  him,  the  other  less  heavily  for  a  more  serious 
offence.     But  the  popolani  themselves  had  no  reason  to  exult, 
for  their  gonfaloniei-s  of  companies  were  abolished  ;  the  laws 
and  regulations  of  trades  repealed,  and  every  office  that  dis- 
pleased the  tymnt  annulled  without  hesitation  ;  the  priors  were 
mere  shadows  tmd  the  variable  Walter  de  Brienne  finally  united 
himself  with  butchers,  vintners,  wool-carders,  and  the  lowest 
artisans,  whom  in  his  bad  Italiiui  he  called  *'  Le  bone  popule  "J. 

*  Sardi  savs  only  50,000  florins,  paid  cioni,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  791.— S.  Ammirato, 

in  seven  voars,  were  given ;  and  Ron-  Lib.    ix.,   p.    460.— Istorie    Pistolesi, 

cioni  100",000.  An.  1342.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vi. 

t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  vnii.~  X  M.   di   Coppo   Stefani,   Ub.    vuj., 

Sardo,  Cron.  Pis.,  cap.  Ixxxi.— Ron-  Rubric  566. 


For  more  security  he  deprived  the  citizens  of  their  heavy 
cross-bows,  strengthened  the  palace  windows  with  iron  bars, 
erected  a  strong  auteport  before  it,  purcliased  the  surrounding 
houses,  and  finally  began  to  construct  a  massy  and  extensive 
fortress  in  which  he  did  not  scmple  to  use  the  materials  already 
collected  for  rebuilding  the  Ponte  Vecchio.  To  form  more 
secure  outposts  he  arbitrarily  seized  on  several  castellated 
houses  and  high  towers  that  surrounded  the  palace  square  and 
ganisoned  them  with  his  retainers  without  remuneration  to  the 
owners  :  such  doings  opened  the  public  eyes  ;  his  tyranny 
began  to  be  painful  to  all ;  old  taxes  were  augmented  and  new 
ones  imposed;  the  regular  assignments  for  discharging  the 
national  and  foreign  debt  were  withheld,  the  hostages  unre- 
deemed and  the  public  creditor  defrauded  :  as  a  judge  his 
punishments  were  heavy  and  his  judgments  vicious;  his  officers 
were  corrupt,  his  courts  venal,  and  his  former  justice  and 
courtesy  changed  to  implacable  cruelty  and  unbounded  pride. 

Such  was  the  lord  of  Florence ;  and  his  ser\^ants  imitated 
and  even  overstepped  their  master's  iniquity.  He  suspected 
and  disgusted  the  nobles  while  he  courted  the  populace,  who  at 
this  epoch  began  to  be  called  "  Ciompi "  corrupted  from 
*'  Compere:'  A  familiar  appellation  of  the  French  soldiers 
which  afterwards  became  famous  in  the  seditions  of  Florence*. 
Foui-  hundred  thousand  florins  were  illegally  extracted  from 
the  people  in  little  more  than  ten  months  l)esides  what  was 
levied  on  the  dependent  cities,  while  six  noble  rectors  with 
great  power  and  salaries  swept  through  the  rural  districts 
fleecing  the  rest  of  the  nation.  The  wives  and  daughters  of  the 
citizens  were  seduced,  insulted,  and  outraged  with  impunity ; 
even  charitable  institutions  were  robbed  and  their  funds 
lavished  on  licentious  women ;  the  sumptuary  laws  against 
female  dress  and  ornaments,  hitherto  so  dear  to  Florentine 

*  March,  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  viii.,  Rubric  575,  vol.  xiii.,  of   Delizic  degli 
Erud.  Tosciini. 


72 


FXORENTTNE    HISTOEY. 


[book    I. 


husbands  and  fathers,  were  all  abrogated ;  pubUc  prostitution 
was  concentrated,  licensed,  and  taxed  for  the  benefit  of  subor- 
dinate officei-s  of  goverameut :  and  though  the  family  feuds 
which  were  still  numerous  both  in  the  city  and  Contado  were 
for  the  most  part  tranquillised  large  payments  were  extracted 
from  the  parties ;  nevertheless  this  was  a  good  deed  and  the 
only  one  of  Walter's  acts  that  survived  his  expulsion.     Five 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  florins  of  public   revenue  were 
altogether  plundered  ;  eighty  thousand  more  were  raised  by  a 
new  estimation  of  property ;  and  after  a  solemn  promise  of 
laving  on  no  other  tax,  fresh  exactions  were  daily  made  in  the 
shape  of  tolls,  loans,  penalties,  or  any  other  form  that  was 
likely  to  answer  the  purpose;  so  that  *^(iO,On(>  florins  were 
eventually  invested  in  French  and  Neapolitan  securities. 

His  government  was  nominally  composed  of  the  priors,  who 
were  nothing ;  of  the  bishop  of  Lecce  his  own  vassal ;  of  the 
Podesta  Baglione  of  Perugia,  a  rapacious  minion  ;   of  his  Bar- 
gello  and  Conservator,  and  the  infamous  Guglielmo  of  Assisi, 
a  ready  executioner  of  the  most  iniquitous  commands.     Along 
^^^th  these  was  his  friend  Arrigo  Fei,  an  instrument  peculiarly 
acute  in  devising  the  readiest  means  of  extracting  money  from  a 
suffering  and  complaining  people ;  besides  three  judges  with 
summary  jurisdiction,  who  held  their  court  in  the  houses  of  the 
Villani  and  according  to  Giovanni  with  unbounded  corruption. 
The  bishop  of  Assisi,  brother  of  the  conservaUn-,  and  the  judge 
of  Lecce  assisted  in  his  council ;  and  the  bishops  of  Arezzo, 
Pistoia  and  Volterra,  with  I'arlato  of  Pietramala  and  Ottaviano 
Belforte  of  Volten-a,  were   retained   as  a  sort  of  honorary 
advisers  but  real  hostages,  about  his  court  to  secure  the  obe- 
dience of  their  respective  cities  and  possessions,  as  well  as  to 
maintain  an  outward  appearance  of  piety  and  religious  counsel. 
With  the  citizens  he  held  little  or  no  intercourse,  and  his  only 
real  counseUors  were  Baglione,  Guglielmo,  and  Cerrettieri : 
his  decrees  were  absolute,  and  always  given  under  his  own 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


73 


A.D.  1343. 


private  seal,  which  the  chancellor  took  good  care  should  not 
be  unprofitable  to  himself. 

Terror,  cruelty,  extortion  and  debauchery  marked  his  reign 
and  stamped  the  image  of  his  character,  for  he  was,  says  Vil- 
lani, a  man  of  little  firmness  and  less  faith  ;  sensual,  ungracious 
and  avaricious  ;  diminutive  in  stature,  thin-bearded,  malevolent, 
but  very  sagacious,  and  more  of  a  Greek  than  a  Frenchman*. 

No  act  told  more  against  him  than  the  forcing  of  Naddo 
Rucellai,  through  his  sureties,  back  to  Florence,  and 
then  hanging  him,  contrary  to  all  faith,  for  an  alleged 
conspiracy  in  concert  with  Siena  against  his  person :  the  charge 
was  not  entirely  unfounded,  but  his  sureties  were  compelled  to 
pay  50U0  florins  on  pretence  of  peculation  subsequent  to  his 
original  crime,  and  as  Naddo  was  a  man  of  great  talent  and 
influence  with  numerous  friends,  his  death  was  peculiarly 
unpopular.  Scarcely  less  so  was  a  new  offensive  and  defensive 
jiUiance  with  Pisa,  and  the  joint  maintenance  of  a  body  of 
troops ;  an  act  which  shocked  the  prejudices  not  only  of  Flo- 
rence but  all  Guelphic  Tuscany.  The  appointment  of  sLx  rec- 
tors from  the  class  of  nobles  to  govern  rural  districts,  although 
meant  to  soften  the  asperity  of  that  faction  whose  support  he 
was  unwilUng  to  lose,  entirely  failed ;  but  being  desirous  of 
showing  his  confidence  in  the  people  generally,  he  executed 
with  horrible  cruelty  a  certain  Matteo  di  Marozzo  for  having 
revealed  to  him  a  conspiracy  of  the  Medici  and  others  against 
himself.  Such  an  example  might  have  been  considered  sufficient 
to  have  checked  any  further  denouncements  of  plotters  against 
so  merciless  a  tyrant,  yet  Rinaldo  Lamberto  suffered  death  soon 
after  for  a  similar  revelation,  so  that  whether  he  were  warned 
truly  or  falsely,  or  if  his  conduct  were  in  any  way  criticised,  cer- 
tain death  was  the  result ;  a  hard  measure  for  Florence  whose 
greatest  liberty  was  in  the  free  discussion  of  public  men  and 
measures  f. 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  viii.  Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  viii.,  Rub. 

f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  viii. —     568. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  ii°. 


74 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


75 


II 


V 

III 


Crowds  of  the  tyrant  s  countrj-raeu  poured  unceasingly  into 
the  city  to  whom  he  confided  the  most  important  charges ; 
French  customs,  French  nilers,  and  French  attu'e,  scandalised 
the  still  simple  Florentines  who  found  themselves  insensihly 
changing  their  ancient  lioman  toga,  which  says  Villani  "  was 
the  handsomest,  the  noblest  and  the  most  decent  of  any  other 
nation,"  for  the  short  close  vest  and  broad  waist-belt  of  the 
French  which  could  not  be  put  on  without  assistance.  His 
seductions,  outrages,  and  the  legalised  estiblishment  of  public 
brothels  disgusted  the  majority,  especially  the  older  citizens, 
who  saw  with  indiiniation  their  children  of  both  sexes  rapidly 
sinking  into  vice  and  debaucher}-  and  exposed  to  the  example 
and  mmatural  passions  of  dissolute  and  rapacious  strangers  *. 

The  dignity  of  tlieir  nation  was  trampled  on  ;  their  customs 
outraged  ;  their  laws  in  fragments  ;  their  regulations  despised  ; 
pubhc  decency  openly  insulted,  and  the  modesty  of  both  sexes 
was  melting  gi'adually  away.  Unused  to  princely  pomp  ;  unused 
to  the  armed  myrmidons  that  commonly  attend  it ;  unused  to 
show  outward  honoiu-  to  those  they  hated  ;  and  above  all,  unused 
to  restrain  their  thought,  or  speech,  or  action,  they  boiled  with 
indignation  when  they  beheld  the  mangled  tongue  of  Bettoni 
Cini  borne  before  him  on  a  spear  only  for  having  found  fault 
with  the  load  of  Uixes  by  which  his  countrjnien  were  oppressed. 
The  man  was  insignificant,  a  slanderer,  and  generally  hated ; 
but  his  punishment  was  cruel,  disproportionate,  and  unjust ;  he 
therefore  met  with  universal  commiseration. 

''An  injustice  done  to  one  threatens  mann  "  is  an  old  Italian 
adage  that  could  only  have  sprung  from  their  free  institutions ; 
and  with  this  and  libertv  in  their  heart,  one  sympathetic  feeling 
shot  like  the  electric  fluid  through  every  ner^'e,  and  roused  the 
whole  community.  A  very  ancient  Florentine  proverb  which 
says,  "  Firenze  non  si  muove  se  tutta  non  si  doW\  was  verified 
on  the  present  occasion,  for  every  house  felt  the  tynmt  s  rod 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  iv.—     +  Florence  never  moves    unless  all 
Istorie  Pistolesi.  feel  the  pain. 


and  abhorred  his  jurisdiction  :  the  nobles  were  deceived  and 
mortified ;  the  Popolani  Grassi  were  driven  from  power  and 
consequence,  and  ground  to  the  veiy  dust ;  they  beheld  their 
relations  despoiled  and  massacred,  and  bore  a  deadly  hatred  to 
the  tyrant :  the  middle  classes  saw  trade  languish,  the  city 
decline,  public  faith  ])roken,  and  the  whole  community  writhing 
under  a  searching  taxation;  a  bad  harvest  and  consequent 
scarcity  put  the  populace  entirely  out  of  humour,  while  cruel 
executions  and  the  general  seduction  of  mves  and  daughters 
affected  every  class  indiscriminately.  Such  was  the  condition 
of  Florence  when  three  principal  conspiracies,  by  three  different 
bands  of  citizens,  in  three  distinct  places,  were  simultaneously 
worldng;  all  struck  by  one  bolt  from  the  pregnant  cloud  of 
tyranny  ;  nobles,  popolani,  and  artisans,  ignorant  of  each  other's 
plans,  but  each  determined  to  strike  alone  for  liberty;  as  besides 
the  general  suffering,  eveiy  order  bad  its  peculiar  grievance  : 
the  ambition  of  the  first  was  disappointed  ;  that  of  the  second 
humbled  ;  and  the  tliird  saw  the  fmit  of  its  labour  pass  away 
like  a  shadow  and  vanish  in  the  coffers  of  the  tyrant*. 

Angelo  Acciaiuoli  the  Bishop  of  Florence  who  had  mainly 
contributed  to  the  dukes  elevation,  now seemg his  error, became 
chief  of  the  first  conspiracy  ;  he  wfis  supported  by  the  numerous 
and  powerful  Bardi,  the  llossi  and  Frescobaldi,  besides  many 
others  of  equal  note,  some  of  whom  had  prematui'ely  invited 
Pisan  assistance,  and  all  had  claimed  that  of  Siena  Perugia  and 
the  Comits  Guidi. 

The  second  plot  was  directed  by  Manno  and  Corso  Donati, 
the  Pazzi,  Albizzi,  and  Cavicciuole,  who  unexasperated  by  per- 
sonal injuiy  fought  for  their  country  alone.  At  the  head  of  a 
third  were  Antonio  Adimari,  the  Medici,  Bordoni,  Rucellai, 
and  Aldobrandini,  all  burning  with  hatred  and  revenge.  These 
were  the  principal  conspiracies  amongst  many,  for  the  whole 

*  Gio.   Villani,   Lib.  xii.,  cap.   viii.,     — Del.  dcgli  Eriuliti  Toscani. — S.  Aui- 
xvi.,  xvii. — Marchionne  di  Coppo  Ste-     mirato,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  465. 
fani.  Lib.  viii.,  Rubric  576,  torn.  xiii. 


76 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[bOuK   I. 


CHAF.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


77 


nation  smarted  and  Florence  at  length  according  to  the  proverb 
began  to  move.  Each  plot  had  its  separate  plan  of  assassina- 
tion ;  one  to  kill  the  tyrant  while  proceeding  to  the  council, 
another  to  bring  him  down  with  a  cross-bow  in  the  streets,  a 
third  at  the  public  games,  a  fourth  when  he  visited  his  mistress 
at  Casa  Bordone  in  the  Via  Croce  al  Trebbio ;  and  for  the 
latter  a  house  at  each  end  of  that  street  had  been  liired  and 
filled  witli  men,  arms,  and  materials  for  barricades,  so  as  to 
take  him  in  a  tmp,  while  the  other  conspirators  roused  the  people 
to  revolt.  All  these  failed  from  the  hourly  increasing  suspicion 
of  Walter  who  doubled  his  guards,  armed  his  person,  and  con- 
cealed his  movements*. 

At  this  period  one  of  the  conspirators,  Antonio  Baldinaccio 
degli  Adimari  let   a  Senese  friend,  who  was  intimate  with 
Francesco  Brunelleschi,  into  the  secret  in  order  to  procure 
external  aid;  the  Senese  asked  Francesco's  advice  on  tlie  suppo- 
sition of  his  being  also  implicated  ;  but  the  latter  through  fear 
or  some  other  unworthy  motive  still  held  to  the  duke  and 
alarmed  for  himself,  revealed  the  whole  affair.     Two  rather 
obscure  citizens  were  immediately  arrested  on  the  Senese  gen- 
tleman's information  who  was  unacquainted  with  any  other 
principal  conspirator:  torture  soon  brought  all  to  light:  the 
extent  of  tliis  conspiracy  became  alarming  :  Antonio  Adimari 
was  immediately  summoned  to  appear  before  the  council,  and 
trusting  to  high  rank  and  the  fidelity  of  his  companions  boldly 
answered  to  the  call ;  he  was  arrested,  and  instiintly  imprisoned. 
The  capture  of  this  cliief  filled  the  city  with  such  terror  that  if 
the  duke  had  only  scoured  the  streets  and  hanged  the  conspi- 
rators, as  Uguccione  Buondelmonti  and  Francesco  Brunelleschi 
advised  him,  ere  the  consternation  subsided  he  would  have 
stifled  all  further  rebellion ;  but  frightened  at  the  numbers 
against  him  he  first  sent  to  ask  aid  of  his  allies,  (for  treaties 
had  been  signed  in  the  spring  wixh  Mastino,  Peppoli  lord  of 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xvi. 


Bologna,  and  the  Marquis  of  Este) ;  and  when  assured  of  these 
succours  having  crossed  the  Apennines  he  summoned  three  hun- 
dred chiefs  of  the  principal  families,  amongst  whom  were  most 
of  the  conspirators,  to  assist,  as  had  been  frequently  done,  at  a 
general  council  in  tlie  great  hall  of  the  palace,  where  death  or 
perpetual  imprisonment  were  secretly  awaiting  them. 

The  consciousness  of  his  own  machinations  alarmed  each 
conspirator  :  friend  asked  advice  of  friend  ;  the  fatal  list  went 
round,  explanations  followed,  truth  oozed  out,  and  the  persuasion 
of  an  universal  conspiracy  reassured  the  community:  it  was 
now  deemed  nobler  to  die  bravely  with  sword  in  hand,  than  go 
tamely  like  sheep  to  be  slaughtered  in  their  ovm  republican 
halls ;  wherefore  inst.uit  revolt  was  resolved  upon  and  every 
citizen  prepared  for  the  crisis. 

On  Saint  Anne's  day  Saturday  the  twenty-sLxth  of  July ; 
the  very  moment  for  which  they  were  summoned ;  all  the  heads 
of  families,  except  the  Buondelmonti,  Cavalcanti  and  a  few  of 
the  Popolani,  armed  themselves  and  followers  and  prepared  the 
bai-ricades,  each  band  secretly  assembling  in  the  dwellings  of 
its  chief.  An  unusual  stillness  suddenly  peiTaded  Florence, 
broken  only  by  the  tramp  of  patrols  from  about  six  hundred 
ducal  men-at-arms  distributed  through  the  town.  About  mid-day 
two  preconcerted  frays  were  simultaneously  heard  in  the  Mer- 
cato  Vecchio  and  Porta  San  Piero  and  a  low  deep  murmur  of 
^*To  arms.  To  arms,"  arose  from  a  crowd  of  the  populace  pur- 
posely stationed  in  these  places.  At  this  signal  the  iron-studded 
gates  of  eveiy  tower  and  palace  were  cautiously  unbarred,  and 
from  each  a  mailed  chieftain  followed  by  a  band  of  resolute 
citizens  and  sturdy  peasants  came  abroad  in  arms.  A  thousand 
horsemen  and  ten  thousand  foot  all  clothed  in  steel,  besides  a 
lialf-armed  populace  scoured  through  the  streets,  and  closing 
stealthily  round  the  palace,  made  its  grey  walls  ring  to  their 
sudden  shout  ''Death  to  the  tyrant  and  his  crew;  long  live  the 
people,  the  commonwealth  and  llbertij.''     Twelve  streets  leading 


U\ 


78 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


to  the  public  square  were  promptly  barricaded  and  the  duke  s 
rmards  attacked  in  divers  places ;  for  it  was  feared,  if  he  made 
a  sally  that  many  who  had  declared  against  hmi  would  never- 
theless'have  joined  his  side;  this  was  fortunately  prevented,  and 
scarcely  three  hundred  fought  their  way  to  the  palace  before 
ever>'  passage  was  closed.  House  and  tower  now  bristled  with 
men  and  anns ;  arrows,  javehns,  stones,  tiles,  and  missiles  of 
ever}'  kind  poured  in  showers  upon  the  helmets  ot  the  Burgun- 
dian  miard :  the  windows  were  tilled  with  cross-bows,  and  the  few 
mang'^onels  thev  could  procure  played  from  the  adjacent  towers. 
XotHng  could  long  withstand  such  a  storm,  and  at  sunset 
Walter'^s  men-at-arms  took  shelter  in  the  palace  leaving  their 
horses  to  the  multitude. 

The  podesta  s  palace  had  in  the  meantime  been  forced  by 
Manno  Donati  and  Niccolo  Alamanno,  and  the  podesta  himself 
souctht  refuge  with  the  neighbouring  Albizzi  while  the  palace 
wasVundered  and  eveiy  public  document  given  to  the  flames. 
Corso  Donati  in  emulation  of  his  famous  grandfather's  deeds 
two-and-forty  years  before,  led  on  his  men  to  the  Stinche  and 
Volognana  prisons  where  he  liberated  a  host  of  friends  and 
kmsmen  to  assist  the  glorious  cause.  Across  the  Anio  the 
Bardi,  Frescobaldi,  and  Kossi  occupied  both  gates  and  bridges 
and  cut  off  all  communication  between  the  two  parts  of  Flo- 
rence, being  determined  even  if  their  friends  failed  not  to  yield 
that  quarter ;  at  evening  however  they  threw  open  their  de- 
fences, crossed  the  river  and  joined  in  the  general  assault. 
Next  morning  brought  three  hundred  men-at-arms  and  four 
hundred  cross'-bows  led  by  six  spirited  gentlemen  of  Siena  to 
the  rescue;  two  thousand  hardy  soldiers  from  San  Mmiato 
swelled  the  liberal  ranks ;  from  Prato  five  Imndred  more  came 
hurrj^g  in ;  old  Simon  of  BattifoUe  who  of  yore  had  ruled  the 
commonwealth  for  King  Robert,  did  not  now  desert  the  citizens, 
but  with  his  son  Guide  led  four  hundred  vassals  under  the 
palace  walls.  Five  hundred  men  were  on  their  march  from  Pisa; 


CHAP.   XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


79 


but  the  Florentines  disdaining  the  help  of  sucli  an  enemy  even 
to  conquer  their  freedom,  proudly  refused  all  assistance  from 
that  quarter  and  reprehended  those  nobles  who  had  requested  it. 
Bands  of  vassals  from  divers  barons  were  continually  increas- 
ing ;  the  Contado  poured  in  its  stream  of  fearless  partisans,  and 
all  Florence  teemed  with  a  determined  spirit  of  revenge.  By 
night  and  day  the  conflict  was  continued ;  no  respite  was  per- 
mitted ;  the  bolt,  the  clang  of  arms,  and  the  tramp  of  a  thou- 
sand steeds,  rang  loudly  and  incessantly,  and  exulting  cheers, 
and  distant  shouts,  and  cries  and  screams,  from  the  child's  treble 
to  the  rough  bass  of  tlu'  veteran,  startled  the  capital;  but 
louder  than  all  and  high  above  the  universal  din  rang  the  shrill 
cr\',  of  ''  Death  to  the  tunnit,'^  and  struck  terroi*  to  the  innermost 
chambers  of  the  palace.  In  vain  was  the  popular  standard 
displayed  from  the  whidows  ;  tli«^  people  were  deaf  to  parley:  no 
chivalrous  shout  from  within  answered  taunting  their  cheers, 
for  the  spirit  of  liberty  was  no  longer  there,  and  a  sullen,  silent, 
and  dogged  resistance  was  alone  opposed  to  popular  enthusiasm. 

Antonio  Adimari  vet  a  prisoner,  who  a  few  hours  before  saw 
only  death  and  torture  before  him,  was  now  led  from  his  dun- 
geon, created  a  knight  by  the  tyrant,  and  sent  forth  to  pacify  his 
outraged  countrymen.  But  the  mind  of  Antonio  was  as  time  in 
prosperity  as  it  was  firm  in  danger  :  he  first  disdained,  but  by 
the  advice  of  the  alarmed  and  besieged  priors,  afterwards  sub- 
mitted to  the  disgrace  of  such  knighthood,  and  then  came  forth 
to  lead  his  own  band  of  conspirators  agamst  the  palace  *. 

Meanwhile  a  parliament  was  held  by  the  bishop  and  princi- 
pal citizens,  and  a  Bali  a  or  provisional  government  of  seven 
nobles  and  seven  popolani  appointed  with  full  powers  until 
October:  Count  Simone  of  BattifoUe  was  named  podesta,  but 
he  refused  that  oflice  and  all  the  sanguinaiy  duties  that  were 


*  Antonio  Adimari  probably  considered  lionourablc  to  fight  against  the  person 
this  a  forced  and  invalid  dignity,  other-  from  whom  the  honour  of  knighthood 
wise  it  was  in  that  dav  considered  dis-     had  been  received. 


80 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CFIAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


81 


i 


m 


annexed  to  it  and  certain  to  be  exercised  ;  wherefore  Giovanni 
Mai-quis  of  Valiano  ^vas  elected,  and  six  citizens,  l.oth  noUes 
and  popolani,  were  ordered  to  perform  the  duties  until  his 
arrival.     A  close  search  was  made  after  all  those  who  had  been 
instmmental  in  executing  the  cruel  measures  of  Walter  de 
Brienne,  and  ere  long  a  certain  Simon  of  Norcia,  a  man  high 
in  office ;  Filippo  Terzuole  ;  and  a  notary  of  the  Consenator  ; 
all  cruel  and  rapacious  minions;  were  discovered  and  instantly 
tom  to  pieces.     Amgo  Fei  was  taken  m  the  disguise  of  a 
monk  and  murdered,  liis  body  was  dragged  naked  through  the 
town  and   finally   suspended  by  the  feet  before  the  pilace 
wmdows;    it   was    then   embowelled  and   spread  out  lilvc    a 
slaughtered   hog  in    the  shambles.     While   these  revolting 
scenes  were  passing  in  Florence,  Arezzo  profited  by  the  crisis 
and  storming  the  Florentine  citiidel,  whicli  was  lield  for  the 
duke,  reestabhshed  her  o^nti  independence :    Castiglione  Are- 
tino  followed  this  example  ;  Pistoia  destroyed  her  citadel,  took 
Serravalle,  and  declared  herself  free ;    Santa  Maria-a-Monte 
and  Montetopoli  threw  off  all  subjection  ;  Volten^a  returned  to 
its  ancient  lord  Ottaviano  Belfoite  ;  Colle  and  San  Gimigiiano 
renounced  their  allegiance  ;  many  others  recovered  their  inde- 
pendence, but  nearly  all  effected  this  by  bribing  the  Florentine 
governors :  thus  in  a  few  short  hours  did  this  high-reaching 
duke  and  almost  sovereign  of  Tuscany  fall  from  the  pinnacle  of 
his  glory  to  the  condition  of  a  beleaguered  prisoner  amongst 
the  very  people  on  whose  necks  he  had  so  lately  trampled  *. 

On  the  first  of  August  1343  six  days  after  the  revolution 
began,  when  the  ducid  garrison  had  nearly  consumed  its  pro- 
visions, Count  Simone  di  BattifoUe  again  endeavoured  to 
pacify  the  citizens  and  bring  their  tyrant  to  terms  ;  but  the 
people  would  listen  to  no  poj'ley  until  Cerrettieri  de'  Bisdomini, 
Gughelmo  d'  Assisi  and  his  son  a  boy  of  only  eighteen  should 
be  delivered  into  their  hands.     These  were  the  most  detested 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  472. 


A.D.  1343. 


of  the  ducal  minions  and  the  chief  instmments  of  his  cruelty ; 
nor  did  the  child's  youth  and  extreme  beauty  excite  compassion, 
for  he  was  known  to  be  as  cruel  and  relentless  as  his  sire!  At 
first,  unappalled  by  the  terrible  example  already  made,  Walter 
bravely  enough  refused  to  give  up  these  miscreants,  and  re- 
mained stedfast  in  this  generous  resolution  until  his  mutinous 
garrison  declared  "  that  they  would  surrender  even  the  duke 
himself  sooner  than  die  of  starvation ;  and  as  they 
had  the  will  so  had  they  the  power  of  doing  so." 
Walter  still  resisted,  but  in  vain ;  his  resolution  at  length 
failed  and  the  sacrifice  took  place. 

It  was  settled  that  the  beautiful  but  heartless  boy  should  be 
first  cast  forth  amongst  the  enemy,  a  victim  to  the  Medici,  the 
Rucellai,  the  Altoviti,  the  friends  of  Bettoni  Cei  and  a  crowd 
of  others,  all  eager  to  shed  his  blood  and  crouching  like  tigers 
for  their  prey  ;  each  man  firmly  grasping  a  poniard  in  his  right 
hand  watched  for  the  culprit  while  the  left  unconsciously 
pulled  back  his  comrade  lest  he  should  outstrip  him  in  the 
race  of  blood.  The  wicket  was  at  length  mibolted  and  slowly 
opened;  the  trembling  boy  was  thmst  out  and  in  an  in- 
stant a  hundred  daggers  were  buried  in  his  breast ;  another 
minute  saw  the  mangled  remnants  of  that  form  so  lately 
beautiful  now  reeldng  on  a  thousand  lances  :  the  miserable 
father;  for  he  was  still  a  father;  just  beheld  this  sight 
when  his  own  body  pierced  by  many  a  blade  still  smoking 
from  the  murder  of  his  child  was  torn  to  atoms  and  in  a 
moment  crowned  the  spears  of  those  whom  his  own  cruelty 
had  brutalised. 

But  neither  the  struggles  of  death  nor  the  blood  of  the  vic- 
tims nor  the  sight  of  their  mangled  flesh  could  subdue  such 
ferocity ;  they  only  added  madness  to  fury  and  new  appetite  to 
revenge;  for  when  the  eyesight  was  sufficiently  gi'atified  some, 
as  if  to  drive  down  vengeance  directly  on  the  heart  actually 
devoured  the  reeking  flesh  of  their  victims  wliile  others  more 


VOL.    II. 


G 


82 


FLORENn>'E   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CtfAP.   XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


83 


M 


1 


fastidious  kindled  sundry  fires,  roasted  their  several  porUons, 
and  even  invited  their  neighbours  to  the  feast*. 

The  people  vvere  so  thorouglily  absorbed  in  vengeance  on 
these  two  that  they  forgot  the  third  and  worst  of  the  °"^e>-eants^ 
for  he  not  only  shared  in  all  the  dukes  iniquity  but  acted 
against  his  o^vn  friends  and  countrj-men  ;  yet  in  the  general  fur,- 
he  was  forgotten,  even  remained  uncalled  for :  Ky  m  the  palace 
until  nightfall  and  then  escaped  through  the  efforts  of  his  nu- 
merous kinsmen.  .  ,     3  i 

More  terrified  than  humbled,  the  duke  now  wished  to  capi- 
tulate and  a  treatv  was  with  difficulty  accomplished  through 
the  exertions  of  Count  Simone  assisted  by  the  Senese  ambas- 
sadors and  the  Bishop  of  Florence;  his  person  being  guaranteed 
until  clear  of  the  Florentine  territory  on  condition  of  there 
signing  a  foniial  renunciation  of  evcrj-  right  that  he  could  pos- 
sibly claim  over  Florence. 

The  palace  was  surrendered  to  the  negotiators  on  the  third 
of  Aucnist  Vn-S  after  eight  days'  resistance  against  the  whole 
republic  •  but  bv  their  advice  the  Duke  of  Athens  remained 
until  the  night  of  the  sixth,  when  passing  through  the  gate 
of  Saint  Nicholas  and  iilong  the  left  bank  of  the  Anio   he 
crossed  it  higher  up  and  soon  arrived  at  Poppi  m  the  pro- 
vuice  of  Casentino :  there  with  great  difficulty,  and  not  until 
after  a  threat  of  being  taken  back  to  Florence,  was  he  com- 
pelled  to   sign  his  abdication.    From  Poppi  he  repaired  to 
Venice   and  secretly  embarking  sailed  for  Lecce   m   Pugha 
leaving  his  troops  to  seek  as  they  might  for  their  arreai-s  of 

waives.  „   ,  ^         ^ 

Thus  ended  the  lordship  of  Walter  Duke  of  Athens  hy 
which  he  was  enriched,  Florence  impoverished,  and  the  citizens 
tiiught  a  hard  but  salutary  lesson  on  the  value  of  civil  liberty 

•  Tlu«  terrible  tmgedv  has  been  re-  who    pretended    to   war   against    the 

peated  even  in  our  own  day  at  Naples  horror,  of  the  great  trench  Rcvolu- 

under  the  auspices  of  Cardinal  Ruffo  by  tion. 
llie  so-called  advocates  of  legitimacy, 


and  the  danger  of  faction.  After  this  revolution  the  city 
became  quiet,  the  people  soon  disarmed,  the  shops  were  imme- 
diately thrown  open,  and  every  citizen  resumed  his  ordinaiy 
labours  :  the  Balia  reversed  every  act  of  Walter  s  government 
except  that  for  the  pacification  of  Florence  and  its  Con- 
tado  by  the  stoppage  of  private  feuds ;  and  thus  the  beauty 
of  one  good  deed  still  shone  through  a  dismal  night  of  guilt  and 
wickedness. 

"  This  duke,"  says  Macchiavelli,  "  was  avaricious  and  cruel 
in  his  government,  difficult  of  access,  and  haughty  in  his  con- 
versation. He  wanted  the  service,  not  the  affection  of  manldnd 
and  therefore  preferred  fear  to  love.  Nor  was  his  appearance 
less  odious  than  his  manners ;  for  he  was  short  and  black,  with 
a  long  spare  beard  so  that  in  every  way  he  deserved  to  be 
hated,  and  therefore  in  ten  months  his  wicked  conduct  lost  him 
that  power  with  which  the  sinful  councils  of  others  had  invested 
him  "* . 

But  these  few  months  of  tyranny  destroyed  the  fruits  of 
many  prosperous  years  :  Florence  the  rich  and  powerful  mis- 
tress of  Tuscany,  the  rival  of  Venice  and  Genoa,  lost  all  her 
treasure  and  nearly  all  her  conquests.  During  the  late  war  with 
Mastino  and  up  netirly  to  the  accession  of  Walter  de  Brienne, 
she  inled  in  Arezzo,  Pistoia,  Lucca,  Prato,  Volterra,  CoUe  and 
San  Gimignano  ;  she  possessed  nineteen  fortified  towns  in  the 
state  of  Lucca  and  forty-six  on  her  own  territory  without  count- 
ing those  belonging  to  nol  »les  subject  to  her  sway :  now  all  was 
changed ;    the  dependent  cities   not  only   revolted  uith    her 


*  Frammcnto  dl  cronam^''  anony- 
mous.— This  Frammcnto  is  [)rinttd  in 
the  collection  of  Domcnico  Maria 
Manni  (Firenze  1 728)  and  I  suspect  it  to 
be  the  '•'-Piccol  Diario  di  Giovanni  dl 
Durante,  del  Popolo  di  San  Piero 
Marjgiore  di  Firenze"  mentioned  by 
that  author  in  his  ^^Metodo  jKr 
istudiar,(ir.  La  Slona  di  Firenze  " — 
Annali  di  Simone  della  Tosa. — Gio. 


Villani,  Lib.  xii.,cap.  xvi.  and  xvii. — 
Istoric  Pistolesi,  Anni  1 342  and  1 343. 
— Marchionnc  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Isto- 
ria  Fiorentina,  Lib.  viii.,  Rubrica  576 
to  585. — Del.  degli.  Erud.  Toscani. — 
Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vi. — Scip.  Am- 
mirato,  Lib.  x.,  pp.  462  to  472. — Mu- 
cliiavelli,  Stor.  Fior.  Lib.  u°,  Sis- 
mondi.  Rep.  Ital.  vol.  iv.,  Cha.  35. — 
Cronica  di  Donate  Velluti,  p.  73,  &c. 


G  2 


S4 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CIUP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


S5 


against  the  Duke  of  Athens,  but  >,.  ber  al^  in  t^lieir  o.n 
behoof  and  eagerly  seized  this  occasion  to  free  themselves  from 
Florentine  dominion.  She  ^as  not  only  unable  but  too  wise 
to  assert  her  claims  in  a  moment  of  such  exhaustion ;  being 
almost  sure  of  then-  friendship,  she  would  not  risk  their  enmity ; 
wherefore  ambassadors  were  despatched  to  congi'atulate  the 
citizens  of  Arezzo  on  their  recoYered  liberty  and  renounce  all 
iuiTsdiction  OYer  them  :  a  similar  course  was  taken  with  the  rest, 
and  most  of  them  returned  within  a  few  months  to  their  former 
state  of  dependance ;  even  Arezzo  after  a  few  years  followed 

their  example.  ....<.• 

Domestic  affiiirs  began  by  a  refoimation  of  the  admmistratiYe 
ctovemment:  the  Balia^^  of  the  Bishop,  and  fourteen  commis- 
sionei^  which  had  been  formed  during  the  revolution    now 
created  a  second  Balia  of  a  hmidred  and  tifteen  deputies,  them- 
selves mcluded ;  namely  seventeen  popolani  and  eight  nobles 
from  each  quarter  with  powers  to  fonn  a  permanent  constitu- 
tion      Previous  to  this,  m  consequence  of  complaints  from  the 
people  of  Oltramo  and  those  of  San  Piero  Schereggio  who 
formed  two  Sestos  of  Florence,  and  were  only  represented  by 
one  prior  each  although  they  paid  more  than  half  the  civic 
taxes,  it  was  settled  that  the  town  should  resume  its  ancien 
division  into  quarters  m  order  to  equalize  taxation,  pohtical 
power,  and  public  representation. 

After  this  time  the  quarters  were  designated  from  their 
principal  chm-ches  with  a  banner  for  each:  that  of  Oltramo  was 
complete  in  itself  and  called  the  quarter  of  Sauto  Sjnnto 
with  an  appropriate  standard  in  which  was  embroidered  the 
dove-like  incarnation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  an  azure  field : 
the  name  of  San  Piero  Scheraggio  merged  into  that  ol  "  Santa 
Crocer  and  bore  a  turquoise  banner  charged  with  the  cross  of 
gold:  ^' Santa  Maria  Novella''  gave  its  name  to  the  third 
quarter  in  whose  blue  ensign  glittered  a  gilded  sun :  the  Bap- 

*  «  Bana-^  literally  n.eans  power,  aiuhoritj-,  and  was  in  fact  a  dictatorship. 


tistery  of  "  San  Giovanni,''  a  more  reverenced  edifice  than  the 
neighbouring  cathcHlral,  was  embroidered  in  gold  with  the  crossed 
keys,  on  a  sky-coloured  tield,  and  became  the  standard  and  de- 
nomination of  the  fourth  (piarter.  New  civic  divisions  being 
thus  established  along  with  a  new  Balia,  the  far  more  difficult 
and  iimdious  duty  of  sharing  political  power,  was  next  begun. 
The  aristocracy  fairly  argued  that  as  they  were  the  principal  and 
most  active  agents  in  recovering  public  liberty  they  had  a  right 
to  participate  in  (ncry  puldic  otlice  ;  and  in  this  they  were  sup- 
ported by  several  of  the  Po})olani  Grassi  who  having  tasted  the 
sweets  of  power  and  being  closely  connected  by  iiitermaniages 
with  the  no])ility,  were  willing  to  share  the  public  government 
with  them :  but  tlie  nnddle  class  of  citizens  and  the  still  poorer 
ranks  above  the  mere  populace,  wislicd  to  exclude  them  from 
the  seignory  and  two  colleges,  yet  consented  to  their  enjoyment 
of  every  other  office. 

This  although  barring  the  in  from  government  was  a  great 
relief  from  the  state  of  almost  absolute  outlawry  in  which 
they  had  hitherto  lived,  and  was  probably  considered  so  by 
a  majority  of  nobles  as  ilie  conditions  were  accepted  by  a 
plurality  of  voices  but  rejected  as  unjust  by  the  Bishop  and 
Senese  ambassadors,  who  had  great  influence.  It  was  tliere- 
fore  decided  that  as  all  had  assisted  in  regaining  their  liberty 
all  had  a  right  to  share  its  fruits  :  that  two  orders  alone  should 
he  acknowledged,  the  nobles  and  the  people ;  that  one  third 
of  the  priors  should  be  cliosen  from  the  former  and  two- 
thirds  from  the  latter ;  and  that  the  crimes  of  the  first  were 
thenceforth  to  be  subject  to  the  same  legal  process  as  those  of 
the  last*. 

Upon  these  principles  liacked  by  the  Senese  embassy  and 
Count  Simone  di  Battifolli,  the  board  of  priors  was  increased  to 

*  According  to  the  cotemporary  an-  volt,  that  the  former  should  have  their 

nalist  Simone  della  Tosa,   there  had  share   in  the  government,  which   was 

been  an  agreement  made  between  the  not   well  kept  by   the    people. — Vide 

nobles  and  people  previous  to  the  re-  Anno  1343,  Annali  di  Sim.  della  Tosa. 


86 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


twelve,  namely  one  noble  and  two  popolani  from  each  quarter ; 
and  eight  counsellors  instead  of  the  twelve  goodmeu,  half  from 
each  order ;  (for  the  gonfaloniers  of  companies  were  not  yet 
restored)  while  ever)-  other  office  was  to  be  equally  shared  be- 
tween the  nobles  and  people.      This  arrangement  was   not 
received  by  the  latter  with  much  favour:  great  agitation  per- 
vaded the  mass  and  nearly  burst  out  into  open  revolt  when 
a  report  became  rife  that  Manno  Donati  and  some  other  power- 
ful aristocrats  were  chosen  as  prioi-s  :  seeing  however  that  these 
nobles  were  peaceable  men  the  storm  subsided  and  a  momen- 
tary calm  returned,  without  real  satisfaction :  the  new  seignory 
took  immediate  possession  of  the  public  palace  and  the  bishop 
with  his  Balia  of  fourteen  returned  to  their  private  dwellings, 
yet  without  resigning  this    delegated   power  which  did  not 
legally  expire  until  the  following  month  *. 

September    1343   was   remarkable   in   Florentine   history. 
Tlie  Duke  of  Athens  had  been  dready  expelled,  his  tyranny 
annihilated,  and   in   this  month  concord  seemed  apparently 
restored  to  a  long  di\ided  people :  the  aristocracy,  no  longer 
oppressed,  felt  that  its  exertions  deserved  the  recompense  just 
received ;  for  it  had  been  most  active  in  the  destruction  of  a 
tyrant  who  oppressed  the  nobles  less  perhaps  than  others  ;  but 
as  it  is  easier  to  bear  adversity  than  prosperity,  no  sooner  were 
they  established  in  their  just  civil  equality  than  they  attempted 
to  soar  far  above  it ;  their  ancient  ^'ices  burst  out  afresh,  and 
although  scarcely  mustering  a  thousand  families  they  wanted 
to  trample  on  the  Popolani  who  were  many  times  that  number 
and  the  most  opulent  members  of  the  community.     With  one 
third  of  the  voices  amongst  the  priors  and  eqmility  in  all  other 
magistracies  they  felt-  scarcely  more  contented  than  the  gene- 
rality of  the  people  were  at  their  having  received  so  much.  As  an 
exclusive  caste  they  had  in  fact  more  official  power  than  at  first 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xviii.—     di  Coppo  Stcfoni,  Lib.  viii.,   Rubric 
S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  i.\.,  p.  474. — M.     588. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


87 


appears,  for  even  in  the  Priors'  council  if  eveiy  one  of  the  popo- 
lani were  opposed  to  them,  a  bare  majority  of  two-thirds  would 
have  accrued  :  but  this  was  very  unlikely ;  for  besides  close  and 
frequent  relationship  many  of  the  Popolani  Grassi  were  them- 
selves nobles  in  everything  but  the  name,  and  with  as  numer- 
ous a  ti-ain  of  friends,  clients,  vassals  and  kinsmen  ;  while  in 
all  other  magistracies,  as  the  nobles  had  equal  power  and 
greater  union,  by  acting  well  together  they  could  carry  every 
question  that  required  only  two  thirds  of  the  votes  imless  the 
latter  happened  to  be  equally  divided ;  and  all  this  was  so  well 
understood  that  suitors  were  accustomed  to  take  the  precaution 
of  propitiating  official  nobles  with  well-timed  presents.  On  the 
other  hand  many  of  the  Popolani  Grassi  who  had  formerly 
monopolised  all  power  and  profit  were  angry  and  discontented 
at  its  loss  :  then  there  were  the  minor  tradespeople  who  deemed 
themselves  equal  to  either  of  the  others  ;  they  also  murmured  at 
their  portion,  and  the  Popolani  favoured  their  claims  because 
they  could  generally  influence  them  by  superior  rank  and 
riches  ;  but  if  not,  there  would  be  fewer  of  them  elected  than 
of  the  nobles,  who  from  their  natural  pride  and  the  recollection 
of  ancient  injuries  were  always  ready  to  take  vengeance  on  the 
hated  order  of  the  Popolani.  These  discontents  would  perhaps 
have  gradually  subsided  had  there  been  any  discretion  in  the 
aristocracy ;  but  years  of  adversity  had  failed  to  quell  the  pride 
of  this  intractable  order,  and  a  strong  feeling  of  terror  and  sus- 
picion impressed  the  community  at  the  idea  of  their  restoration 
to  office,  for  there  seemed  to  be  a  peculiar  and  vital  elasticity  in 
their  pride  that  would  ever  spring  to  its  liighest  insolence  when 
popular  compression  was  removed  *. 

Instead  therefore  of  burjang  their  wrongs  in  oblivion  they 
unwisely  began  to  revenge  them  :  the  ordinances  of  justice 
were  no  more ;  and  althougli  the  Balia  liad  established  a  public 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib,  xii.,  cap.  xix. — Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  viii..  Ru- 
bric 588. 


88 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


rejrister  in  their  stead  where  the  misdeeds  of  noblemen  were 
regularly  inserted  for  punishment ;  yet  the  latter  remained  still 
too  strong  for  law  and  committed  ever}^  crime  from  murder 
downwards,  with  impunity :  they  laid  false  accusations  against 
citizens,  and  carried  their  arrogance  to  such  a  height  that  the 
Popolani  knowing  there  were  many  names  of  the  most  reck- 
less bold  and  powerful  nobles  in  the  election-lists,  became 
alanned  for  the  consequences  and  determined  on  resistance. 
Many  of  the  Popolani  Gmssi  however  acted  from  pure  jealousy ; 
they  envied  the  power  of  these  noble  antagonists  and  had  no 
other  object  than  to  seat  themselves  in  their  place :  cabaL> 
spnmg  up  eveiy-where ;  miiversiil  indignation  seconded  habi- 
.  tual  popular  jealousy  and  the  general  ciy  was  that  for  one 
former  tyrant  a  thousand  fresh  one,s  had  started  up ;  so  that 
between  insolence  and  lawless  actions  on  one  side,  and  rage 
on  the  other,  in  less  than  two  montlis  after  the  expulsion  of 
Walter  de  Brienne  the  city  had  again  fallen  into  a  state  of 
convulsion.  Giovanni  della  Tosa,  Antonio  di  Baldinaccio 
degli  Adimari,  and  Messer  Gen  de'  Pazzi,  all  displeased  at 
this  conduct  of  the  aristocracy,  although  themselves  nobles, 
joined  hand  and  heart  with  the  people.  They  consulted  the 
popular  leaders  and  the  bishop  Acciaiuoli,  also  a  noble  and 
well  disposed  but  weak;  and  notwithstanding  that  some  of 
these  were  Priors  themselves  it  was  resolved  that  tranquil- 
lity could  not  be  expected  while  nobles  were  eligible  to  that 
dignity. 

Acciaiuoli  has  been  blamed,  without  reason,  for  yielding  to 
tliis  comicil,  which  nevertheless  seemed  best  adapted  for 
presei-ving  peace,  and  with  miappreciated  frankness,  he  at  once 
proposed  to  his  Balia  the  exclusion  of  all  nobles  at  the  next 
election  of  Priors,  leaving  their  right  to  eveiy  other  office  un- 
touched. 

Meetings  were  consequently  held  at  Santa  Felicita  in 
Oltramo,  where  the  gi*eat  aristocratic  leaders,  the  Bardi,  Piossi 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


89 


and  Frescobaldi  were  paramount ;  and  there  the  well-meaning 
prelate  endeavoured  to  gain  his  companions'  approbation  of 
the  proposed  arrangement  as  the  safest  and  wisest  both 
for  themselves  and  their  countiy :  but  the  mere  proposal 
enraged  this  assembly ;  his  reasons  were  condemned  and 
scouted,  and  the  churchman  himself  denounced  in  unmeasured 
terms. 

**  Let  UH  see,''  cried  the  furious  nobles,   "  let  lis  see  xclio  will 
dare  to  exehide  Hsfnun  the  Seitjuonj !    Who  will  expel  us  from 
that  Florence  whieh  ive  >i<i  red  from  the  tijranfs  hands?''     The 
foremost  in  this  violence  were  the    r)ardi  especially  Piidolfo, 
lie  called  tlie  bislir)p  a  traitor  who  had  lirst  betrayed  the  re- 
public and  given  it  to  the  duke  ;  and  then  betrayed  and  expelled 
him!  "  And  now,"  added  he,  "  thou  wishest  also  to  behave  in 
the  same  treadierous  manner  to  us."     It  would  be  monstrous, 
they  argued,  that  tlie  Fiesolines,  the  people  of  Feghine  and 
Semifonte,  the  con<|uere(l  foes  of  Florence,  should  alone  enjoy 
the  honours  jiiid  dignities  of  the  republic ;    those  that  were 
sul>dued  command  I     While  they ;  the  conquerors  ;  the  tme  and 
ancient  citizens,  were  denied  ;  and  in  their  own  countiy  con- 
demned to  obey  the  very  people  they  had  vanquished!     What 
they  had  acquired  with  danger  they  now  vowed  to  defend  with 
valour,  and  (lisi»lay  tlie  same  spirit  in  vindicating  their  own 
rights  as  thoy  had  lately  done  in  achieving  the  liberties  of  their 
countiy.     The  meeting  was  then  dissolved  and  an  appeal  to 
arms  resolved  by  the  nobles :  but  their  opponents  were  not 
intimidated,  and  under  the  conduct  of  Antonio  Adimari,  Geri 
Pazzi,  and  Giovanni  della  Tosa,  armed  and  marched  to  the 
palace  with  loud  shouts  of  ''Long  lire  the  jjeople  and  death  to 
the  traitor  nohles^   Tumults  increased  and  the  outer}'  redoubled ; 
the  popular  Priors  who  were  in  the  palace  with  their  aristocratic 
colleagues  were  violently  threatened  if  the  latter  were  not  in- 
stantly surrendered.    "  TA  row  them  from  the  windows,  throw  your 
noble  colleaifuesfroni  the  windows,  or  we  ivill  hum  you  and  them 


90 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


and  the  palace  tor/etherr    The  popular  Priors  still  pleaded  ear- 
nestly and  loudly  for  their  colleagues,  declared  them  to  be  good 
and  loyal  citizens,  and  that  there  was  no  disagreement  amongst 
the  Seignory ;  it  was  all  in  vain  ;  the  people  knew  that  the  as- 
sertion was  a  benevolent  falsehood  ;  fire  and  fuel  were  instantly 
called  for  and  applied  to  the  anteport ;  the  nobles  were  forced  to 
jield;  they  renounced  office  and  with  some  danger  reached 
their  houses  through  an  angry  multitude.     This  happened  on 
Monday  the  twenty-second  of  September  scarcely  two  months 
after  the  Duke's  expulsion !     Such  was  the  variable  state  of 
this  restless  city,  a  city  that  the  famous  Michael  Scott  before 
the  battle  of  Mouteaperto  prophesied  would  not  long  flourish 
but  fall  into  dirt  and  dissimulation  *. 

The  nobility  being  thus  expelled  from  supreme  power  no 
time  was  lost  in  filling  up  their  places :  by  a  new  arrangement 
the  eight  counsellors  were  abolished  and  in  their  place  the 
eight  remaining  priors  assisted  by  the  chiefs  of  the  twenty-one 
trades,  elected  twelve  new  counsellors,  three  for  each  quarter 
and  all  popolani,  reestablished  the  gonfaloniers  of  companies  to 
the  number  of  four  for  each  quarter  instead  of  the  old  comple- 
ment of  nineteen ;   created  Sandro  da  Quarata,  (one  of  the 
sitting   priors)  Gonfalonier  of  Justice,   and  to  avoid  the  too 
frequent  assembly  of  parliaments  a  Council  of  the  People  con- 
sisting  of  seventy-five   from   each   quaiter   was   established. 
Thus,  says  Villani  through  storms  and  dissimulation  the  public 
government  once  more  made  its  way  into  the  hands  of  the 
people  :  democracy  was  indeed  again  paramount ;  if  that  can 
be  called  democracy  which  wanted  only  titles  and  a  few  more 
years  of  recorded  antiquity  to  identify  it  in  the  fullest  significa- 


♦  Gio.  Villain,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xix. — 
Macchiavelli,  Libro  ii°. — S.  Ammi- 
rato,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  474 — M.  di  Coppo 
Stefani,  Lib.  viii.,  Rub.  588.  Michael 
Scott's  words  accordinir  to  Villani,  are 
**  Non  diu  stabit  stolida  Floreniia 


Jlorum;  decidet  in  fatidum,  dh- 
shnulata  vivcC  And  Dante  who 
seldom  omitted  a  sarcasm  on  the  un- 
quiet nature  of  his  countrymen  re- 
proves their  inconstancy  in  the  sixth 
Canto  of  his  "  Purgatory. " 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


91 


tion  with  a  long-established  aristocracy.  The  richest  citizens 
had  been  gradually  forming  an  oligarchy  in  the  state,  which 
creeping  upward  on  the  stem  of  liberty  had  acquired  a  power 
that  excited  the  people  s  jealousy  scarcely  less  than  the  nobi- 
lity itself:  like  them  they  had  their  massive  palaces,  their 
"  Loggia  "  and  aspiiing  towers ;  their  broad  lands,  their  followers, 
and  their  baronial  rights :  with  numerous  families  and  still  more 
numerous  clients,  their  houses  were  the  resort  of  youthful  citi- 
zens as  haughty  and  ambitious  as  the  proudest  aristocracy.  Still 
the  connecting  link  of  citizenship  was  not  entirely  snapped ; 
they  were  Popolani,  not  Nohili,  and  never  could  be  so,  for 
riches  and  industry  might  always  make  an  inferior  citizen  their 
equal ;  and  the  same  general  tie,  but  particular  distinction,  that 
existed  between  these  and  the  middle  class  of  Florence,  ob- 
tained also  between  the  latter  and  the  simple  artisan :  the  sun 
of  ambition  shone  brilliantly  for  all,  but  jealousy  was  the  cloud 
that  intercepted  it. 

While  these  events  were  passing,  a  severe  dearth  of  food  in- 
creased public  discontent,  poverty  as  usual  feelmg  it  the  most : 
com  was  kept  back  for  speculation,  or  sold  with  enorm/Dus 
profit  by  every  grain-holder,  except  one  citizen  of  rank,  a  cer- 
tain Andrea  Strozzi,  who  perhaps  at  fii-st  from  compassion, 
distributed  it  daily  at  a  moderate  price  and  became  so  popular 
that  from  folly  or  madness  he  at  last  issued  out  on  horseback 
in  complete  armour  followed  by  a  mob  of  several  thousand 
people  and  surrounded  the  public  palaces  with  cries  of  "  Lontj 
live  the  poor  and  destruction  to  the  rich  and  the  '  Gabelle.'  " 
The  tumult  was  soon  quelled  by  a  few  arrows  from  the 
palace  windows  and  the  man  was  hurried  off  by  his  friends ; 
but  it  showed  the  public  temper  and  revived  as  the  nobles 
thought  their  hopes  of  success  against  opulent  burgesses. 
The  lower  orders  were  accordingly  courted,  the  cry  was 
repeated  at  their  barricades  whenever  a  concourse  of  poor 
citizens  happened  to  assemble  within  heaiing  (for  hostile  pre- 


92 


FLORENTINE    UISTORY. 


[book   I. 


parations  had  been  openly  making)  and  every  means  were 
taken  to  detach  them  from  the  Popolani  Grassi.  Outward  aid 
was  souMit  even  from  Pisa  and  Lombardv,  internal  researches 
were  augmented  ;  the  bridge  heads  again  bari'icaded  and  occu- 
pied; "5Vr/v/yj"*  eveiy where  conspicuous,  and  everything 
denoted  civil  war.  The  citizens  were  no  less  active  ;  succours 
from  both  Siena  and  Pemgia  were  already  on  their  march  to 
Florence  ;  those  from  the  former  were  delayed  by  a  stratagem 
of  the  nobles  but  linally  joined  with  an  augmented  force  of 
heavv-armed  soldiers. 

The  principal  heads  of  opposition  on  the  light  bank  of  the 
river  were  made,  first  by  the  Adimari-Cavicciuli,  one  of  the 
most  warlike  daring  and  powerful  families  uf  their  order :  they 
inhabited  the  present  Coi-so  degli  Adimari,  then  filled  with 
their  houses  palaces  and  towers  from  the  Corso  to  their  loggia 
in  the  Piazza  di  San  Ciiuvjunii ;  next  by  tlie  scarcely  less 
potent  clan  of  the  Cavalcanti  in  ]\Iercato  Nuono  :  and  ])y  the 
Pazzi  and  Donati  at  San  Piero ;  all  these  streets  and  buildings 
having  been  strondv  armed  and  fortified. 

The  leading  families  of  Oltranio,  namely  the  Xerli  at  the 
Ponte  alia  Carraia,  the  Mainielli  in  the  Via  ^laggio  (the 
Ponte  a  Santa  Tnnita  was  not  as  yet  rebuilt)  and  the  Rossi 
and  Bardi  at  Ponte  Vecchio  and  Piubaconte  bridges,  had  all 
strongly  fortified  themselves  along  the  whole  line  of  the  Arno, 
Samt  George's  gate  on  a  height  above  beiiv4  also  in  possession 
of  the  Bardi.  On  a  rumour  that  the  twenty-fifth  uf  September 
was  to  be  the  day  of  outbreak,  the  people  of  San  Giovanni 
with  the  Medici,  Ptondinelli,  and  Ugo  della  Stufa  at  their 
head,  reenforced  by  the  inhabitixnts  of  Borgo  San  Lorenzo,  the 
butchers,  and  other  trades-people,  to  the  number  of  a  thousand, 
determined  not  to  wait  for  the  attack,  but  on  the  twenty-fourth 
under  tlu-ee  banners  of  their  quarter  without  orders  from  the 

*    "  Serrarjlj  "   were   merely  strong  barricades  or  rather  stoccadcs  inclosing 
a  certain  space  of  city. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


93 


Seignory  assaulted  the  Adimari-Cavicciuli,  and  with  increasing 
Strength  after  a  fight  of  three  hours  obliged  them  to  capitulate. 
Their  persons  and  property  were  spared  and  the  victorious  citi- 
zens with  new  force  and  spirit  attacked  successively  the  Donati, 
Pazzi,  and  Cavalcanti,  who  intimidated  by  the  fall  of  the  Adi- 
mari made  but  little  resistance  and  surrendered  on  the  same 
conditions.     The  last  and  most  formidable  quarter  still  remained 
to  be  subdued  ;  it  was  strong  in  men  and  arms  and  firm  of  pur- 
pose ;  the  fortified  houses  of  the  Piossi,  Bardi,  Manuelli,  and 
Nerli,  extended  in  an  almost  unbroken  chaina  long,  and  many 
of  them  hanging  over  the  Arno,  from  the  bridge  of  Ptubaconte 
to  that  of  Carraia  ;  Ponte  Vecchio  forming  the  centre.     Strong 
barricades  were  thrown  across  all  these  bridge  heads  ;  the  Via 
Maggio  and  the  Piazza  de'  Frescobaldi  were  occupied  by  that 
family  and  the  no  less  powerful  liossi,  who  overawed  the  peo- 
ple and  checked  any  attack  from  the  southward  while  they 
maintained   a   line  of   connection  between  the  Nerli  in  the 
west,  and  tlie  Mannelli  and  Bardi  at  the  eastern  extremity  of 
the  position ;  the  gate  of  Saint  George  being  still  held  by  the 
latter.      Arrayed  under  their  various  standards  the  citizens 
assembled  in  front  of  the  public  palace  where  the  golden  cross 
of  Santa  Croce  waved  over  four  brave  bands  of  mailed  spear- 
men,   and   the   sun  of  Santa  Maria  Novella  glanced  on   an 
equal  number  of  cross-bows  and  heavy-armed  infantiy :  further 
off  the  splendid  temple  of  San  Giovanni  glowed  in  its  azure 
field  as  the  several  companies  defiled  from  the  Mercato  Vecchio 
to  the  appointed  place  of  combat.     The  cross-bowmen  spreading 
along  the  quays  and  towers  and  houses,  maintained  a  constant 
play  of  arrows  on  the  opposite  works,  while  the  hea\T-armed 
foot  compressed  into  one  dense  column  moved  forward,  and 
with  a  sudden  rush  thought  to  carrv  the  Ponte  Vecchio  which 
was  then  open  and  of  wood ;  but  they  were  met  by  such  a 
shower  of  missiles  from  the  towers  of  the  Bardi,  Rossi,  and 
Maimelli,  all  clustered  about  that  pomt,  and  so  rough  a  recep- 


94 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


95 


tion  from  the  ranks  below,  that  after  a  long  stmggle  they  were 
repulsed  with  fearful  slaughter  and  lost  more  men  here  than  in 
all  the  three  former  engagements. 

After  a  while  they  rallied,  but  ill-pleased  with  their  treat- 
ment left  the  two  companies  of  the  Viper  and  Unicom,  belong- 
ing to  the  Santa  Maria  Novella  quarter,  to  blockade  this  bridge, 
and  marched  to  Rubaconte  :  here  the  Bardi  were  alone,  but 
received  them  with  such  a  stonn  from  above  and  below  that 
after  leaving  many  of  their  gallant  comrades  on  the  gi'ound 
they  were  again  compelled  to  retire,  and  ordering  two  divisions 
of  the  Santa  Croce  men  to  watch  this  bridge  also,  retraced 
their  steps  and  moved  on  the  Ponte  alia  Carraia.     During 
these  attacks  the  wool-carders  and  artisans  of  San  Friano  and 
the  Fondaccio  di  Santo  Spirito,  led  on  by  the  Capponi  with 
other  famihes  of  Popolani  Grassi,  made  a  spirited  attack  on  the 
Nerh,  and  though  the  latter  fought  stoutly  they  were  driven 
from  their  defences   and   completely   beaten :    the    Serraglio 
at  the  bridge  head,  having  no  towers  to  protect  it,  was  carried 
by  assault  from  within  and  the  passage  opened  for  those  com- 
panies  whose  banners  were  now  seen  advancing  along   the 
opposite  quay.     Thus  reenforced  they  lost  no  time  in  assailing 
the  Frescobaldi  who  deeming  themselves  safe  on  that  side  were 
hotly  engaged  with  the  people  of  Via  Maggio  ;  but  taken  so 
unexpectedly  in  tlank  by  the  whole  civic  force  they  lost  all 
heart  and  quitting  the  battle  fled  to  their  several  liouses  with 
their  hands  crossed  upon  their  breasts  imploiing  mercy  uf  their 
victors.     It  was  granted ;  and  the  citizens  hurried  on  to  the 
Rossi  and  Mannelli  who  successively  fell  by  the  same  flank 
movement  so  that  the  fierce-spirited  Bardi  were  left  alone  to 
gain  the  day  or  die.     The  former  they  saw  wiis  now  impossible 
against  all  the  strength  of  Florence,  and  magnanimously  re- 
solved upon  tlie  latter:  the  people's  repeated  attacks  on  both 
bridges  and  opposite  the  Borgo  San  Jacopo  were  repulsed  with 
great  braver}' ;  rarely,  says  Ammirato,  was  an  enemy's  city 


attacked  with  more  valour  or  defended  with  more  courage  than 
the  Via  de'  Bardi  on  that  memorable  day.  On  one  side,  the 
people  were  indignant  that  a  single  family  should  thus  resist 
the  whole  united  city ;  on  the  other,  that  single  family  re- 
mained as  true  to  their  cause  as  they  were  implacable  in  their 
hate,  and  expected  no  mercy  if  they  surrendered :  certain  to 
die  by  the  executioner  they  deemed  it  more  glorious  to  breathe 
their  last  through  the  bars  of  their  helmet  like  true  knights, 
tliaii  tamely  otfer  their  tlu'oat  to  the  knot  or  axe  of  the 
headsman.  With  such  feelings  the  battle  became  desperate, 
and  the  assailants  finding  it  impossible  to  force  tliis  position  at 
their  present  points  of  attack  bethought  themselves  of  another 
expedient:  in  the  preceding  spring  a  new  street  had  been  opened 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  Santa  Felicita  towards  the  Arcetri 
gate,  on  purpose  to  establish  a  communication  without  the  walls 
in  case  of  tumults  between  the  lords  and  people  ;  and  also  for 
enabUng  the  latter  to  defend  that  gate  without  passing  within 
the  lines  of  the  Rossi  and  Bardi  -. 

Three  companies  were  immediately  despatched  through  this 
street  to  fall  upon  the  rear  of  the  Bardi  s  position :  this  drew 
many  from  the  defence  of  the  bridge-heads  and  Serragli ;  for 
the  attack  was  sudden,  unexpected,  and  in  their  weakest  point  ; 
alarm  spread  rapidly  and  resistance  slackened :  seeing  this, 
a  German  knight  of  the  name  of  Strozza,  who  had  done  great 
deeds  that  day  in  the  people's  cause,  forced  his  way  through 
tlie  Serraglio  at  Ponte  Vecchio  and  in  the  foce  of  a  shower  of 
missiles  led  his  men  to  the  other  side.  Being  supported  by 
the  blockading  troops,  who  attacked  and  carried  the  bridge-head 
at  the  same  moment,  he  struck  terror  through  the  antagonist 
ranks,  and  rapidly  following  up  his  blow  compelled  the  dis- 
heartened Bardi  to  seek  shelter  in  Borgo  San  Xiccolo.  Here 
they  were  protected  by  the  ]\Iozzi  and  other  adverse  families, 
who  had  with  the  company  of  La  Scala  previously  occupied  that 

♦  Gio  Villani,  Lib.  xii",  cap.  xiii". 


96 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  i. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


97 


quarter  as  well  as  the  Ponte  Rubaconte,  besides  some  other 
houses  of  the  Bartli  at  San  Georgio,  in  order  to  defend  their 
own  property  which  lay  in  the  neighbourhood  and  was  exposed 
to  the  indiscriminate  fuiy  of  a  victorious  multitude.  The  lives 
of  the  Barch  were  thus  saved  but  their  dwellings  were  plundered 
even  to  the  very  tiles  and  timber  of  the  roofs ;  and  then  no 
less  than  twenty-two  houses  and  palaces  were  burned  to  ashes 
with  a  loss  of  00,000  florins  to  that  numerous  and  powerful 

race  ^•'. 

Thus  terminated  the  great  and  final  struggle  between  a  mixed 
democracy  and  pure  aristocracy  in  Florence,  between  an  indig- 
nant people  and  their  imperious  nobles  :  the  ancient  aristocratic 
spirit  was  thenceforth  broken  :  convinced  when  too  late  of  the 
folly  of  attempting  to  oppose  a  united  peojile  they  sullenly  l)ent 
tlieir  necks  to  the  yoke  of  popular  government  and  became, 
says  Ma*?chiavelli,  more  affable  and  complying :  but  this  he 
says  "  was  the  reason  why  Florence  lost  all  her  military  charac- 
ter and  all  her  generosity;"  an  assertion  perhaps  of  some 
truth,  but  wliich  would  require  a  more  intimate  knowledge 
of  those  times  and  circumstances  than  we  now  possess  to 
substantiate  f. 

In  the  calm  that  followed  this  furious  tempest,  the  de- 
mocratic orders  floated  like  a  victorious  navy,  intent  only 
on  securing  their  prizes  and  repairing  the  injuiies  they  had 
sustamed.  Independent  of  the  mere  populace  who  were  at- 
tached to  no  corporate  trade,  three  classes  of  democracy  now 
became  poUtically  distinguished;  namely  the  upper,  middle, 
and  lower,  for  the  nobles  were  little  better  than  outlaws.  The 
Popolani  Grassi  from  their  acknowledged  riches  and  authority 
were  habitually  considered  as  superior,  but  the  ''MedianV' 
or  middle  classes,  and  the  "  Artefici  Minui'i  "  or  small  trades- 

*  Muratori,  Annali,    Anno   1343. —  Ammirato,   Lib.   ix. — Franimcnto  di 

Gio.    Villani,    Lib.   xii.,  cap.    xxi. —  Cronaca,  (Collection  of  I).  Manni.)  — 

Istorie  Pistolcsi. — Mar.  di  Coppo  Ste-  Cronaca  di  Donato  Velluti,  p.  75. 

fani,  Lib.  viil,  Rubrica   5.^2.— Scip.  t  ^Ij^chiavelli  Istor.,  Lib.  ii». 


men  acquired  an  important  accession  of  political  power.     In 
breaking  up  the  old  democratic  oligarchy  the  constitution  was 
remodelled  and  for  a  while  a  spirit  of  genuine  republicanism 
and  comparative    tnmquillity   pervaded    the    commonwcaltli : 
this  salutary  change  was  accomplished  by  Count  Simone  di 
Battifolli  in  conjunction  with  the  Senese  and  Perugian  am- 
bassadors together  with  a  new  Balia  of  two  hundred  and  six 
or  seven  citizens  chosen  from  every  acknowledged  class  of  the 
community.     In  it  were  included  the  nine  priors,  the  twelve 
goodmen  or  councillors  ;  the  sixteen  gonfaloniers  of  companies  ; 
the  five  officers  of  commerce  ;  the  fifty-two  *'  Ciqntudlni  "  or 
consuls  of  the  various  trades,  and  twenty-eight  "  Arroti "  or 
adjuncts  from  each  quarter  whi<'h  lust  being  all  artificers  gave 
a  considerable  majority  to  tlmt  class.     J-^vcry  jiopular  citizen 
considered  worthy  of  holding  office  was  comprised  in  the  scru- 
tiny-hst,  and  a  hundred  and  ten  votes  were  to  carry  the  election 
of  any  candidate  ;  but  as  a  hundred  and  twelve  monibcrs  were 
artificers  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  names  of  three  thousand 
three  hundred  and  forty-six  candidates  were  set  down  as  com- 
petent to  conduct  the  affairs  of  government;    of  the  whole 
nmnber  however  scarcely  a  tenth  .survived   the   scrutiny  of 
the  gonfaloniers  of  companies  to  whom  a  jmwerof  selection  was 
.  finally  intrusted.     By  this   assembly,  which  seems  to  have 
really  represented  the  citizens  of  Florence  it  was  decreed  on 
the  twentieth  of  October,  to  elect  a  gonfalonier  of  justice ;  two 
priors  from  each  quarter;  twelve  goodmen  and  sixteen  gonfa- 
loniers of  companies  in  the  following  proportion  ;  for  the  prior- 
ship,  two  Popolani  Giussi,  three  Mediani,  and  three  Aitefeci 
Minuti ;  tlie  gonfalonier  from  each  class  and  each  quarter  suc- 
cessively ;  beginning  with  Santo  Sjjirito ;  and  the  others  as  it 
would  seem  from  whatever  class  they  happened  to  be  drawn. 
But  this  preponderance  of  the  lowest  order  of  competent  citi- 
zens in  the  Balia  after  a  while  produced  inconvenient  conse- 
quences and  means  were  found  to  modify  it  on  the  plea  that 
VOL.  II.  i' 


93 


FLORENllNE    HISTOnY. 


[bcok  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLOnENTINi:    HISTORY. 


99 


tlio  third  onlor  cnjoynl  mon^  tliuii  its  fair  proporti-.Ti  of  poll- 
lical  power;  miJ  so  tin.'  salutary  n'^'iilations  uf  CniinL  ISimou 
and  his  foreign  coadjutoi-s  were  ultimately  violate.l. 

The  constitution  being  thus  rei'staldished  on  u  broader  aud 
more  cquiUible  basis  the  revival  of  the  ordinances  of  justice  was 
next  discussed,  and  here  again  the  benevolence  of  Count  Simon 
and  his  companions  was  etloctually  exerted  :  as  a  reward  for 
their  own  disinterested  servic(^s  they  made  two  requests;  first 
for  a  modiiication  «)f  the  sovrro  laws  against  tlie  nobles  aud 
secondly  lor  the  admission  of  a  certain  pt)rtion  of  thcni  to  the 
hououi-s  of  democracy:  this  was  a  f^liar[)  tri;d  of  gratitude  in  the 
existing  temper  of  the  iieople  ;  nevertheless  both  petitions  were  ^ 
l>artially  granted.     ]\v  the  ordinances  of  justice  it  was  usual  to 
levy  hues  of  MOOO  lire  on  tlie  wliole  family  of  a  noble  culprit, 
however  innocent  or  distantly  related,  besides  tbe  punishment 
due  to  the  individuid  ollender :  this  liability  wils  now  confniedto 
the  third  degree  of  parentage  in  a  direct  line  unlesa  the  culprit 
iverc  killed  by  his  own  /cinsunn,  or  delivered  up  to  justice;  in 
which  case  the  penalty  no  longer  could  be  enforced,  or  the  money 
was  to  be  repaid  if  already  exacted.    Several  noble  families  had 
joined  the  people  in  their  late  sti-uggle;  otliers  were  ackuow. 
ledged  to  be  quiet  inollensive  citizens ;  many,  especially  in  the 
country,  were  reduced  in  power  and  riches,  and  some  of  them 
so  much  impoverished  as  to  be  dependent  on  their  own  manual 
labour  for  existence.     To  gnitify  Count  Simon  and  his  col- 
leagues as  well  as  .to  dilute  and  weaken  tbo  aristnemcy  by  a 
reduction  of  its  mnubcrs.  about  fivo  hundred  nobles  were  admit- 
ted into  the  democratic  order,  .so  far  at  kast  as  to  be  eligible  to 
every  oflice  except  those  of  prior,  goodmen,  gonfaloniers  of  com. 
panics,  and  captain  of  the  rural  ''  Lemjues  "  or  militar}-  miiou3 
of  parishes  ;  all  of  which  were  closed  to  them  for  five  years. 
-But  on  the  other  hand,  if  any  one  of  tbesc  freedmen  during  the 
ten  following  years  should  by  a  council  of  the  people  be  pro- 
nounced  guilty  of  wilful  nmrder  ;  of  the  amputation  of  a  hmb; 


of  severely  wounding,  or  of  .lirfcily  t^r  indinctly  injin-iiig  the 
property  of  a  Topolano,  h<^  was  instantly  to  be  <looiiied  to  the 
punishment  of  peq»etual  nobility.  Yet  there  were  noble  fami- 
lies some  of  whose  members  had  sacriliccd  their  lives  in  the 
popular  cause  that,  savs  Villain,  throujrh  mere  envv  were 
-refused  even  this  modilicd  recumponso :  and  such,  he  adds,  is 
commonly  the  meed  of  services  rendered  to  the  people,  espe- 
cially to  the  Florentine  ]»PO]de,  amongst  whom,  if  the  balance 
^had  been  rightly  adjusted  were  several  fannlies  and  races  of 
the  Popolani  that  for  their  wicked  deeds  and  tyrannical  con- 
duct deserved  to  be  jdaced  amongst  the  nobles  more  than  the 
-greater  part  of  those  who  were  compelled  to  remain  in  that 
^class ;  and  all  this  in  conseipienee  of  bad  government-:'. 
;'  The  lii-st  election  of  jtublie  ollicers  that  took  place  after 
these  regulations  were  conjpleted  was  so  favourable  to  tlie 
inferior  ranks  that  everv  suspicion  of  treachcrv  vanished,  con- 
fidence  was  restored  and  the  city  once  more  n^sumcd  its  usual 
trauquilhty  after  liaving  experienced  four  revolutions  within  a 
little  more  than  thirteen  months,  every  one  of  them  accompa- 
nied by  civil  war,  or  tunndtuous  assemldies  of  armed  and  angry 
citizens.  First  the  oligarcliy  of  the  ro[Kdani  Grassi  was  over- 
thrown and  changed  into  absfdute  tyranny  by  the  Duke  of 
Atliens,  who  ui  his  turn  fell  under  the  combined  force  of  nobles 
and  people;  then  the  expulsion  of  the  former  from  the  Seig- 
nory  and  their  utter  destruction  as  a  political  body,  and  finally 
the  mixed  rule  of  all  the  juqMilar  orders.  "Which  may  it 
please  the  Lord,"  continues  Villain,  "  to  render  an  instrument 
of  salvation  and  exaltJition  to  our  repuldic  :  but  1  doubt  it,  in 
consequence  of  our  sins  and  faults,  and  because  the  citizens  ai*e 
void  of  all  love  and  charity  amongst  themselves,  but  full  of 
deceit  and  treachcrv  the  one  a'^ainst  another.  And  this  cursed 
art  has  remained  in  Florence  amongst  those  who  are  our  rulers  ; 
namely,  to  promise  fairly,  and  do  the  contrary  ;  if  they  be  not 

•   Gio,  Villr.ni,  Lib.  xii.,  cnp.  x.xiii. 
II  '^ 


100 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


101 


AD.  1343. 


persuaded  by  especial  prayers  or  great  inducements.     Where- 
fore not  without  reason  doth  God  permit  his  judgments  to  Ml 

on  nations,  and  this  is  enough  for  those  who  have 

undei'standing." 
After  these  transactions  Count  Simon  was  furtlier  rewarded 
hy  the  restoration  of  ceitain  family  possessions  unjustly  held 
from  him  by  Florence,  and  in  November  peace  was  confirmed 
with  Pisa  nearly  on  those  conditions  signed  l)y  the  Duke  of 
Athens,  except  that  the  Florentines  were  restored  without 
limit  to  all  their  ancient  immunities  and  privileges  in  that  city. 
It  was  a  treaty  of  necessity,  not  inclination,  therefore  unsatis- 
factoiT,  impopular,  and  unstable  *. 

Although  the  distribution  of  political  power  in  Florence 
l>ecame  at  times  sufBciently  disturbed  between  tliis  period  of 
her  liistory  and  the  loss  of  liberty  in  153*2,  yet  as  the  great 
i constitutional  frame  and  machinery  of  govennncnt  remained 
unaltered  to  the  last,  this  chapter  may  perhaps  be  usefully 
finished  by  a  general  view  of  the  principal  magistracies  as  they 
were  somewhat  enthusiastically  described  by  the  historian  Goro 
Dati  about  seven-and-thirty  years  after  the  present  epoch. 
•'  What  the  Sacred  Scripture  tells  us,"  he  ])egins,  "  should  be 
received  as  certain  '  Except  the  Lord  keep  the  city,  the 
watchman  waketh  but  in  vain.'  And  therefore  all  that  we 
may  say  of  this  just  and  magnificent  govennnent,  (keep  the 
saying  in  thy  mind,)  it  is  God  that  by  his  grace,  and  by  the 
prayers  of  the  glorious  Virgin  Mar}%  (of  whom  more  mention 
is  made  in  Florence  than  any  other  city  in  the  world,)  and  by 
the  prayers  of  Messer  Saint  John  the  Baptist,  cliampion  and 
advocate  of  this  city,  it  is  God  that  rules  and  supports  the 
state  and  its  government;  who  by  his  grace  gives  virtue  to 
men  in  order  that  they  may  receive  the  reward  of  it.  And 
for  that  thou  mayest  clearly  understand  it,  1  say  that  this  city 
is  endowed  with  the  active  virtue,  that  employs  itself  about 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxii.,  xxiii.,  xxiv.,  xxv. — S.  Ammirnto,  Lib.  ix. 


I 


many  things  of  which  there  has  been  frequent  and  particular 
mention  made  in  this  treatise.  This  virtue  prepares,  as 
Martha  did,  with  anxious  care  all  those  things  that  prudence 
dictates ;  but  the  said  city  is  not  less  singularly  endowed  with 
the  contemplative  virtue  which  brings  'us  nearer  to  God  like 
Mary  Magdalen,  and  thus  being  united  with  God  and  God 
with  her,  he  holds  and  preserves  the  said  city.  Let  us  speak 
first  of  the  active  life. 

"There  are  four  Gonfalons  for  every  quarter,  each  with  its 
particular  device,  and  under  each  its  own  company  whose 
captain  is  called  the  Gonfalonier.  Next  there  are  the  trades, 
twenty-one  in  number,  seven  of  them  called  the  major  trades, 
and  fourteen  the  minor  trades. 

**  First  is  that  of  doctors  of  laws  and  notaries  which  has  a 
proconsul  superior  to  its  consuls  and  is  ruled  with  great 
authority  and  may  be  called  the  trunk  of  all  the  doctrine  and 
skill  in  the  profession  of  the  notaiy's  art  throughout  Christen- 
dom:  and  here  there  have  been  great  masters  and  authors 
and  workers  in  it. 

"  The  source  of  the  doctors  uf  law  is  Bologna,  and  the  foun- 
tain of  the  notarv  s  art  is  Florence. 

"  Next  comes  the  trade  of  those  merchants  that  traffic  out 
of  Italy,  who  are  more  numerous  in  Florence  than  in  any 
other  city. 

"  Then  follows  the  banking  or  money  changers'  trade  which 
throughout  the  worid  may  be  said  to  be  almost  entirely  in 
Florentine  hands  for  they  have  establishments  in  all  the  mer- 
cantile towns. 

"  The  fourth  art  is  the  wool-trade.  More  and  finer  woollen 
cloths  are  made  in  Florence  than  any  other  place;  and  its 
masters  are  good,  great,  and  honoured  citizens,  and  under- 
stand their  work. 

*'  The  fifth  is  the  silk-trade  wliicli  includes  both  the  raw  and 
manufactured  article,  as  well  as  cloth  of  gold  and  silk  and  the 


102 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


103 


goldsmith's  art,  in  which  trades  they  work  nohly  especially  in 
silk  stuffs. 

"  The  sixth  is  the  art  of  the  apothecaries,  doctors,  and  retail 
vendors  of  clothing  and  other  small  ware :  and  this  is  a  great 
trade  in  the  number  of  persons. 

"  The  seventh  is  the  furriers,  pellisse-makers,  and  tanners  of 
fine  skins  and  here  finishes  the  list  of  the  seven  major  arts. 

"  Then  come  the  fourteen  minor  arts  or  trades,  each  distinct 
and  regulated  according  to  its  business. 

*'  First  the  linendrapers,  and  secondhand  dealers  in  clothes 
and  furniture ;  then  the  shoemakei*s,  the  smiths ;  the  dealers 
in  salt  and  seasoned  meats,  &c.,  the  butchers  (which  seems  to 
have  included  graziers  and  breeders) ;  the  vintners ;  the  inn- 
keepers ;  the  waist-belt  makers,  the  leather-dressers,  the 
cuu-ass-makers  ;  the  locksmiths ;  tlie  master-masons ;  the 
master-carpenters,  and  the  bakers. 

"  The  seignors  are  the  eight  priors  of  the  arts,  two  for  each 
quarter,  and  the  gonfalonier  of  justice  who  is  chosen  in  turn 
from  every  quarter  at  each  new  election.  All  these  are  men 
chosen  from  the  best  of  the  inhabitants  for  their  excellence  of 
character  and  conduct ;  and  the  gonfalonier  is  as  it  were  the 
chief  of  all  the  priors  and  must  be  forty-five  years  of  age. 
The  morning  he  taiies  ofi&ce  he  is  presented  with  the  gonfalon 
of  justice,  a  red  cross  in  a  white  field,  on  a  great  silk  standard 
which  he  keeps  in  his  chamber,  and  whenever  he  goes  out  with 
it  on  horseback  the  whole  people  must  follow  in  his  train  and 
obey  him. 

"  Slx  of  the  priors  are  chosen  from  the  higher  trades  and  two 
from  the  lower ;  and  two  people  of  the  same  *  Consorteria,' 
or  two  relations  by  the  male  line  are  not  eligible  to  this  ofi&ce 
at  the  same  time  nor  for  one  year  afterwards  ;  and  none  can 
be  elected  a  second  time  under  three  years.  The  first  election 
commences  on  the  calends  of  Januaiy  and  the  office  lasts  two 
months ;  and  so  on  throughout  the  year,  clianging  the  govern- 


ment six  times.  On  the  morning  they  enter  into  office  all  the 
shops  are  shut  and  a  general  holiday  is  kept :  the  whole  popu- 
lation assembles  before  the  palace  to  escort  those  who  have 
just  left  office  to  their  homes,  accompanied  by  their  relations, 
friends,  and  nearest  neighbours  after  having  spent  the  two 
previous  days  in  instructing  the  new  seignors  in  all  public 
business  then  under  consideration.  During  these  two  months 
they  never  quit  the  palace  but  sit  in  council  every  day,  and 
elect  a  president,  each  in  his  turn  for  three  days  by  lots  ;  and 
the  others  for  these  three  days  must  follow  him  wliile  he  w^alks 
by  the  side  of  the  gonfalonier :  and  he  presides,  proposes,  and 
puts  all  matters  to  the  vote ;  and  without  him  no  business  can 
be  done.  Their  deliberations  are  always  secret  and  their  votes 
given  by  ballot:  they  have  a  monk  for  their  secretary  whq 
receives  the  black  and  white  beans  in  a  box :  each  secretly 
giving  him  one  which  he  with  the  same  secrecy  places  in  the 
ballot-box;  the  hlack  being  'yes'  and  the  vchite,  'no;'  and  two- 
thirds  of  black  beans  are  necessarj^  to  carry  a  question.  Each 
has  his  private  chamber  in  the  palace,  the  gonfalonier  being 
first  considered  in  the  arrangement  of  apartments,  and  each 
has  his  sen-ant  to  attend  on  him  in  his  own  room  and  at  the 
public  dinner  table.  These  mne  servants  are  extremely  respect- 
able persons  and  their  situation  is  considered  honourable  ;  each 
has  two  under  servants  to  send  about  on  business  they  them- 
selves being  always  obliged  to  remain  in  the  palace.  There 
are  one  hundred  attendants  for  the  whole  establishment  all 
dressed  in  green  livery  with  certain  public  badges ;  these  are 
forced  to  attend  on  the  priors  when  they  go  into  public  and  are 
also  employed  to  carry  the  commands  of  government  to  the 
citizens :  they  are  commanded  by  a  foreigner  who  is  much 
honoured   and   respected   called  the  '  Captain  of  the  Foot- 


men. 


"  Of  such  consideration  are  these  attendants  that  if  any  one 
of  them  were  a  debtor  or  had  a  price  set  on  his  head  for  a 


104 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


105 


crime,  no  citizen  or  public  functionary  could  molest  hint  on 
pain  of  death  without  the  permission  of  the  said  seignors. 

**  No  one  is  allowed  a  seat  at  the  dinner  table  of  the  priors 
except  their  notar}%  foreign  potentates  or  their  ambassadors, 
or  those  of  any  other  republic  when  it  is  intended  to  honour 
them:  or  sometimes,  on  particular  days  the  Podesta  and 
Captain  of  the  People  with  a  few  of  those  citizens  who  are  in 
office. 

"  The  table  of  these  seignors  is  said  to  be  as  well  prepared, 
as  richly  ornamented  and  as  cleanly  served  as  that  of  any  other 
seignory :  three  hundred  golden  tlorins  a  month  are  allowed 
for  this  alone  ;  besides  which  they  have  fifers  and  musicians 
and  jesters  and  jugglers  (all  then  held  in  high  esteem)  and 
^verj-  sort  of  amusement ;  but  they  have  little  time  for  such 
things,  being  soon  called  away  by  the  president  to  public 
business  which  always  abounds  and  never  fails  tlioni. 

"Their  notaiT  remains  two  months,  as  they  do,  in  the  palace, 
and  has  no  other  duty  than  that  of  writing  their  deliberations : 
but  there  is  also  a  pennanent  notaiy  who  assis;ts  when  neces- 
sary, is  keeper  of  the  law  books  and  orders  of  government,  and 
has  to  make  a  journal  of  all  the  proceedings  of  the  prioi-s  and 
their  colleagues  (the  twelve  Buouomini  and  sixteen  gonfaloniers) 
with  the  councils. 

"  They  have  also  a  chancellor  or  secretary  whose  office  is  per- 
manent. He  has  to  correspond  with  all  the  foreign  govern- 
ments and  private  persons  on  the  part  of  the  commonwealth  : 
they  are  always  poets  and  men  of  gi'eat  learning  *. 

"  There  are  many  under  secretaries  to  do  the  less  important 
business  of  the  seignoiy,  whose  office  power  and  authority  (the 
seignory 's)  are  beyond  measure  great :  their  ^vill  is  law  while 
they  remain   in  office  but  they  rarely  put  forth  all   their 

•  Amongst  those  who  filled  this  post  Carlo  Marsuppini,  Marccllo  Virgilio ; 
we  find  the  names  of  Collucio  Salutati,  and  though  last  not  least,  Nicolo  Mac- 
Leonardo  Aretino,  Poggio  Bracciolini,     chiavelli. 


Strength;  only  in  extreme   cases  and  on  certain  great  and 
necessary  occasions. 

"They  are  not  liable  to  be  called  to  account  for  their  conduct 
while  in  office  except  for  venality  and  peculation  and  then  they 
are  judged  by  the  '  Executor  of  the  Ordinances;'  (of  justice)  or 
in  case  of  his  absence,  by  the  Podesta. 

"  The  next  office  is  that  of  the  sixteen  gonfaloniers  of  com- 
panies which  begins  on  the  eighth  of  Januar}^  and  lasts  four 
months  :  they  must  be  ready  whenever  called  upon,  which  is 
almost  every  day,  to  place  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  seig- 
nors, as  the  cardinals  at  the  pope's  feet,  and  give  their  advice. 
The  morning  of  their  inauguration  is  kept  as  a  festival  with 
closed  shops ;  the  seignory  come  out  on  the  Riughiera  with  the 
podesta  and  captain  of  the  people  one  of  whom  ascends  the 
rostmm  and  makes  an  eloquent  oration  in  honour  of  the 
seignoiy  and  gonfaloniei-s ;  then  each  receives  his  gonfalon  and 
with  trumpets  and  fifes  playhig  before  him  proceeds  home 
accompanied  by  his  followers  ;  and  each  gonfalon  has  under  it 
three  pennons  with  the  same  device  and  presented  at  the  same 
time  as  the  banner  itself. 

"There  is  another  office  called  the  Buonomini  or  good 
men  :  it  commences  on  the  fifteenth  of  March  and  lasts  three 
months  while  the  days  increase  in  length ;  and  at  Midsummer 
when  they  begin  to  shorten  fresh  ones  enter  on  their  office 
and  remain  until  the  day  equals  the  night;  then  the  next 
until  the  shortest  day ;  after  which  another  set  comes  in  until 
days  and  nights  are  again  equal.  And  this  is  done  with  a 
certain  mystery ;  and  they  have  to  attend  any  day  when  called 
upon  at  the  feet  of  the  seignory  to  give  advice  ;  and  by  the 
laws  of  the  community  there  are  many  questions  of  great 
moment  which  cannot  be  determined  by  the  priors  alone  :  these 
two  offices  are  called  Colleagues  *  and  are  in  high  reputation, 

*  In  the  old  writers  we  almost  con-     for   Colleghi,  which   may  sometimes 
stantly  meet  with  the  word  Colkgi    lead  to  a  mistake  in  the  denomination 


106 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


C!UP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   XHSTORY. 


107 


*'  Next  comes  *  The  Council  of  the  Peoi)lc  '  formed  of  ten 
persons  from  each  of  the  sixteen  companies,  all  the  consuls  of 
the  arts,  together  Tsith  the  colleagues,  seigiior}%  and  certain 
other  offices,  in  all  about  two  hundred  and  fifty.  In  this 
council  are  confirmed  every  law,  statute,  and  order  of  the 
republic  already  passed  by  the  seignors  and  their  colleagues ; 
and  if  there  be  not  two-thirds  of  black  beans,  the  question  is 
lost ;  and  what  passes  this  council  has  still  to  go  to  another 
called  the  '  City  '  or  '  Common  Council,'  where  countmg  the 
seignory  and  colleagues  there  are  two  hmidred  members  ;  and 
if  the  question  does  not  gain  two-thii'ds  of  the  votes  in  this 
council  also,  it  is  lost ;  but  just,  useful,  and  honest  thmgs  pass 
and  become  law. 

*'  The  '  Died  de  Balia,'  (or  Ten  of  Power,)  is  composed  of 
persons  either  elected  by  open  vote  or  the  ballot,  and  are  ex- 
perienced respectable  and  chosen  men  :  but  this  office  is  only 
created  in  time  of  war  and  then  they  have  both  within  and 
without  the  city,  in  all  militar}-  affiiirs,  the  whole  national 
authority. 

"  The  office  of  the  '  Eight  of  the  Guard,'  has  to  watch  against 
any  attempts  to  injure  the  government,  the  city,  or  the  posses- 
sions of  the  republic  :  it  has  no  power  to  punish  but  is  bound 
to  place  the  offender  in  the  hands  of  the  Podesta  who  executes 
justice. 

"  The  office  of  '  Regulators  of  PMic  Accounts '  is  composed 
of  six  persons  whose  duty  it  is  to  receive  and  superintend  the 
revenues  of  the  community,  see  that  the  public  be  not  cheated, 
examine  the  treasurers'  books,  and  take  care  that  all  arrears 
are  paid  up  by  national  debtors.  There  are  also  the  governors 
of  the  gate-tolls  now  called  Masters  of  the  Custom-house,  of 
salt,  wine,  and  contracts,  who  have  much  business  to  mind,  and 
particularly  to  see  that  the  pubhc  be  not  cheated. 

of  these  two  magistracies,  -which  were  the  whole  body,  Buonomini  and  Gon- 
eenerally  called  Colleagues,  not  Col-  faloniers,  arc  also  called  the  Colleges 
leges,  as  might  easily  be  supposed ;  yet     by  some  writers. 


"  The  office  of  '  Captain  of  the  Party  GueJph  '  is  grand  and 
honourable,  more  from  remembrance  of  the  past  than  any 
thing  they  have  to  do  in  the  present  day :  they  have  to  receive 
many  revenues  and  spend  them  in  honour  of  the  Guelphic  party. 

"  The  office  of  the  '  Ten  of  Liberty"  is  of  infinite  importance 
and  given  to  men  of  great  science  and  experience :  all  civil  causes 
are  brought  before  this  court  as  well  as  complaints  of  injustice, 
frauds,  deceits,  false  documents;  in  short  any  dispute  of  a 
civil  nature  between  man  and  man  is  here  examined,  and  de- 
cided if  possible,  without  reference  to  a  court  of  justice.  It  is 
a  court  of  equity,  and  discretion,  and  very  useful  to  the  poor 
who  have  not  wherewithal  to  spend  in  actions,  lawyers,  and 
attorneys. 

"  The  '  Officers  of  Abundance '  are  only  created  in  time  of 
dearth  to  secure  a  sufficient  supply  of  grain  for  the  public. 

"  The  office  of  the  '  Grascia  '  or  superintendants  of  provisions 
has  to  oversee  the  mills  and  millers  and  protect  the  public  from 
fraud  in  weight  or  measure  :  they  also  hold  a  sort  of  couit  for 
all  those  cases  which  do  not  come  under  the  jiurisdiction  of  any 
of  the  trades. 

"There  is  also  an  office  for  the  widows  and  minors  elected  by 
open  vote ;  good  and  honest  men  who  fear  God  and  love  mercy. 
They  are  responsible  for  all  minors  placed  under  theii'  charge 
until  the  minority  terminates. 

*'  The  '  Officers  of  the  Castles '  and  fortified  places  have  to  see 
that  all  the  fortresses  of  the  republic  are  in  good  repair  and 
effectually  provisioned  and  garrisoned. 

"The  *  Officers  of  the  Towers '  have  to  attend  to  the  city  walls 
and  country  bridges,  the  street  pavement,  and  the  general  state 
of  the  roofs  and  projections  that  may  have  been  neglected. 

"  The  '  Officers  of  the  Condotta'  have  the  superintendence  of 
recruiting,  paying  and  reviewing  the  troops.  Besides  these 
there  are  many  other  offices,  each  with  its  establishment  of 
clerlis  and  treasurers. 


108 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


II 


H 


"  There  are  also  the  Consuls  of  the  Arts,  each  art  with  its 
particular  hall  which  is  held  in  great  honour  and  highly  orna- 
mented :  courts  of  justice  are  held  in  them  twice  a  week  by 
the  consul  or  consuls  of  the  trade  to  which  it  belongs  ;  for  some 
trades  have  eight  consuls,  some  six  and  othei-s  four  according 
to  their  numbers  and  busmess,  and  from  the  sentence  of  these 
consuls  there  is  no  appeal.  A  consul  of  any  art  may  judge 
matters  brought  before  him  by  one  belonging  to  another  trade 
if  the  complaint  lie  against  a  member  of  that  over  which  he 
presides,  and  also  decide  any  cause  for  or  against  a  person  who 
is  not  enrolled  in  a  trade,  under  similar  circumstances. 

"In  the  'Commercial  Court'  is  a  foreign  doctor  of  civil  law, 
\^ith  sLx  citizens  as  a  council,  chosen  from  the  ablest  and  most 
respectable  of  the  said  trades,  one  from  each  of  the  five  major 
arts ;  for  those  of  the  law  and  the  fui'-trade  are  excepted  ;  and 
one  chosen  by  lot  amongst  the  fourteeii  minor  arts  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  fur-trade  :  and  it  is  thus  ordered  because  the  above 
five  arts  are  composed  of  merchants,  and  only  a  few  of  their 
most  experienced  men  are  elected.  Before  this  comt  are 
brought  all  the  great  questions  and  cases  of  mercantile  and 
maritime  affairs  throughout  the  world ;  and  things  that  happen 
by  sea  and  by  land,  bankruptcies,  affaii-s  of  mercantile  com- 
panies, seizures,  and  an  infinity  of  questions ;  and  just  judg- 
ments and  able  decisions  are  pronounced;  and  there  is  no 
appeal.  This  office  has  a  house  and  a  palace,  both  of  great 
size ;  and  honoured,  and  ornamented,  and  magnificent.  The 
period  of  office  for  the  councillors  is  only  three  months,  but 
that  of  the  judge  six ;  and  he  must  remain  in  the  palace  with 
his  notar}'  and  attendants  and  is  not  allowed  to  have  his  ^\^fe 
and  children  there. 

*'  The  three  principal  '  Rectors  '  now  remain  to  be  noticed  ; 
namely,  the  Podesta,  Captain,  and  Executor.  It  is  necessary 
that  they  should  be  foreigners  whose  place  of  abode  is  at  least 
sixty  miles  from  Florence :  their  office  continues  for  six  months 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


109 


and  they  cannot  be  re-appointed  for  ten  years.  Neither  can 
any  of  the  Podesta's  judges  return  mider  an  equal  lapse  of 
time  unless  by  virtue  of  the  particular  decree  of  the  state  con- 
firmed by  all  the  councils;  which  rarely  happens.  This  is 
done  to  prevent  the  rector  having  relations,  friends,  or  acquaint- 
ances amongst  the  great  or  the  small,  but  that  he  should  be 
alone  guided  and  influenced  by  the  laws  of  the  city,  which  it  is 
his  duty  to  observe.  These  three  rectors  have  great  authority 
and  are  held  in  high  honour. 

"  First ;  the  said  podesta  has  attached  to  his  court  four  judges, 
doctors  of  civil  law  :  and  sixteen  notaries ;  because  in  his  court 
there  are  pleadings  in  all  civil  actions ;  of  inheritance,  testa- 
ments, dowers,  purchases,  sales,  and  in  all  cases  where  there 
is  a  public  instmment  that  requires  legal  investigation  and 
confirmation.  He  has  to  maintain  a  large  establisliment  and 
keep  many  liorses,  for  which  he  receives  a  salaiy  of  "2300 
florins  in  six  months,  and  is  lodged  in  a  magnificent  palace ; 
and  none  can  be  podesta,  nor  captain  in  Florence,  under  the 
rank  of  count,  marquis,  or  knight ;  and  he  must  be  also  a 
Guelph :  and  for  the  Executor,  it  is  necessary  that  he  should 
be  the  contraiy,  and  not  of  those  ranks ;  but  that  he  should  be 
one  of  the  people  and  a  Guel2)h.  Tlie  Captain,  the  Podesta 
and  Executor  have  authority  over  all  the  condemned  and 
banished  ;  as  well  as  over  homicides,  thefts,  robberies,  forgeries, 
and  hi  all  criminal  actions  whatsoever. 

"  The  Captain,  as  he  is  called,  'oj  the  People  '  and  his  court, 
are  for  the  protection  of  the  city  the  state  and  its  government, 
and  he  has  sunnnary  jurisdiction  over  those  who  make  anv 
attempt  against  the  commonwealth.  The  Executor  has  sum- 
maiy  jurisdiction  only  over  the  nobles  in  defence  of  the  people; 
and  this  office  was  created  in  old  times  to  repress  the  arrofrance 
of  the  great. 

"  I  will  now  proceed  without  saying  more  of  the  offices  within 
the  city;  but  those  without  are  what  remain  to  the  citizens 


f 


no 


FLORENTINE   HISTORt. 


[book  I. 


and  have  salaries  and  rewards ;  and  the  principal  of  them  are 
as  follow.  First  the  captains  of  Pisa,  of  Arezzo,  of  Volterra ; 
who  are  lords  of  those  places  for  their  half  year  of  office ;  and 
they  have  unbounded  summary  and  legal  authority  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  charge.  Then  follow  the  Podestas  of  Pisa, 
Arezzo,  and  Pistoia ;  the  Captains  of  Cortona  and  Borgo  San 
Sepolcro ;  the  Podestas  of  Prato,  CoUe,  San  Gimignano,  Monte 
Pulciano  and  others,  who  all  have  civil  and  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion with  many  judges  and  attendants  and  are  much  honoured. 
Then  follow  the  vicars  of  San  Miniato,  the  Val-di-Nievole, 
Pescia,  Firenzuola,  Poppi,  the  Casentino  and  Anghiari,  besides 
three  in  the  Pisan  territory.  After  these  come  the  Captains 
of  the  Pistoian  Alps,  Romagna,  and  Castrocaro,  the  Podesta 
of  Castiglione-Aretino ;  the  Captain  of  the  Pisan  Maremma ; 
besides  a  number  of  other  Podestas  too  numerous  to  narrate 
even  were  it  desired. 

"  To  these  offices  are  appointed  the  best  and  most  discreet 
citizens  who  go  into  those  places  some  to  gain  honour,  some 
riches ;  some  one  thing,  some  another,  and  it  often  happens 
that  tliere  are  those  who  succeed  in  acquiring  what  they 
wanted  either  wholly  or  partially,  and  sometimes  the  con- 
trary, that  is  shame  and  injur}^ ;  because  the  deeds  of  the  Flo- 
rentines cannot  easily  be  hidden ;  too  many  eyes  are  upon 
them ;  and  he  that  doeth  well  gets  the  merit  of  it,  and  he  that 
doeth  ill  is  soon  known,  and  is  punished,  and  corrected,  and 
castigated,  according  to  what  is  due  to  justice,  and  for  an 
example  to  others.  And  when  these  officers  return  to  Flo- 
rence from  the  said  places,  the  works  they  have  done  are  well 
examined,  and  each  is  rewarded  according  to  his  desert.  And 
by  virtue  of  this  justice  the  good  are  always  invited  and 
encouraged  to  do  well,  and  the  wicked  and  evil-doers  are 
terrified  and  punished ;  and  good  increases,  and  ill  decreases  ; 
and  concord  follows  in  the  city  amongst  the  great,  and  the 
small,  and  the  middling ;  each  honoured  according  to  his  rank, 


CHAP.  XX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


Ill 


and  according  to  his  worth ;  and  from  this  proceeds  a  melody 
so  sweet  that  it  is  felt  in  heaven  and  moves  the  saints  to  love 
this  city  and  defend  her  from  any  that  want  to  disturb  a  state 
so  tranquil  and  serene"  *. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs.— England,  Scotland,  France,  Spain,  Portugal, 
German  Emperor,  Greek  Emperor,  Ottoman  Empire  all  unchanged.  Naples- 
Robert  the  Good  to  1343,  then  Johanna  I.— Sicily:  Peter  II.  to  1342  then 
Louis.— Popes:  Benedict  XII.  to  1342,  then  Clement.  VI.  ' 


*  Historia  di  Fircnze  di  Goro  Dati,  Lib.  ix. 


112 


FLOKESnNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLOREXTINE    HISTORY. 


113 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

FROM  A.D.    1344    TO    A.D.    1349- 

Florence  ^hich  by  the  Italians  of  the  middle  ages  was 
held  to  be  one  of  the  noblest  cities  in  the  ^vorld  ^vas  from  her 
civil  broils  becoming  every  day  more  unfortunate . 
A.D.im  ^.^^g  ^3^^    if  jijg  Lombard  war  be  excepted  which 
was  more  brilliant  than  useful,  almost  constant  ill-luck  attended 
her  measures;  ai>d  this  is  by  cotemporary  authors  attributed 
to  the  self-interested  and  exclusively  personal  ob.,ects  of  he. 
rulers  wliich  rendered   them   insensible   to   eveiy  feeling  of 
real  patriotism.     A  fierce  intractalde  spirit  pervaded  ev-ery 
political  sect  and  the  public  good  was  but  an  empty  watch- 
lord  to  the  sons  of  faction ;  besides  tWs  the  mama  of  poli- 
tics had  become  so  absorbing  that  the  greater  part  of  her 
merchants  quitting  their  shops  and  their  warehouses,  hastened 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  public  discussions  and  assemblies 
of  the  commonwealth  *.    Yet  while  war,  tyranny,  and  revolution 
were  thus  shaking  her.  the  rest  of  Italy  was  far  from  being  in 
an  attitude  of  repose :  Pisa  feveri.h  at  home  was  at  outward 

♦  "  La  gcnte  nuova  c  i  subiti  ^ladagni 
Oraoglio,  c  tlismisuni  ban  gcncrata,       ^ 
Fio'renza,  in  .0,  .i  cUe  t„  gir.  tcu  pi^gn.  .^^  ^^^^^,^  ^^^^^  ^^. 

An  upstart  multitude  and  sudden  gains 

Pride  and  excess,  O  Florence  !  baye  in  tbcc  ^     ^ 

EngenderM,  so  that  now  in  tears  thou  mourn  s^^^^^^  ^^^^^ 


war  with  the  Malespini  and  Visconti;  Mantua  and  Milan 
made  common  cause  against  Ferrara  and  Verona ;  the  Correggi, 
ccmtinually  worried  by  their  domestic  enemies,  disposed  of 
Parma  to  the  house  of  Este,  from  whom  Lucchino  Visconti 
forced  it  in  1340  :  Padua  suffered  from  licentiousness,  murder, 
and  usurpation :  Venice  was  tranquil ;  but  Bologna  writhed 
under  the  crushing  tread  of  the  Peppoli,  and  the  petty  tyrants 
of  Romagna  were  plunged  in  wars,  treacherj',  and  bloodshed. 
In  the  midst  of  this,  half  the  Peninsula  was  ravaged  by  a 
horde  of  merciless  robbers  the  disbanded  instruments  of  am- 
bition, and  thus  a  wide  wave  of  destruction  swept  over  Italy. 
Nor  were  Transalpine  countries  more  calm  or  happy :  Ger- 
many was  disturbed  by  the  imperial  struggles  against  papal 
implacability  and  the  movements  of  its  discontented  piinces ; 
France  while  withering  under  the  rod  of  Philip  was  overrun 
by  the  victorious  English,  and  England  was  half  ruined  by 
the  effort.  Christian  Spain  was  disturbed  by  internal  wars ; 
iSicily  was  unceasmgly  vexed,  but  still  unconquered  by  the 
persevering  efforts  of  llobert;  and  after  his  death  Naples 
itself  became  the  theatre  of  domestic  convulsions  debauchery 
and  blood  :  but  some  of  this  requires  more  detailed  relation. 

Ptobert  King  of  Naples  died  in  the  month  of  Januaiy  1343 
after  a  long  and  not  inglorious  reign,  having  survived  for  half 
a  year  his  nephew  Carobert  or  Carlo-Uberto  king  of  Hungary- 
the  legitimate  sovereign  of  Naples  whom  by  the  Pope  s  favour 
he  had  excluded  from  that  inheritance;  and  Giovanna  his  eldest 
grand-daughter,  a  girl  of  sixteen  and  wife  of  Andrea  brother 
to  Louis  kuig  of  Hungar}%  became  heiress  to  the  crown. 
Robert  had  played  a  busy  part  in  the  affairs  of  Italy  and 
possessed  many  useful  qualities;  he  made  wise  laws;  was 
accounted  just ;  encouraged  arts  sciences  and  literature ;  was 
himself  deeply  learned,  and  died  with  the  world's  applause :  but 
he  was  ambitious,  warlike,  and  imbued  with  all  the  fierceness 
of  the  Guelphic  spirit;   qualities  which  in  that  age  rather 

VOL.    It.  I 


114 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


increased   than   lessened  his    reputation,    so  that  accorcUng 
to  the  standard  of  the  time  he   stood  deservedly  high  in  the 
world  s  estimation.     The  unquiet  reign  of  Giovanna  also  con- 
tributed to  throw  a  brighter   gleam   over  his   memor>^  and 
augment  the  general  regret;  not  that  she  seems  to  have  been 
deficient  m  sense  or  firmness,  but  her  extreme  youth  exposed 
her  to  temptations  and  dangers  which  an  equally  young  and 
inexperienced  husband  was  incompetent  to  repel.     Robert  had 
bequeathed  her  his  kingdom  to  reign  alone,  but  witli  a  pro- 
vision that  Andrea  should   also   be  crowned  at  the  age  of 
twentv-two :  they  were  however  scarcely  seated  on  the  throne 
when 'a  certain  Friar  Robert  and  other  Hungarian  followers  of 
her  husband  gradually  began  to  absorb  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment until  Giovanna  found  herself  a  Queen  only  in  name,  and 
together  with  her  rude  and  indolent  husband,  almost  a  prisoner 
in'^the  hands  of  strangers.      The  royal  kinsmen  or  ''  ReaUr  as 
they  were  called,  and  the  Neapolitan  barons  retired  to  their 
castles  in  disgust,  and  despising  Andrea  s  unwariike  mdolence 
joined  the  prince  of  Tarento  who  was  then  preparing  an  expe- 
dition  for  Greece  where  he  iifterwards  gjiined  some  honour. 
Disputes  subsequently  arose  between  the  royal  couple,  each 
being  ambitious  of  independent  power;  these  were  encouraged 
by  the  Reali  for  their  own  views ;  factions  became  rife,  and 
Friar  Robert  foreseeing  his  own  dowiifall  in  the  increasing 
public  disgust,  invited  King  Louis  to  take  possession  of  th(' 
throne  as  the  rightful  heir  of  diaries  ]\Iartel  and  Carobert : 
Louis  preferred   making   a   direct   application    to    the    Pope 
for  his  brothers  investiture,  not  as  the  husband  of  (tiovanna. 
but  as  rightful  heir  to  the  crown  of  Naples.      These  nego- 
tiations were   long  continued,  but  the  Queen  was   solemnly 
crowned,  dulv  invested  with  the  khigdom,  and  did  homage  in 
Clement  VL'  on  the  last  day  of  August  13-14,  Friar  Robert 
still  maintaining  the  ascendant.     The  influence  of  Louis  was 
however  sufficient  to  procure  a  buU  for  his  brother  s  coronation 


CHAP.   XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISIORY. 


115 


s 


long  before  the  period  designed  by  King  Robert,  a  circum 
stance  that  created  so  much  alarm  in  consequence  of  Andrea";- 
unpopularity,  that  several  of  the  Neapolitan  barons  with  the 
connivance  of  Charles  Duke  of  Durazzo  who  had  married  the 
Queens  sister,  and  others  of  the  Reali,  all  of  whom  had 
their  particular  views  on  the  throne,  determined  to  prevent 
this  ceremony  by  murdering  Andrea :  this  they  accomplished 
on  the  eighteenth  of  September  1345  at  the  city  of  Aversa,  in 
the  following  manner. 

The  royal  couple  had  not  been  long  retired  to  rest  when 
one  of  the  bedchamber  women  informed  Andrea  that  im- 
portant despatches  requiring  his  instant  attention  had  arrived 
from  Naples.  It  is  said  by  some  that  the  Queen  seemed 
troubled,  and  made  an  effort  to  detain  her  husband ;  he  how- 
ever rose  and  left  the  chamber  the  door  of  which  was  instantly 
shut :  the  conspirators  waited  for  hiin  in  a  portico  between  the 
Queen s  bedroom  and  the  council-tlianiber  and  believing  that 
he  wore  a  magic  ring  the  gift  of  his  mother  which  preserved 
liini  from  iron  or  poison  threw  a  silken  noose  round  his  neck 
and  after  a  hard  struggle  hung  him  from  a  balcony  over  the 
garden  where  other  conspirators  caught  hold  of  his  legs  and 
finished  the  deed. 

While  this  tragedy  proceeded,  Andrea's  nurse  Isolda,  who 
had  accompanied  him  to  Naj^des  and  rarely  quitted  his  sight, 
awakened  by  the  noise  rushed  into  the  royal  chamber  and 
tremblmg  demanded  her  child.  The  Queen  was  alone,  seated 
near  the  bed,  with  her  face  buried  in  her  hands,  and  she 
answered  confusedly :  Isolda  still  more  frightened  flew  with  a 
torch  to  the  window;  but  the  murderers  ha\dng  done  their 
principal  work  fled  in  alarm,  leaving  the  lifeless  body  extended 
before  her  eyes  on  the  grass  below.  Isolda's  screams  soon 
roused  the  dmnkeii  Hungarian  guards,  the  castle,  and  all  the 
city,  and  baffled  the  conspirators'  design  of  burying  their  victim 
in  the  garden.     It  can  scarcely  be  supposed  that  Giovanna  was 

12 


IIG 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


117 


||j 


N 


entirely  innocent  of  this  deed,  but  she  has  ahle  advocates,  and  the 
truth  seems  involved  in  equal  mysteiy  with  the  conduct  of  Queen 
Mary  in  our  own  eventful  historj- :  public  opinion  was  agahist 
her  at  the  time,  but  the  passions  of  men,  their  hate,  self-interest 
and  ambition,  ran  as  tiercely  at  Naples  in  the  fourteenth  century 
as  in  Britain  in  the  sixteenth.     It  was  nevertheless  a  deed  to 
electrify  all  Europe  even  in  a  barbarous  age,  but  less  by  the 
act  itself  than  the  rank  and  impoilance  of  the  victim.     The 
kingdom  was  instantly  convulsed,  ai'med  and  angrj-  men  sprang 
up  like  spectres  ;  many  held  to  the  Queen  who  had  power, 
treasm-e,  and  the  Castle  of  Naples  in  her  hands  :  amongst  these 
the   most  conspicuous  was   Louis  brother  of  the  Tiince   of 
Tarento  who  was  supposed  to  have  been  her  lover  and  now 
aspired  to  her  hand ;   the  Duke  of  Durazzo  headed  another 
faction  and  opposed  him ;  the  Prince  of  Tarento  led  a  third : 
disorder  eveiywhere  abounded ;  and  in  the  midst  of  all  King 
Louis  was  prepjiring  an  anny  of  wild  Hmigarians  rather  to 
possess  himself  of  the  throne  than  revenge  the  murder  of  his 
kinsman.     Such  was  the  state  of  Naples  m  1340,  three  years 
after  the  death  of  Robert*. 

The  Venetians  about  this  epoch  were  besieging  Zara  which 
had  revolted ;  its  citizens  with  the  offer  of  their  sovereignty, 
implored  the  aid  of  Louis  who  promptly  accepted  it  and  with  a 
large  army  attempted  to  raise  the  siege  ;  because  if  possessed  of 
Zara  he  could  have  embarked  for  Puglia  in  defiance  of  Venice ; 
but  he  was  baffled :  his  provisions  failed,  his  aimy  retreated  and 
for  that  year  he  was  compelled  to  rehnquish  his  object ;  yet 
being  closely  allied  with  Poland  and  still  closer  with  Louis  of 
Bavaria  who  held  the  Tyrol,  he  detennined  to  enter  Italy  by  the 
passes  of  that  country.     This  emperor  driven  to  desperation  by 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  X.,  xxvi.,  Costanzo,  Istoria   dl  ^>!>.^i'    ^^^l' J" 

Kvxv.,  lii.,  liii.,  lix.-Giannoni  Stor.  Lib.  vi.,  p.  353  ;  and  vol.  n.,  L,b.  vu  , 

Civile'  di  Napoli,  vol.  x..  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  ^52.-Cron.ca  et  Histom  <1.  ^apoh 

-Muratori,  Annali.-Sismondi,  Rep.  di   Fra.  Lujgi  \  ulcam,   Lib.  ii.,  cap. 

Ital.,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  xxxvi.—Augelo  di  iv.,  p.  504,  Mb. 


the  implacable  Clement  w^ho  contemptuously  refused  all  his 
advances  and  humiliations,  joined  his  Hungarian  namesake 
and  engaged  to  mvade  Italy  the  following  year  with  a  force 
sufficient  to  take  vengeance  on  the  Pope,  the  Guelphs,  and 
the  detested  house  of  Anjou.  But  Clement  was  neither 
disposed  to  permit  this  inroad  nor  see  Giovanna  a  legiti- 
mate vassal  of  the  church  dethroned,  however  criminal  he 
might  think  her :  he  therefore  raised  new  enemies  against  the 
Bavarian  and  amongst  them  a  competitor  for  the  empire  in  the 
person  of  Charles  ^Marquis  of  Moravia  son  of  the  now  blind 
but  still  active  John  King  of  Bohemia.  The  election  by 
Clement's  exertions  succeeded,  but  all  Germany  was  disturbed; 
and  the  new  Emperor  s  father  having  fallen  a  few  weeks  after 
at  the  battle  of  Crccy,  Loiiis  w^ould  soon  have  overwhelmed 
him  had  he  not  himself  been  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse  in 
October  1347 ;  then  Charles  IV.  was  acknowledjred  both  bv 
church  and  empire  *:=. 

The  misfortunes  of  Florence  gave  Pisa  a  more  commanding 
aspect ;  Volterra  and  Pistoia  had  sought  her  protection,  and 
she  was  in  close  alliance  with  Lucchino  Visconti,  by  far  the  most 
powerful  prince  of  Italy  (and  excepting  the  kings  of  England, 
France,  and  Hungary)  of  all  Europe ;  he  maintained  a  stand- 
ing army  of  from  three  to  five  thousand  men-at-arms  and  was 
lord  of  seventeen  great  cities  in  Lombardyf.  This  attitude 
did  not  last,  but  for  a  while  gave  an  unreal  importance  to 
the  Pisan  republic  which  besides  being  impoverished  by  war, 
was,  on  a  sudden  quarrel  \\Tth  Lucchino,  brought  into  new  dif- 
ficulties. Giovanni  Visconti  d'  Oleggio  when  liberated  from 
Florence,  trusting  to  the  power,  and  probably  with  the  con- 
nivance of  Lucchino,  repaired  to  Pisa  and  after  having  vainly 
demanded  compensation  for  his  losses  conspired  ^\ith  the  two 


•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  Ix,,  Ixvii.     f  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  Ixxiv. 
— Muratori,  Annali. 


■psi^npff- 


113 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Castracani  s  assistance,  to  usui-p  that  lordship.  The  plot  being 
detected  one  head  was  chopped  off,  the  Castracani  fled  from 
Lucca,  and  Giovanni  himself  was  unceremoniously  expelled : 
Lucchino  enraged  at  the  insult  instantly  impnsoned  some 
Pisan  hostages  whom  he  had  engaged  to  release,  and  with  an 
insolent  message  sent  his  kinsman  back  at  the  head  of  two 
thousand  men-at-arms  to  revenge  himself.  Nothing  could  be 
more  pleasing  to  the  Florentines  than  this  quarrel  who  to 
favour  it,  maliciously  made  over  the  advantageous  post  of 
Pietrasanta  to  Luccluno's  brother-in-law  the  IJishop  of  Luni, 
while  Visconti's  anger  was  further  excited  by  seehig  iSerazzano, 
Lavenza,  ^Massa,  and  other  places  still  withheld  from  the  family 
of  Malespini  his  near  kinsmen,  notwithstandhig  all  his  threats 
and  remonstrances  ''•. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  Florentine  gift,  I.ucchino's  forces 
assembled  at  Pietrasanta  in  1343  forced  the  Pisan  entrench- 
ments with  gi-eat  slaughter  at  Eotaiu,  and  after  the  usual 
course  of  devastation  without  any  decisive  event,  entered  the 
unwholesome  Maremma  where  they  were  stH.n  thinned  by 
malai-ia;  losmg  amongst  others,  Arrigo  Castracani  who  witli 
his  brother  mherited  all  their  father's  activity  and  ambition 
without  his  talents  +. 

Earlv  in  the  vear  1345  Pisa  concluded  treaties  with  Mastino 
della  Scala,  Peppnli  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  some  of  the  lords 
of  Ptomagna  agiiinst  Lucchino :  Florence  although  invited 
refused  to  join,  and  the  Milanese  army  opened  the  campaign 
by  a  repetition  of  the  last  year  s  mroads  which  continued  until 
May  when  the  Marquis  Malespini  died;  and  ns  he  was  the 
great  cause  and  fomenter  of  this  war  Genoa  now  stepped  in  as 
a  mediator  to  restore  tranquillity  :  the  troops  were  recalled 
and  a  treaty  signed,  by  which  Pisa  retained  possession  of 
Lucca,   Lucchino  received   100,000  florins  for  his   expenses 

*  Istorie  Pistolesi. — Gio.Villani,  Lib.     Pisani.— Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  c.  xxxvii. 
xii.,  cap.  xxiv., xxvi.— Trouci,  Annali     f  CJio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxix. 


CHAP.  XXI. ] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


119 


and  the  wretched  people  suffered  as  usual ;   but  with  this 
ended  for  the  moment  all  Lombard  interference  m   ^^  ^3^^ 

the  affairs  of  Tuscany  -.  ^  •        f  fr..... 

In  Genoa  the  Doge  Simone  Boccanegra  after  a  reign  of  lour 
years  heavmg  that  the  Grimaldi,  Doria  and  Spinola  families 
with  other  nobles  were  coming  in  arms  against  him    publicly 
renomiced  his  dignity  before  a  general  assembly  of  the  people 
and  retired  with  all  his  family  to  Pisa.     A  Doge  from    he 
popular  class  was  promptly  elected  who  instantly  repre^^^d  the 
aristocracv,  and  in  January  1 345  induced  the  citizens  of  Savona 
to  expel'the  whole  of  their  nobility:  this  was  a  signal  for 
Genoa  herself,  which  followed  their  example  the  next  day,  wij 
some  opposition  however  from  the  Squarciafichi  and  Salvatichi 
ikmilie  ,  which  was  soon  overcome,  as  well  as  a  subsequent 
attack  of  the  Doria  faction.  The  Doge,  Giovanm  di  Monterena 
immediately  allied  himself  with  Lucchino  Visconti  who  sup- 
puTd  five  hundied  men-at-arms  and  in  July  1345  after  some 
partial  success  succeeded  in  reestablishing  peace  between  the 

two  conteiulnig  factions  f.  ^  n„  ^^  j  „p 

Both  this  una  tl^e  peace  ^vith  Pisa  were  acceptable  to  Luc- 
ehiuo  who  with  Filirrino  Gonzaga  of  Mantua  was  sufficiently 
o^  upied  in  pvosccu/4  the  war  against  Verona  Ferra^a..d 
Bolo-tm,  and  contemplating  the  ultimate  ac<ims:t,on  of  Pfe  ma^ 
A  tm^e  had  been  made  by  the  belligerents  for  three  years  from 
Ma"h     :V1H,   as  well  as  between  Mastino   della  Scala  and 
Ubertino  da  Cav.ara  of  Padua,   to   *«  great  annoyance  of 
Venice  who  fcar.d  for  her  recent  acquisition  of  T.eves .  and 
t  w  s luring  this  suspension  of  hostilities  that  the  Con-eggi  of 
iama  Imrassed  bv  Mastinos enmity  and  by  many  exiled  fami- 
r  T^hat    tv  determined  to  sell  it  to  the  Marquis  Obizzo  of 
S     or?0 Strms.      The  bargain  was  concluded  m  Oc.- 
,,e,.  1344  with  Mastinos  consent,  who  was  fearful  of  Parma s 

.  Gio.  Vntani,  Ub.  xii.,  cap.  x.xvUi.     t  Gio.  Villani.  Lib.  xii..  cap.  xxxvii. 
— Istorie  Pistolesi. 


120 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


121 


.   I 


II 


falling  into  the  hands  of  Lucehino  Visconti ;  and  a  safe-conduct 
being  granted  by  Filippino  through  his  states,  Obizzo  lost  no 
time  in  taking  formal  possession.  But  such  an  occasion  was  too 
tempting  for  the  morality  of  that  day,  and  Filippino  da  Gonzaga 
having  gained  Lucehino  by  the  prospect  of  actpiiring  Parma, 
determined  hi  concert  with  him  to  break  the  tnice,  his  plighted 
word,  and  every  other  tie  that  even  in  those  times  was  held 
sacred  ;  and  with  eight  hundred  Milanese  aivalry  make  the 
Marquis  of  Ferrara  prisoner  on  his  return  through  Reggio. 

The  ambuscade  was  secretly  prepared,  Obizzo 's  escort  sud- 
denly attacked  and  upwards  of  seven  hundred  of  them  made 
prisoners ;  but  the  marquis  himself,  who  with  the  rest  of  his 
company  Wcis  behind  the  main  body,  escaped  safely  to  Parma 
and  subsequently  reached  Modena  by  a  surer  road.  There  waa 
a  general  burst  of  indignation  against  this  treachery  ;  but  Filip- 
pino nowise  abashed  declared  that  he  had  gi-anted  a  safe-con- 
duct to  go,  but  none  to  return ;  and  moreover  followed  it  up 
with  direct  hostilities,  assisted  by  all  the  power  of  Milan. 

On  Obizzo  s  side  were  Mastino  and  Peppoli,  and  war  raged 
in  all  its  fury  until  the  middle  of  1340  when  Mastmo  made  a 
secret  treaty  with  Lucehino  :  Obizzo  thus  abandoned  and  seeing 
that  he  never  could  hold  Parma  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies, 
determined  to  make  peace  with  Visconti  and  cede  that  city 
for  about  what  its  acquisition  had  cost  him  :  a  reconciliation 
aftei'wards  took  place  with  Filippino  and  general  peace  was 
restored  to  Lombardyin  December  1340. 

The  acquisition  of  Parma  added  not  a  little  to  Visconti's 
power ;  he  had  already  become  lord  of  Asti  and  Alexandria, 
had  acquired  supreme  dominion  over  Lunigiana ;  and  in  the 
following  year  Boljbio,  Tortona,  Alba,  Cherasco,  and  other  places 
as  far  as  the  Alps  were  added  to  his  dominions  ;  so  that  he 
began  to  be  dreaded  by  the  rest  of  Lombardy,  and  continual 
wars  were  the  consequence  *.     But  such  wai-s  would  scarcely 

•  Muratori,  Annali. 


have  proved  so  constant  or  mischievous  had  they  been  confided 
to  native  valour  instead  of  German  mercenaries ;  this  practice 
had  now  become  so  general  that  the  bulk  of  every  Italian 
army  was  composed  of  them,  and  when  peace  arrived  they  were 
thrown  loose  on  society  until  again  purchased  by  the  next 
person  who  chanced  to  be  in  want  of  their  assistance. 

Lucehino  Visconti  by  an  economical  administration  of  his 
resources  was  the  first  to  reduce  these  freebooters  into  the 
form  of  a  standing  aniiy,  and  there  seems  to  have  been  a 
steady  daring  valour  in  their  character  that  at  all  times  gave 
tliem  a  confident  superiority  over  Italian  soldiers.  It  was  by 
the  dismissal  of  some  veteran  bands  of  German  cavalry  that 
Pisa  rendered  her  army  inefficient  against  Lucehino  who 
promptly  received  them,  but  whether  free  or  serving,  these 
troops  assumed  a  formidable  aspect:  well  amied,  numerous, 
disciplhied,  and  experienced  in  war,  with  their  equipments  and 
formation  complete,  they  felt  their  strength  and  instead  of  dis- 
banding, as  was  usual  when  unemployed,  kept  well  together 
and  were  determined  to  use  it.  They  were  persuaded  to  take 
this  step  by  *'  Guarnieri ''  or  Werner  a  German  adventurer 
who  became  their  leader,  and  being  paid  by  Pisa  at  the  rate  of 
four  florins  a  month  for  each  horseman  were,  with  the  consent 
of  her  Lombard  allies  and  Ordilaffi  lord  of  Forli,  sent  covertly 
against  Bologna  in  revenge  for  the  constant  assistance  which 
she  gave  to  Florence  during  the  late  war  *. 

By  secret  directions  from  the  Duke  of  Athens  in  concert 
with  Pisa  they  first  entered  the  Senese  dominions  robbing  and 
killing  all  before  them  until  they  were  bribed  by  a  heavy  con- 
tribution to  leave  that  territoiy ;  Perugia  then  felt  their  weight 
and  the  duke's  enmity,  for  both  these  states  had  refused  to  sur- 
render their  liberties  into  his  hands :  the  country  of  Arezzo 
was  next  ravaged ;  they  afterwards  crossed  uato  Piomagna  with 

*  Istorie  Pistolesi.— Gio.  Villani,  Lib.     Este,  di  Gio.  Bat.  Pigna,  Lib.  iv.,  p. 
xii.,  cap.  ix. — Sardi,  Historic  Fcrrarcsi,     366,  et  seq.     Venice,  1572. 
Lib.  vi.,  p.  111. — Hist,  de  Principi  di 


II 


li< 


1-2-2 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY 


[book  I. 


fire  and  sword  and  everj^  scourge  of  war ;  Fiimini  and  Fano 
were  blighted  in  t)ieir  course  ;  each  tyrant  employed  them  in 
turn  and  the  master  of  to-day  was  the  victim  of  to-morrow : 
they  called  themselves  the  "  Great  Company  "  and  were  soon 
augmented  by  the  junction  of  almost  everj^  German  in  Italy 
besides  many  Italian  bmids :  their  camp  was  the  theatre  of  cvciy 
villany  ;  four  thousand  cavalry ;  a  numerous  infantiy  ;  boys,  fol- 
lowers, prostitutes  :  every  fonn  of  human  brutality :  no  law ; 
no  order:  plunder,  rape,  contlagi'ation,  nmrder :  all  was  suf- 
fered and  all  applauded  by  their  chief:  gloning  in  his  wicked- 
ness this  miscreant  outdid  even  his  owii  myrmidons  in  blas- 
phemy by  carrj-mg  in  silver  letters  on  his  breast,  I  am  "  Duke 
Werner,  Lord  of  the  Great  Company;  the  enemy  of 
mercy,  of  pity,  and  of  god." 

Such  was  the  army  that  now  directed  its  march  on  Bologna: 
Peppoli  opposed  it  with  a  strong  force,  but  more  effectually 
with  money  ;  yet  so  great  was  the  oppression  in  that  city  that 
a  body  of  the  citizens  endeavoured  to  admit  the  fiend  in  order 
to  destroy  the  tpant !      Gold  and  power  prevailed  and  the 
tjTant  triumphed.     Finally  this  humcane  drove  onward  into 
Lombardy  where  for  some  months  it  ravaged  Keggio,  :Modena, 
and  Parma,  and  when  these  countries  were  exhausted  Werner 
proposed  to  revisit  Bologna  but  found  such  a  force  opposed  to 
him  that  he  deemed  it  better  to  treat,  and  Peppoli  with  his 
Lombard  allies  and  the  :Marquis  of  Ferrara  offered  him  a  cer- 
tain sum  to    repass  the  Alps;    they  were  accordingly  paid, 
marched  off  in  successive  detachments  too  small  for  mischief, 
and  returned  by  degrees  into  Germany  ;  but   this  nefarious 
company  became  the  mother  of  gi'eat  calamities-. 

From  the  foregoing  sketch  it  will  be  seen  that  no  general 
bond  of  union  existed  amongst  the  various  states  of  Italy ;  no 
common  political  or  social  object  fixed  them ;  they  were  com- 

•  Istorie  Pistolesi.— Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  ix.— Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  cap. 
xxxvi. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


123 


patriots  in  name,  language,  manners,  and  religion,  but  not  in 
national  feeling :  personal  ambition,  self-aggrandisement,  and 
private  interest  were  the  prime  springs  of  action,  and  were 
set  in  motion  by  the  most  diabolical  passions  of  human  nature  : 
each  petty  lordship  and  greater  state  was  a  centre  of  disturbance 
to  its  neighbours,  and  commonly  a  volcano  within  itself :  the 
rulers  throughout,  whether  one  or  many,  were  alwa3'S  despotic 
and  generally  tyrannical ;  and  where  the  word  of  mlers  is  law- 
legitimate  self-indulgence  is  sooner  exhausted  than  the  appe- 
tite appeased.  Civil  liberty  as  we  have  it,  was  scarcely  under- 
stood, while  i)olitical  freedom  mostly  bordered  upon  license, 
and  was  always  the  playtliing  of  faction  :  a  better  system  was 
theoretically  understood  and  acknowledged  in  Florence;  the 
wish  too,  partially  existed  ;  good  laws  were  devised,  but  badly 
executed,  and  never  long  withstood  the  assaults  of  public  immo- 
rality. Nevertheless  tliis  general  agitation  encouraged  mental 
elasticity,  and  human  energies  are  seldom  exerted  for  unmixed 
evil ;  a  bold  spirit  of  political  liberty  pervaded  the  mass,  espe- 
cially in  republican  states;  and  human  thought,  and  speech 
and  industry  were  left  comparatively  free.  It  was  not  the 
liberty  of  our  own  time  and  country,  but  it  suited  the  ideas  of 
that  age;  the  people  were  satisiied  to  be  the  acknowledged 
source  of  power  and  to  enjoy  the  privilege  of  choosing  their 
government,  without  seeming  to  trouble  themselves  about  its 
despotic  acts,  unless  widely  spread  and  multiphed;  it  was  their 
own  idol  and  they  worshi})ped  it. 

Amongst  these  various  elements  of  modem  liberty  these 
germs  of  political  regeneration,  the  most  sagacious  and  perse- 
vering w^as  perhaps  the  republic  of  Florence  ;  in  that  common- 
wealth at  least  the  main  stream  of  public  opinion  ran  against 
abuse  while  a  thousand  private  eddies  vitiated  its  waters  or  dis- 
turbed its  action  :  the  middle  and  lower  classes,  those  who  feel 
the  strain  without  sharing  the  movement,  were  ever  jealously 
watching  the  conduct  of  their  superiors  with  as  much  honesty  as 


124 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fnooK  I. 


was  left  untouched  by  their  more  decided  exclusion  from  official 
temptations.  At  the  epoch  in  which  we  now  resume  our  nar- 
rative they  were  however  in  power  ;  they  in  fact  ruled  the  state, 
and  an  aristocracy  so  recently  subdued  was  still  the  great  ob- 
ject of  their  fears  :  hence  as  early  as  December  of  the  past  year 
no  less  than  seventeen  members  of  the  Rardi,  Kossi,  Fresco- 
baldi,  Donati,  Pazzi,  and  Cavicciuli  families,  were  unjustly 
exiled  although  they  had  already  retired  to  their  castles  ex- 
pressly to  avoid  giving  either  offence  or  suspicion  to  the  people. 
The  same  spirit  again  showed  itself  in  a  league  made  with 
Perugia,  Siena,  and  Arezzo,  to  pull  down  the  Tarlati  and  all 
others  that  might  attempt  to  usui-p  the  government  of  any  free 
state :  new  lists  were  made  of  exiles  and  public  rebels  whose 
official  sentences  had  been  bmiied  in  the  revolution,  and  hai'sh 
laws  were  again  prumidgated  against  the  nobles,  by  which  rela- 
tions became  responsible  for  each  other's  conduct  although 
really  or  nominally  enemies.  Nor  did  this  vindictive  spirit 
stop  here  ;  many  nobles  had  retired  to  the  various  courts  of 
Italy ;  Milan  Verona  Ferrara  Bologna  Naples,  all  had  shel- 
tered and  employed  them  ;  but  they  were  now  denied  this 
refuge  ;  their  intercoiu^e  with  tyrants  was  jealously  regarded, 
and  on  pain  of  being  proclaimed  rebels  they  were  ordered 
to  return  and  reside  with  their  persecutors.  In  this  temper 
of  the  people  it  was  unlikely  that  the  great  offender  should 
escape,  nor  did  he  deserve  their  favour :  the  Duke  of  Athens 
from  the  moment  of  his  return  to  France  never  ceased  impor- 
tuning Philip  for  redress  against  Florence  and  compensation 
for  his  pretended  losses  by  no  less  an  act  than  the  seizure  and 
spoliation  of  all  Florentine  merchants  settled  in  tliat  country ! 
This  was  a  tender  point;  for  whatever  prosperity  accrued  to 
Florence  from  her  vast  and  univei'sal  commerce,  she  was  sensi- 
tive as  a  cobweb  and  the  slightest  touch  for  good  or  evil,  at  the 
extremities,  instantly  vibrated  to  the  centre.  Ambassadors  were 
promptly  despatched  to  place  the  duke's  conduct  in  its  true 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


Fr.ORENTINE   HISTORY. 


125 


light  before  King  Philip  while  a  reward  of  10,000  florins  was 
publicly  offered  at  Florence  for  his  head :  the  Florentine  mer- 
chants trembled,  but  the  popular  government  was  bold ;  and 
moreover  decreed  that  a  contemptuous  painting  should  be  made 
of  him  and  his  infamous  minions  on  the  wall  of  the  Podesta's 
palace  as  a  memorial  both  for  citizens  and  strangers.  This  insult 
redoubled  Walter's  enmity  and  in  the  following  Feb- 
ruary actually  brought  an  embassy  from  Philip  to 
demand  reparation ;  but  the  Florentines  easily  made  their  case 
good  against  him  and  the  ambassadors  were  treated  with  pe- 
culiar honour.  Neither  king  nor  duke  were  however  so  easily 
quieted,  and  letters  of  reprisal  were  at  once  issued  authorising 
the  latter  to  arrest  imprison  and  torture  the  Florentines  at  his 
pleasure,  without  risking  life  or  limb,  as  traitors  to  their  lord 
the  Duke  of  Athens.  The  Florentine  ambassadors  were  not 
heard,  their  offers  of  referring  the  cause  to  any  tribunal  out  of 
France  were  scouted,  and  a  general  flight  of  the  whole  com- 
mercial body  was  the  consequence  *. 

Such  was  the  precarious  state  of  commercial  persons  and 
property  in  those  days  when  the  Italian  merchants  were  de- 
signated by  the  contemptuous  names  of  '*  dog,'"  *'  usurer,''  and 
every  other  opprobrious  epithet,  because  they  justly  demanded 
liigh  interest  for  their  money  and  a  great  price  for  their  wares. 

The  Duke  of  Athens  had  reason  to  be  content ;  for  the  pub- 
lic debt  incurred  by  the  purchase  and  war  of  Lucca  in  addition 
to  his  sweeping  robberies,  left  the  community  totally  unable  to 
satisfy  the  demands  of  its  creditors  :  the  whole  sum  amounting 
to  OT 0,000  florins  was  secured  on  public  credit ;  but  unable  to 
liquidate  so  large,  an  amount  a  plan  was  then  adopted  by  go- 
vernment, and  the  first  payment  made  in  October  1345,  which 
has  been  since  followed  with  the  most  injurious  consequences 
by  all  European  nations. 

A  rejnster  was   made  containing  the  names  of  all  public 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxxvi.,  Iviu 


126 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


creditors  and  to  each  of  these  >vas  consigned  a  portion  of  the 
public  revenue  equal  to  five  per  cent,  per  annum  paid  monthly 
on  the  money  due.     The  quantity  of  cash  thus  collected  was 
vulctarly  called  -  Monte  "  or  "  Heap :  "  it  increased  m  war  and 
diminished  in  peace  ;  could  be  disposed  of  as  other  merchan- 
dise •  varied  in  its  value  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
time'  or  the  hopes  or  fears  of  the  parties  ;  gave  the  government 
a  greater  command  of  money,  and  consequently  a  wider  means 
of  mischief;   lightened    the  pains  of  taxation  and  imparted 
present  strength  with  the  certainty  of  future  weakness  ;  it  was 
in  short  the  first  permanent  fimded  debt  of  Florence,  and  pro- 
bably of  anv  other  nation  *.  •  i     i,- 
Mastino  della  Scala  however  was  flxr  from  content  with  this 
arrangement;   he  was  engaged  in  war;    demanded  100,000 
florins ;  and  becoming  suspicious  of  Florence  put  not  only  the 
hostactes  but  every  Florentine  merchant  at  ^\M•ona  and  ^  icenza 
into  prison ;  this  was  a  hard  act  and  the  Marquis  of  Este  at 
once  inteiTOsed  as  a  mediator ;  .Mastino  repaired  in  person  to 
Ferrara,  and  a  compromise  was  finally  made  for  the  immediate 
payment  of  00,000  florins  to  liquidate  the  debt.     It  was  not 
easy  to  raise  this,  but  government  accomplished  it  by  promising 
any  national  creditor  who  would  lend  a  sum  equal  to  his  exist- 
incr  claims,   full  pavment  of  the  double  debt  in  two  years ; 
M^tino  was  thus  satisfied,  both  merchants  and  hostn-cs  were 
set  free  and  the  national  debt  confined  within  the  bounds  of 
the  republic.     Thus  ended  the  folly  of  purchasing  the  city  ol 
Lucca,  but  not  its  consequences  \. 

Whatever  might  have  been  the  defects  of  this  exclusively 
democratic  government,  it  was  at  least  mar^^ed  by  a  bold  and 
victorous  assertion  of  its  o^^^l  dignity,  not  amidst  the  pnde  of 
power  and  conquest  but  in  distress  and  poverty,  a  boldness  that 
excited  both  censure  and  surprise ;  and  this  was  particularly 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxxvi.     Rub.  xii.--T.oon.  Aretino,  Lib  jii. 
—Mar.  di  Coppo   Stefani,  Lib.  viii.,     f  Gio.  Villaui,  Lib.  xu.,  cap.  xlix. 


CHAP. 


XX..] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


127 


manifested  in  its  treatment  of  the  clergj  and  inquisitor  of 
Florence.  Many  of  the  nobles  and  Popolani  Grassi  belonged 
to  the  sacred  orders  where  they  carried  all  their  wonted  inso- 
lence along  with  them,  and  the  more  confidently  from  a  reliance 
on  certain  ecclesiastical  privileges  which  were  supposed  to  raise 
them  above  any  civil  jurisdiction:  on  the  other  hand  the  inferior 
artisans,  new  to  honoius  and  unaccustomed  to  power,  were  not 
disposed  to  use  their  authority  too  meekly  and  far  from  unwil- 
ling to  exert  its  utmost  force  in  cases  even  remotely  affecting 
the  nobles  and  richer  citizens.  The  conduct  of  the  clergy  had 
however  become  so  offensive  as  to  draw  forth  a  decree  which 
amongst  other  provisions  declared,  that  if  a  priest  were  thence- 
forth to  outrage  a  lay  citizen  he  should,  notwithstanding  all 
pontifical  briets  to  the  contrary,  be  prosecuted  in  the  ordinaiy 
courts  as  if  he  were  a  simple  layman,  and  be  liable  to  the  same 
punishment  both  in  goods  and  person  :  and  if  he  presumed  to 
appeal  either  to  the  pope  or  any  delegated  ecclesiastical  judge, 
his  appeal  should  be  disregarded  and  judgment  given  as  if 
none  were  made,  and  his  nearest  relations  rendered  liable  in 
person  and  property  f(»r  its  instant;nioous  withdrawal.  Appeals 
of  any  sort  to  ecclesiastical  judges  whether  from  layman  or 
priest,  were  at  the  sauie  time  forbidden  in  civil  suits:  this  was 
to  abate  a  custom  then  prevalent  of  embarrassing  the  legal 
judgments  on  private  contracts,  as  well  as  in  those  numerous 
mercantile  causes  with  which  so  many  recent  failures  had  filled 
the  courts  of  Florence  =:=. 

The  necessity  and  aljstract  justice  of  these  measures  as  wtII 
as  the  commonwealth  s  strict  right  to  uphold  its  judicial  dignity 
iire  iUiknowledged  by  the  honesty  of  Villani  wliile  his  super- 
stitious veneration  for  the  church  denies  the  lawfulness  of 
using  it  to  the  prejudice  of  ecclesiastical  rights  :  but  the  bold- 
ness of  such  an  act  at  that  epoch  in  the  face  of  a  rich  and 


*  Gio.   Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.   xliii. — March,   di  Coppo  Stefani,   Lib.   viii., 
Rubrica  16. 


128 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


imperious  pontiff,  may  be  easily  conceived  when  both  contem- 
porary and  subsequent  writers  either  openly  blame  it  as  sacri- 
legious, or  handle  it  with  hesitation  and  delicacy  as  if  fearful 
of\eing  thought  to  approve  of  such  a  precedent ;  nor  was  so 
enlightened  an  audacity  ever  afterwards  renewed  until  the 
memorable  reign  of  Peter  Leopold  of  Austria. 

A  serious  quan-el  with  the  pope  and  a  malediction  on  all 
who  had  been  instrumental  in  this  invasion  of  chm'ch  rights 
followed  as  a  matter  of  course ;  the  weakness  of  Bishop  Acci- 
aiuoli  for  making  no  opposition  to  this  law  was  genendly  blamed 
by  the  devout,  and  attributed  to  depression  of  spirits  consequent 
upon  the  misfortunes  of  his  family  which  had  suffered  by  the 
recent  failures.    Yillani  sharply  reproaches  him  and  adds,  that 
the  commonwealth  was  ill  governed  by  the  nobles,  and  worse 
by  the  Popolani,  and  at  that  time  abounded  with  obscure  and 
ignorant  artisans  without  discretion,  who  ruled   it   at  their 
pleasure.     "May  it  please  God,"  he  continues,  "that  their 
administration  turn  out  well,  but  I  doubt  it."     The  honest 
prejudices  of  this  historian,  himself  one  of  the  richer  class  of 
Popolani,  were  probably  startled  at  the  audacity  of  the  new 
rulers  and  shocked  at  their  severity  even  against  Walter  de 
Brienne;  but  he  tacitly  gives  them  the  preference  over  their 
predecessors,  sometimes  covertly  applauds,  and  is  always  too 
just  to  blame  inchscriminately. 

The  government  soon  after  displayed  equal  determination 
but  accompanied  with  some  barbarity,  in  a  subsequent  quarrel 
with  the  chief  inquisitor  of  Florence. 

Piero  deir  Aquila  a  Franciscan  monk  of  a  haughty  avaricious 
nature  who  held  that  office,  was  appointed  by  the  Cardinal  of 
Spain  to  act  as  his  agent  for  the  recovery  of  1^2,000  florins  due 
by  the  bankrupt  company  of  Acciaiuoli ;  and  as  a  better  secu- 
rity for  this  debt  the  inquisitor  caused  Salvestro  Baroncelli,  one 
of  the  partners,  to  be  arrested  by  three  of  the  Podesta's  messen- 
gers and  other  officei-s,  as  he  came  out  from  the  prior's  palace 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


129 


with  their  peniiission  and  official  escort.  This  insolent  and 
illegal  act  created  an  immediate  tumult;  the  palace  guards 
joined  those  of  the  captain,  rescued  the  prisoner  and  arrested 
the  messengers,  who  were  immediately  sentenced  to  lose  one 
hand  and  have  ten  years  of  banishment :  even  the  Podesta 
after  humbling  himself  before  the  indignant  Seignory  saved  the 
rest  of  his  officers  from  a  similar  fate  only  by  proving  that  in 
their  ignorance  they  had  been  misled  by  the  messengers. 
Upon  this  Piero  delF  Aquila  retired  in  anger  to  Siena  leaving 
an  anathema  on  the  pi'iors  and  captain  of  the  people  unless 
Baroncelli  were  delivered  up  within  six  days. 

This  violent  conduct  was  appealed  against  by  a  formal  em- 
bassy to  Clement  which  unfolded  the  whole  proceeding  with  a 
complaint  of  the  inquisitor's  anterior  practice  of  receiving 
bribes  for  pardons  on  false  accusations  of  heresy :  by  this  he 
had  accumulated  7000  llorins  in  two  years  when  such  a  thing 
as  a  heretic  scarcely  existed  in  Florence.  But  he  managed, 
they  said,  by  citcliiiig  at  every  unguarded  expression  and,  if 
tlie  offender  were  rich,  twisting  it  into  a  crime  against  religion, 
to  swell  his  official  records,  fill  his  private  coffei*s,  and  simul- 
taneously recoiomend  himself  as  a  zealous  champion  of  th3 
Catholic  faith.   ' 

Clement  notwithstanding  his  anger  about  the  late  edicts  was 
compelled  in  justice  to  suspend  the  inquisitor  and  annul  his 
acts ;  but  the  Ilorentincs  to  prevent  any  repetition  of  such 
abuse  made  a  decree  after  the  example  of  Pemgia,  Spain,  and 
other  states,  that  forbid  any  future  inquisitor  to  meddle  with 
matters  beyond  his  office  or  to  impose  a  fine  on  Florentme 
citizens.  If  he  could  convict  them  of  heresy,  they  might  be 
most  religiously  burned,  but  not  fined  for  their  opinions  or  be 
any  longer  confined  in  the  nK^uisitor's  prisons :  these  were  now 
abolished  and  those  of  the  community  made  the  common  recep- 
tacle for  all  offenders.  Besides  this,  public  officers  were  for- 
bidden to  arrest  any  man  at  the  instance  of  the  inquisitor  or 

VOL.    II.  K 


uo 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


131 


the  bishops  of  Florence  and  Fiesole  without  ordei-s  from  govern- 
ment. The  armed  attendants  of  the  first  and  last  were  re- 
stricted to  six,  and  those  of  the  second  to  doable  that  number  ; 
for  the  abuse  of  this  privilege  had  arrived  at  such  a  height  that 
no  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  citizens  carried  arms  agamst 
law  under  the  auspices  of  Piero  deir  Aquila  and  for  his  sole 
emolument,  an  example  that  was  either  set  or  followed  by  both 

the  bishops.  .  .  ,    r^i  .• 

The  news  of  these  innovations  did  not  dimmish  Clement  s 
discontent  at  the  previous  attacks  on  ecclesiastical  power, 
wherefore  the  Cardinal  of  Spain  chagiined  at  his  onvti  failure 
f(3und  no  difficulty  in  fomenting  so  much  ill-will  at  the  court  of 
Avignon  that  Florence  was  again  throvMi  into  such  a  state  ot 
commotion  as  requked  a  second  embassy  to  assuage. 

These  decided  proceedings  coupled  with  a  pure  democraUc 
ascendancy  in  all  the  principal  magistracies,  was  so  gratmg  to 
the  nobles  and  Popolaiii  Grassi  that  some  partial  intercourse 
took  place  between  them,  and  this  being  perceived  by  the  rulmg 
powers  a  resolution  was  immediately  passed  to   recal  eveiy 
public  grant  made  to  individual  noldes  for  public  services  no 
matter  how  ancient :  a  hard  measure,  and  the  length  of  time 
that  such  rewards  had  been  enjoyed  rendered  it  also  an  uiyust 
one,  although  most  of  these  gifts  were,  iK.t  the  proofs  of  a 
whole  nation  s  gratitude,  but  that  of  an  ascendant  faction. 

By  this  decree  and  without  allowing  any  opportunity  ot 
defence,  the  Pazzi  lost  property  which  they  had  enjoyed  for 
four-and-thuty  years  ;  the  della  Tosa  family  were  simdarly 
treated ;  and  the  Pini  and  others  suffered  in  a  like  manner : 
the  whole  amount,  a  comparative  trifle  and  taken  rather 
throucth  anger  than  principle,  was  spent  on  the  Ponte  \  ec 
chio,  ^this  year  termmated,  and  the  Ponte  a  Santa  Trinitu. 
which  was  completed  in  1346-'-. 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xliv.-     eiT.-Leonar.lo  Arctino,  Lib.  vii.- 
Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefan!,  Lib.  viii.,  Rub.     Sc.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x. 


While  government  was  thus  employed  commerce  received  a 
severe  shock ;  the  town  was  already  full  of  bankrupts  and  the 
first  failure  of  the  Bardi  and  Pemzzi  with  its  disastrous  conse- 
quences has  already  been  mentioned;  but  the  resources  of 
these  potent  houses  appear  to  have  exceeded  their  honesty,  as 
notwithstanding  the  numbers  that  were  ruined  in  their  fall  they 
now  reappear  as  the  great  financial  agents  of  England  and 
Sicily  trusted  with  enormous  credits,  and  once  more  fallmg 
into  a  state  of  total  banlo'uptcy.  Edward  III.  owed  to  the 
Bardi  alone  900,000  florins  besides  000,000  to  the  Peruzzi, 
and  100,000  was  due  to  each  by  the  Sicilian  monarch.  The 
mania  for  speculation  seems  at  this  epoch  to  have  pervaded 
Florence,  for  the  number  of  inferior  houses  and  private  indi\i- 
duals  that  were  again  mined  by  these  foreign  loans  in  the 
hands  of  the  Bardi  and  Peruzzi,  is  spoken  of  as  enormous  ; 
and  consequently  the  extent  of  public  injury  in  a  small  com- 
munity so  closely  linked,  and  solely  depending  on  commerce, 
can  scarcely  be  api)reciated.  "  0  cursed  and  ravenous  wolf," 
exclaims  Villani  ^\-ith  all  the  bitterness  of  a  sufferer,  "  0  cm*sed 
and  ravenous  wolf  swohi  with  that  insatiable  greediness  that 
rules  or  blinds  our  distracted  citizens  who  through  their  thirst 
of  gaining  money  from  the  great,  place  their  own  and  their 
neighbours'  substance  at  their  disposal !  And  by  this  is  our 
republic  so  lost  and  desolate  that  scarcely  any  property  remains 
with  our  people  save  amongst  some  few  artificers  and  money- 
lenders who  by  their  exactions  consume  and  gather  together 
for  themselves  the  scattered  poverty  of  our  subjects  and  citi- 
zens." This  honest  man  had  good  cause  to  rue  the  evils  he 
describes,  for  the  failure  of  the  Buonaccorsi  brought  him  to 
poverty  and  it  is  also  said  to  prison,  along  with  many  other  vic- 
tims ;  even  the  Bardi  now  resigned  everything  to  their  creditors 
and  from  all  then*  princely  domains  only  paid  about  thirty  per 
cent,  of  what  they  owed,  while  the  Peruzzi  paid  one-third  less 
on  their  real   property    and   compounded   for   sixteen   shil- 

k2 


132 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


133 


lings  in  the  pound  on  die  recoveo^  of  what  was  clue  by  the  two 

sovereigns*. 

This  general  impoverishment  served  as  an  additional  incen- 
tive to  le^nslation  on  a  favourite  subject  amongst  the  graver 
citizens  ;  for  in  Florence  female  fancy  and  extravagance  were 
continuallv  at  war  ^rith  masculine  pmdence  and  gravity  ;  so  that 
sumptuar:^  laws  were  repeatedly  enacted  and  form  a  prominent 
chapter  in  the  -  Florentine  Statnter  Especial  officers  were 
api^ointed  to  execute  them  while  female  ingenuity  still  baffled 
lemslation :  the  priors  however  showed  a  fair  example  by  com- 
mencing with  their  own  table  and  then  proceeded  to  more 

useful  reforms.  ,      ^  ^     ■ 

Inorder  toremedv  the  many  legal  abuses  and  excessive  delay  in 
litigated  questions  of  real  property,  by  which  then  as 
A.D.  1346.   ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^g^  ^^g  commonly  mined,  the  prioi-s  were  in- 
vested with  authority  to  form  a  board  of  two  citizens  from  each 
quarter  who  were  to  register  all  real  property  in  the  Florentine 
dominions  as  well  as  everv  subsequent  alienation  of  it,  and  thus 
establish  a  secure  title  without  the  necessity  of  further  proof ; 
a  vast  benefit  everywhere,  but  especially  in  that  time   and 
countiy  where  the  lawless  great  with  utter  contempt  for  public 
opinion  despoiled  the  poor  by  advancing  bold  unfounded  claims 
ba^ed  onlv  on  riches  and  the  law  s  delay.     Nor  were  the  cri- 
minal courts  unheeded  ;  for  a  feeling  was  abroad  that  many 
innocent  people  at  various  times  had  been  condemned  and  exe- 
cuted bv  unjust  judges,  wherefore  a  law  was  about   this  time 
passed  to  forbid  the  Podesta's  twelve  foreign  ab^eb.ors  irom 
bem<^  chosen  in  anv  place  withhi  thirty  miles  of  his  ordinary 
residence,  and  while  in  Florence  to  separate  them   entirely 
from  him  and  the  citizens,  except  when  employed  on  official 
business.     Other  restrictions  were  added,  all  theoretically  laud- 
able, but  useless  when  unsupported  by  just  and  moral  feeling 
in  the  people  or   honest   principles  on  the    bench:    ni  the 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  Iv. 


same  spirit  a  new  magistracy  called  the  "  Fourteen  Defenders 
of  Liberty  "  was  created  to  enforce  these  and  all  other  public 
ordinances.  Giovanni  da  Cerreto  who  became  gonfalonier  in 
May  was  not  however  quite  satisfied  with  the  provisions  that 
his  predecessors  had  made  for  preserving  the  dignity  and 
authority  of  government;  he  therefore  issued  a  decree  that 
stamped  with  the  crime  of  rebellion  any  assistance  afforded  to 
persons  who  presumed  to  appe;d  from  the  national  tribunals  or 
endeavoured  to  procure  the  interference  of  foreign  courts  with 
the  judgments  awarded  in  those  of  Florence,  particularly  when 
in  favour  of  government-.  This  laudable  jealousy  of  eccle- 
siastical meddling  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  fear  of  imperial 
aggressions  and  Ghibeliiie  intluence,  both  of  which  still  con- 
tinued so  strong  that  tlie  election  of  Charles  IV.  although  the 
chosen  candidate  of  Clement  and  contemptuously  called  the 
"  priests'  emperor,"  aroused  an  ancient  spirit  along  with  a  new 
and  formidable  party  in  th(^  political  factions  of  Florence  : 
Henr}^  of  Luxemburg  and  their  beleaguered  city  were  not  yet 
forgotten  ;  John  of  Bohemia's  enmity  was  comparatively  recent, 
and  liis  son  was  naturally  misti-usted  on  the  imperial  throne. 
A  league  with  Siena  for  ten  years  to  support  Pope  Clement 
and  the  church  was  the  first  symptom  of  public  suspicion  ;  but 
the  captains  of  the  "  Party  Guelph  "  now  began  to  interfere 
with  the  government  and  as  conservators  of  that  interest  pro- 
cured a  law  to  exclude  from  public  office  all  district  citizens 
unless  three  generations  of  their  family,  including  themselves, 
had  been  bora  in  Florence  or  the  Contado.  This  law  was  con- 
sidered the  more  necessary  because  many  of  the  inferior  arti- 
ficei"s  from  the  neighbouring  towns  were  amongst  the  Consuls 
of  Arts  and  under  that  title  found  a  place  in  the  scrutiny- 
list  ;  they  raised  the  influence  of  the  lower  orders  ;  were  chosen 
priors,  colleagues,  gonfeloniers,  and  exercised  all  these  offices 
with  such  presumption  as  to  disgust  the  old  and  genuine  citizens. 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  497. 


134 


FLORENTINE   HISTOHY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


135 


This  was  an  insidious  attack  on  the  real  democracy,  hut  the 
ostensihle  motive  was  an  apprehension  of  fostering  and  aug- 
menting Ghibeline  sentiments  in  the  administrative  comicils  by 
the  introdueUon  of  these  strangers,  whose  opinions  were  either 
known  or  suspected,  at  a  moment  too  when  new  fears  had  ansen 
from  the  emperor's  intention  of  visiting  Italy ;  and  especially  as 
amonc'st  them  were  Flemings,  Gennans,  and  other  foreigners 
who  hi  asserting  a  Florentme  birth  and  (^uelphic  principles 
could  give  no  satisfactorj'  account  of  their  progenitors*. 

This  incipient  interference  of  the  party  Guelph  in  state  poli- 
tics was  the  commencement  of  important  changes,  particularly 
the  elevation  of  that  magistracy  to  a  pernicious  height  with 
the  despotic  exercise  of  unconstitutional  powtn-s  that  brought 
death  and  exile  on  many  a  citizen  and  ultimate  destractiou 
to  liberty.      Encom'aged  by  the  success  of  their  efforts  the 
*'  Party  "  soon  after  attempted  another  reform  of  the  scnitmy- 
Usts  where,  as  they  declared,  the  names  of  many  Ghibelines 
had  been  introduced  amongst  the  consuls  of  the  twenty-one 
arts ;  but  the  latter  were  still  so  powerful  that  a  sedition  was 
apprehended  if  this  inquisition  were  pushed  too  hastily  forward. 
To  satisfy  the  Party  Guelph  however  a  decree  issued 
A.D.  1347.  ^^^^  annulled  the' official  eligibility  of  any  GhibeUnc 
whose  father  or  himself,  from  the  year  1:^00  to  the  date  of  the 
law,  had  been  declared  a  rebel,  who  had  lived  in  a  rebellious 
town,  or  had  joined  in  open  war  against  the  commonwealth. 
The  penalty  was  1000  tlorins  both  to  electors  and  elected,  with 
the  forfeiture  of  the  latter  s  head  if  not  paid  within  a  given 
time  ;  and  nobodv,  unless  known  to  l)e  a  tnie  Guelph  and 
friend  of  the  church,  although  not  a  rebel  or  enemy  of  Florence, 
could  enjoy  anv  public  office  whatever  under  a  penalty  of  500 
tlurins  besides  *1000  to  be  levied  on  the  seignoiy  before  whom 
he  should  be  accused  if  they  did  not  condemn  him  after  his 

*  Gio.  Villmi,  Lib.  xii.,   cap.  Ixxii.— Mar.  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Lib.  viii.,  Rub. 
632,  Note. 


ineligibility  had  been  proved.  To  accomplish  this,  six  respect- 
able witnesses  were  necessary,  all  previously  known  and 
approved  by  the  consuls  of  the  trade  to  which  the  accused 
belonged  if  an  artisan ;  and  if  not ;  by  the  priors  and  their 
twelve  good  counsellors. 

This  incipient  inquiiy  into  the  political  principles  of  public 
men  led  to  important  consequences,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter ; 
but  its  immediate  effects  were  the  condemnation  of  several 
artisans  and  the  refusal  of  office  by  many  others  through  fear 
of  similar  treatment :  their  places  were  of  course  filled  up  by 
staunch  Guelphs  and  men  of  higher  rank ;  and  eveiy  low  weed 
thus  removed  left  the  ground  more  open  for  taller  plants ; 
but  now  the  noxious  shadow  of  the  party  Guelph  began 
to  spread  un wholesomely  over  the  commonwealth.  This 
baneful  influence  was  further  strengthened  in  the  following 
July  when  six  priors,  with  an  intention  of  indirectly  paralysmg 
the  new  law,  endeavoured  to  enact  that  no  witnesses  whatever 
should  be  Talid  against  a  Ghibelme  unless  previously  approved 
of  by  the  priors,  and  their  colleagues:  the  attempt  created 
much  disturbance,  the  party  Guelph  authoritatively  opposed  it, 
and  the  law  of  January  was  confirmed  with  more  severe 
penalties  than  before  -"'. 

But  these  apprehensions  of  Charles  and  the  Ghibelines  were 
not  confined  to  Florence,  wherefore  a  Guelphic  league  was  in 
the  same  spirit  concluded  with  Siena,  Peragia,  Arezzo,  and 
other  places ;  amongst  them  San  Miniato,  which  driven  to 
desperation  by  aristocratic  tyranny  surrendered  herself  and  her 
hberties  for  five  years  to  the  Florentines.  Known  Ghibelines 
were  further  persecuted  by  a  prohibition  to  use  annorial  bear- 
ings ;  and  to  show  public  hatred  in  a  more  significant  manner 
towards  the  Duke  of  Athens,  all  those  priors  appointed  by  him 
were  coupled  with  the  former  in  this  insulting  and  contemptuous 
decree ;  and  where  they  had  already  assumed  arms  and  placed 

*  Gio.  Yillani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  Lxxix.,  xcii. 


136 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


them  on,  or  in  their  houses;  as  was  customary  after  the  honours 
of  the  priorship  ;  they  were  compelled  to  remove  the  escutcheon 
in  disgrace  under  penalty  of  1000  florins.  Public  officers  of 
all  descriptions  except  those  in  charge  of  prisons  were  also 
forbidden  by  this  seignoiy  to  carry  offensive  arms,  and  everj' 
possible  precaution  seems  to  have  been  taken  to  prevent  those 
private  atfrays  and  sudden  acts  of  bloodshed  which  the  manners 
of  the  age  so  much  permitted  and  encouraged :  these  were  the 
chief  proceedings  of  a  low  and  real  democracy  *. 

About  this  period  considerable  interest  was  excited  in  Fk)- 
rence  by  the  appearance  of  an  embassy  from  the  celebrated 
Nicola  di  Rienzi  tribune  of  the  Roman   people   whose  bold 
rapid  and  somewhat  theatrical  career  had  l)ecome  the  wonder 
and  admiration  of  Europe.      The  long  protracted  absence  of 
pontifical  government  had  made  Kome  a  scene  of  anarchy :  n<» 
law,  no  justice,  no  civil  protection ;  every  man  acted  for  liim- 
self  alone,  without  reference  to  the  safety  or  the  rights  of 
others :  the  two  senators  Oi-sini,  and  Colonna,  each  with  his 
owni  faction,  were  hereditaiy  and  deadly  enemies :  the  public 
revenue   was   plundered,    the   pope    defrauded,    the    streets 
infested  with  assassins,  the  roads  with  robbei-s,  and  pilgrims  no 
longer  visited  the  sacred  shrines,  for  none  were  sale  from 
viofence  :  the  ancient  temples  everywhere  rose  into  fortresses 
and  notliing  but  war  and  slaughter  were  seen  in  the  Ete^mal 
City.    In  the  midst  of  this  confusion  appeared  a  certain  Nicola 
or  Cola  son  of  one  Lorenzo  or  lUenzo  a  petty  innkeeper,  and 
Madalena  a  washerwoman  of  Rome.     Cola  di  Rienzo  s  own 
exertions  had  already  raised  him  to  the  rank  of  notary ;  his 
natui-ally  refined  intellect  was  cultivated  until  lie  became  a 
perfect  scholar ;  he  excelled  in  all  literaiy  acciuircments  and 
was  gifted  with  powers  of  elocution  for  beyond  the  common 
standard  :  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  ancient  Rome  he  existed 
only  in  her  authors,  revelled  amidst  her  antiquities,  deciphered 

♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xcii. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


137 


her  mouldering  inscriptions,  and  lamented  her  fallen  state ;  but 
while  still  musing  over  her  misfortunes  heroically  resolved  to 
accomplish  her  deUverance,  His  extraordinary  abilities,  dis- 
played in  an  embassy  to  Avignon  where  Petrarch  is  said  to  have 
been  joined  with  him,  so  struck  Pope  Clement  VI.  that  he  im- 
mediately made  him  notary  to  the  apostolical  chamber  at  Rome 
although  deaf  to  the  eloquence  that  would  fain  have  persuaded 
him  to  return  there.  In  tliis  distinguished  post  Cola  gained 
universal  respect  by  his  integrity,  and  soon  began  to  declaim 
openly  against  the  oppressors  of  his  country :  at  a  public  meet- 
ing in  the  capitol  he  fearlessly  reproached  the  leading  factions 
with  their  crimes  but  gained  nothing  except  a  blow  from  An- 
dreozzo  Colonna,  and  an  indecent  insult  from  an  underling. 
His  next  feat  was  the  exhibition  of  an  allegorical  picture  on  the 
walls  of  the  capitol  which  told  the  melancholy  storj^  of  Rome 
and  the  fate  of  more  ancient  nations  under  the  withering 
eifects  of  injustice,  and  when  the  people's  attention  was  once 
excited,  he  suddenly  poured  forth  one  of  those  powerful  strains 
of  eloquence  in  which  he  so  much  excelled,  and  with  all  the 
spirit  of  the  Gracchi  denounced  the  nobles  and  their  disgi'ace- 
fui  tyranny,  even  with  more  reason  than  those  worthy  and 
renowned  citizens.  On  another  occasion  he  produced  a 
decree  of  the  ancient  senate  which  he  had  recently  discovered, 
and  showed  it  to  the  people  as  an  act  of  that  body  in- 
vesting Vespasian  >rith  the  authority  of  emperor:  after  this 
he  again  harangued  them  on  the  antique  majesty  of  the  Roman 
people  who  made  emperors  their  vicars  by  clothing  them  with 
theii'  own  rights  and  power.  "  These  princes,"  said  he,  "  only 
"  existed  by  the  will  of  your  ancestors ;  and  you,  you  have 
"  allowed  the  two  eyes  of  Rome  to  be  torn  away ;  you  have 
"allowed  both  pope  and  emperor  to  abandon  your  walls 
"  and  be  no  longer  dependent  on  your  will."  The  conse- 
quence of  this,  as  he  told  them,  was  banished  peace,  ex- 
liausted  strength,  discord,  the  blood  of  numbei-s  shed  in  private 


133 


FLORENTINE   HISTORT. 


[book  I. 


war ;  and  that  city,  once  the  queen  of  nations,  reduced  so  low 
as  to  be  their  scorn  and  mocker}'.     *•  Romans,"  he  continued, 
"you  have  no  peace;    your  lands  lie  untillcd ;    the  jubilee 
*'  approaches  ;  you  have  no  provisions  ;  and  if  those  who  come 
"  as  pilgrims  to  Rome  should  find  you  unprovided  they  will 
"  carry  the  verj'  stones  away  in  the  fuiy  of  their  hunger,  and 
"  even  the   stones   will   not  suffice    for  mkIi   a   multitude." 
The  people  applauded  and  the  nobles  mocked  him:  hke  the  first 
Bmtus  thev  even  invited  him  for  amusement  to  their  revels 
and  made  him  harangue  them  like  a  mountebank  while  they 
ridiculed  his  eloquent  tniths  and  fearless  denunciations.     Alle- 
gorical paintings  were  from  time  to  time  posted  in  various  parts 
of  the  city  with  corresponding  labels,  such  as  "  The  hour  of 
justice  approaches,  wait  t  ho  it  for  her,''  and,  ''Within  a   brief 
space  the  Romans  will  reassume  their  ancient  and  good  stated 

But  Rienzo  was  still  ridiculed  and  his  proceedings  considered 
as  the  mere  visions  of  leanied  vanity :  it  was  not  with  pictures 
and  sententious  mottos,  they  said,  that  Rome  could  now  be 
ref^enerated,  something  more  was  requisite :  Cola  was  also  of 
this  opinion,  ajid  seeing  that  the  public  mind,  whether  in 
gravity  or  mockery,  was  now  alive  to  the  subject,  inmiediately 
resolved  on  more  vigorous  action.      Secretly  assembling  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  most  determined  spirits  from  every 
class  except  the  veiy  highest  nobility,  he  addressed  them  on 
the  Aventine  Hill  and  conjured  them  to  assist  him  in  the 
deliverance  of  their  common  countr}' :  he  unfolded  his  plans ; 
assured  them  of  the  popes  acquiescence;  developed  the  re- 
sources of  Rome  and  the  wholesome  vigour  of  an  honest  popu- 
lar government ;  and  then  administering  an  oath  to  each  he 
dismissed  the  assembly. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  May  1347  taking  advantage  of  the 
potent  Stefano  Colonna  s  temporar}'  absence  with  most  of  his 
forces,  Cola  proceeded  in  solemn  but  unarmed  procession  to 
the  capitol  where  he  laid  his  whole  enterprise  open  before  the 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


139 


assembled  people :  shouts  of  enthusiastic  approbation  rolled 
through  the  crowd  and  Rienzo  was  instantly  invested  with 
sovereign  authority.  Old  Stefano  Colonna  soon  returned 
and  haughtily  refused  to  quit  Rome  again  at  the  command  of 
the  dictator  whose  orders  he  treated  with  contempt :  on  hear- 
ing this  Rienzo  suddenly  assembled  the  armed  citizens,  and 
by  a  vigorous  assault  on  the  stronghold  of  Stefano  mastered  all 
his  forces  and  compelled  him  to  fly  from  the  city  with  only  a 
single  domestic :  the  other  liarons  succumbed,  the  town  was 
guarded,  fortified,  and  soon  cleared  of  those  ferocious  bands  of 
miscreants  that  had  so  long  infested  it  under  aristocratic 
licence  and  protection:  a  parliament  then  assembled  which 
sanctioned  every  act,  and  bestowed  on  Rienzo  the  high-sounding 

titles  of  TRIBUNE  OF  THE  TEOPLE,  and  LIBERATOR  OF  ROME. 

Thus  was  Roman  liberty  for  a  moment  restored  by  a  single 
member  of  her  humblest  class  of  citizens :  such  is  the  power 
of  eloquence,  when  tyranny  prepares  its  way  and  honesty  dic- 
tates its  periods !  The  Muse  of  Poetry  too,  has  thrown  her 
wreath  over  the  brows  of  that  '' Spirto  gentiV"  that  dared, 
though  but  for  a  season,  to  drive  oppression  from  those  ancient 
walls,  which  the  world  still  feared,  and  loved,  and  trembled  at-^ 

An  oath  of  obedience  to  the  tribune  was  administered,  and 
generally  taken,  even  by  some  of  the  Orsini,  Colonnesi,  Savelli, 
and  several  others  of  the  proudest  barons  who  now  bowed  to 
liis  authority :  the  roads  were  made  safe  ;  the  markets  soon 
filled ;  the  poor  received  protection,  severe  and  instantaneous 
justice  was  distributed ;  no  murders,  no  violations,  no  outrages 
now  remained  unpunished  and  all  became  so  tranquil,  safe,  and 
orderly  that  a  i)urse  of  gold  might  have  been  openly  and  se- 
curely carried  through  the  streets  of  Rome.  With  all  this 
excellence  there  was  yet  a  certain  vanity  about  Rienzo  that 


•  See  Petrarca's  Canzone  generally  "Spirtogentil^che  quelle  memhrareg- 
though  perhaps  erroneously  supposed  gi"  "  L'antiche  mura^  ch*  ancor 
to  be  addressed  to  Cola, '  beginning    teme^ed  ama, E irema'l  mondo;' kc. 


HO 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


argued  weakness  and  instability:  he  assumed  the  pompous 
titles  of  "  Nicola  the  Severe  and  Clement ;  "  ''  Lihemtor  of 
Borne;  "  "  The  Zealous  for  the  f/ood  of  Italy,''  ''  The  Lover  (f 
the  Worldy''  and  *'The  Aufjust  Tribune:''  but  upright  magis- 
trates were  created,  many  chiefs  of  factions  who  disturbed  the 
country  were  executed,  the  noxious  and  nonjuring  great  were 
banished,  and  a  gleam  of  tranquillity  burst  over  the  long- 
benighted  city. 

To  save  Rome  was  not  suflficient ;  Cola  aspired  to  be  the 
liberator  of  all  Italy  and  to  restore  the  lloman  commonwealth 
to  its  ancient  national  plenitude :  he  therefore  wrote  pompous 
epistles  to  the  Italian  states  and  princes  and  so  imposing  had 
been  his  success  that  they  were  everywhere  received  with 
reverence.  From  Florence  in  particular,  which  he  tlatteringly 
styled  the  daughter  of  ancient  Rome,  he  demanded  and  in- 
stantly received  militar}-  aid,  and  his  ambassadors  were  most 
honourably  entert<ained  notwithstanding,  as  we  are  told  by 
Villani,  that  wise  and  discreet  persons  pronounced  the  tri- 
bune's enteq)rise  to  be  a  fantiistic  proceeding  tliat  would  never 

last. 

Rienzo's  vanity  augmented  daily,  until  at  last  causing  himself 
to  be  dubbed  a  knight,  he  with  vast  ostentation  jmd  expense 
finished  by  bathing  in  the  great  porphyrs'  sarcophagus  where 
the  emperor  Constantine  was  supposed  to  have  received  his 
baptism :  he  also  affected  to  write  with  a  pen  of  iine  silver,  de- 
claiing  that  his  office  was  too  noble  for  its  holder  to  use  a 
common  quill.  Louis  of  Bavaria,  Charles  of  Bohemia,  and 
the  imperial  electors,  were  theatrically  summoned  to  appear 
before  the  majesty  of  Rome  and  show  their  reasons  for  pretend- 
ing to  dispose  of  the  empire ;  and  even  Clement  VI.  and  the 
whole  sacred  college  were  as  is  said  also  cited  to  return  :  but 
here  the  apostolic  vicar,  hitherto  his  steady  supporter,  pro- 
t«:;sted  against  any  such  interference  with  pontifical  power, 
wliile  Rienzo  careless  of  consequences  declared  that  all  he  did 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


]41 


was  dictated  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  even  styled  himself  a  can- 
didate for  that  uiexplicable  mystery. 

The  powerful  Colonnesi,  the  Savelli,  and  Orsini  could  ill 
brook  this  upstart  s  sovereignty,  and  therefore  secretly  banding 
together  attempted  to  enter  Rome  with  a  strong  force  ;  but 
Rienzo  assembled  the  citizens  and  completely  routed  them, 
killing  a  Stefano,  a  Giovanni,  and  a  Pietro  Colonna  besides 
many  other  nobles  and  their  followers.  The  tribune's  head 
was  not  strong  enough  to  support  all  this  ;  he  multiplied  cere- 
monies, indulged  in  vain  pomps,  walked  in  fanciful  processions, 
was  clothed  in  gorgeous  attire,  carried  globes  and  crowns  ;  and 
in  short  acted  all  the  romance,  and  exhibited  all  the  scenery 
of  antitpiity  in  a  manner  (piite  unworthy  of  his  original  charac- 
ter and  the  gravity  of  his  office.  He  in  fact  loved  these  pomps 
more  than  the  people  did  whom  he  thought  to  dazzle  ;  and  in- 
stead of  stimding  alone,  and  simple,  and  severe,  to  tell  his  own 
story,  hke  one  of  the  columns  of  his  native  city,  he  was  soon  lost 
in  the  empty  splendours  of  modem  royalty. 

Exhausting  the  national  treasure  ;  served  by  the  great 
alone ;  his  wife  and  kinsmen  similarly  honoured ;  allpng 
himself  by  his  sister's  marriage  with  the  unpopular  nobility ; 
and  afterwards  making  his  son,  in  allusion  to  his  success, 
assume  the  title  of  "  Messer  Lorenzo  della  Vittoria;  "  the  once 
honoured  tribune  began  to  decline  in  public  estimation.  He  had 
contrived  to  get  old  StelVino  Colonna  and  the  principal  Roman 
barons  within  his  power  but  treated  them  honourably  ;  once  at 
a  dinner  given  to  them,  that  ancient  chief,  while  discussing  the 
tpiestion  of  whether  it  were  better  for  a  state  that  its  rulers 
should  be  prodigal  or  avaricious,  took  hold  of  Rienzos  richly- 
.'mbroidered  mantle  and  said  ;  "  For  thee  Tribune,  it  would  he 
*'  better  methinka  to  urar  more  humble  attire  and  not  to  dress 
"  thyself  in  these  pomjtous  ornaments.''  Cola  stung  by  the  sar- 
(^asm  instantly  quitted  the  table  and  ordered  all  the  assembled 
nobles  to  be  arrested  on  pretence,  true  or  false,  of  a  conspuracy 


142 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


to  assassinate  him,  and  public  preparations  were  next  day  made 
for  their  decapitation ;  but  whether  Cola  really  intended  to 
execute  thera  or  only  to  strike  terror  by  the  perfonnance  of  a 
solemn  farce  seems  now  uncertain.  That  his  charge  of  conspi- 
racy was  just,  is  asserted  by  several  writers,  and  it  is  also  said 
that  Rienzo  had  positively  determined  to  put  all  the  barons  to 
death  at  one  blow,  but  becoming  aware  of  the  great  public  ex- 
citement and  compassion  that  would  arise  at  the  sight  of  so 
many  illustrious  victims  he  was  alarmed  for  himself  and  mak- 
ing a  virtue  of  necessity  forgave  them  all :  they  were  pardoned 
on  the  scaffold,  and  after  riding  with  the  tribune  through  Ptome 
and  being  presented  with  rich  apparel  were  appointed  to 
various  stiite  offices,  in  order  to  efface  eveiy  suspicion  and  verify 
the  pardon  ='^ 

This  apparently  capricious  display  of  authority  was  univer- 
sallv  blamed  :  *'a  flame,"  it  was  said,  *'liad  been  lighted  that 
would  not  be  easily  extinguished,"  and  tlie  consequences  soon 
became  manifest :  if  these  gentlemen  had  l)een  really  guilty 
they  now  had  an  opportunity  of  proceeding  more  confidently  to 
their  work ;  if  not,  false  mercy  after  real  injustice  was  only 
mockerv.  Thev  indijmantlv  retired  from  Rome,  revolted  from 
the  tribunes  authority;  roused  up  their  vassals;  occupied 
Nepi,  and  Palestrina ;  and  plundered  all  the  country  up  to  the 
gates  of  Rome. 

On  this  occasion  Rienzo  showed  no  resolution,  no  military 
talent,  none  of  the  ancient  working  spirit;  after  much  delay 
he  marched  against  the  seditious  nobles  but  accomplished 
nothing ;  Colonna  bearded  him  under  the  veiy  walls ;  a  gate 
was  opened  and  some  in*egular  sldrniishing  ensued;  young 
Colonna  boldly  entered  alone,  was  attacked  and  killed,  old 
Stefano  endeavoured  to  rescue  him  but  also  fell,  and  the 
tribune  ostentatiously  boasted  of  victoiy.     There  was  yet  more 

*  Vita  di  Rienzo,  cap.  xxviii.— Scritta   da    iuccito  Autorc   nel  Sccolo  xiv. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


343 


danger  within,  where  a  certain  Neapolitan  Count  Minorbino 
occupied  a  house  of  the  Colonna;  he  was  an  exile  and  had 
sought  shelter  in  Rome  where  his  disorderly  conduct  drew 
down  the  anger  of  Cola ;  being  ordered  to  retire  he  refused, 
and  having  banicaded  his  position  was  attacked  by  a  detach- 
ment of  cavalry.  The  bells  sounded,  but  the  people  were  care- 
less, languid,  indifferent ;  IMinorbino  was  countenanced  by  the 
popes  legate  ;  the  favour  of  Cola  had  declined,  and  his  orders 
and  eloquence  were  now  alike  unheeded.  At  length  being  con- 
vinced that  all  his  moral  influence  had  passed  aw^ay  and  his 
power  evaporated.  Cola  di  Rienzo  after  seven  months'  reign 
resigned  his  ensigns  of  oflice  on  the  seventeenth  of  December 
1347  and  retired  to  the  castle  of  Saint  Angelo  ;  the  city  gates 
were  opened,  the  exiled  barons  returned,  and  Rome  soon 
relapsed  into  a  worse  state  of  anarcliy  than  before  *. 

For  more  than  tliirtv  vears  the  heavy  chain  of  misfortune 
had  been  falling,  link  dfter  link,  on  the  devoted  city  of  Flo- 
rence :  wars,  sickness,  poverty,  famines,  floods,  fires,  and  san- 
guinary revolutions,  liad  successively  tried  the  spirit  of  her 
sons ;  yet  so  great  was  its  elasticity  that  they  still  rose  supe- 
rior, and  still  held  on  their  wonted  course  of  national  enter- 
prise. It  was  hoped  that  misfortune  had  at  length  exhausted 
her  quiver,  when  they  were  again  stricken  in  common  with  all 
the  world  by  her  most  deadly  shaft,  the  great  and  desolating 
plague  of  UU-s. 

This  dreadful  visitation,  which  began  in  the  fiir  east  and 
rolled  dismally  over  the  western  world,  pressed  with  unwonted 
weight  upon  Florence  where  the  people  were  predisposed 
for  disease  by  a  succession  of  events  that  both 
morally  and  physically  had  affected  the  whole  commu- 
nity.    As  far  back  a^  \^  year  1345  unusual  and  constant  rains 


A.D.  1348. 


•  Vita  di  Cola  di  Rienzo. — Gio.  Vil-  iv.,  cap.  xxxvii,  —  Petr.irca's  Letter 
lani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  xc — cv. — Muratori,  to  Cola.  F/(/cJ  De  Sade,  vol.  ii.,  Lib. 
Arinali,   An.    1347. — Sismondi,    vol.      iii.,p.  336. 


144 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


accompanied  and  followed  by  earthquakes  continued  from  the 
end  of  July  to  the  beginning  of  November ;  the  hanests  were 
nearly  ruined ;  but  few  grapes  appeared ;  tillage  was  inter- 
rupted, and  the  little  wine  that  could  be  made  had  proved  un- 
wholesome. 

The  Amo  again  swamped  bdf  llorence ;  streams,  swelled 
into  torrents,  rolled  over  banks  and  bridges  and  ravaged  every 
district :  Rifredi  and  Borghetto  were  ruined  by  the  Terzollii ; 
the  Mugnone  and  Kimaggio  did  eiiual  mischief,  and  an  over- 
whelming flood  was  hourly  expected  in  the  capitid  -. 

The  next  year's  harvest  liiiled,  and  the  rain  still  poured 
down  through  April,  May,  and  June  laiG,  with  storms  and 
tempests,  and  a  partial  destniction  of  the  smaller  seeds :  mis- 
fortune seemed  busily  broothng,  but  not  for  Florence  alone ; 
France  and  the  rest  of  Italy  were  struck  with  ecjual  apprehen- 
sions; com  and  wine  again  failed;  the  i)oultry  perished  for 
lack  of  food ;  cattle  of  every  kind  wef e  feaiiully  diminished ; 
the  price  of  oil  became  enormous,  and  fruit  was  almost  en- 
tirely extinct:  land  produced  at  the  utmost  a  quarter,  and 
in  some  places  only  a  sixth  of  the  customar}-  crops,  and  even 
that  was  miwholesome :  want  came  like  an  armed  man ;  the 
peasants  abandoned  their  farms  and  robbed  from  each  other 
through  sheer  necessity ;  or  else  begged  their  bread  in  Flo- 
rence where  the  concourse  of  starvmg  wretches  was  over- 
whelming. 

Xo  land  could  be  tilled  unless  the  owner  provided  sustenance 
in  kind  for  his  labourers  besides  the  necessary  seed,  and  this 
was  almost  impossible  even  at  an  enormous  .  ,)Nt  :  in  fonner 
scarcities  corn  was  extravagantly  dear  but  still  to  be  had  ;  now 
there  was  scarcely  any  even  for  the  highest  offers  until  the 
government  with  hifmite  exertion  and  by  mere  dint  of  money, 
imported  it  from  the  Maremma  Romagna  Sicily  Sardinia 
Calabria  Barbaiy  Tunis,  and  the  Archipelago.     But  even  the 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  1. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


145 


receipt  of  this  was  difficult;  for  Pisa  equally  distressed,  detained 
all  that  entered  Porto  Pisano  until  her  own  market  was  sup- 
plied.    Thirty  thousand  florms  were  nominally  thus  spent,  one 
tliird  of  which  was  supposed  to  have  found  its  way  into  the 
cotfers  of  dishonest  and  heartless  peculators.     Ten  great  ovens 
were  erected  by  the  government  and  strongly  barricaded  where 
by  day  and  night  men  and  women  were  constantly  employed 
in   making   bread:    this   was    distributed   every   morning   at 
the   sound  of  the  gi-eat  bell,  to  churches,  convents,    countiy 
parishes,  and  hungry  creatures  ;  but  with  exceeding  difficulty, 
from  the  fierce  pressure  of  starving  multitudes.    In  April  1347 
it  was  found  by  the  bread-tickets  received  that  no  less  than 
ninety-four  thousand   people  were  daily  furnished   with   two 
loaves  each  from  these  ovens.     In  this  were  not  counted  the 
citizens  and  their  households  who  were  already  supplied  and 
did  not  share  in  the  public  distribution,  but  bougiit  better  bread 
at  more  than  double  price  from  the  numerousprivate  ovens.  It 
was  exclusive  also  of  religious  mendicants  and  other  svstema- 
tic  beggars  who  in  infinite  numbers   crowded   into   Florence 
from  the  adjacent  towns  and  districts,  and  were  m  continual 
altercation  with  the  citizens.     Yet  none  were  refiised  whether 
stranger  or  subject,  and  all  classes  joined  hand  and  heart  in 
reheving  the  general  misery.     The  increase  of  grain  from  the 
wheat  harvest  of   1347  reduced  the   price,  towards   the  end 
of  June,  wliich    however  soon   momited   up   again   from   the 
eagerness  of  bakers  to  purchase,  in  order  to  uphold  the  market 
by  refusing   to   make  more   than  a  certain   quantity.     This 
plunged  the  city  into  confusion  ;    tumults  began,  which  the 
priors   calmed   by  hanging  the   baker  who   commenced   this 
system  and  com  fell  to  its  natural  value  wliich  the  harvest 
gradually  diminished  =:-. 

Death  and  sickness  of  course  attended  tliis  suffering,  and  to 
alleviate  the  general  distress  the  priors  as  early  as  March  had 


VOL.  II. 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxxiii. 
L 


146 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


147 


m 


h 


decreed  that  nobody  should  be  arrested  for  my  debt  under 
100  golden  florins  until  the  following  August ;  and  also,  with 
a  premium  for  importation,  put  a  maximum  price  on  the  bushel 
of    wheat-    this   was  useless;    because  hunger   backed  by 
money  overcame  law,  and  com  sold  for  double  the  government 
value      For  further  alleviation  all  the  prisoners  ni  the  puolic 
jails  were  released  on  a  compromise  with  their  creditors  and 
enemies,  as  mortality  had  already  begun  in  these  places  to  the 
number  of  two  or  tliree  in  a  day  ;  public  debtors  for  less  than 
100  florins  were  also  set  at  liberty  on  paying  fifteen  per  cen 
of  their  fines ;  but  very  few  could  take  advantage  of  this,  for  all 
were  suffei-ing  from  poverty  hunger  and  distress  * 

The  eff-ects  now  began  to  appear ;  women  and  children  o 
the  poorest  classes  sank  under  the  woeful  pressure ;  this  lasted 
until  November  and  carried  off  about  four  thousand  souls  ;  but 
it  was  worse  in  Prato  Pistoia  and  Bologna,  in  Romagna  and 
throughout  all  France.     In  Tm'key,  Syria,  Tartai^^  and  India, 
sickness  raged  ^ith  mihe.ird-of  violence,  givhig  lise  and  cm- 
rency  to  a  thousand  marvellous  t^des,  such  as  fire  issumg  Ironi 
the  earth  and  air,  and  consuming  men,  cattle,  houses,  trees, 
and  even  reducing  the  yevy  earth  and  stones  to  cinders  -.those 
who  escaped  this,  died  of  pestilence ;  and  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tanais,  at  Trebizonde,  and  in  all  the  neighbouring  countries, 
only  one  pei-son  m  five  was  left  among  the  Uving:  m  other 
places  it  is  said  to  have  rained  great  black  maggots  with  eight 
lects ;  some  alive,  some  dead  ;  whose  sting  was  death  and  ^-liose 
coWion  poisoned  the  atmosphere;  but  these  are  the  least 
incredible  of  the  numerous  fables  that  this  universal  scourge 
generated  in  morbid  imaginations,  and  in  wliich  all  men,  bemg 
Ln-or.struck,  believed  imphcitly.  Turkey,  Greece,  Egypt,  Syria. 
Crete,  Rhodes,  and  the  other  eastern  isles  bowed  before  the 
pestilence;  thence  it  travelled  with   the  course  of  trade  to 
Sicily,  Sai-dinia,  Elba,  Corsica,  and  throughout  the  coasts  ot 

•  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap-  Ixxxiii. 


Italy  :  four  Genoese  galleys  carried  it  to  that  city  out  of  eight 
that  had  fled  from  the  Euxine  ;  Milan  scarcely  felt  it,  but  as 
there  were  then  no  lazarettos  it  swept  over  the  Alps,  searched 
every  vale  in  Savoy,  ravaged  Provence  and  Dauphine,  infected 
Burgundy  and  Catalonia ;  missed  Brabant,  but  holding  on  its 
course  carried  death  and  misery  through  the  rest  of  Europe 
until  1350,  when  it  had  penetrated  even  the  Boreal  regions  and 
nearly  depopulated  Iceland,  which  has  never  yet  recovered  from 
its  touch. 

"  The  disease,"  says  Giovanni  Villani,  "  was  of  such  a  nature 
that  none  sui-vived  its  attack  for  th^ee  days  :  certain  tumours 
appeared  in  the  groins  and  under  the  arms ;  the  patient 
then  spit  blood ;  and  the  priest  that  confessed  him,  and  the 
neighbour  who  looked  on  him  often  took  the  malady,  so  that 
every  sick  creature  was  abandoned :  no  confession,  no  sacra- 
ment, no  medicine,  no  attendance ;  yet  the  pope  granted  a 
pardon  to  ever}^  priest  who  administered  the  holy  communion 
or  confessed,  or  visited  and  watched  the  dying  man"-'. 

This  was  in  1347,  and  solemn  processions  and  offerings 
were  made  for  three  days  together  to  avert  the  pestilence  from 
Florence :  in  December  the  price  of  bread  again  augmented, 
because  Romagna  had  absorbed  eveiy  bushel  of  grain  from  the 
Mugello  district;  Venice  was  empty  and  in  want;  Louis  of 
Hungar}''s  invasion  of  Puglia  together  with  pestilence  on 
the  coast,  prevented  her  customary  supplies  from  Sicily  and 
Southern  Italy. 

Guards  were  placed  round  the  Florentine  state  and  grain 
once  more  purchased,  so  that  the  year  1348  came  in  with  fear 
and  hope,  but  some  diminution  of  miseiy :  all  these  sufferings 
had  painfully  prepared  a  way  for  heavier  calamities,  and  they 
struck  with  lulling  force  on  a  sickly,  weak,  and  desponding 
people. 

Whether  the  great  plague  of  1 348  fell  with  more  fatal  effects 

*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.lxxxiv, — Matteo  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  ii. 

L  2 


148 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


uii  Florence  than  other  places  may  be  doubtful ;  yet  the  des- 
criptive pen  of  Boccaccio,  who  adopts  it  as  an  introduction  to 
liis  brilliant  but  indecent  novels,  has  thrown  a  pall  of  immoi'- 
tality  over  this  scene  of  universal  desolation  and  of  death. 

*'The  year  of  our  Lord's  incarnation   134S,  had  already 
come,"  says  this  author.  '*  when  in  the  noble  city  of  Florence 
lovely  beyond  all  others  of  Italy,  appeared  the  mortal  pestilence 
which  by  the  operation  of  superior  bodies  or  from  wicked  deeds, 
was  by  the  just  judgment  of  God  for  our  con'ection  let  loose  on 
mortals.     It  began  some  yeai-s  before  in  the  eastern  comitrio 
and  after  having  deprived  them  of  an  inconceivable  imss  (»f 
living  beings  rolled  westward  in  a  continued  course  from  realm 
to  realm  with  mournful  augmentation.     Human  wisdom  and 
Imman  prudence  availed  not,  for  the  city  liad  already  been 
cleansed  of  its  impurities  by  officers   especially   appointed  : 
entrance  was  denied  to  all  infected  persons,  and  ever}'  mean> 
employed  to  preseiTe  the  pubhc  health.     Neither  were  humble 
supplications  to  the  Almighty  more  successful,  although  made 
not  once  but  repeatedly  in  religious  processions  and  divers 
other  ways  by  devout  persons ;  for  very  early  in  spiing  the 
dismal  signs  "^glared  horribly  palpable  and  manifested  them- 
selves in  wonderful  ways  :  not  as  hi  the  east  where  bleeding  at 
the  nose  was  a  plain  symptom  of  inevitable  death  ;  but  at  tli. 
beginning,  both  in  male  and  female,  there  appeared  about  th.^ 
groins  and  under  the  arm-pits  certam  tumours  some  of  which 
increased  to  the  size  of  a  common  apple,  others  to  that  of  an 
egg;  and  those   greater 'and  these  less,  and  were  vulgariy 
called  '*  GavoccioUr     And  from  the  two  parts  of  the  body 
above  mentioned  these  deadly  gavocciuli  within  a  brief  space 
began  to  sprout  and  swell  indiscrimhiately  in  eveiy  other  ;  and 
soon  after  this  the  nature  of  the  disease  began  to  change  into 
black  or  livid  spots,  which  in  many  appeared  on  the  arms, 
thighs,  and  other  places ;  some  large  and  few,  othei-s  small 
and  numerous :  and  as  the  gavocciolo  at  fet  was  and  always 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


119 


remained  a  certain  sign  of  death ;  so  also  were  these  spots  on 
whomsoever  they  appeared. 

"  For  the  cure  of  this  malady  neither  the  advice  of  medical 
men  nor  the  virtues  of  any  nostrum  availed  or  profited;  on 
the  contrary,  whether  it  were  that  the  nature  of  the  illness 
would  not  permit,  or  that  the  ignorance  of  doctors  (of  whom 
besides  regular  physicians,  the  number  of  both  sexes  without  a 
particle  of  knowledge,  wiis  enormous)  could  not  divine  the 
cause  and  therefore  could  apply  no  remedy;  not  only  few 
survived,  but  almost  all  about  the  third  day  from  the  appear- 
ance of  these  symptoms ;  some  sooner,  some  later ;  most  of 
them  without  fever  or  any  other  accident  expired. 

"  This  pestilence  was  the  more  awful,  because  it  darted  from 
sick  to  healthy  persons,  as  lire  to  dry  or  unctuous  matter  when 
held  within  its  reach  :  the  evil  went  still  further ;  for  not  only 
tlie  keeping  company  with  and  speaking  to  infected  persons 
struck  down  the  healthy  and  inflicted  nmtual  death,  but  even 
the  simple  touch  of  clothes  or  anythuig  once  handled  by  the 
suiferer  seemed  iustiuitly  to  transmit  disease  and  death  along 
with  it  to  the  toucher. 

"  A  marvellous  thing  will  it  be  to  hear  what  I  am  about  to 
relate ;  which,  if  it  had  not  been  seen  by  the  eyes  of  many  in 
common  with  my  own,  I  would  hardly  have  dared  even  to 
credit  much  less  record  although  the  story  might  have  come 
from  those  most  worthy  of  belief.  I  say  then  that  so  efficient 
was  the  nature  of  this  malady  in  transferring  itself  from  on^  to 
another  that  not  only  man  to  man,  but  what  is  still  more 
strange,  as  it  often  happened,  that  the  clothes  of  those  who 
had  been  ill  or  died  of  the  plague,  on  being  touched  by  any 
inferior  animal  not  only  infected  it  but  within  a  brief  space 
destroyed  existence !  And  this  I  one  day  witnessed  with  my 
own  eyes  as  I  liave  above  declared. 

"  The  clothes  of  a  poor  man  who  had  died  of  plague  having 
been  thrown  on  the  highway,  two  hogs  approached,  and  accord- 


150 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


ing  to  the  custom  of  those  animals  first  turned  them  over  and 
over  with  the  snout  and  then  taking  them  up  shook  the  rags 
about  their  own  cheeks ;  but  in  a  short  time,  and  after  some 
contortions  as  if  they  had  been  poisoned ;  both  fell  dead  upon 

the  infected  heap ! 

**  These  things  and  many  others  like  them  or  even  more 
wouderfid,  generated  fears  and  fantasies  in  those  that  remained 
alive,  but  almost  all  tending  to  the  cruel  resolution  of  flying 
from  the  sick  and  all  belonging  to  them ;  because  in  doing  so 
all  of  them  believed  that  they  were  securing  their  own  safety. 

"There  were  some  who  fancied  that  to  live  moderately  and 
avoid  ever}^  excess  would  be  most  efficacious  in  resisting  con- 
tagion, and  so  having  formed  their  society  they  shrank  from  all 
others  by  shutting  themselves  up  in  those  houses  where  no 
sickness  as  yet  existed ;  to  live  better  they  eat  the  most  delicate 
food  and  drank  the  finest  wines,  but  hi  great  moderation, 
holdmg  no  intercourse  with  the  outward  world,  nor  permitting 
tales  of  death  or  sickness  to  reach  their  ears  ;  but  with  music 
and  every  other  diversion  that  their  means  afforded  they  con- 
tinued to  dwell  in  seclusion. 

"  Others  of  a  contrary'  opinion  affirmed  that  drinking  deep, 
and  enjoyments,  and  suiging,  and  rambling  about  for  amuse- 
ment, and  satisfymg  every  appetite,  and  mocking  and  ridiculing 
everything,  was  a  sovereign  antidote  to  all  existing  evil :  and 
as  they  said  so  they  did :  for  night  and  day,  now  at  one  tavern 
now  at  another,  onward  they  went ;  drinking  without  mode  or 
measure,  but  mostly  at  other  people  s  houses,  whatever  pleased 
and  delighted  them :  and  this  was  easily  done,  for  almost  all 
as  if  they  had  deserted  life,  abandoned  the  care  of  themselves 
and  everj'thing  they  possessed;  wherefore  most  dwellings 
remained  open  to  the  worid  at  large,  and  the  stranger  that 
entered  used  them  as  if  he  were  the  lawful  owner :  but  with 
all  this  brutish  sensuality  they  still  kept  aloof  from  the  sick. 
*'  And  in  such  affliction  and  misery  was  also  the  revered 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


151 


authority  of  our  laws  both  divine  and  human,  that  deserted  by 
their  ministers,  they  had  fallen  to  ruin  and  dissolution:  for 
these  like  the  rest  were  either  sick  or  dead ;  or  if  any  remnants 
existed  they  were  useless;  wherefore  all  persons  were  left  to 
their  own  imaginings. 

*'  Many  other  people  took  a  middle  course  between  these  two, 
neither  restricting  themselves  in  their  food  like  the  foiTner, 
nor  running  to  excess  in  drinking  and  dissipation  like  the 
latter ;  but  made  use  of  things  moderately  according  to  their 
wants ;  and  instead  of  shutting  themselves  up  they  rambled 
about  the  town;  some  with  bunches  of  flowers,  some  with 
odoriferous  herbs,  and  others  with  fragrant  mixtures  of  spices 
which  they  carried  in  their  hands  and  continually  applied  to 
the  nostrils,  esteeming  it  an  excellent  thing  to  comfort  the 
brain  by  their  perfume  because  the  air  was  loaded  and  dis- 
gusting with  the  stench  of  death,  disease,  and  offensive  medi- 
caments. 

"  Some  again  entertained  more  unfeeling  sentiments  (as  if 
they  were  haply  more  secure),  declaring  that  there  was  no 
better,  nor  even  so  good  a  remedy  for  the  plague  as  to  fly 
before  it;  so,  moved  by  this  argument  and  caring  only  for 
themselves,  numbers  of  both  sexes  abandoned  their  native  city 
their  homes  their  friendly  meetings,  their  dearest  relatives  and 
all  their  property,  and  sought  those  of  the  stranger ;  or  else 
retired  to  the  seclusion  of  their  own  coimtry  dwellings :  as  if 
the  anger  of  God,  being  once  moved  thus  to  punish  human 
wickedness,  would  spare  the  rod  to  them  and  strike  only  those 
inclosed  within  the  walls  ;  or,  as  if  they  counselled  eveiy  one 
to  fly  because  the  final  hour  of  Florence  was  arrived. 

"  And  although  of  those  who  held  these  various  sentiments 
all  did  not  die,  yet  neither  did  all  escape  ;  nay,  many  of  each  fell 
sick,  but  after  their  own  example  wliile  in  health,  were  almost 
ever}^here  deserted  and  left  alone  to  suffer. 

"  But  to  say  nothing  of  one  citizen  shunning  another;  of 


152 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


neighbours  disregarding  their  friends  ;  or  of  near  relations  but 
rarely  giving  mututd  assistance,  and  then  only  fearfully  and 
distantly ;  this  tribulation  had  inspired  so  deep  a  terror  in  the 
breast  of  man  and  woman,  that  brother  abandoned  brother, 
uncles  their  nephews,  sistei*s  their  brothers;  often  even  the 
wife  her  husband ;  but  what  is  still  worse  and  scarcely  credi- 
ble ;  both  fathei*s  and  mothers  lied  from  their  own  children  as 
if  they  were  aliens,  and  refused  either  to  visit  or  attend  them  I 
Wherefore  it  followed  that  for  them  that  sickened,  of  whom 
there  were  multitudes  of  each  sex,  no  other  help  remained 
than  the  charity  of  friends  (and  these  were  rare)  or  the  avarice 
of  servants  who  attended  for  enormous  wages  and  extnivagant 
allowances ;  but  even  of  these,  few  could  be  had  ;  most  of  them 
were  persons  of  coai-se  habits  and  many  totally  unaccustomed 
to  such  services,  useful  in  nothing  except  to  give  what  the 
patients  demanded  or  watch  until  they  died ;  and  in  such  ser- 
vice they  often  lost  both  themselves  and  their  gains. 

"  From  this  desertion  of  the  sick  by  parents  friends  and 
neighbours  together  with  the  want  of  attendants,  arose  a  cus- 
tom which  before  was  scarcely  heard  of;  namely,  that  no 
woman  however  charming  beautiful  or  high  in  rank,  when  once 
infected  cared  about  beinj?  attended  bv  one  of  the  other  sex 
whoever  or  whatever  he  might  be,  or  young  or  old ;  and  to 
him  without  any  shame  would  expose  every  part  of  her  pei*son 
as  if  to  a  female  whenever  the  malady  required  it,  and  which 
for  those  who  survived  became  the  source  of  diminished  modesty 
in  after  times. 

*'  Many  died  that  haply  might  have  lived  by  timely  aid :  so 
that  between  a  want  of  that  assistance  which  sufferers  could 
not  procure,  and  the  malignant  nature  of  this  disease,  the 
multitudes  of  those  who  daily  and  nightly  expired  in  Florence 
would  be  tenible  to  hear,  even  without  beholding  ;  wherefore 
almost  of  necessity,  things  contrary  to  all  former  habits  were 
engendered  amongst  the  surviving  citizens. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


153 


"  It  was  a  custom  ;  and  we  still  see  it  maintained ;  that  in 
cases  of  death  every  female  relation  and  neighbour  should 
assemble  within  the  deceased's  house  and  there  weep  for  his 
loss  :  and  before  the  mansion  every  male  kinsman  and  nearest 
neighbour  also  assembled,  with  other  citizens  in  great  num- 
bei-s,  attended  by  divers  of  the  clergy  according  to  the  dead 
man  s  quality ;  thence  on  the  shoulders  of  his  peers,  with 
funeral  pomp  of  torch  and  music  the  corpse  was  slowly  borne 
away  to  that  church  which  he  had  previously  chosen  for  a 
sepulchre. 

*'  But  when  the  pestilence  raged  most  fiercely  these  things 
almost  entirely  ceased  and  new  customs  superseded  them  ;  for 
people  then  died  not  only  without  such  assemblies  of  wailing 
women,  but  passed  from  the  world,  in  many  instances,  without 
even  a  single  witness ;  and  few  were  those  to  whom  the  piteous 
sobs  and  tears  of  relatives  were  in  mercy  conceded ;  but  instead 
thereof  was  heard  the  laugh  or  the  jest,  or  the  convivial  feast! 
and  this  custom  the  women  in  general,  casting  aside  their  sex's 
softness,  did  for  their  own  especial  advantage  most  quickly 
leani. 

"  There  were  but  few  whose  bodies  were  accompanied  to  the 
church  by  more  than  ten  or  twelve  of  their  neighboui's ;  nor 
were  even  these  honourable  citizens,  but  certain  grave-diggers 
from  the  lowest  classes  named  "  Becchini  "  who  performed  this 
mercenary  service:  they  roughly  shouldered  the  bier  and 
moved  hastily  and  carelessly  along,  not  to  the  church  which 
the  deceased  had  selected,  but  to  the  nearest  cemetery%  led  by 
some  half  dozen  priests  with  few  lights  and  sometimes  none, 
who  assisted  by  the  Becchini,  and  not  troubling  themselves 
much  about  a  funeral  service  tossed  the  body  into  any  unoccu- 
pied pit  that  they  happened  to  tind. 

"  The  treatment  of  the  lower  and  a  great  portion  of  the  middle 
classes  was  still  worse,  because  the  greater  part  of  these  being 
confined  either  by  hope  or  poverty  to  their  houses,  thousands 


154 


rLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


daily  sickened,  and  being  destitute  of  assistance  were  allowed 
to  die  :  and  manv  there  were  who  daily  and  nightly  terminated 
their  existence  in  the  streets,  and  many  that  expii'ed  in  their 
own  houses  the  stench  of  whose  carcases  was  the  first  notice 
of  their  dissolution. 

"  Of  these  and  other  victims  all  places  were  full,  and  the 
neighbours,  not  less  moved  by  the  fear  of  putrid  bodies  than  by 
charity  towards  the  dead,  with  the  assistance  of  public  porters 
when  they  were  to  be  had,  dragged  the  corpses  into  the  street 
and  left  them  before  their  several  doors  where  especially  in 
the  moniing  they  were  to  be  seen  in  heaps  by  those  who 
wandered  through  the  tainted  thoroughfares. 

"  Biers,  or  in  their  absence  planks,  were  afterwards  brought 
to  remove  the  dead  ;  nor  did  one  bier  carry  only  two  or  thi-ee 
together ;  many  times  it  happened  that  the  husband,  the  wife, 
two  or  three  brothers,  a  father,  or  a  son,  were  in  this  way  tossed 
promiscuously  upon  the  same  conveyance  ;  nor  was  it  less  fre- 
quent for  three  or  four  biers  to  join  a  couple  of  priests  who 
were  going  with  the  holy  cross,  as  they  thought  for  one  single 
citizen,  and  returned  with  six  or  eight  and  sometimes  many 
more. 

"  No  lights,  no  tears,  no  followers,  honoured  these  interments ; 
for  tilings  had  come  to  such  a  pass  that  not  more  thought  was 
wasted  upon  those  that  died  than  would  now  take  place  about  a 
herd  of  goats:  wherefore  it  is  plain,  that  what  the  natural 
course  of  events  had  not  been  able  to  teach  the  wise,  by  com- 
paratively trilling  and  mifrequent  calamities ;  namely,  that 
they  should  bear  them  with  patience ;  the  very  magnitude  of 
the  evil  instructed  even  the  most  simple,  by  making  them  heed- 
less of  death  and  misfortune. 

"  All  consecrated  ground  became  now  insufficient  for  the  heaps 
of  dead  that  every  day,  and  almost  every  hour,  were  borne  to 
the  several  churches,  more  especially  when  it  was  wished  to 
give  each  a  separate  grave  according  to  ancient  custom :  great 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


l-'LORENTINE   HISTORY. 


155 


pits  were  therefore  excavated  in  every  cemetery  where  bodies 
were  cast  by  hundreds  and  piled  like  bales  of  merchandise  in 
a  vessel's  hold  with  a  scanty  covering  of  eaith  as  soon  as  the 
pit  was  full. 

"  But  in  order  not  to  go  seeking  out  every  particular  incident 
of  by-gone  miseiy  inflicted  on  our  city,  I  say  that  notwith- 
standing its  heavy  calamities  the  sm'rounding  countiy  was  not 
a  whit  more  spared ;  for  independent  of  towns,  (which  suffered 
like  Florence  in  proportion  to  their  size)  amongst  the  villages 
and  scattered  population,  the  miserable  peasantr}^  without  care 
or  comfort  medicine  or  attendance,  in  the  roads,  and  fields,  and 
houses,  by  day  and  night ;  not  like  men  but  beasts,  sank  down 
and  hopelessly  expired :  wherefore  they,  like  the  citizens, 
became  loose  and  lascivious,  and  prodigal  and  reckless  of  eveiy- 
thing  around  them ;  so  that  oxen,  asses,  sheep,  goats,  hogs, 
fowls,  and  the  veiy  dogs  themselves,  faithful  as  they  are  to 
man,  wandered  from  their  homes  and  strayed  as  they  pleased 
through  field  and  meadow  where  the  untouched  harvest  still 
grew  and  ripened  in  the  midst  of  universal  desolation.  And 
many  of  these  creatures  as  if  endowed  with  reason,  after  having 
pastured  all  the  day  returned  at  eve  to  the  stall  in  all  their 
fullness  without  hearing  tlie  accustomed  voice  of  then*  pastor. 

*'  But  leaving  the  countiy  and  returning  to  the  city ;  what 
more  can  be  told  except  that  so  great  and  terrible  was  the 
WTath  of  Heaven,  and  perhaps  in  part  the  cruelty  of  man,  that 
between  March  and  the  following  July,  what  with  the  force  of 
this  pestiferous  malady  and  the  want  of  common  attention  pro- 
ceeding as  it  did  from  the  fears  of  the  healthy ;  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  human  beings  as  is  certainly  believed,  were 
torn  from  Ufe  within  the  walls  of  Florence,  where  previous  to 
this  deadly  visitation  it  would  have  been  scarcely  supposed 
that  so  great  a  population  existed.  Oh  I  how  many  gorgeous 
palaces  !  how  many  noble  houses  !  how  many  superb  mansions ! 
so  recentlv  filled  with  numerous  families,  of  lords  and  ladies, 


156 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


now  stood  empty  even  to  the  lowest  drudge  of  the  household ! 
Oh  how  majiv  illustrious  nices  !  how  many  ample  inheritances ! 
how  many  splendid  fortunes  now  remained  without  a  rightful 
owner !  How  many  valorous  gentlemen  !  how  many  lovely 
women !  how  many  aspiriug  youths  (whom  even  Galen  Hippo- 
crates or  Esculapius  himself  would  almost  have  pronounced 
immortal)  dined  in  the  moniing  with  their  fomilies  their  friends 
and  their  neighhours,  and  the  following  evening  supped  in 
Hades  with  their  ancestors  *  I" 

Such  is  the  vivid  picture  dra^vn  by  Boccaccio !  But  while 
contemplating  this  awful  image  of  human  misery,  we  seek  in 
vain  for  one  bright  figure  to  relieve  the  gtiieral  gloom  !  Not  a 
touch  of  benevolence,  self-devotion,  or  sensibility,  anywhere 
appears  I  no  friendship,  no  love,  no  virtuous  or  heroic  art ;  no 
picture  of  domestic  affection  ;  not  a  trait  of  charity  ;  not  a 
touch  of  human  s)Tnpathy  is  displayed  !  Nothing  bright  or  bene- 
ficent breaks  on  the  dismal  scene,  nor  is  there  a  single  group 
in  the  whole  composition  to  relieve  the  broad  mass  of  heartless 
suffering  or  vindicate  the  feeling  and  dignity  of  man  !  All  is 
dark,  earthly,  selfish :  none  of  that  religion  that  overcomes 
peiil,  of  that  perfect  love  that  braves  it ;  nothing  to  sliow  that 
man  also  may  exercise  heavenly  benevolence  and  rise  superior 
to  danger  and  misery  and  death ! 

Yet  amidst  the  vast  population  of  Florence  there  must  have 
been  many  who  touched  by  the  hand  of  love  and  charity 
appeared  hke  beneficent  spirits  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of 
their  fellow-creatures,  for  such  beings  are  never  totjilly  extinct : 
pity  it  is  that  the  liistorian  s  pen  has  not  transmitted  their 
names  and  their  actions  to  posterity ! 

In  this  wide  and  wasting  pestilence  all  Europe  was  more  or 
less  immersed :  she  was  bereft  of  three-fifths  of  her  population; 
and  excepting  Milan  together  with  a  few  places  at  the  foot  of 
the  Alps,  the  whole  of  Italy  was  shaken  to  its  centre.     Genoa 

♦  Gio.  Boccaccio,  Introduzione  del  Decamerou. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


157 


lost  forty  thousand,  Naples  sixty ;  and  Sicily  and  Puglia  the 
incredible  number  of  five  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  souls  I 
The  city  of  Trapani  was  completely  depopulated  ;  all  died  ;  and 
her  silent  walls  and  empty  dwellings  were  alone  left  to  tell  the 
tale.  Throughout  Tuscany  the  harv^est  of  death  was  propor- 
tionably  great:  Pisa  lost  four-fifths  or  as  some  say  seven- 
tenths  ;  Florence  three-fifths  ;  but  Siena  mourned  for  eighty 
thousand  of  her  buried  citizens  and  never  recovered  from  the 

blow*. 

Amongst  the  illustrious  victims  of  this  universal  sacrifice 
were  the  celebrated  Lam-a  of  Arignon  and  the  historian  Gio- 
vanni Villani  of  Florence :  the  latter  says  Sismondi  (and  his 
words  will  suit  all  subsequent,  as  they  are  the  echo  of  antece- 
dent writers)  "  was  the  most  expert,  faithful,  elegant  and  ani- 
mated historian  that  Italy  had  yet  produced :  we  have  made 
habitual  use  of  his  histoiy  during  more  than  half  a  century 
with  that  confidence  that  is  due  to  a  judicious  cotemporaiy 
nuthor  who  had  himself  taken  part  in  public  affairs."  Villani 
was  in  fact  much  more  than  a  mere  historian,  and  like  almost 
all  Florentines  became  both  merchant  and  politician ;  he  tra- 
velled into  France  and  the  Netherlands,  was  several  times  in 
the  Seignor}%  superintended  the  building  of  the  present  walls, 
directed  the  mint,  and  filled  other  high  offices  in  the  common- 
wealth. He  served  also  against  Castruccio,  was  one  of  the 
hostages  delivered  to  Mastino  della  Scala,  and  spent  a  long 
life  in  public  and  private  acti\ity ;  but  finally  ruined  by  the 
failure  of  the  Bonaccorsi  with  whom  he  was  in  partnership,  his 
latter  days  were  apparently  uidiappy  and  he  died  amidst  the 
misfortunes  of  his  countiyf . 

•  R.  Roncioni,  Ist.  Pis.,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  two  centuries  unpublished,  but  at  last 

807.  —  R.    Sardo.,    Cron.    Pisa,  cap.  came  to  light  under  the  care  of  Zan- 

Ixxxii.  —  S.    Ammirato,    Lib.  x.,  p.  netti  of  Venice,  in  1537— wanting  the 

505.— Matteo  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  i.,  two  last  books,  and  full  of  en-ors ;  after 

^P^  which  other  editions  rapidly  followed 

t  His  Chronicle  remained  for  nearly  in  1554,  1559,  and  1507,  &c. 


158 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


159 


II! 


Sickness  gave   way  before  the   August   sun,  and  all  that 
remained  of  the  Florentine  people  were  free  from  disease  at 
the  new  Seiguorj-'s  inauguration  on  the  first  of  September,  but 
what  the  remnant  was  we  are  not  told ;  so  small  however  that 
poverty  disappeared,  and  riches  abounded  in  consequence  of 
accumulated  inheritances.     Yet  instead,  as  some  expected,  of 
men's  hearts  being  softened  and  subdued  and  penitent,  and 
tunied  to  religion  and  vutue  and  moderation  by  so  awful  a 
catastrophe  Florence  immediately  became  a  theatre  of  luxuiy 
riot  and  debaucheiy  !    As  if  the  hand  of  Gud  were  tired,  and 
death  was  swallowed  up  in  victoiy.  Feasting,  taverns,  and  every 
kind  of  licentious  revel  occupied  the  people ;  both  sexes  high 
and  low,  with  new  and  fanciful  attire ;  but  more  especially  the 
latter,  flaunted  through  the  streets  bedizened  like  players  in 
the  rich  gannents  of  illustrious  families,  all  now  extirpated ! 
And  as  if  these  satumaha  were  to  be  everiasting,  few  labourers 
would  return  to  agriculture,  fewer  still  to  trade  :  and  those  few 
insisted  on  exorbitant  remuneration.     Unbounded  pride  and 
heartless  prodigality  were  everj-where  triumphant :  the  hand 
of  death  had  removed  the  burden  of  poverty ;  the  departure 
of  death  had  removed  the  weight  of  ten'or,  and  the  rebound  was 
startling  I     With  feelings  numbed  and  passions  free,  no  wish 
was  too  vicious  to  indulge,  no  idea  too  strange  for  belief.     Super- 
abundance  of  agricultural  produce  was  ignorantly  looked  for  m 
consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  mouths,  and  the  contraiy  hap- 
pened ;  for  everj'thing  fell  short  and  long  continued  so ;  in  some 
countries  even  to  the  most  biting  famine:   manufactures  of 
almost  all  kinds,  clothes,  ever\^thing  necessary  for  the  human 
body,  were  in  like  manner  expected  to  appear  spontaneously 
and  in  profusion ;  but  the  reverse  took  place ;  most  sorts  of 
manufactured  goods  soon  doubled  their  fonner  cost,  and  all 
labour  Ijrought  tvrice  the  money  that  it  fetched  before  the  pesti- 
lence :  disputes,  lawsuits,  contests ;  disturbances  of  every  class 
sprouted  like  nettles  throughout  the  land,  and  Florence  long 


and  severely  felt  their  evil  consequences.  Immense  treasures 
too  had  been  willed  away  by  dying  men  to  public  charities,  or 
in  trust  to  corporate  bodies  for  the  poor ;  some  directly,  others 
after  several  successions,  all  now  swept  off  by  extemiinating 
plague :  amongst  others  there  was  left  to  the  corporation  of 
Orto-san-Michele  alone,  tlie  vast  inheritance  of  350,000  florins, 
a  sum  equal  to  one  year's  revenue  of  the  commonwealth !  This 
was  in  tiiist  for  the  poor  :  but  there  were  no  poor :  no  paupers  : 
no  destitution ;  death  had  murdered  poverty  !  Money,  houses, 
and  other  valuables  abounded ;  the  directors  felt  their  hands 
at  hberty,  their  conscience  easy;  and  unbounded  peculation 
was  the  result :  the  elections  were  kept  close  amongst  them- 
selves ;  they  reelected  each  other :  power  and  profit  moved 
round  in  a  circle  undisturbed  by  any  external  influence  for 
three  long  years,  until  at  last  the  angry  voice  of  Florence 
destroyed  this  nefarious  and  disgraceful  system.  In  a  similar 
manner  but  with  better  management  25,000  florins  were  left 
to  the  hospital  of  Santa  Maria  Nuova,  and  an  equal  sum  to  the 
new  and  useful  company  of  "  Misericordia ; "  so  that  the  city 
most  abomided  in  charitable  resources  at  the  veiy  time  when 
poverty  was  for  the  moment  annihilated. 

Many  corrective  laws  for  the  various  existing  evils  were  pro- 
mulgated by  those  magistrates  who  still  retained  their  discre- 
tion and  now  resumed  their  power :  one  of  these  was  to  exone- 
rate minors  and  married  women  from  any  legal  responsibility 
in  affairs  of  pecuniary  and  other  property,  unless  with  the  con- 
sent of  their  relations  or  guardians  declared  before  a  judge  in 
the  com!  of  the  above  coi'poration  of  Orto-san-Michele,  which 
had  ex-ajjicio  their  guardianship.  At  the  same  period  and  no 
less  to  encourage  population  by  the  residence  of  students  than 
for  the  dignity  of  Florence,  a  public  college  was  founded  for  the 
first  time,  and  able  professors  appointed  to  the  whole  range  of 
science,  besides  civil  and  canon  law,  and  dogmatic  theology  =!=. 

*  Filippo  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  vii.,  viii. 


160 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


[book  I. 


It  mictht  have  been  supposed   that  all  accounts  between 
debtor  and  creditor  had  been  cancelled  by  the  plague ;  but  se 
many  fraudulent  bankruptcies  had  previously  occurred  and  so 
unwholesome  a  system  of  mercantile  credits  had  been  allowed 
that  it  became  an  article  of  swindling  speculation,  and  large 
orders  were  frequently  given  on  long  credit  with  the  sole  vieu 
to  future  insolvency.     As  a  remedy  there  was  now  published  a 
decree  forbidding  any  citizen  to  buy  or  sell  on  credit,  not  only 
in  the  state  itself  but  within  a  hundred  miles  of  Florence,  on 
pain  of  losmg  his  reputation  and  a  fine  equal  to  the  amount  of 
the  purchase-money.     Nor  were   sumptuary'  laws  forgotten; 
for  riches  and  luxur>'  required  control,  and  a  check  was  there- 
fore placed  on  the  expense  of  mamage  ceremonies  which  ii.»u 
were  frequent  in  consequence  of  augmented  wealth  and  thiii 
ix)pidation  :  but  as  these  could  not  at  once  raise  citizens  to  the 
state  new  scrutiny-lists  became  requisite  for  three  years  which 
from  necessity  admitted  the  nobles  to  many  public  offices  both 

in  town  and  country. 

These  matters  being  once  settled  it  was  hoped  that  the  city 
would  gradually  subside  into  the  ordinarj'  quiet  and  occupations 
of  common  life  ;  when  suddenly  the  Ubaldini,  trusting  to  then- 
strong  Alpine  fastnesses,  began  to  assemble  numerous  bands 
of  rebels  and  outlaws  and  make  inroads  on  the  province  of 
Mu^ello ;  so  that  after  some  vain  attempts  at  peace  a  body  of 
troops  was  marched  against  them  and  a  war  commenced  with 
this  restless  and  powerful  clan  which  in  her  actual  weakiies> 
became  extremely  troublesome  to  Florence*. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs.— No  changcs  sincc  1343. 


*  Ammiruto,  Lib.  x.,p.  509.- M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  xx.ii.-xlv. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


161 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


FROM    A.D.    1349    TO    A.D.    1354. 


A.D,  1349. 


Although  the  Ubaldini  were  no  match  for  Florence  even  in 
her  present  weakness  yet  their  numerous  clansmen,  armed, 
warlike,  and  aggressive ;  and  their  many  fastnesses, 
resting  like  eagles'  nests  on  the  crags  and  passes  of  the 
Apennine,  secured  to  them  all  those  advantages  usually  enjoyed 
by  mountaineers  from  the  power  of  makuig  sudden  descents  on 
their  lowland  neighbours  :  the  castigation  already  inflicted  was 
too  slight  to  check  their  sweeping  incursions  as  long  as  they 
possessed  these  strongholds,  and  a  board  of  eight  citizens  was 
consequently  appointed  to  conduct  this  mountain  w^ar.  The 
priors  were  moreover  instructed  to  make  at  least  one  yearly 
invasion  of  their  couiitr}^  under  the  penalty  of  1000  florins 
each,  until  these  turbulent  chiefs  should  be  again  reduced 
to  submission :  the  whole  family  of  Ubaldini  was  denounced  ; 
intermarriages  between  thein  and  Florentines  prohibited,  and 
a  price  set  upon  the  head  of  every  individual  of  that  race 
whether  alive  or  dead. 

In  June  a  fresh  army  occupied  their  hills  and  took  Monte- 
geinoli ;  it  reduced  one  chief  to  obedience,  captured  Monte- 
colloreto,  Roccabruna,  Lozzole,  Vigiano,  and  other  places; 
insulted  Susinana  and  Valdagnello,  and  after  considerable 
devastation,  leaving  strong  garrisons  in  the  captured  places, 
retired  about  the  month  of  August  to  Florence.  Meanwhile 
Colle  and  San  Gimignano  had  returned  to  their  allegiance  ;  a 


VOL.  IT. 


M 


162 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


[book    I. 


ClUP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


163 


board  of  sixteen  citizens  was  created  to  impose  new  taxes  and 
take  measures  for  repeopling  the  city ;  a  league  was  formed 
^ith  Siena  Perugia  and  Bologna  against  a  new  company  of 
freebooters  then  organising  hi  Puglia  under  the  terrible  and 
notorious  Werner;  the  pay  of  Florentine  soldiers  was  aug- 
mented to  meet  the  scarcity  caused  by  pestilence  and  the  year 
1349  linished  in  comparative  tranquillity. 

But  while  these  thmgs  were  passing  in  Tuscany  the  kingdom 
of  Naples  was  vexed  throughout.  In  1:^47  king  Louis  of  Hun- 
gary had  sent  ambassadors  to  prepare  his  way  by  conciliating 
the^  different  states  and  piinces  of  Italy :  and  about  the  same 
time  his  rival,  queen  Giovanna,  married  her  cousin  Louis  of 
Taranto,  to  the  great  scandal  of  all  good  Christians  ;  for  in  tliat 
day  such  unions  were  considered  little  better  than  incestuous. 
The  pope  was  less  scrupulous,  more  especiidly  as  he 
A.D.1350.    ^^_^^^  ^^^  ^^^.^^^  ^^  ggg  ^  powerful  Hungarian  monarch 

establish  himself  in  the  realm  of  Naples  ;  he  therefore  favoured 
Giovanna :  particulariy  as  the  pontifical  residence  was  within 
her  hereditary  possessions  and  the  city  of  Avignon  her  own 
property.     Meanwhile  the  Hungarian  emissaries  were  far  more 
active,  and  finally  succeeded  in  making  the  city  of  Aquila  revolt: 
this  town  although  only  founded  by  Frederic  IL  had  already 
risen  to  great  power  and  importance  and  its  defection  was  a 
severe  blow  to  the  court  of  Naples  which  was  then  in  its  wonted 
state  of  discord  :  the  royal  princes  were  all  at  variance  and  only 
l)y  prayei-s  promises  and  excited  hopes,  could  the  queen  prevad 
on  Charies  of  Durazzo  to  mai'ch  agaitist  the  rebels.  Durhig  the 
siege  a  Hungarian  prolate  accompanied  l)y  two  hundred  knights 
weU  furnished  with  arms  and  money  descended  the  Alps  and 
began  to  levy  forces  in  Romagna  and  La  IVIarca :  with  the  help 
of ''the  lords  of  llimini  and  Foligno  besides  other  troops  raised 
in  the  Abruzzi,  they  soon  assembled  a  body  of  two  thousand  men 
and  mai-ched  directly  on  Aquila.     Durazzo  might  easily  have 
opi^osed  them,  but  disgusted  with  the  queen's  marriage  which 


occuiTed  about  the  same  time,  he  indignantly  raised  the  siege 
and  returned  to  Naples  while  the  grand  Hungarian  army  crossed 
the  Alps  and  advanced  on  Puglia.  At  Foligno  the  pope's  legate 
arrested  the  royal  progress  and  interdicted  any  forward  move- 
ment under  pain  of  excommunication  :  heedless  of  this,  king 
Louis  continued  his  march  to  Aquila  and  began  hostilities 
with  six  thousand  men-at-arms  and  a  numerous  infantry ;  but 
Naples  ever  too  much  distracted  to  be  a  difficult  conquest  was 
now  at  his  feet ;  the  discontented  barons  joined  him  at  Bene- 
vento  and  all  marched  in  a  body  on  the  capital. 

Giovanna  fled  in  alarm,  took  to  her  galleys  and  sought  refuge 
in  Provence ;  her  husband  followed  soon  after,  and  accompanied 
by  his  faithful  minister  Acciaioli  whose  influence  supplied  liis 
necessities,  rejoined  her  at  Arignon*.  In  the  meanwliile  king 
Louis  advanced  to  Aversa  the  scene  of  his  brother  s  murder, 
but  was  not  joined  by  any  of  the  Eeali  who  distrusting  him, 
at  first  kept  aloof;  afterwards  on  receiving  solemn  assur- 
ances of  their  persouid  safety  they  ventured  to  court,  were 
received  with  distinction  and  honourably  treated ;  they  even 
dined  in  the  royal  presence  and  experienced  every  outward 
mark  of  genuine  hospitality. 

After  the  banquet  Louis  expressed  a  ^rish  to  see  the  room 
in  which  his  brother  Andrea  had  been  assassinated ;  this  was 
an  alanning  declaration  for  his  guests  who  were  all  suspected 
of  being  well-\rishers  to  the  success  of  that  abominable  murder 
if  not  actual  accomplices :  it  was  however  too  late  to  retreat ; 
they  were  in  the  king's  power  and  followed  him  trembling  :  on 
arriving  at  the  fatal  spot  Louis  turned  suddenly  on  Durazzo 


*  Niccola  Acciaioli  Grand  Seneschal 
of  Naples  Mas  a  friend  of  Petrarch's 
and  of  a  high  Florentine  family ;  hut 
he  attached  himself  to  the  fortunes  of 
Robert  and  Joanna  of  Naples.  After 
acquiring  great  fame  riches  and  digni- 
lics,  he  died  in  1365  and  was  buried 


>vith  great  honours  in  the  Certosa 
Convent  near  Florence  which  he  had 
founded.  Petrarch  was  latterly  dis- 
pleased with  him  for  not  keeping  a 
promise ;  for  which  act  Acciaioli  is 
sharply  reproached  by  that  poet. 


M  2 


164 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[B(tOK   I. 


aiid  with  a  withering  look  accused  him  of  being  accesson^  to  the 
deed.  The  duke's  guilt  was  doubtful,  but  his  fate  certam  :  he 
in  vain  protested  his  innocence  and  begged  for  mercy ;  at  u 
sicni  from  the  piince  a  dozen  Hungarian  daggers  were  planted 
iu^'his  breast  and  he  fell  on  the  very  spot  which  had  so  lately 
been  polluted  by  the  murder  of  the  unfortunate  Andrea.  Head 
and  bodv  were  soon  separated,  and  to  complete  the  revenge 
both  were  ignominiously  tossed  from  the  same  balcony  on  to 
the  same  tuft  of  grass  where  the  strangled  corpse  of  Giovanna's 
husband  had  been  found  by  his  attendants. 

This  was  the  only  death :  the  other  princes  were  sent  pn- 
soners  to  Hungary'  and  Louis  entered  Naples  as  a  conqueror 
quietly  mounting  a  throne  acquired  without  a  blow,  but  which 
he  did  not  find  it  quite  so  easy  to  retain.     Alarmed  at  the 
plague  he  after  four  months  of  severe  if  not  ciiiel  admmistra- 
tion  suddenly  diskuided  the  greater  part  of  bis  troops  and 
retired    into  Hmigarj'  leaving  the  unsteady  people  with  an 
almost  universal  wish  lor  the  restoration  of  their  -lueen.    Louis 
of  Tarento  who  had  been  sedulously  strengthening  his  party 
at  Avignon,  was  eager  to  avail  himself  of  the  Hunganan's 
absence  and  this  change  of  public  opinion,  but  being  destitute 
of  money  he  sold  tluit  city  to  Clement  VL  for  30,000  flonns 
and  the  dtle  of  King  of  Naples.     This  supply  enabled  him  to 
equip  ten  galleys  and  engage   Duke  Werner,  who  had  been 
just  dismissed  from  the  Hungarian  senice,  with  a  company  o 
twelve  hundred  men  as  his  general.     Niccola  Acnaioli  had 
retm-ned  eariv  to  Naples  and  was  indefatigable  ;  principally 
tlirough  his  management  the  king  and  queen  were  enabled  by 
the    month  of  August   1^48  to  shape  their  course  towards 
the  capital  and  resume  the  government  although  the  metropo- 
litan castles  and  most  of  the  national  fortresses  were  still  m  the 
hands  of  staunch  Hungarian  gamsons  *. 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  ix.  to  xxi.     Istoria  Civile  di  Napoli,  vol.  x.,  ML. 
— Costan/,0,  Istor.  di  Napoli,  vol.  ii.,     xxui.,  p.  HJ,  et  scq. 
Ub.  vi.,  p.  357  to  377.— Giannone, 


CHAP. 


XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


165 


The  notorious  Werner  was  a  Condottiere  of  far  too  much 
importance  not  to  receive  the  highest  honours  from  Louis  and 
Giovanna ;  indeed  so  necessary  was  he  at  this  moment  that  the 
former  to  secure  his  fidelity  disgraced  himself  by  receiving  the 
rank  of  knighthood  at  his  hands  yet  failed  in  attaching  this 
robber  to  his  service. 

After  having  been  dismissed  by  the  Hungarian  early  in  1348 
Werner  had  resumed  his  wonted  course  of  plunder,  sacked  all 
those  towns  in  the  Komaii  Campagna  which  were  spirited 
enough  to  refuse  him  tribute,  and  massacred  without  mercy  or 
distinction  the  whole  population  of  Anagni  for  having  presumed 
to  defend  themselves  against  his  licentious  soldiery. 

Although  there  are  examples  of  similar  abominations  pre- 
vious to  the  time  of  Werner  yet  he  has  been  generally  con- 
sidered the  first  as  he  certainly  was  one  of  the  most  mischievous 
of  those  condottieri  that  so  long  devoured  tlie  substance  of 
Italy  :  finding  that  he  could  not  indulge  his  predacious  habits 
mider  the  government  of  Louis  he  passed  treacherously  over 
to  Currado  Lupo  the  Hungarian  commander  and  thus  enabled 
him  to  advance  on  the  capital,  near  which  at  a  place  called 
Mehto  the  Neapolitan  barons  were  completely  discomfited  on 
the  sixth  of  June  1;U0  in  an  irregular  battle,  with  little  blood- 
shed but  many  prisoners. 

This  success  gave  Lupo  militaiy  command  of  the  whole  open 
countiT ;  cities  and  towns  were  forced  to  ransom  the  surround- 
ing  harvest  with  enormous  sums,  and  the  mischief  rose  to  such 
a  height  that  Pope  Clement  was  compelled  to  interfere  and 
at  last  succeeded  in  establishing  a  truce  between  the  bel- 
ligerents -''. 

After  this,  Duke  Werner  entered  the  service  of  Francesco 
Ordelafii  of  Forli,  for  Romagna  was  also  in  confusion  and  the 
lordship  of  Bologna  had  passed  to  the  sons  of  Taddeo  Peppoli 
deceased  in  KU7. 


*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  xlvii.  to  L— Costanzo,  Istor.  di  Napoli,  Lib.  ^n.,  p.  277. 


165 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Cola  di  Rienzo  had  already  escaped  in  disguise  from  the 
castle  of  Sant  Angelo  and  appeai'ed  almost  as  a  mendicant  at 
the  imperial  court  of  Charles  IV.  who  after  hhtening  a  while 
to  his  propositions  delivered  him  into  the  hands  of  Clement  VI. 
at  Avignon  where  he  long  remained  a  prisoner. 

In  Pisa  ahout  the  same  period  (1347)  two  powerful  foctions 
arose  and  filled  that  city  with  fresh  dissensions:  the  young 
Count  Reniero  della  Gherardesca  had  succeeded  to  all  the 
power  and  puhlic  honours  of  his  family  ;  from  childhood  he  had 
been  captain-geneml  of  the  republic,  an  office  which  during  his 
minority  was  administered  by  his  kinsman  Dino  della  Rocca 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  popular  party  ;  but  as  manhood  approached 
the  adverse  faction  gradually  managed  to  supplant  them  in  the 
young  chieftain's  confidence.  The  leader  of  these  mw  coun- 
sellors,  who  from  the  nick-name  of  "  Bevfjo  '"  (a  weak  soft  per- 
son) given  to  the  young  count,  were  called  "  Berfjolini"  was 
Andrea  Gambacorta.  The  other  fiiction  were  extremely  reluc- 
tant to  divest  themselves  of  a  long  hold  of  office,  the  source  of 
power  and  protit,  although  their  administration  had  not  been 
entirely  blameless  or  midisturbed :  they  hud  been  frequently 
accused  of  dishonesty  and  had  in  consequence  received  the  sig- 
nificant appellation  of  "  Raspantl  "  or  peculatoi^,  and  thus  were 
the  two  parties  distinguished.  A  violent  spirit  was  fust  rising 
when  Reniero  suddenly  died  and  the  Raspanti  were  instantly 
accused  of  poisoning  him  :  this  pushed  both  parties  to  extremes 
and  after  a  hard  struggle  the  latter  were  driven  from  Pisa 
on  the  twenty-fourth  of  December  1347,  Andrea  Gambacorta 
with  the  Bergolini  remaining  lords  of  the  commonwealth;  and 
thus  commenced  the  power  of  the  Gambacorti  in  Pisa-. 

Luchino  Visconti,  whose  policy  was  always  to  support  that 
pally  from  which  he  could  gain  most  and  most  easily  cast  otf 

♦  Mem.  Istor.  di  piii  Uomini  Illiist.  cioni,  Tst.  Pisa,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  803.  — 

Pisani,  tomo,  ii ',  p.  339,  and  annota-  Gio.    Villain,    Lib.  xii.,  cap.    cxx. — 

tions.  —  Cronaca  di   Pisa,  Scrip.  R.,  Tronci,  Annali.— Muratori,  Annali. — 

Ital.,   vol.  xiv.,  p.  1017-18. —  Ron-  Sisuiondi,  vol.  iv. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


167 


when  done  with,  assisted  the  Doria,  Grimaldi,  and  other 
Genoese  exiles  in  l:»is,  and  would  perhaps  have  acquired  the 
lordship  of  that  city  if  death  had  not  claimed  him  in  the  fol- 
lowing Januar\\  In  this  spirit  he  had  already  quarrelled  with 
Filii^pino  Gonzaga  of  ]\ltnitu;i  because  the  latter  refused  to 
give  up  certain  places  that  he  demanded,  and  at  once  declared 
war  against  that  ruler:  Mastino  della  Scala  and  Obizzo  of 
Este  united  with  Lucliino,  but  the  Mantuan  prince  hurried 
back  from  Naples  where  he  had  followed  the  long  of  Hungary 
and  hastily  assembUng  a  few  sokliers  sui-prised  and  defeated 
the  Milanese  army  before  its  junction  with  the  allies  while  he 
forced  the  latter  to  a  precipitate  retreat.  But  death  luckily 
cut  short  Luchino  s  ambition  which  had  grown  foraiidable  to 
his  neighboui-s,  and  (iiovainii  Visconti  Archbishop  of  Milan,  a 
man  of  somewhat  milder  nature,  succeeded  to  the  sovereignty 
which  he  had  hitherto  nominally  shared  with  his  deceased 
brother. 

The  miion  of  spiritual  and  temporal  power  gave  unwonted 
energ)'  to  Giovanni "s  government :  Bernabo  and  Galeazzo  Vis- 
conti were  immediatelv  recalled  from  an  exile  to  which  the 
jealousy  of  their  late  uncle  had  condemned  them,  and  even 
Lodovisi  sou  of  Stefano  was  released  by  his  cousin  from  a  long 
imprisonment  which  he  had  endured  since  the  days  of  Azzo. 
One  of  Giovanni's  first  acts  was  to  make  peace  with  Mantua, 
but  Mastino  prosecuted  the  war  alone,  and  Romagna  con- 
tinued in  its  accustomed  state  of  dissension  from  the  violent 
conduct  of  Malatesta  di  Rimini. 

Sicily  also  was  shaken  by  two  powerful  factions  both  of 
which  gained  strength  from  the  minority  of  King  Louis  after 
death  had  removed  the  steady  hand  of  his  uncle  and  guardian 
William.  Rome  also  continued  in  its  usual  state  of  confusion 
and  half  obedience  to  ecclesiastical  power  under  the  rule  of 
three  senatoi*s,  a  Colonna,  an  Orsini,  and  the  legate. 

Meanwhile   the  actual  weakness  of  Florence   encouraged 


16s 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


audacity  in  her  restless  neigliboui*s  and  forced  her  to  adopt 
a  more  organised  system  of  defence :  the  Ubertini  became 
troublesome  and  were  chastised ;  the  national  defences  were 
strengthened  and  reformed ;  three  great  military  divisions 
were  created  and  placed  under  three  separate  officers  called 
Vicai-s :  one  of  these  was  stationed  at  ^lontopoli  in  the  lower 
Val  d  'Aruo  ;  another  at  Monte  Varchi  in  the  upper  Vale  ;  and  a 
third  at  Poggibonzi  to  protect  the  Val  d'Elsa,  all  with  sufficient 
troops  and  officers  for  any  emergency,  and  totiilly  indepen- 
dent of  garrisons,  because  the  Castelli  and  other  fortresses  were 
given  in  charge  at  less  expense  either  to  their  own  inhabitants 
or  the  various  municipalities  in  whose  territor}'  they  happened 
to  be  situated  *. 

Prato  although  really  governed  by  Florence  continued  at 
this  time  like  many  other  petty  states  to  preserve  a  nominal 
independence  notwithstanding  that  the  people  had  in  13-^7 
bestowed  the  lordship  of  their  city  on  Charles  Duke  of  Cala- 
bria. The  powerful  family  of  Guazzalotri  had  however  acquired 
great  influence  and  maintained  its  ascendancy  with  a  tolerable 
government  under  the  friendly  auspices  of  Florence ;  but  the 
older  members  of  this  house  dying  off,  a  young  arrogant  gene- 
ration succeeded  who  assuming  unearned  superiority  soon 
became  unmodified  tvrants.  This  however  would  not  have 
signified  (for  the  Italians  were  becoming  accustomed  to  tyraimy 
under  the  forms  of  liberty)  had  they  still  quietly  submitted  to 
Florentine  dictation ;  but  choosing  rather  to  govern  indepen- 
dently and  having  moreover  committed  several  cmel  actions, 
that  repubhc  determined  to  possess  itself  of  Prato  which,  as 
a  preliminar}^  step,  was  forthwith  purchased  from  Queen  Gio- 
vanna  for  17,500  florins  and  incorporated  in  the  Contado, 
supreme  jurisdiction  in  capital  cases  being  thenceforward  trans- 
ferred to  the  metropolis.  Whatever  satisfaction  Florence  might 
have  received  from  this  acquisition  must  have  been  considerably 

*  Scip.  Amuiirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  512. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


169 


modified  by  seeing  her  ancient  ally  the  Bolognese  republic  fall 
suddenly  under  the  power  of  the  dreaded  and  too 

/.  1  ^T-  .'  A.D.  1350. 

powerful  Visconti. 

Giovanni  Archbishop  of  Milan,  quiet  under  the  fiercer 
dominion  of  his  brother,  was  nevertheless  a  Visconti ;  and  no 
sooner  was  he  absolute  lord  of  twenty-two  cities  with  their 
vast  and  fruitful  territory,  than  unchecked  by  ecclesiastical 
ties  but  strengthened  by  its  power,  the  bold  ambitious  spirit 
of  his  race  brake  forth  with  redoubled  and  insatiate  vigour : 
and  although  some  meek  and  friendly  expressions  of  attachment 
to  Florence  carried  no  present  sound  of  war,  little  doubt  was 
entertained  of  an  ultimate  desire  to  extend  his  conquests  far 
beyond  the  Apennines  and  disturb  the  peace  of  Tuscany. 

The  revolution  of  Bologna  occurred  in  this  wise.  Pope 
Clement  VI.  imitating  the  Mosaic  law,  and  on  the  very' 
reasonable  pretence  that  a  secular  jubilee,  if  of  any  spiritual 
advantage,  could  only  aftect  the  limited  number  of  pilgrims 
who  happened  to  be  in  existence  at  the  moment  of  its  celebra- 
tion, resolved  to  retrench  the  original  period  to  one  half  and 
accordingly  proclaimed  a  second  jubilee  for  the  year  1350. 
This  at  least  was  the  ostensible  reason ;  but  the  real  object  as 
with  Boniface  was  ]\Iannnon ;  an  object  now  realised  beyond 
all  hope  and  far  exceeding  the  first  experiment.  The  fearful 
pestilence  which  still  ravaged  many  parts  of  Europe  filled 
multitudes  with  a  desire  of  plenary  indulgence  for  past  and 
present  transgressions,  and  hence  the  treasures  incessantly 
dropping  into  ecclesiastical  coffers  were  enormous.  Accord- 
ing to  Matteo  Villani  twelve  hundred  thousand  pilgrims  were 
assembled  in  Rome  during  the  Lent  of  that  memorable  year : 
the  city  is  described  as  one  vast  inn  where  all  Christendom 
was  received  and  fed ;  and  the  profit  on  provisions  alone  which 
the  Romans  effectively  monopohsed,  was  unmeasured  and  as- 
tomiding.  One  half  of  those  offerings  that  unceasingly  poured 
into  the  churches  belonged  to  themselves  the  other  to  the 


170 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


pontiff;  and  these  be  had  predetermined  to  employ  in  reducing 
all  Romagna  to  subjection.  The  ecclesiastical  states  although 
long  abandoned  bv  imperial  ambition  had  never  been  more 
than  nominally  under  ecclesiastical  rule;  Koniagna  was  parti- 
tioned amongst  a  set  of  petty  tyrannical  lords  who  preyed  on 
each  other  and  their  countr}*  while  they  crushed  the  spirit  of 
the  people,  and  possessing  but  little  individual  force  could 
when  thus  disunited  make  only  a  slight  resistance  to  {uiy 
powerful  aggressor. 

Matteo  Villani  tells  us  that  Pope  Clement  VI.  and  his 
cardinals  feeling  ashamed  that  the  church  should  have  been 
so  long  depiived  of  these  rich  territories  resolved  to  regain 
them  by  force  of  arms,  and  the  general  weakness  consequent 
on  plague  and  famine  induced  him  to  believe  it  an  easy  task. 
His  relation  Astorgio,  or  Hector  de  Durfor't  had  already  been 
created  Count  of  Romagna,  and  being  well  furnished  with 
men  and  monev  received  instructions  to  Itriim  the  whole  of 
that  countr}'  under  ecclesiastical  rule.  Assistance  was  sepa- 
rately demanded  from  each  of  the  Lombard  tvrants ;  from 
Bologna,  and  from  Tuscany  ;  the  two  former  granted  it,  but 
all  the  Tuscan  states  declined  to  cooperate.  Although  the 
Count  of  Romagna  was  secretly  ordered  by  force  or  cunning  to 
subject  each  tyrant  successively,  his  ostensible  motive  was  to 
punish  Giovanni  Manfredi  Lord  of  Faenza  for  havhig  revolted 
from  the  church,  expelled  the  papal  followers,  and  separated 
from  the  ecclesiastical  Guelphs  of  Italy*. 

Durfort  demanded  and  received  assistance  from  the  Peppoli, 
as  well  as  from  the  Alidosi  of  Imola  which  city  he  occupied, 
but  both  were  insincere  and  secretly^  favoured  Manfredi  for 
both  dreaded  the  resumption  of  papal  power  in  Romagna,  and 
the  intercourse  became  a  mere  trial  of  deception  on  all  sides. 
The  Malatesti  of  Rimini  and  Pollenti  of  Ravenna,  too  saga- 
cious not  to  foresee  their  own  niin  in  the  pope  s  triumph,  openly 

•  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i°,  cap.  liii.,  liv. — Sismondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  268. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


171 


sided  with  Manfredi  and  engaged  Duke  Werner  and  his  fierce 
companions  in  their  cause  *. 

The  count  however,  from  Visconti,  Mastino,  Ferrara,  and  the 
Peppoli,  had  assembled  at  Imola  about  a  thousand  auxiliary 
horse  besides  his  Provencal  forces,  and  artful  as  the  barons  of 
Romagna  themselves,  exhibited  an  unbounded  confidence  in 
the  lords  of  Bologna;  yet  more  wily  than  warlike,  he  had  lost  two 
months  before  Salervolo  instead  of  investing  Faenza  itself,  and 
Giovanni  de'  Peppoli  endeavoured  to  increase  this  delay  by 
oifering  his  own  mediation  in  order  to  bring  Manfredi  to  terms. 
This  was  accepted  with  apparent  eagerness  by  the  count  who 
affected  to  be  guided  entirely  by  Giovanni  s  counsel  and  a  nego- 
tiation actually  commenced  while  he  was  secretly  plotting  with 
the  malcontents  of  Bologna  to  assassinate  both  brothers.  The 
treason  was  discovered ;  but  still  so  artfully  was  Count  Dur- 
fort's  part  in  it  concealed  that  he  not  only  managed  to  excul- 
[)ate  himself  completely  but  even  to  entice  Giovanni  Peppoli 
into  his  camp  on  pretence  of  bringing  the  negotiation  with 
Manfredi  to  a  conclusion.  This  step  was  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  Giacopo  de'  Peppoli;  Giovanni  was  received  with  every 
external  mark  of  honour  and  friendship  but  was  startled  l)y 
unexpectedly  finding  himself  a  prisoner  in  the  counts  tent  who 
sharply  accusing  him  of  bringing  Werner  and  his  five  hundred 
myrmidons  into  Faenza  sent  him  off  captive  to  Imola  while 
his  troops  were  disarmed,  pillaged,  and  driven  from  the  papal 
campf. 

Thus  warned  Giacopo  Peppoli  lost  no  time  in  seeking  aid 
amongst  his  allies  :  Milan  and  Rimini  sent  him  troops;  Flo- 
rence none;  for  she  had  no  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  lords 
of  Bologna  but  on  the  contrary  would  have  been  well  contented 
to  assist  in  displacing  those  tyrants  had  the  Bolognese  citizens 


*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  Iviij,,  lix. 
+  M.    Villani,   Lib.    i",    cup.     Ivi., 
Iviii  ,  Ix.,  l\i.  —  Mui-atori,    Annali, 


Anno  1350. 
268. 


—  Sismondi,  vol.  iv.. 


1-2 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Still  retained  spirit  enough  to  seize  the  opportunity  of  recover- 
ing their  freedom.  Neither  had  she  any  wish  to  quarrel  with 
Clement ;  hut  Visconti  less  scnipulous  on  that  point  sent  ambas- 
sadors to  remonstmte  with  Dui'fort  against  the  detention  of  liis 
ally  and  demand  an  instant  release.  The  complaint  was  un- 
heeded and  Peppoh's  liberty  refused  on  the  plea  of  his  having 
excited  Faenza  to  revolt,  besides  other  convenient  reasons ; 
moreover  Durlbrt  even  managed  to  seduce  the  archbishop "s 
contingent  of  troops  then  in  camp  and  so  dismissed  the  em- 
bassy 'i^  Meanwhile  Duke  Wenier  at  the  invitation  of  Jacopo 
Peppoli  marclied  with  his  five  hundred  Barbute  from  Faenza 
to  Bologna  and  although  an  enemy  of  Florence  and  w^arring 
against  the  church,  threaded  the  mountidn  passes  of  its  terri- 
tory without  any  opposition  from  the  priors  then  in  office,  but 
to  the  great  indignation  of  the  public.  At  Bologna  his  deport- 
ment was  rather  that  of  a  master  than  a  senant ;  seizing  at 
once  on  a  whole  street  for  his  quarters  he  set  an  example 
which  was  not  lost  upon  the  other  auxiliaries,  so  that  many  of 
the  mhabitants  were  expelled  from  their  homes,  the  people 
plundered,  famished,  and  oppressed  within,  while  the  papal 
army  ravaged  everything  without  f.  In  these  circumstances 
Jacopo  Peppoli  not  only  agreed  to  deliver  Bologna  to  the 
care  of  Florence,  but  even  consented  to  abdicate  in  hopes  of 
thus  removing  eveiy  obstacle  to  a  reconciliation  with  Avignon : 
certain  influential  Florentines  however  who  served  on  their 
own  account  in  Durfort's  army,  hoping  if  Bologna  fell  to  be 
made  governors  there,  rendered  this  negotiation  fruitless,  threw 
tlie  Bolognese  into  despair,  and  increased  the  Count  of  Ko- 
magna's  audacity^.  Thus  situated  the  city  could  scarcely  have 
stood  a  moment  if  broken  promises  and  want  of  pay  had  not 
caused  disappouitment  and  mutiny  amongst  the  papal  troops 
and  finally  compelled  Durfort  to  deliver  Giovanni  Peppoli  into 


*  M.  Villani,  Lib  i.,  cap.  Ixiii.  •{•  M.  Villarii,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  Ixv. 

X  M.  V^illani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  Ixv.,  Ixvii. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


173 


their  hands :  they  paid  themselves  by  his  ransom  which  cost 
80,000  florins-,  and  this  fortunate  restoration  threw  fresh  spirit 
into  the  government,  for  he  was  a  man  of  ability,  a  good  sol- 
dier, and  generally  feared  by  the  citizens  f. 

Nor  was  Giovanni's  return  displeasing  to  Florence,  because 
that  government  really  anxious  to  restore  peace  and  if  possible 
the  popular  ascendancy  in  Bologna,  thought  both  of  these 
objects  would  be  more  easily  accomplished  by  his  release  and 
the  consequent  diminution  of  Count  Durfort's  power.  Ambas- 
sadors were  therefore  sent  to  Bologna  and  the  preliminaries 
signed,  by  which  the  church  was  to  be  made  paramount ;  re- 
publican government  reestablished  ;  the  Peppoli  were  to  abdi- 
cate, and  the  constitution  to  be  reformed  under  a  commission 
of  Florentine  citizens  nominated  by  their  own  republic.  These 
advantageous  terms  were  at  first  accepted  by  the  Count  of 
Uomagna  but  finally  rejected  through  the  intrigues  of  Frignano 
a  natural  son  and  agent  of  Mastino  della  Scala  who  secretly 
aimed  at  the  possession  of  Bologna  for  liimself. 

The  Peppoli  were  so  mortified  by  tliis  failure  that  they 
determined  to  sacrifice  the  independence  of  their  country  as 
well  as  their  own  honour  on  the  altar  of  vengeance  by  secretly 
selling  both  to  the  Archbishop  of  Milan  while  they  maintained 
an  outward  show  of  negotiation  with  Florence,  under  whose 
protection  the  citizens  of  Bologna  were  anxious  to  be  placed. 
This  scheme  was  successful  and  Giovanni  repaired  to  Milan, 
completed  the  bargain  for  ^200,000  florins,  and  then  unblush- 
ingly  returned  to  Bologna  with  an  open  avowal  of  his  treachery ! 

The  citizens  were  furious  and  the  populace  clamorous,  but 
being  afraid  to  strike,  all  quietly  subsided  into  abject  submission: 
Florence  would  have  gladly  assisted  them  had  there  been  suffi- 


*  Corio  (Histoiie  Milanese,  Parte  iii%     is  probably  nearer  the  truth. 
p.  224)  says  30,000  florins  of  which     f  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  Ixvi. 
10,000  were  paid  down  and  this  sum 


174 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


cient  spirit  in  the  place  to  work  upon  ;  but  this  being  want- 
ing Galeazzo  Visconti  at  once  occupied  the  town,  and  thus  a 
new  and  fertile  source  of  war  and  niiseiy  was  opened  upon 
Italy  =^ 

Gasparo  Visconti  assumed  the  command  of  Bologna  and  in  the 
following  October  the  Archbishop  of  Milan  was  publicly  acknow- 
ledged as  lord  of  a  city  that  once  was  esteemed  a  province  in 
itself,  so  rich  and  extensive  were  its  territories  and  so  numerous 
the  students  who  flocked  from  all  parts  of  Christendom  to  its 
celebrated  university  f.  Thus  finished  the  power  of  the  Peppoli 
in  Bologna,  but  the  Guelphic  factions  of  that  city  and  Florence 
who  knew  and  dreaded  the  ambition  of  Visconti,  became  seriously 
alarmed,  and  Florence  herself  began  to  tremble  at  the  close 
neighbourhood  of  so  powerful  a  GhibelineJ. 

Notwithstanding  the  exorbitant  ransom  of  Giovanni  Peppoli, 
of  which  20,000  florins  were  paid  down,  the  Count  of 
Romagna  was  still  in  arrears,  and  from  papal  neglect 
unable  to  pay  his  soldiers  ;  the  consequence  was  a  cessation  of 
military  operations  against  Bologna  and  the  necessity  of  at  last 
allowing  them  to  treat  with  the  new  governor  Bernabo  Visconti 
who  instantly  paid  up  their  aiTeai-s  with  the  money  destined  for 
the  purchase  of  that  city,  received  in  exchange  all  the  towns 
and  territory  they  had  already  occupied  and  took  fifteen  hun- 
dred of  them  into  his  ser\'ice§.  Werner  wlio  was  a  personal 
enemy  of  Bernabo  Visconti  at  once  retired,  the  siege  was  raised, 
the  other  auxiliaries  returned  home,  and  Count  Dui-fort  retreated 
in  disgrace  to  Imola  at  the  very  moment  when  a  judicious  supply 
of  money  would  have  given  Bologna  to  the  church  and  saved 
the  land  from  war 


A.D.  1351. 


•  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  Ixviii.  help    of    Gonzaga    of    Mantua   first 

t  At   one  period  tliere  were  no  less  fought    some  bloody  battles  with  the 

than  13,000  scholars.  Papal  anny. — (Vide  Parte  iii%p.  2'24, 

X  M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  rap.  Ixviii.  Historic  Milanese.) 

§  Corio  says   that  Bernabo  mih  the  ||   M.  Villani,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  Ixxi. 


CHAF.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


175 


Clement  furious  at  the  archbishop's  success  and  his  own 
discomfiture  instantly  renewed  all  the  censures  pronounced 
against  him  by  Pope  John  XXII.  cited  him  to  appear  within 
a  given  time  at  Avignon,  and  finally  bade  him  make  his  choice 
of  what  he  would  henceforth  be,  or  temporal  lord  or  arch- 
bishop of  Milan ;  but  not  both.  Giovanni  named  a  day  for 
the  solemn  publication  of  the  legate  s  message  at  the  conclusion 
of  divine  service  in  the  cathedral,  and  before  the  assembled 
people.  On  the  appointed  Sunday,  after  Archbishop  Visconti 
liad  himself  celebrated  mass  with  great  splendour,  the  legate 
rose,  and  in  presence  of  a  great  multitude  repeated  Pope 
Clement's  declaration.  On  this  Visconti  came  slowly  forward 
with  a  stern  aspect,  then  stopped,  and  suddenly  drawing  a 
bright  blade  from  his  side  while  witli  the  left  hand  he  seized 
a  crucifix,  "  This  cross,"  said  he  in  a  loud  and  detennined 
voice,  "  is  my  spiritual,  as  this  sword  shall  he  my  temporal 
authority  for  the  protection  of  all  my  dominions,''  and  so  dis- 
missed the  messenger. 

Clement  still  more  indignant  at  so  public  an  insult  renewed 
his  fonner  summons  under  pain  of  excommunication  and  Vis- 
conti declared  his  readiness  to  obey ;  whereupon  his  secretary 
was  instantly  despatched  to  Avignon  with  orders  to  hire  every 
house,  palace,  hotel,  or  dwelling  that  he  could  procure,  for  six 
months ;  and  to  prepare  everything  necessary  for  the  supply 
of  twelve  thousand  horse  and  six  thousand  infantry.  The 
consequence  was  that  no  stranger  could  find  lodfrinj^s  m  the 
place  and  the  strange  news  coming  to  Pope  Clement's  ears 
he  sent  for  the  Milanese  secretary  and  heard  that  the  arch- 
bishop humbly  intended  to  obey  his  commands,  but  accom- 
panied by  these  personal  followers  and  a  long  train  of  Milanese 
nobles  and  citizens  besides,  all  of  whom  wished  to  do  honour 
to  their  chief.  Clement  instantly  demanded  how  much  had 
already  been  spent :  the  secretary  replied  that  40,000  florins 
liad  been  disbursed  ui  these  preparations,  upon  which  the 


176 


FLORENTINE   HISTOKY. 


[book 


money  was  immediately  repaid  and  Visconti  received  the  papal 
dispensation  for  Lis  personal  appearance.  Whatever  tmth  may 
be  in  this  story ;  the  authenticity  of  which  there  however 
seems  no  reason  to  question  ;  Giovanni  managed  liis  business  so 
adroitly  as  sometime  afterwards  to  receive  the  investiture  of 
Bologna  from  Clement  himself  for  the  payment  of  10(1,00(1 
florins,  and  thus  were  these  two  churchmen  reconciled  -•'. 

During  the  foregoing  events  one  of  the  Florentine  family  of 
Antelesi  who  was  Bishop  of  Ferrara  had  been  despatched  as 
legate  to  organise  a  Tuscan  league  in  conjunction  with  some 
of  the  Lombard  chieftains,  against  Visconti :  Siena  and  Perugia 
deeming  themselves  too  remote  to  fear  liis  power  especially 
the  latter,  gave  but  an  outward  adherence  to  this  and  interposed 
so  much  delay  that  Mastino  della  Scala's  death  in  the  month 
of  June  and  the  comparative  weakness  of  the  other  Lombards 
put  an  end  to  the  negotiation. 

The  miscarriage  was  unfortunate  because  its  success  would 
have  effectually  baffled  Visconti's  schemes  of  aggrandisement 
and  its  failure  left  Florence  in  considerable  alarm,  more  esj)t- 
cially  when  it  was  understood  that  Milanese  emissaries  were 
actively  availing  themselves  of  the  distracted  state  of  Pistoia 
where  a  small  Florentine  detachment  had  been  long  quartered 
under  command  of  the  local  government.  The  seignory  re- 
solved therefore  to  occupy  that  place  with  greater  forces  and 
strengthen  their  o>vn  frontier  in  the  same  direction ;  an  un- 
successful attempt  was  made  to  effect  the  former  by  a  union  of 
force  and  treachery,  but  unknown  to  the  great  body  of  the 
citizens;  and  although  this  action  was  outwardly  and  loudly 
blamed,  the  impoi-tance  of  the  position  and  terror  of  Visconti 
were  so  great  that  national  danger  was  deemed  a  sufficient 
apology  for  national  injustice,  and  the  fear  of  losing  Pistoia  a 
valid  excuse  for  robbing  an  old  and  devoted  friend.     The  city 

*   M.  Tillani,  Lib.   i.,  cap.   Ixxvi. —     ccxxiv. — Muratori,    Annali.  —  Sis- 
Corio,  Hist.  Milanese,  Parte  iii',  vol.     mondi,  vol.  iv.,  p.  "J  76. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


177 


was  vigorously  besieged,  both  with  arms  and  protestations; 
public  security  being  alleged  as  the  Florentines'  only  object, 
and  so  effectual  were  these  means  that  through  the  mediation 
of  Siena  Pistoia  agreed  to  receive  a  Florentine  garrison,  to 
allow  the  building  of  a  citadel  within  the  town,  and  even  to 
surrender  the  strong  fortresses  of  Serravalle  and  Sambuca 
commanding  two  important  passes  to  the  south-westward  and 
north-eastward  of  Pistoia  * .    This  piece  of  treachery  was  blamed 
by  many  and  justified  by  none,  except  as  an  imperious  act  of  self- 
preseiTation,  and  has  been  more  recently  imitated  by  ourselves, 
if  not  with  equal  treacheiy  certainly  with  less  necessity.     Vis- 
conti although  alarmed  at  the  cloud  that  Mastino's  death  had 
dispersed,  never  relaxed  in  his  outward  expressions  of  esteem 
for  Florence,  and  proffered  them  with  more  warmth  because 
he  was  secretly  weaving  a  strong  web  of  the  Tuscan,  Lombard 
and  Romagnan  Gliibelines  for  her  destruction  along  with  all 
the  Guelphic  faction  in  Italy.     Beniabo  Visconti  had  married 
the  sister  of  Can  Grande  11.  the  son  and  successor  of  Mastino 
della  Scala,  and  this  young  chief  was  easily  persuaded  by  Vis- 
conti to  join  him  with  all  the  power  of  Verona  in  common  with 
a  crowd  of  petty  Gliibeline  tyrants  and  states  who  assisted  at 
his  secret  diet  m  Milan,  for  Visconti  found  an  ally  in  ever}- 
usurper  of  his  country's  liberty.     Benedetto  de'  Buonconti 
Monaldeschi  who   had  recently  waded  tlirough  blood   to  the 
lordship  of  Orv-ieto ;  Giovanni  Gabrielli  d'Agobbio  who  had  run 
a  similar  coui-se  in  that  city ;  the  Uberti,  Ubaldini,  Tarlati. 
Pazzi ;  the  counts  of  Santa  Fiore ;  the  lords  of  Forli,  Rimini, 
and  Urbino ;   Francesco  Castracani ;    the  sons  of  Castruccio! 
and  even  Pisa  itself  besides  many  other  chiefs,  all  appeared 
either  personally  or  by  deputy  at  Mflan  whose  aspiring  pre- 
late contemplated  little  less  than  the  subjugation  of  Italy  f . 

*  Hist,  di  Pistoia,  M.  Salvi,  toni.  ii.,  lini,  l8t.di  Firenze,  Lib.  i. 

parte  ii.,  Lib.  ix.— Cronaca  di  Donato  f  Corio,   Histor.  Milan.,  Parte    iii., 

^  elluti,  p.  90,  &C.-M.  Villani,  Lib.  folio  225.-M.  Villani,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  iv. 
1.,  cap.  xcvi.,  xcvii.— Poggio  Braccio- 

VOL.   II.  X. 


178 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   I. 


Florence  was  the  fii*st  object  of  war,  but  though  still  suspicious 
and  alai'med  she  remained  inactive  ;  and  whether  lulled  by  the 
honied  words  of  Visconti  or  paralysed  by  her  own  quarrels, 
which  even  thus  early  began  to  revive  from  the  stupor  of  pesti- 
lence, no  vigorous  measures  of  seciuity  were  taken  against  him 
after  the  occupation  of  Pistoia  and  Sambuca.  The  latter,  a 
strong  frontier  post  commanding  the  passes  of  the  Bolognese 
Apennines  which  lead  down  on  the  fomier,  Wiis  even  negligently 
lost  to  Giovanni  Visconti  d'Oleggio  the  archbishop's  reputed 
son,  and  that  city  itself  only  preserved  by  his  unnecessary 
delay,  at  only  four  miles  distance,  to  concentrate  his  forces  ere 
he  commenced  the  siege. 

This  inroad  was  a  preconcerted  scheme  of  the  Milanese  con- 
gress where  it  was  settled  that  the  appearance  of  Visconti's 
army  in  Tuscany  should  be  the  signal  for  a  general  movement 
of  the  confederates  :  those  of  Komagna  with  the  Ubaldini 
were  to  commence  operations  in  the  mountains ;  the  Tarlati, 
Ubertini,  and  Pazzi,  in  the  Upper  Val  d'Anio  and  count  Tano 
da  Monte  Carelli  in  the  Mugello.  The  Pisans  were  expected 
simultaneously  to  declare  war,  but  their  present  ruler  Gamba- 
corta,  a  merchant  and  the  friend  of  peace  and  Florence, 
demanded  time,  and  even  a  subsequent  embassy  from  Milan 
failed  in  securing  an  object  on  the  success  of  which  Visconti 
founded  his  principal  hopes  of  victory*. 

The  Ubaldini  commenced  bv  l)urning  Firenzuola  and  takint,' 
Monte  Colloreto  through  the  folly  of  the  governor,  who  was 
afterwards  beheaded  at  Florence  for  his  conduct :  Piero  Sacconi, 
the  Ubertini  and  the  Pazzi  followed  u[)  tliis  blow  without  a 
moment's  pause  though  all  were  at  peace  with  Florence :  that 
city  blind  to  every  premonitory  symptom  of  so  extensive  an  out- 
break had  made  no  preparations  ;  her  councils  were  distracted, 
her  citizens  astounded,  and  party  violence  had  destroyed  all 
confidence  between  man  and  man  f . 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  iv.,  xx. —     Istorie  Milanese. 

Poggio   Bracciolini,    1st.    di    Firenze,     +  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  vi.,  vii. 

Lib.  i**. — Corio,  Parte  iii%  folio  225. — 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


179 


The  government's  first  act  was  to  demand  why  Giovanni 
d'  Oleggio,  who  had  already  invested  Prato,  thus  treacherously 
invaded  the  territory  of  a  friendly  power  in  time  of  profound 
peace;  but  the  only  answer  was  a  publication  of  Visconti 's 
resolve  to  reform  all  the  Tuscan  states,  beginning  with  Flo- 
rence, and  to  restore  tranquillity  both  within  and  without,  by 
persuasion  if  possible,  if  not,  by  force  of  arms.  This  insolent 
message  raised  the  indignation,  suppressed  the  discord,  and 
dispersed  every  fear  of  the  Florentines  ;  but  nevertheless  when 
the  Milanese  general  suddenly  advanced  with  his  whole  force 
on  Campi  and  insulted  the  citizens  under  their  walls,  the 
Seignory  still  doubtful  of  internal  treason  and  totally  unpre- 
pared, was  at  a  loss  how  to  act  until  reassured  by  the  zeal 
and  cooperation  of  every  order  in  the  commonwealth.  The 
civic  companies  were  assembled  in  arms  and  stationed  on  the 
ramparts,  and  confidence  revived  so  rapidly  that  only  those 
gates  nearest  to  the  enemy  were  closed,  all  the  others  remain- 
ing open  as  in  times  of  profound  peace  ;  and  unsupported  by  a 
single  mercenary  the  citizens  resolved  to  defend  their  town. 

But  hunger  did  more  than  lances :  the  rural  mills  had  been 
dismantled,  com  could  not  be  ground,  and  flour  was  nowhere 
to  be  had ;  whole  grain  and  animal  food  in  small  quantities 
with  little  or  no  salt,  l)ecame  the  enemy's  only  sustenance  : 
August  heats  and  gradual  deprivation  of  every  supply  affected 
the  troops ;  suffermgs  were  great  and  general ;  and  this  now 
dispirited  army  at  last  attempted  to  penetrate  into  the  fertile 
plains  of  San  Salvi  eastward  of  Florence.  They  were  checked  by 
an  intrenchment  well  lined  with  cross-bows  which  was  suddenly 
thrown  up  between  Porta  San  Gallo  and  the  hill  of  Montughi : 
a  retreat  by  their  former  line  of  march  was  next  attempted, 
but  the  people  of  Prato  destroyed  the  roads ;  Val  di  Marina 
which  leads  into  the  province  of  Mugello  offered  another  outlet ; 
but  here  retreat  was  still  more  difficult  for  the  people  rose  in 
a  body  and  occupying  the  mountain  passes  showed  a  determmed 

N  2 


130 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


I. 


front.  In  this  predicament  the  surrender  of  Oleggio's  anny 
would  have  been  inevitable  had  not  the  whole  position,  strong 
and  difficult  as  it  was,  been  shamefully  abandoned  by  a  Medici 
with  the  only  force  of  regular  troops  in  that  district.  These 
soldiers  although  alone  insufficient,  were  zealously  seconded 
by  the  peasantrj-,  and  the  passes  only  admitting  the  march  of 
troops  by  single  files  of  infantry  or  dismounted  cavalr}%  could 
have  been  easily  defended;  but  thus  deserted  the  country 
people  retired  with  deep  imprecations  on  the  Florentines  who 
had  abandoned  them,  and  now  thought  only  of  saving  their 
goods  and  families. 

The  Milanese  commander  was  not  slow  in  availing  himself 
of  this  opening ;  he  instantly  occupied  the  passes,  and  push- 
ing rapidly  through  the  defiles  soon  encamped  amidst  all  the 
abundance  of  the  Mugello :  Barberino  a  strong  and  well-pro- 
vided town  was  treacherously  surrendered ;  Villanova,  Gagliaiio, 
Latera  and  other  places  tendered  their  obedience  and  supplied 
his  troops ;  Count  Tano  da  Monte  Carelli  declared  himself  of 
the  league  ;  and  this  half-famished  half-conquered  army  found 
itself  as  if  by  magic  securely  triumphing  in  the  heart  of  a  fruit- 
ful country. 

Nevertheless  its  departure  under  any  circumstances  removed 
a  load  of  anxiety  from  Florence ;  national  spirit  rose ;  Scar- 
peria,  Borgo  a  San  Lorenzo,  Pulicciano  and  other  posts  were 
reenforced;  troops  were  rapidly  levied  and  organised  and 
vigorous  preparations  made  on  every  side*.  Pulicciano  fought 
stoutly  although  fenced  only  by  a  simple  palisade,  and  stood 
resolutely  and  successfully  against  two  thousand  Barbute  a 
thousand  infantry  and  a  strong  body  of  crossbowmen  :  the 
Milanese  horsemen  dismounted,  and  linking  their  arms  toge- 
ther in  a  strong  line  flanked  by  cross-bows,  moved  steadily  up 
the  hill  like  a  band  of  steel  and  after  a  fierce  and  well-sustained 
encounter  were  broken  and  driven  back  in  confusion. 


*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  viii.  to  xv. — Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  i". 


CHAP.  XXII,] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


181 


But  while  war  raged  in  the  Mugello  the  Aretine  frontier 
was  not  tranquil :   Piero   Sacconi,  now  ninety  years   of  acre 
together  with  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo,  the  Ubertini,  and  the 
Pazzi  of  Valdarno,  made  a  combined  attack  on  the  Florentine 
territory  but  were  promptly  repulsed :  Albertaccio  de'  Ricasoli 
who  commanded  the  Florentines  was  charged  with  treachery 
for  not  completing  his  victory  by  destroying  the  enemy  while 
m  his  power ;  he  sternly  repelled  the  accusation,  to  which  how- 
ever  his    close   connection   with   many  in   the   hostile  amy 
added  some  force ;  and  as  it  escaped  without  loss  during  the 
night  the   troops  became  indignant  especially  the  Aretines 
who  sullenly  quitted  his  camp  and  marched  to  their  capital 

Visconti  anxious  for  Pisa's  cooperation  sent  ambassadors  to 
work  on  the  public  mind  and  turn  her  citizens  to  war;  but  his 
designs  were  baffled  by  the  pmdence  of  Gambacorta  and  the 
prelate  again  despaired  of  success;  yet  so  universal  was  the 
dread  of  his  power  that  Florence  could  not  at  any  price  enlist  a 
single  military  commander  in  her  defence  *. 

Thus  compelled  to  trust  to  the  leading  of  her  own  citizens 
she  exerted  herself  nobly  and  gained  such  an  ascendancy  in 
the  Mugello,  the  principal  seat  of  war,  that  all  public  agitation 
ceased  ;  the  ordinary  commercial  transactions  were  resumed  as 
If  m  pea/^e  ;  the  monthly  interest  of  national  debt  was  punctu- 
ally discharged,  and  the  whole  people  assumed  an  aspect  of  so 
much  confidence  as  to  produce  a  strong  moral  effect  on  the 
enemy.     The  siege  of  Scai-peria  was  nevertheless  begun  and 
pushed  on  with  such  vigour  by  Giovanni  d'  Oleggio  that  the 
place  was  soon  reduced  to  extremity:  Florence  strained  every 
nerve  to  relieve  it  and  impatiently  expected  six  hundred  men- 
at-arms  from  Perugia.     This  reenforcement  had  in  fact  be-un 
Its  march  and  halted  at  a  place  called  I'Olmo  about  two  miles 
trom  the  friendly  city  of  Arezzo;  but  Piero  Sacconi  was  then 
at  JJibbiena  and  hearing  of  the  delay  determined  to  suq^rise  it 

*  Corio,  Hist.  Milan.,  Parte  iii%  folio  225. 


f 


182 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


with  four  hundred  horse  and  two  thousand  mfantiy.  His  foot- 
men were  rapidly  brought  down  from  the  Casentino  and  placed 
in  ambush  amongst  the  hills  in  rear  of  the  Perugians  while 
he  suddenly  charged  their  front  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry : 
surprised  but  not  daunted  they  fought  stoutly  took  the  old 
chieftain  prisoner,  and  would  probably  have  gauied  the  day 
had  not  an  unexpected  occurrence  baffled  all  their  efforts. 

Arezzo  after  the  recovery  of  her  independence  had  been 
alwavs  more  or  less  a  prey  to  faction  and  like  all  other  Italian 
republics  was  continually  vexed  by  the  ambition  of  private 
citizens;  there  as  elsewhere  a  firm  and  general  pressure  was 
required ;  not  so  heavy  as  to  oppress  liberty  or  impede  indi- 
vidual enterprise,  but  sufficient  to  repel  the  high-reaching 
fancies  of  those  citizens  who  find  no  peace  or  satisfaction  in 
equality.  After  the  Tariati  s  expulsion  the  Guelphic  family  of 
Boscoli  became  the  most  powerful  of  her  citizens,  and  as  a 
matter  of  course  the  most  overbearing  and  tyrannical :  this 
occasioned  their  expulsion  in  1347,  but  only  to  make  way  for 
other  Guelphs  of  the  Brandagli  race  who  were  equally  ambi- 
tious and  despotic.  Both  had  made  external  professions  of 
friendship  to  Florence  but  merely  to  suit  their  own  objects, 
which  like  those  of  Sacconi  were  absolute  power  in  Arezzo : 
but  the  Brandagli  could  not  accomplish  this  without  the  assist- 
ance of  exUes,  and  as  the  Tariati  were  the  ablest  and  most 
powerful  of  these,  their  alliance  was  sedulously  courted. 

The  old  chieftain's  capture  offered  a  fiiir  occasion,  wherefore 
promptly  assembhng  their  forces  they  humed  with  a  numerous 
body  to  the  field,  and  under  the  character  of  allies  of  Flo- 
rence persuaded  the  Perugians  to  commit  the  custody  of  Piero 
Sacconi  to  them ;  but  no  sooner  was  he  placed  in  their  power 
than  he  received  his  liberty  and  the  Brandagli  retired  to 
Arezzo  without  further  interference. 

Piero  soon  rallied  his  men  and  recommenced  the  fight  while 
his  infantry  suddenly  descending  in  the  enemy's  rear  com- 


.7' 


CHAP.  XXIl.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


183 


pletely  overpowered  them  and  he  led  three  hundred  prisoners 
away  in  triumph  to  Bibbiena.     This  paralysed  every  offensive 
movement  on  the  part  of  Florence,  increased  the  difficulty  of 
relieving  Scaq^eria,  and  almost  banished  hope  from  the  hearts 
of  its  brave  defenders.     Nevertheless  the  Florentines  deter- 
mined to  attempt  sometliing  and  despatched  Giovanni  Visdo- 
raini  a  brave  and  skilful  soldier,  who  volunteered  with  only 
tlnrty  followers  to  relieve  them  :  with  prompt  and  determined 
courage  he  went  straight  to  his  object  and  suddenly  coming 
on  the  besiegers'  camp  burst  through  it  with  the  speed  of  liaht- 
nmg  carrying  his  little  band  of  heroes  safely  into  the  place. 
The  military  reputation  of  Visdomhii  and  his  successful  auda- 
city gave  new  spirit  to  the  garrison  while  their  enemy  angry 
and  mortified  closed  round  the  town  hi  denser  lines,  deter- 
mined to  prevent  any  successful  repetition  of  this  boldness  • 
yet  a  chief  of  the  Medici  with  only  one  hundred  footmen,  his' 
owii  good  fame,  and  a  skilful  guide,  pushed  by  night  through 
the  hills,  forced  tlie  Milanese  camp  after  a  sliaq)  encounter, 
and  with  eighty  men  made  good  his  entrance  =^ 
.      Exasperated  at  this  double  defeat   by   such   contemptible 
forces  Oleggio  renewed  his  exertions  and  vrith  fresh  troops  and 
the  promise  of  double  pay  resolved  on  .i  general   assault  f. 
Every  wariike  machine  then  in  use  was  carefully  prepared,  and 
numerous   lofty   towers    were  wheeled  with   great  labour  to 
within  crossbow-shot  of  the  defences  ;  the  storm  then  began  : 
not  a  sound  or  a  movement  was  to  be  perceived  in  Scarpe- 
na ;  all  remained  as  still  as  night :  but  when  the  assailants, 
having  passed  the  outer  ditch,  were  engaged  in  the  second  and 
had  even  laid  some  ladders  to  the  walls,  suddenly  and  by  pre- 
concerted signals   such  a  tempest  of  stones,  arrows,  lances, 

f  ^^'pJ^'^rtnl^'  "■'  "''P' '"''-  ^^''-^''"-  ^'^^  ^'^ctoTieB.     The  pay  was  counted 

or  dole   T      ^  T'  ^'^T"'"'"  ^"*^"^^*^>''  "°*  ^^'^^^  «"d  the  month's 

Plete    M^.  ^1  '''T    '^'  T""'^'  '^"™-  P«y^^-^^«  given  in  advance,  as  if  finished, 

forrewnrl  T  f  ^""V^^^^^^ri  when  the  army  was  thus  rewarded, 

lor  rewaids  given  to  the  troops  after 


184 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


185 


beams  of  timber,  and  other  missiles  thundered  on  their  heads 
as  nothuig  could  withstand :  from  every  part ;  far  and  near ; 
within,  without ;  above,  below ;  was  one  incessant  shower  of 
death ;  not  a  shaft  flew  in  vain,  eveiy  stone  struck,  and  the 
slaughter  was  commensurate.  The  assailants  though  continu- 
ally ""relieved  by  fresh  troops  and  bravely  fighting,  could  not 
long  stand  up  against  such  weapons  so  wielded  by  the  skill 
and" courage  of  the  garrison:  they  were  stricken  back  from 
the  walls,  surge  after  surge,  like  waves  from  a  rock,  nor  could 
they  even  approach  the  palisade  where  no  ramparts  existed  ; 
there  was  a  ceitain  line  beyond  which  was  death,  and  of  the 
sixty-four  ladders  they  had  carried  to  the  first  ditch,  only 
three  reached  the  second  in  safety  and  there  were  instantly 

abandoned. 

The  attiick  failed,  the  troops  fell  back  in  disorder,  a  conscious 
shame  overwhelmed  their  chiefs  which  they  strove  to  conceal 
or  else  get  rid  of  in  the  galleries  of  a  mme ;  but  even  here  they 
were  baffled,  for  the  garrison  retrenched  the  wall  within,  and 
countermined  without :  this  brought  the  enemy's  whole  force 
against  their  workmen  ;  severe  shooting  was  kept  up  from  a 
wooden  tower;    the  assailants  were  reenforced,  the  counter- 
miners  more  closely  protected ;  and  the  besieger'  mine,  dis- 
covered only  forty  feet  from  the  walls,  was  at  once  filled  up, 
the  props  burned,  and   the  enemy's   workmen   dispersed   or 
slaughtered.  An  impetuous  onslaught  was  simultaneously  made 
by  all  the  covering  force ;  it  was  repulsed,  the  wooden  tower 
with  another  more  distant  were  reduced  to  ashes  and  the  whole 
strength  of  Milan  once  more  compelled  to  retreat  with  shame 
and  disappointment  to  the  camp. 

Winter  was  now  approaching ;    forage  and  other  supplies 

began  to  foil,  and  fears  then  rife  in  the  Milanese  camp  of  being 

ultimately  baffled  by  a  half-fortified  town,  determined  Oleggio 

Visconti  to  risk  one  other  assault  ere  his  final  departure. 

Fascines  were  therefore  collected,  new  towers  and  engines 


constructed  and  immediately  rolled  to  the  ditch,  each  ready 
with  its  archer-garrison  to  be  again  pushed  over  it.     The  army 
was  once  more  under  arms  and  marshalled  ;  on  a  signal  given 
the  light-infantry  and   "  Guastatori  "  advanced   with   their 
fagots  in  rapid  succession  and  filled  the   outer  moat,   then 
passed  on  to  the  second  and  made  all  level :  meanwhile  the 
men-at-ai-ms   cUsmounted   and  with  lowered  visors  began  to 
roll  the  heavy  engines   ax^ross  both  ditches   and  plant  them 
close  against  the   walls.     The  now  more   confident  garrison 
suffered  much  of  this  ere  any  resistance  was  off^ered ;  they 
abode  their  time  ;  suddenly  as  before  ;  a  storm  of  beams  and 
stones,  arrows  and  sharpened  stakes,  fell  thick  and  fast  and 
repelled  the  assailants  to  the  outer  fosse   the  towers  being 
too   closely  pressed   to   cover  or  assist  them;   all  this  was 
followed  up  by  bold  and  bloody  sallies  which  soon  shortened 
and  confii-med  the  day,  driving  Oleggio  from  his  ground  with 
engines  burned  and  spirit-tamed  and  everywhere  discomfited. 
Yet  there  was  no  lack  of  courage,  or  any  despondency  :  if  the 
spirit  bowed,  it  was  but  for  a  moment :  the  troops  retreated  ; 
but  the  German  chiefs  and  vassals  who  had  been   scarcely 
engaged,  were  now  appealed  to ;  they  were  excited  by  double 
pay,  by  present  shame,  and  future  honoui-s,  to  storm  once  more 
this  weak  but  well-defended  fortress. 

These  had  their  effect ;  three  hundred  volunteers,  all  knights- 
bachelors,  were  selected  and  ordered  to  arm  without  noise  and 
be  ready  at  midnight  for  the  attack  :  the  troops  then  retired  to 
their  tents,  but  at  the  appointed  hour  were  again  awake  and 
under  anns  :  a  solemn  silence  pervaded  camp  and  country ; 
the  moon  was  high,  the  night  serene  and  beautiful ;  canvas 
and  corslet  glittered  in  her  beam,  but  the  town  s  deep  shadow 
spread  like  a  funeral  pall  upon  the  place  of  conflict.  This  cir- 
cumstance was  taken  advantage  of  and  skilfully  improved  :  the 
plan  of  attack  was  explained,  and  then,  armed  at  all  points, 
the  stormers  glided  like  phantoms  into  that  darkness  which  now 


ISG 


FLORLNTINK    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


sened  to  conceal  them,  while  their  comrades  with  drums  and 
trumpets,  cheei-s  and  chuig  of  arms,  marched  briskly  through  a 
broad  flood  of  moonlight  towards  the  opposite  quarter.     The 
town  seemed  still  and  silent,  half  obscured  half  bright,  mark- 
mg  its  towers  and  turrets  on  the  gmss :  its  weary  soldiers 
v^eak  from  the  mornings  work  strode  calmly  to  their  posts, 
no  way  deceived  by  this  boisterous  movement  but  watching 
with  keener  eye  the  stealthy  advance  of  the  others.     Not  a 
tower  nor  merlon  was  unmanned,  good  marksmen  were  sta- 
tioned to  pick  off  the  nearest  of  the  false  attack  while  the  real 
body  of  storaiers  was  allowed  to  place  their  ladders  in  silence 
and  even  for  a  while  to  mount ;  but  when  clustering  like  bees 
upon  each  other  they  prepared  to  enter,  the  oft-repeated  storm 
came  clattering  on  their  heads',  and  knight  and  ladder  went 
headlong  down  in  one  promiscuous  ruin :  this  crash  was  deci- 
sive ;  all  that  could  escape  fled  to  the  main  body ;  and  even 
there,  though  the  crj'  was  gi'eater  than  the  work,  mmy  had 
fallen  by  the  Florentine  marksmen.  Vigorous  sallies  were  again 
made  with  success  and  the  stniggle  was  continued  :  when  morn- 
ing da\N-ned  Oleggio's  army  was  in  full  retreat,  as  yet  followed 
only  by  part  of  the  garrison  ;  but  verj-  soon  the  remainder  with 
one  loud  and  general  cheer  completed  the  victory.     After  a  few 
days  the  siege  was  raised  and  a  further  retreat  to  Bologna 
most  skilfully  eff'ected  on  the  sixteenth  of  October  1351   in 
defiance  of  ever}'  eff'ort  of  the  Florentines. 

Thus  ended  the  campaign  ;  in  which  a  treacherous  and  for- 
midable attempt  to  annihilate  Florence  as  an  independent  state 
signally  failed  :  a  brave  and  experienced  army  of  two  thousand 
knights,  five  thousand  Barbute,  and  six  thousand  foot  was 
baffled  for  sixty-one  days  by  a  miserable,  small,  half-open  town 
in  a  distant  province  ;  and  though  supported  by  secrecy  discipline 
and  treacher)',  and  with  the  terror  of  Viscontis  name,  retired 
in  disgrace  after  three  months'  occupation  of  a  sui-prised  unpre- 
pared country!     Such  is  the  uncertain  chance  of  war,  and 


CHAP.   XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


187 


such  the  difficulty  of  subduing  men  of  honour  and  determina- 
tion*. 

The  brave  commanders  and  garrison  were  rewarded  by  a 
decree  of  the  commonwealth ;  several  nobles  who  distinguished 
themselves  in  the  siege  were  honoured  by  the  loss  of  their 
nobility  and  restoration  to  all  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  the 
inhabitants  were  exempted  from  every  public  burden  for  ten 
years  f . 

This  demonstration  of  the  power  and  unscrupulous  ambition 
of  Visconti  excited  universal  detestation  and  alarm  at  Florence 
and  urged  her  to  more  extensive  measures  of  defence  :  where- 
fore during  the  siege  of  Scarperia  she  renewed  her  alliance 
with  Siena  and  Perugia,  sent  ambassadors  for  a  similar  purpose 
into  Romagna  and  a  special  embassy  to  Avignon  to  strengthen 
herself  if  possible  by  Pope   Clement's   support,    whom   she 
natumlly  considered  to  be  an  implacable  enemy  to  the  Ghibe- 
line  prelate.     Arezzo  was  also  invited  with  considerable  offers 
of  territory  to  join  the  league  for  Florence  was  liberal  in  her 
concessions  to  a  city  that  she  hoped  ere  long  to  have  again 
under  her  control.    By  this  league  the  Florentines  engaged  to 
funiish  a  thousand  men-at-arms  besides  infantry  and  archers, 
and  their  levies  exceeded  their  contingent :  but  without  confi- 
dence in  Clement  and  anticipating  nothing  but  ill  success  in 
their  struggle  against  Milanese  gold  and  intrigues  at  the  court 
of  Avignon,  they  resolved  to  trust  principally  to  their  own 
resources,  and  therefore  created  a  board  of  twenty  citizens  to 
fonii  a  new  and  more  productive  scale  of  imposts.     This  how- 
ever was  insufficient  to  allay  the  teiTor  of  Visconti's  ambition 
which  rose  so  high  that  throwing  aside  inveterate  prejudices 
they  even  went  so  far  as  to  invite  the  late  emperor's  son  Louis 
of  Bavaria  to  enter  Italy,  and  it  was  only  his  excessive  preten- 
sions that  finally  broke  off"  the  negotiation ;. 

*  M.    Villani,    Lib.  ii.,  cap.  xxi.  to  f  S.  Ammirato,   Lib.  x.,  p.  535.— 

xxin.,  and  xxix.  to  xxxiv. —  Poggio  Poggio  Bracciolino,  Lib.  i». 

Bracciolini,Lib.i«.--CronacacliDonato  +  S.  Ammirato,    Lib.  x.,  p.   537.— 

V  elluti,  p.  93.  M.  Vaiani,  Lib.  ii„  cap.  xlvi. 


188 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


The  pernicious  custom  of  employing  foreign  mercenaries  for 
national  wars  had  long  been  undermining  all  military  spirit  in 
Italy,  and  the  purely  commercial  states  more  eagerly  adopted 
a  system  which  left  them  at  liberty  to  follow  their  peaceful  and 
lucrative  occupations  ;  but  it  was  not  until  this  moment  that 
the  first,  gi'eatest,  and  most  decisive  blow  was  given  to  tliis 
spirit  by  legal  enactments.  The  new  financial  board  amongst 
other  expedients  for  the  Milanese  war  commuted  all  personal 
sendee  from  the  rural  i)opulation  of  the  Contado  for  a  sum 
amountmg  to  ten  soldi  a  day  for  each  foot  soldier,  and  payable 
three  times  a  year :  fifty-two  thousand  golden  florins  were  thus 
raised  and  all  Italy  soon  followed  the  seducing  example. 

It  was  indeed  a  great  momentary  relief  and  universally 
applauded  as  a  wise  and  statesmanlike  act ;  but  it  wsis  also 
pregnant  with  unforeseen,  or  at  least  miheeded  evil ;  an  evil 
which  became  fatally  manifest  and  miiversally  dei)lored  when 
Italy  afterwards  found  herself  at  the  mercy  of  cruel  unprinci- 
pled and  rapacious  strangers*. 

Although  this  decree  did  not  legally  extend  further  than 
the  Contado,  it  deadened  the  native  spirit,  gave  full  scope  to 
the  petrifpng  selfishness  of  the  mere  trader  unrelieved  by  the 
generous  cliivalry  of  soldiers. 

The  nobler  human  feelings  are  perhaps  pretty  equally 
distributed  by  nature  through  every  class,  but  occasionally 
smothered  or  modified  by  pecidiar  circumstimces :  the  grasping, 
selfish  mfluence  commonly  engendered  in  trade,  although  re- 
lieved by  many  honourable  exceptions,  still  sullies  or  suspends 
their  action  and  often  altogether  destroys  them,  but  they  swell 
and  expand  and  blossom  amidst  the  perils  of  a  soldier's  life  : 
a  periodical  remuneration  for  sen'ices  perfonned  or  expected, 
leaves  time  and  room  for  feeling,  honour,  and  generosity  ;  but 
the  hard  everj'-day  barter  of,  this  for  that ;  the  strife  of  gain, 
the  race  of  cunning,  is  a  better  sharpener  of  ^vit  than  a  nurse 
of  generous  feeling  ;  yet  when  soldiers  become  mere  hirelings 

•  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  128,  141.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  537. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


189 


they  imbibe  the  spirit  without  even  the  conventional  honesty 
or  ceitain  usefulness  of  trade,  and  those  who  abandon  their 
countr}^'s  protection  to  such  people  must  soon  become  the  scorn 
and  prey  of  their  protectors. 

This  act,  coupled  with  the  lately-established  system  of  loans 
and  public  funds,  removed  many  of  the  existing  inconveniences 
and  therefore  many  of  the  voluntary  checks  of  war,  which  is 
always  less  considered  when  only  the  interest  of  its  cost  is 
called  for  and  when  the  inconvenience  of  personal  service 
is  commuted  for  a  slight  pecuniary  sacrifice. 

Besides  these  imposts  the  new  board  of  ways  and  means 
levied  a  tax  on  hearths  which  amounted  to  140  golden  florins 
a  day :  the  clergy  were  also  taxed  afresh,  the  amount  being 
levied  by  themselves ;  and  these  with  some  smaller  taxation 
raised  the  annual  revenue  to  360,000  golden  florins*. 

Amongst  these  minor  imposts  was  a  very  singular  one 
called  "  La  Gahella  delle  Querlmonie  "  or  tax  on  com- 
plaints, which  was  exacted  from  those  who  behoving 
themselves  aggrieved  by  the  government  the  magistrates  or 
any  public  sen^ant,  were  simple  enough  to  demand  redress 
and  suppose  they  would  obtain  it.  This  is  perhaps  the  only 
instance  on  record  of  a  government  boldly  dii-ectly  and  syste- 
matically imposing  a  penalty  on  the  demand  for  justice  against 
itself,  and  of  a  people  with  the  name  of  liberty  in  their  mouth 
submitting  to  it  even  for  a  season  ;  we  have  the  evil  in  abundance 
at  home  but  are  occasionally  somewhat  ashamed  of  it.  Whether 
from  its  unpopulaiity  or  unproductiveness  it  was  repealed  at 
the  year's  end  and  expired  along  with  its  authors,  for  they 
were  now  replaced  by  a  new  financial  board  called  the  "  Hegih 
latori "  composed  of  a  citizen  from  each  quarter,  one  being  a 
noble,  with  full  powers  to  augment  or  diminish  taxation  accord- 
ing to  public  necessity  f . 


A.D.  1352. 


*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  xlvi. — S.Ammirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  537. 
f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  549. 


190 


FLORENTINE   HISTORT. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


191 


About  this  epoch  the  expense  of  embassies  had  become  so 
burdensome  to  private  individuals  that  few  were  fomid  wilhng 
to  accept  them  until  salaries  were  augmented  in  proportion  to 
the  dictnity  of  those  employed  and  that  of  the  court  to  which  they 
were  accredited ;  but  after  this  the  refusal  of  such  missions 
was  prohibited  under  a  penalty  of  500  Horins  and  inelegi- 
bility  to  everv  public  office  -. 

From  the  citizens  who  discharged  these  fmictions  at  Avignon 
intelligence  had  amved  which  confirmed  all  previous  suspicions 
of  Pop'e  Clement  s  intentions,  and  the  subsequent  confirmation 
of  Visconti  for  twelve  years  in  the  lordship  of  Bologna  dissi- 
pated the  ver\'  slender  expectations  that  had  hitherto  been 
entertained  of  his  assistance.  A  Imndred  thousand  florins 
paid  by  Milan  with  twelve  thousand  more  of  annual  tribute, 
besides  bribes  to  cardinals,  ministers,  and  mistresses,  especially 
to  the  Countess  of  Turenne  who  niled  the  pontitf,  reconciled 
that  spiritual  father  to  his  haughty  son. 

Indignant  at  this  proceeding  the  Florentines  immediately 
published  a  treaty  which  had  for  some  time  been  secretly 
concluded  between  Siena,  Pemgia,  themselves,  and  the  em- 
peror Charies  IV.  by  which  this  offspring  of  their  great 
enemy  was  to  be  acknowledged  as  future  emperor  and  receive 
200,000  florins  on  condition  that  he  would  instantly  furnish 
three  thousand  men-at-arms,  and  make  war  upon  the  arch- 
bishop in  Lombardy  throughout  the  whole  of  July,  with  twice 
that  number  of  soldiers,  besides  other  services. 

Five  ambassadors  were  despatched  to  the  imperial  court  to 
finish  these  aiTangements,  with  peremptorj^  orders  to  ask  no 
personal  favour  under  a  penalty  of  -^000  florins  ;  a  precaution 
rendered  necessary  by  the  prevalent  habit  of  sacrificing  public 
good  to  private  interest.  :Mattei-s  were  however  not  well 
managed ;  the  union  was  of  essentially  discordant  materials 
and  against  the  natural  ally   of  one  party  :    besides   which, 

♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  538. 


fi 


Florentine  sarcasm  offended  imperial  pride  while  Milanese  gold 
was  soothing;  and  finally  Ghibeline  arguments  and  propen- 
sities were  far  more  effective  than  Guelphic  diplomacy.  The 
alliance  was  only  engendered  by  the  force  of  existing  circum- 
stances and  therefore  easily  dissolved  ;  so  that  the  embassy 
returaed  unsuccessful  and  all  hope  of  assistance  disappeared 
in  that  quarter--. 

Meanwhile  it  became  expedient  to  punish  the  Tarlati,  Pazzi, 
and  Ubertini  for  their  treachery,  and  accordingly  six  hundred 
men-at-arms  with  a  very  numerous  infantry  were  sent  against 
them ;  Bibbiena,  Soci,  Cornia,  ( iaeiina,  Penna  and  other 
places  were  taken  and  Piero  Sacconi  defeated ;  whereupon  this 
successful  expedition  returned  with  many  prisoners  to  Flo- 
rence f. 

Francesco  Castracani  was  similarly  treated  in  Lunigiana  and 
Garfagnana  where  at  the  secret  instigation  of  Pisa  he  had 
siezed  on  Coriglia  as  afterwards  on  Sorana,  and  delivered  them 
both  up  to  that  republic ;  then  with  three  hundred  Milanese 
auxiliaries  he  laid  siege  to  liarga,  a  stronghold  of  Florence, 
which  after  four  months'  defence  was  relieved  by  twenty  thou- 
sand Florenthie  infantry  and  six  hundred  cavaliy  in  the  fol- 
lowing October  with  the  entire  defeat  of  Francesco*. 

The  indefiitigable  old  chieftain  Piero  Sacconi,  though  now 
more  than  ninety,  no  sooner  saw  his  enemy's  troops  well  occu- 
pied in  this  expedition  than  full  of  energ}^  and  untamed  by 
misfortune  he  mustered  his  ready  followers  and  attacked  a 
suburb  of  Arezzo ;  but  with  the  aid  of  a  hundred  Florentine 
cavalry,  who  liappened  to  sleep  there  on  their  march  from 
Perugia,  he  was  rei>ulsed  by  the  inhabitants.  Turned  off"  here 
he  moved  rai)idly  down  the  Val  d'Amo,  pounced  suddenly  on 
Tiglini  and  totally  destroyed  it  ere  a  single  soldier  could  arrive 
from  Florence  ;  then  carrying  ofi'  his  booty  returned  to  Arezzo, 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  iv.,  v.,  vi.,     +  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x. 

vii.,  xiii.,  and  xxx.  t  M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii,,  xxxv. 


192 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


insulted  the  citizens,  and  ^vith  his  Milanese  auxiliaries  and 
other  allies  dispersed  into  winter  quarters*. 

In  the  Mugello  the  Ubaldini  still  continued  their  hostile 
movements  and  were  besieging  Lozzoli  which  they  had  nearly 
reduced  to  extremities  when  Giovanni  Alberti  with  two  hun- 
dred men-at-jirms  and  fifteen  hundred  foot  was  despatched  with 
a  convoy  of  provisions  to  relieve  it.  Alberti  to  secure  his 
object  occupied  two  important  positions  on  the  heights  of  Mala- 
coda  and  Vagliano  with  eight  hundred  infantry,  wiiile  he  with 
all  the  cavalry  and  six  hundred  foot  placed  himself  at  Prati  to 
protect  the  convoy,  which  under  the  guard  of  a  hundred  picked 
soldiei's  was  to  force  an  entrance  thi'ough  the  enemy's  lines. 
This  last  service  was  gallantly  and  successfully  executed ;  but 
in  the  interim  seventy  peasants  and  thirty  women  advanced 
with  loud  cries  and  half-armed  towards  the  post  of  Malacoda 
and  struck  so  great  a  panic  hito  the  troops  that  they  hastily 
demanded  assistance  from  Alberti :  fifty  horsemen  were 
promptly  ordered  to  their  support  Imt  these  also  took  the  jdarm 
and  lacked  courage  even  to  approach  their  comrades,  who  with 
increasing  terror  fled  in  confusion.  The  peasantry  though 
scarcely  believing  their  senses  followed  up  the  pursuit  until  the 
detachment  on  Vagliano  catchmg  the  panic  also  abandoned 
their  post  and  joined  the  fugitives :  even  the  Vicar  of  the 
Mugello,  Alberti  himself,  caught  the  strange  infection  and  was 
the  first  to  arrive  with  the  news  of  his  own  discomfiture  at 
Scarperia  !  Thus  fourteen  hundred  infantry  and  two  hundred 
cavalry  were  put  to  flight  by  seventy  peasants  and  thirty  old 
women,  with  the  loss  of  four  hmidred  and  fifty  prisoners,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  of  whom  were  men-at-arms  ;  while  a  hun- 
dred of  their  companions  forced  the  enemy's  lines  victualled 
the  fortress  after  a  sharp  conflict  and  marched  safely  out  again 
the  following  morning. 

This  incident,  individually  trifling,  serves  to  show  on  what 


M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxxvi.,  xxxviii. 


[chap,  xxir.] 


FLORENTINE    HI8T0KY. 


193 


fmere  accidents  the  fate  of  war  depends,  and  consequently  how 
the  most  scientific  measures  may  sometimes  fail  although 
planned  with  all  the  skill  of  long  experience  and  ability. 

Both  belligerents  now  began  to  tire  of  war,  for  Visconti  saw 
that  little  impression  could  be  made  on  Florence  unless  with 
the  assistance  of  Pisa,  and  tlie  only  objection  of  the  former 
state  was  a  total  distrust  in  tlie  arclibishop's  sincerity:  Lotto 
(xambacorta  was  the  friend  of  both  and  desirous  of  peace, 
and  Pope  Clement's  death  which  occurred  in  the  following 
December  accelerated  its  approach.  This  pontiff  was  luxurious 
licentious  and  extravagant ;  he  peqietuated  the  pontifical  resi- 
dence in  France  by  the  purchase  of  Avignon  where  the  de- 
bauchery of  the  papal  court  had  long  been  n^ttorious,  and  so 
lar  from  improving  under  Clement  it  provoked  the  indignation 
of  all  those  who  really  and  religiously  venerated  the  church, 
amongst  them  Petrarca,  whose  three  sonnets  on  the  modern 
l)abylon  are  themselves  sullicient  to  consign  Clement  and  his 
whole  court  to  everLi sting  infamy.  So  glarhig  indeed  were 
these  priestly  irregularities  that  a  satirical  epistle  was  picked 
up  in  the  ]tvosence-cli;unl)er,  dropped  as  was  supi)osed  by  a  car- 
<linal,  pui] Mating  to  be  written  by  his  Satanic  Majesty  to  his 
brother  Clement  VL  and  iilled  with  i)raises  and  congratulations 
on  the  conduct  of  himself  and  his  courtiers  whose  vices  were 
especially  enumerated,  and  wliicli  he  was  assured  would  not 
fail  to  secure  them  a  high  and  distinguished  rank  in  the  infernal 
regions.  Stefano  di  Alberto  Bishop  of  Ostia  succeeded  Cle- 
ment VI.  under  the  name  of  Innocent  VI.  and  with  a  fair 
moral  character,  though  undistinguished  by  talent  or  learning, 
nnmediately  connnenced  a  reform  of  his  predecessor  s  long-con- 
tinued irregularities  *. 

The  Gambacorti  of  Pisa  were  still  exerthig  themselves  to 
re-establish  i»eace  between  Florence  and  Milan,  and  so  far  suc- 

*  Poggio    Bracciolini,    Lib.    i".  —  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  xlviii.,  and  Lib. 
ni«,  cap.  xliii. 

VOL.  n.  o 


194 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1353. 


ceeded  in  dissipating  the  suspicions  of  the  former  ahout  Vis- 
conti  s  sincerity  as  to  induce  both  parties  to  send  com- 
missionei-s  to  Serezzana  and  hegin  the  negotiations. 
A  treaty  was  therefore  signed  on  the  thirty-first  of  March  in- 
cluding all  the  allies  of  both  belligerents,  but  with  little  gahi 
on  either  side  beyond  a  mutual  promise  not  to  meddle  with 
each  other  s  affaii-s,  and  some  reciprocal  connnercial  advantages. 
Peace  however,  if  not  disgraceful  is  always  welcome,  and 
Florence  thus  lightened  of  the  cares  and  expense  of  war  turned 
again   to   self-reformation.      Amongst  other  evils,    springing 
from  the   prepotency  of  individual  families  in  ^mall  states, 
robbery  on-  a  large  scale  had  become  so  frequent  and  alarming, 
and  in  despite  of  the  Todesta  s  vigilance  so  difficult  of  detection, 
that  scarcely  a  single  night  passed  without  some  audacious  act 
of  private  plunder.     These  were  not  the  petty  enterprises  of 
common  housebreakers  but  extensive  deiire.latious  committed 
by  individuals  belonging  to  the  highest  families  in  the  common- 
wealth, nor  was  their  rank  less  conspicuous  than  their  plans 
were  ingenious.     A  large  party  of  young  gentlemen  was  wont 
to   assemble  after   nightfall   in  the  destined  spot  with  lutes 
tnnnpets  and  other  musical  instruments,  as  if  al>out  to  sere- 
nade some  lady  of  the  neighbourhood  ;  and  while  a  few  of  the 
first  rank  were  stationed  at  both  ends  of  the  street  implormg 
random  passengers  not  to  insist  on  passing  and  disturb  the  en- 
tertainment, the  rest  shrouded  by  night  and  sung  and  over- 
powering music,  were  busy  at  their  work:  any  house  was  thus 
entered  in  safety  and  for  a  long  time  they  bailled  eveiy  effoit 
of  the  magistrates ;  but  finally  a  bold  handsome  and  fascinat- 
ing' vouth  of  the  Bordoni  familv  was  detected  amongst  them. 
His  father  and  uncle  had  been  gonfaloniers  of  justice  ;  his 
brother  an  aml)assador  at  the  imperial  court ;   his  family  was 
therefore  of  the  highest  rank,  and  ricli  and  powerful  in  its 
jiarentage  and  numerous   followers.      Confiding  in  this   the 
culprit   fearlessly  appeared  at  the   Podestas   summons   and 


CHAP.  XXH.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


195 


unhesitatingly  avowed  his  guilt :  he  would  have  been  instantly 
executed  had  not  the  family  influence,  as  he  expected,  bound 
the  seignoiy  to  his  cause  and  overcome  all  legal  authority. 
The  Podesta's  guards  and  attendants  were  abruptly  dismissed 
by  the  priors ;  but  l)eing  thus  publicly  defied  and  insulted 
e^en  by  the  government  itself,  he  broke  his  staff  of  office  and 
retired  in  anger  to  Siena,  leaving  his  final  vindication  in  the 
hands  of  the  people. 

It  was  in  good  keeping  :  all  Florence  was  soon  in  a  ferment : 
stern  demands  for  justice  were  heard  on  every  side  :  public 
indignation  rose  like  a  flame  :  "'  punishment,"  as  the  people 
asserted,  "  was  only  for  the  poor  jind  weak ;  impunity  for  the 
"  rich  and  powerful :  the  latter  triumphed  unharmed  in  all 
'*  their  wickedness  while  the  fornitn-  were  led  Hke  sheep  to  the 
"  slaughter-house  for  the  slightest  fault."  Such  were  the  cries 
that  resounded  through  the  town  :  every  wall  and  corner  were 
scribbled  with  cliarcoal  expressive  of  this  feeling,  and  so  general 
was  the  anger  that  a  new  seignory  to  prevent  tumult  were  com- 
pelled to  reinstate  the  Podestas  attendants  and  despatch  mes- 
sengers to  that  high  dignitary  Immbly  imploring  his  return. 
They  had  the  eftronteiT  to  assert  that  what  had  been  done  was 
only  to  retard  justice,  not  destroy  it,  or  derocfate  in  anv  wav  from 
his  authority.  This  was  ae('om2)aiiied  by  a  remuneration  of 
•-2000  floiins,  and  Paolo  Vaiani  accordingly  resumed  his  func- 
tions, returned  triuni2)liantly  to  ilorence,  condemned  and  de- 
capitated the  young  Bordini,  banished  many  of  his  accoinpHces, 
and  ultimately  succeeded  in  })inging  the  city  of  these  nocturnal 
disorders  ■-. 

About  the  same  time  one  of  tliose  numerous  famines  that 
successively  afflicted  Florence  and  all  other  parts  of  Italy  in 
consequence  of  restrictive  laws  on  the  commerce  of  food,  be- 
came so  distressing  that  a  suspension  of  the  duties  on  butchers' 
meat  as  well  as  on  corn,  wine,  oil ;  and  every  other  sort  of  sus- 

*  M.  Villaui,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  Iviii      Scip.  Amniirato,  Lib.  x.,  p.  543,  &c, 

O  '^ 


195 


FLOKENTTN'E    HISTORY. 


[BOt>K  I 


tenauce  from  the  Valdinievole,  was  resorted  to  for  general 
relief  thus  indicating  the  extreme  impolicy  of  such  restric- 
tions ;  for  the  same  freedom  of  commercial  action  tliat  ^^ill 
relieve  distress  in  periods  of  univei-sal  calamity  must  impart 
more  vigour  to  individual  and  general  exertions  in  prosperous 
times,  and  therefore  contribute  to  prevent  the  suHering  which 
it  is  called  hi  to  mitigate. 

This  calamity  increased  the  desire  for  external  quiet,  and 
aiLxious  for  general  tranquillity  as  a  commercial  state,  the 
Florentines  exerted  themselves  to  make  peace  between  Siena 
and  the  Cavalieri  lords  of  Montepulciano  ;  both  were  (iuelphs 
and  members  of  the  league  and  their  agreement  was  ot" 
general  importance ;  but  the  latter  were  now  besieged  by  the 
former,  and  this  disunion  weakenhig  the  confederacy  Pemgia 
earnestly  joined  in  the  mediation ;  hostilities  ceased  ;  Monte- 
pulciano resumed  its  popular  form  of  govenmient  and  was 
placed  for  twenty  years  under  the  protection  of  Siena  while 
the  Cavalieri  were  to  receive  due  compensation :  but  Siena 
aftenvards  tailing  in  this  part  of  the  treaty  roused  the  indigna- 
tion of  Florence  who  was  a  guarantee  for  its  perfo nuance,  and 
nearly  occasioned  war  between  these  two  republics  ■•'-. 

Usurpation  was  a  lucrative  branch  of  trade  in  these  restless 
days;  for  if  any  powerful  citizen  succeeded  in  gaining  the 
lordship  of  his  native  city  and  afterwards  found  himself  too 
weak  to  keep  it,  he  could  always  sell  the  troublesome  acquisi- 
tion to  some  potent  neighbour,  and  the  right  thus  acquired,  the 
right  of  present  possession,  was  never  theoretically  disputed 
while  the  power  of  retaining  the  countiy  remained  to  the  pur- 
chaser. But  these  usurimtions  were  generally  preceded  by 
lonfT  and  bloody  struj^des  between  rival  houses,  which  kept 
cities  in  a  continual  sUite  of  vexation  and  tormented  the  whole 
community :  sometimes  the  people  were  roused,  and  expelled 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  Ixiv.  and  Ixxviii. 


CHAP.  XXII. J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


197 


both  fiictions,  but  oftener  put  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  a  more  powerful  state. 

In  this  way  the  inhabitiuits  of  San  Gimignano  vexed  and 
tired  l)y  continual  rivalry  between  the  Salvucci  and  Ardinghi 
or  Ardinghelli,  two  potent  families  that  kept  them  in  constant 
tribulation,  resolved  to  give  the  city  to  Florence  and  sacrifice 
their  native  independence  for  tlie  sake  of  internal  peace.  The 
Ardinghelli  at  once  bowed  to  popular  opinion,  but  their  rivals 
though  too  weak  to  oppose  it,  remonstrated  so  effectually 
against  the  injustice  of  profiting  by  civil  dissension  to  clutch  at 
the  sovereignty  of  a  friendly  state  without  the  general  consent, 
that  Florence  honestly  refused  it  unless  two  hundred  and  fifty 
of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  San  (iiuiignano  appeared  before 
the  seignory  as  the  authorised  representatives  of  the  whole 
coQnuunity  and  formally  resigned  their  independence.  But 
when  even  this  was  complied  with  the  proposition  only  passed 
by  a  majority  of  one  vote  in  the  Florentine  councils  and 
under  the  most  liberal  conditions  ;  six  months'  residence  in 
Florence  being  sufficient  to  acquire  the  rights  of  citizenship. 
The  state  of  San  Gimignano  was  incorporated  in  the  Contado. 
and  made  a  league  or  military  division  in  itself  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  actual  Podestii ;  but  all  nobles  above  the  age  of 
fifteen  were  expelled  the  town  until  the  erection  of  a  citadel  ; 
so  universal  was  the  dread  of  aristocratic  turbulence  in  everv 
free  community  -. 

War  was  at  this  time  waging  with  great  animosity  between 
the  Genoese  and  Venetians  ;  the  latter  had  l)een  defeated  at 
Constantinople  and  the  former  swept  triumphantly  up  the 
Adriatic  insulting  even  Venice  itself.  Eager  for  revenge  a 
united  fleet  of  Venetians  and  Catalans  was  despatched  to  the 
Sardinian  seas  and  a  decisive  victory  gained  over  their  common 
enemy :  the  discomfiture  was  so  complete  tliat  Florence  ever 
fearful  and  suspicious  of  Milan  thought  it  necessary  to  send  an 

»  M.  Alllani,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  Ixxiii. 


19S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


embassy  of  condolence  to  Genoa  with  friendly  offers  of  assist- 
ance ;  but  that  once  proud  and  donuneering  city  was  now  so  dis- 
heartened, from  intestine  discord  rather  than  fear  or  weakness, 
as  to  offer  itself  to  Visconti  who  eagerly  accepting  the  gift 
took  militarj'  possession  of  Genoa  and  nearly  (luairelled  >^ith 
Florence  for  her  sympathy.  The  latter  although  anxious  for 
peace  had  great  difficulty  to  preserve  it,  and  Pisa  becoming 
uneasy  at  seeing  hei*self  shouldered  by  so  powerful  a  neigh- 
bour drew  closer  towards  her:  the  most  advantageous  overtures 
from  Venice,  (now  brought  into  collision  with  the  archbishop) 
were  therefore  refused ;  but  peace  remained  unbroken  only 
because  Visconti  w^as  not  as  yet  sufficiently  prepared  for  its 
violation. 

This  danger  over  the  vear  finished  bv  one  of  those  reversed 
acts  of  honoraiy  distinction  that  are  in  such  marked  contrast 
to  the  general  sentiments  of  the  present  day.  Domenico 
de'  Cavalcanti  who  had  long  associated  on  terms  of  equality 
and  familiarity  with  the  people  was  rewarded  by  a  complete 
emancipation  from  all  ties  of  nobility  and  the  honour  of  a  collo- 
cation in  the  more  solid,  beneficial,  and  therefore  the  more 
courted  order  of  the  democracy  *. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs. — Changes  since  last  Chapter : — Castile  and  Leon  : 
Alphonso  XI.  died  in  1350;  succeeded  by  Peter  the  Cruel. — France:  Phili]' 
VI.  of  Valois,  died  1350;  succeeded  by  John  the  Good. — Popes:  Clement  Vf. 
died  in  1352 ;  then  Innocent  VI. 


*  Petrarca,  Letters,  Vide  De  Sade,  vol.     Popgio    Bracciolini,   Lib.    i",    p. 
iii.,  p.   329.— M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii",     (Ed.  Firenze,  1598.) 
cap.  Ixviii.,  Ixxix.,  Ixxxvi.,  Ixxxvii. — 


XXI. 


CHAF.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORV. 


199 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


FROM    A.D.    13r)4     TO    A.D.    J359. 


The  treaty  of  Serazzana  though  already  endangered  by  Yk- 
€onti  spread  universal  satisfaction  throughout  the  Florentine 
states,  and  Tuscany  once  more  at  peace  looked  forward  ^  ^^  ^^^^ 
to  a  smoother  period  of  repose.  But  nations  lilve  indi- 
viduals are  not  always  able  to  stave  off  misfortune,  for  the 
unbalanced  passions  'and  self-balanced  interests  of  men  how- 
ever wisely  contrived,  are  seldom  worked  for  general  or  even 
individual  good  and  tx.o  often  frustrate  the  beneficent  intentions 
of  their  Maker.  At  the  very  moment  when  calm  and  sunshine 
were  alone  expected  a  cloud  rose  darkly  in  the  south  and  cast 
its  dismal  shadow  over  all  the  Italian  peninsula. 

The  "  Fra  Muriale,"  or  more  properly  the  chevaher  "  Mon- 
treal d'  Albani,"  a  Provencal  knight  of  Saint  John  of  Jerusalem 
and  a  man  of  high  military  reputation,  after  distinguishing  him- 
self under  the  Hungarian  banner  had  followed  Duke  Wenier"s 
system  and  tarrying  in  the  Neapolitan  states  contrived  by  regu- 
lating, without  restraining  militaiy  licence,  to  maintain  himself 
and  his  followers  at  the  expense  of  the  comitry. 

In  135*2  Queen  Giovanna,  individually  powerless,  engaged 
Malatesta  of  Rimini  with  a  strong  force  to  dislodge  Mm  from 
the  city  of  Aversa :  he  was  soon  also  expelled  from  her 
dominions,  and  witli  a  few  followers  entered  the  papal  service ; 
being  badly  paid,  he  engaged  with  Giovanni  di  Vico,  lord  of 
Viterbo,  Orvieto,  and  other  cities  of  which  he  had  possessed 


200 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


himself.  Giovanni,  a  conqueror  in  his  way,  an  enemy  of  the 
church,  and  generally  entitled  the  ''Prefect  of  Homey''  was  at 
that  moment  about  to  make  an  attempt  on  the  city  of  Todi  in 
which  he  failed,  and  Montreal  then  finding  himself  at  liberty 
conceived  the  audacious  project  of  making  all  Italy  his  tribu- 
tary by  means  of  the  foreign  mercenaiy  soldiers  who  abounded 
eveiy where  ready  to  join  any  leader  of  reputation,  and  fair 
promises.  He  soon  assembled  fifteen  hundred  Barbute  with 
two  thousand  infantiy,  and  conmienced  operations  in  1353  by 
invading  La  Miu'ca,  driving  Malatesta  from  the  siege  of  Fermo, 
and  successively  taking  forty-four  of  his  fortified  towns  before 
\vinter  had  finished.  This  rapid  progress  attracted  numerous 
adventurers  ;  soldiers  became  impatient  for  the  end  of  their 
engagements  with  other  states,  and  many  accelerated  their 
dismissal  by  premeditated  crime  for  the  sake  of  a  speedier 
jmiction  with  the  ''Great  company.'^  The  Chevalier  de  Mon- 
treal goveraed  his  people  by  a  well-devised  code  of  regula- 
tions :  there  was  a  treasurer  who  received  and  distributed  all 
plunder,  besides  two  councils,  and  cert^iin  secretaiies  to  manage 
general  affairs :  regular  portions  of  booty  were  assigned  and 
paid  to  each  soldier  accorcUng  to  his  rank ;  all  bulky  and  mar- 
ketable articles  were  sold  to  a  congregation  of  traders  that  fol- 
lowed the  camp  whose  persons  and  property  were  scrupulously 
respected.  Implicit  obedience  was  enforced ;  strict  and  summary 
justice  administered  between  man  and  man,  and  ])erfect  order 
reigned  within ;  but  all  without  was  one  wild  scene  of  murder 
devastation  and  violence  only  to  be  avoided  by  large  pecuniar)^ 
contributions  *. 

Malatesta  staggering  under  this  tempest  made  a  personal 
appeal  to  the  principal  Tuscan  states,  and  endeavoured  to  con- 
Ymce  them  that  an  instant  and  vigorous  union  could  alone  avert 
the  evil  which  he  asserted  would  soon  sliake  the  whole  frame 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  cvii.,cix. — De  Sade,  Jlemoirs  pour  la  Vic  dc 
Petrarque,  vol.  iii..  Lib.  v.,  p.  354. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


201 


of  society  by  the  powerful  attractions  of  a  life  so  dissolute  and 
lucrative.  But  the  storm  was  then  distant  and  the  Tuscans  con- 
sequently languid  or  heedless :  Siena  and  Perugia  agreed  to 
follow  the  motions  of  Florence  ;  but  Florence  herself,  though 
more  awake  to  the  danger,  was  satisfied  with  sending  to  Mala- 
testa a  force  of  only  two  hundred  horse  :  the  insufiiciency  of 
these  was  so  evident  that  he  at  once  refused  their  services  and 
resolved  to  make  a  separate  peace  with  the  company. 

Montreals  army  was  now  augmented  by  Malatestas  disbanded 
troops  besides  a  fresh  reinforcement  of  German  adventurers 
hif^h  in  rank,  unscrupulous  in  conscience,  cdl  acknowledging  his 
supreme  military  authority,  but  not  his  absolute  power.  The 
Proven9al  chief  was  assisted  by  a  council  of  four  German  secre- 
taries chosen  from  the  cavalry,  and  four  Italian  colonels  from  the 
line :  this  board  decided  on  tlie  plan  of  military  operations  and 
all  secret  business,  while  another  assembly  of  forty  officers  and 
the  treasurer  managed  the  finances  and  lent  or  paid  money 
at  the  generals  command.  There  was  scarcely  a  condottiere 
ill  Ittxly  whoever  he  served  lait  had  a  part  of  his  retainers 
attached  to  the  grand  company,  which  therefore  feared  no  state 
that  trusted  entirely  to  mercenaries  for  ]n'otection. 

The  Chevalier  de  Montreal  fully  realised  his  expectations : 
La  Marca  had  been  ritled ;  Malatesta  despoiled  and  finally 
compelled  to  purchase  his  own  safety  for  10,000  fiorms  ;  Naples 
had  fraudulently  otfered  an  equal  sum  to  prevent  an  inroad 
and  suffered  for  her  dishonesty ;  30,000  more  were  paid  by 
Forii  and  Gentile  di  Mogliano ;  and  Perugia,  Siena,  Arezzo, 
Florence  and  Pisa  soon  followed  the  dangerous  example :  he 
was  courted  by  Venice  to  serve  against  Visconti ;  by  Visconti 
against  Venice  and  her  Lombard  allies,  but  held  both  in  sus- 
pense and  again  treated  with  Giovanni  di  Vico  to  make  war 
on  the  pontiff. 

No  one  could  penetrate  his  designs  until  the  month  of  May 
1354  when  he  suddenly  marched  to  Foligno  and  with  an  eye 


202 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XMII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


203 


on  Tuscany,  persuaded  the  bishop  to  admit  his  troops  unarmed 
within  the  town  for  the  purchase  of  supjdies  on  the  assurance 
of  just  payment,  a  promise  rigidly  adhered  to  for  the  sake  of 
ulterior  objects  -.  The  vicmity  of  this  formidable  chief  startled 
the  slumbers  of  Perugia  which  with  Florence  and  Siena  re- 
newed their  former  confederacy  and  assembled  considerable 
forces  hi  its  own  neighbourhood :  but  M(mtreal  unwilling  to 
encounter  them  mahitained  a  most  rigid  discipline  at  Foligno 
hoping  thus  to  dissolve  the  league  by  courting  Perugia  from 
whom  he  merely  requested  sup})lies  and  an  unmolested  passage 
through  her  territoiy.  Too  happy  at  so  flattering  a  proposal 
the  Penigians  at  once  broke  faith  with  their  allies  and  cheer- 
fully granted  all  his  demands ;  nay  they  warned  neither  Siena 
nor  Florence,  whose  troops  were  with  them,  of  this  disgraceful 
proceeding. 

The  chain  of  defence  thus  broken  and  the  gates  of  Tuscany 
unbarred,  Montreal  resumed  liis  devastating  course  towai'ds 
Montepulciano  and  wasted  the  Senese  territor}- :  this  state 
whose  forces  were  assembled  at  Perugia,  finding  itself  thus 
exposed,  neither  demanded  assistance  from  nor  thought  of  Flo- 
rence, but  secretly  paying  300(1  tlorins  to  the  leaders,and  13,000 
openly  to  the  company  concluded  a  hasty  and  shameless  treaty 
which  tmned  these  robbers  back  on  the  Aretine  territory,  where 
they  were  propitiated  by  general  and  abundant  supplies. 

The  gonfalonier,  Man  de'  Medici,  beholding  this  tide  of 
war  rolling  fast  towards  Florence  made  a  hasty  agreement 
with  Pisa  for  the  service  of  two  thousand  cavaliy,  and  this 
inspired  so  much  confidence  that  the  seignor}^  determined  to 
concede  nothing ;  when  Montreal  therefore  sent  an  ambassador 
with  peaceful  offers  expressing  his  willingness  to  accept  a 
trifling  pecuniary  aid  to  expedite  his  march  into  Lombardy 
where  Venice  expected  him,  his  request  was  peremptorily  and 
haughtily  refused.     Thus  sternly  treated  and  knowing  that  all 

•   M.  Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  cix. 


the  Florentine  forces  were  assembled  in  the  Upper  Val  d'Anut, 
he  suddenly  marched  towards   Siena  and  thence  to  Staggia, 
declarin«T  his  resolution  to  carry  fire  and  sword  through  tlie 
coutado  unless    it   were  ransomed   by   a  heavy  contribution. 
The  Florentines  trusthig  to  their  Pisan  auxiliaries  sternly  re- 
pelled the  demand,  and  when  they  became  aware  that  scarcely 
a  tenth  of  these  were  forthcoming  the  contingents  of  Siena  and 
Perugia  were  instantly  summoned,  according  to  treaty :  Mon- 
treal however  had  quieted  both  these  states  who  merely  answered 
that  they  were  at  peace  with  the  company.     Thus  abandoned 
Florence  had  only  to  make  the  best  terms  she  could  and  therefore 
on  the  fourth  of  July  sent  Niccolo  Kidolli  and  Paulo  Covoni  to 
negotiate :  but  Montreal  determined  to  make  her  pay  dearly  for 
the  recent  bravado,  so  without  deigning  to  answer  he  advanced 
to  San  Casciano  and  thence  to  Sant  Andrea  within  six  miles  of 
the  capital,  plundering  all  the  countiT  in  his  march.     On  the 
sixth  he  condescended  to  grant  a  peace  for  '2^,000  florins  and 
then  retired  to  ^Montevarchi  where  the  money  was  disbui-sed, 
3000  being  secretly  paid  to  the  two  chiefs  Montreal  and  Conrad 
Count  of  Landau,  or  Lando  as  he  is  called  in  Italian  history : 
10,000  florins  besides  other  supplies  were  subsequently  extorted 
from  Pisa,  and  then  the  wave  rolled  onward  to  the  plains  of 

Lombardy. 

But  this  great  adventurer's  course  was  neariy  mn :  having 
provided  for  his  army  during  the  winter  by  a  treaty  \rith  Venice 
and  her  aflies  whicli  gave  him  15)>,(H)0  florins  for  four  months' 
service,  Montreal  left  Count  Lando  in  command  and  repaired 
to  Rome ;  either  invited  by  Colonna  to  oppose  Cola  di  Kienzi 
who  had  recovered  his  influence  ;  or  to  secure  the  performance 
of  certain  promises  made  by  that  ruler  at  Perugia  to  his  bro- 
thers ;  or  else  with  the  intention  of  secretly  preparing  for  the 
plunder  of  Naples  during  the  following  spring :  he  entered 
Rome  with  so  much  the  more  confidence  because  Rienzo  was 
indebted  to  him  and  his  brothers  for  both  troops  and  money, 


204 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


and  almost  for  the  recover}^  of  his  actual  position  in  the  Roman 
commonwealth  =^. 

But  the  tribune  along  with  his  pristine  dignity  had  resumed 
all  his  pompous  pretensions  to  universal  power  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  ancient  Rome ;  and  whetlier  he  suspected  Mon- 
treal's intentions;  or  his  supposed  secret  undi islanding  witli 
Colonna ;  or  was  prompted  hy  avarice,  he  became  eager  to  rid 
himself  of  both  debt  and  obligation  at  a  blow. 

The  chevalier  had  not  therefore  been  long  in  Iiome  ere  he 
was  secretly  accused  of  a  design  on  llienzo's  life,  summoned 
before  the  supreme  tribunal,  charged  with  being  a  lawless  chief 
of  robbers,  the  plunderer  of  La  Marca,  llomagna,  and  Tuscany, 
and  the  unprovoked  perpetrator  of  eveiT  >ort  of  crime.  His 
defence  was  then  called  for ;  but  the  facts  were  too  notorious, 
the  charges  too  true  for  any  available  excuse  even  if  his  death 
and  spoliation  had  not  been  predetermined ;  for  though  Cola 
had  unscrupulously  employed  both  plunder  and  plunderers  he 
did  not  hesitate  about  Montreals  condemnation,  and  ordered 
him  to  be  executed  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  August  I'^'t  t.  This 
fiite  was  deserved  and  most  Italians  applauded  the  sentence, 
but  in  Rome  Rienzo's  conduct  was  condemned  as  a  ffilse  pre- 
text for  i)ersonid  spoliation.  A  popular  act  if  discreetly 
managed  is  often  the  most  convenient  channel  for  the  current 
of  private  malevolence  and  personal  injustice  +. 

Cola  di  Rienzo,  by  one  of  those  sudden  revidutions  of  for- 
tune that  chequer  human  life,  after  six  years  of  exile,  condem- 
nation and  imprisonment  found  himstdf  again  clothed  in 
despotic  but  brief  authority,  iTiling  with  almost  universal  con- 
sent the  very  same  people  who  had  before  souglit  his  destruc- 
tion. A  fugitive  at  the  Hungarian  court,  a  suppliant  at  the 
emperor's   he   still    pursued  the  sepulchral   light  of   Roman 


*  Vita  di  Cola  di  Ricnzi. — M.  Villani,     Lib.   iv.,  cap.  xliii. — Muratori,   Anno 
Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxiii.  1354. 

t  Vita  di  Cola  di  Ricnzi. — M.  Villani, 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


205 


greatness,  and  still  dreamed  of  restoring  her  departed  spirit  to 
its  corrupt  and  mouldering  tenement.  Charles,  as  it  would 
appear,  received  him  with  some  honour,  but  w^as  as  deaf  to  the 
sound  of  his  eloquence  as  to  the  no  less  persuasive  exhortations 
of  Petrarca  who  endeavoured  to  iusj^ire  him  with  a  spark  of  his 
own  misplaced  but  poetical  cnlluisiasm  for  the  tribune,  the  re- 
generation of  Rome,  and  the  re-exaltation  of  the  imperial  dig- 
nity ■''-.  It  would  now  perhaps  be  presumptuous,  in  the  face  of 
Petrarca's  sentiments,  to  doubt  the  eilect  tliat  niiglit  possibly 
have  been  produced  in  Italy  by  the  moral  iniluence  of  existing 
circumstances,  and  the  force  of  individual  character  in  the  em- 
peror ;  but  to  a  calm  observer  (»f  the  present  d;iy,  there  seems 
t(»  be  more  sound  discretion  hi  the  imperial  answer  than  in  the 
poet's  enthusiastic  exhortations;  jind  Petrarca  might  have  been 
as  easily  mistaken  in  the  consequences  of  imperial  interference 
as  he  was  disa)»pointed  in  and  afterwards  ashamed  of  the  once 
gentle  spirit  of  Cola  di  llieiizo  f. 

('(ila  was  ultimately,  and  possibly  at  his  own  desire,  trans- 
ferred from  the  emperor's  court  a  prisoner,  but  almost  in 
triumph  to  Avignon,  where  howevtH-  even  the  respect  for  his 
learning  and  eloquence,  the  secret  exertions  of  Petrarca,  and 
the  death  of  Clement  himself  could  scarcely  save  him  from 
death.  Innocent  VI.  however  liad  no  personal  enmity  against 
him,  and  being  determined  to  liberate  the  ecclesiastical  cities 
from  oppression  under  various  tyrants  who  had  usurped  their 
sovereignty  and  delied  the  church,  he  sent  him  to  join  the 
legate  Cardinal  Albonioz  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  who  was 
already  in  Italy,  a  prelate  accustomed  to  war  and  therefore 
selected  as  the  most  aitpropriate  instrument  for  this  enter- 
prise. 

The  cardinal  repaired  to  jMilaii  in  August  \^^■J■]  where  he 
was  suspiciously  received  by  Visconti,  and  then  with  the  aid  of 

*  Memoircs  do  Sadc,  vol.  ii.,  Livrc  iii.,  and  338.     The  F^npcror  said  that  it 

p.  321 ;  vol.  iii.,  pp.  68  and  340. — 4"  was   a   luirder  task  to   irot  a  sunken 

ed.  1767.  ship  to  sea  than  one  which  had  only 

t  Memoires  de  Sade,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  227  suffered  in  the  storm. 


206 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP. 


XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


207 


a  few  troops  from  Florence  prosecuted  his  joiini(\v  towards 
Rome,  trusting  rather  to  the  unpopuUirity  of  those  whom  he 
came  to  destroy  and  the  love  of  democratic  government  which 
he  had  orders  to  restore,  than  to  his  own  physical  resources  or 
to  foreign  succours.  The  Romans  under  their  self-elected 
tribune  Baroncelli.  who  was  afterwanls  murdered,  soon  recon- 
ciled themselves,  hut  rather  as  allies  than  subjects,  tor  order 
and  subjection  had  long  disappeared  from  that  unsettled  capital : 
ever  since  the  fall  of  liienzo  it  had  been  the  theatre  of  c«)ntinual 
and  bloodv  revolutions ;  tlie  nobles  resumed  their  tyranny,  the 
people  their  resistance :  alternate,  indecisive  victories,  kept  the 
citizens  in  constant  tunmlt,  bloodshed,  and  alarm  ;  and  the 
private  feuds  of  the  Oi-sini  and  Savelli  miunUiined  tliis  disorder 
by  incessant  contlicts  in  the  public  streets  -. 

The  democratic  rector  Giovanni  Cermni  although  popidiu'ly 
elected  called  in  vain  to  the  people  for  support,  and  then  left 
the  city  in  disgust :  Innocent  entertahiing  better  hopes  invested 
Bertoldo  Orsini  and  Stefano  Colonna  with  the  senatorial  dig- 
nity for  the  maintenance  of  order,  but  the  former  was  stoned 
in  a  tumult,  from  which  tlie  latter  hardly  escaped  with  life, 
and  anarchy  rode  wildly  triumphant  until  1  •>'»•'>  when  Fran- 
cesco Baroncelli  was  chosen  as  tribune  of  tlie  Koman  people  : 
this  man  in  emulation  of  Rienzo  s  energy  chastised  the  factious 
noldes,  vindicated  the  laws,  and  restored  an  uncertahi  and 
wavermg  shadow  of  repose. 

At  the  arrival  of  Albonioz  Rome  was  in  this  deplorable 
condition  and  instantly  joined  his  standiird :  sever.il  inferior 
towns  willingly  threw  open  their  gates  ;  but  the  prefect  Gio- 
vanni determined  to  defend  his  new  acquisitions,  and  Orvieto, 
Viterbo,  Trani,  Amelia,  Narni,  Marta  and  Canino,  which  he 
had  successively  mastered,  were  prepared  for  resistance. 

The  advent  of  Cola  di  Rienzo  struck  like  a  sunbeam  on  the 
benighted  Romans,  and  his  errors  were  forgotten  hi  the  moment 

♦  Vita  (li  Cola  de  Rienzo.— Muratori,  Anno  1351.— De  Siule,  Mcmoircs,  vol. 
iii.,  Livre  v.,  p.  371. 


of  excitement :  a  numerous  deputation  invited  him  to  resume  his 
ancient  authority,  but  Albornoz  was  still  his  master  and  moreover 
determined  to  make  use  of  the  tribune's  popularity  as  a  means 
to  his  own  operations :  he  therefore  only  consented  to  restore 
Cola  on  condition  that  tlie  Romans  would  support  him  against 
Giovanni  who  by  some  recent  eruel  and  treacherous  acts  had 
alienated  all  his  vassals.  In  consequence  of  this  the  prelate 
made  rapid  progi*ess  and  soon  reduced  him  to  submission  ; 
having  now  no  further  excuse  for  detaining  Cola  from  the 
Romans  who  had  so  zealously  sujiported  him,  the  former  tri- 
bune under  the  venerable  title  of  Senator  received  permission 
to  enter  the  cai)ital.  This  was  not  an  easy  task,  the  legates 
head-quarters  were  then  at  Agobbio  ;  Rienzo  had  no  funds 
and  far  too  many  enemies  between  that  and  Rome  to  venture 
unattended  on  such  a  journey.  It  was  in  this  difficulty  that 
his  promises  juid  seductive  eloquence  j^ained  ^Montreal's  two 
lirothers  wlio  wen'  stationed  at  P«'rngia,  but  the  chevalier  him- 
self not  fully  sharing  their  sanguine  expect'itions  repaired  m 
person  to  Rome  as  already  related. 

Rienzo  wjis  received  with  that  popular  enthusiasm  which  is 
not  atfection  ;  a  momentary  blaze  and  then  extuiguished  :  he 
was  reinstated  in  all  his  former  authority,  and  had  an  additional 
weight  hi  the  support  and  sanction  of  tlie  pope  to  whose  name 
Avas  still  attached  ;i  certain  degree  of  deference  and  respect.  But 
adversity  had  tauglit  him  nothing;  his  faults  were  uncorrected, 
his  virtues  liad  evaporated  ;  j\Iontrears  execution  however  just 
and  merited,  came  ungratefully  from  his  h;ind,  and  the  subse- 
quent dentil  of  Pandolio  Pandolfucci  a  man  generally  respected, 
with  other  caprii-ious  and  tyrannical  acts  accelerated  his  grow- 
ing unpopularity.  Stefano  Colonna  revolted  and  was  besieged 
ill  Palestrina ;  hut  money  failed;  arrears  of  pay  increased; 
the  army  became  discontented  and  were  marched  to  Rome  : 
new  taxes  were  necessary  to  appease  the  soldiers,  these  exaspe- 
rated the  people,  and  a  sedition  followed.      Cola  was  soon 


20S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I 


deserted  by  all  his  adherents,  he  shut  himself  u})  almost  alouf 
in  the  Capitoline  Palace  and  waited  the  event :  dark  masses  ol' 
insurgents  rolled  from  every  quarter  on  the  capitol ;  his  soli- 
tude was  soon  broken  and  the  i)alai-e  in  tlames  ;  Itienzo  arnud 
as  a  knight  with  the  popular  standard  in  his  hand  appeared  at 
the  balcony  and  demanded  a  parley,  Itut  still  the  dread  of  his 
syren  elocpience  forbad  a  hearing  ;  he  was  assailed  with  stones 
and  arrows,  wounded,  and  compelled  to  retire  :  anon  appearing 
in  another  position  he  once  more  implored  an  midience  ;  but  the 
crowd  was  inexorable,  fierce,  and  vindictive :  they  threatened ; 
the  Roman  tribune  wavered  :  a  graceful  death  and  ignominious 
escape  were  before  him ;  that  certain ;  this  doubtful :  he  chose 
the  latter.  In  a  mean  disguise,  with  his  face  blackened,  and  a 
load  of  bedding  on  his  head  he  had  already  passed  many  of 
the  insurgents,  hounding  them  on  in  the  low  Koman  dialect  to 
plunder ;  at  the  palace  gate  he  was  arrested  by  a  soldier  whom 
it  was  said  he  had  previously  injured,  and  avowing  himself 
was  instantly  surrounded,  hurried  u^  to  the  foot  of  tiie  capitol 
and  placed  before  the  lion  of  red  poq)hyry,  on  the  veiy  spot  where 
he  had  been  himself  accustomed  to  read  the  condemnation  of 
criminals.  A  profound  and  awful  silence  pervaded  the  as^till- 
bly;  not  a  voice  accused  him  ;  not  a  finger  was  lifted  against 
him ;  a  long  and  anxious  pause  ensued,  wliich  he  finally  br<d\e  by 
<me  last  eftbrt  in  his  own  defence  :  but  there  was  too  n)uch  magic 
in  his  voice,  it  would  have  charmed  the  storm,  and  a  certain 
Cecco  del  Vecchio  dreading  its  enchantment  sheathed  a  dagger 
in  his  breast:  the  spell  was  now  broken;  bhules  flashed <]iiick  and 
high;  popular  fur}-  gathered  force,  and  a  host  (jf  clashing  weapons 
soon  put  an  end  to  the  tribune's  existence:  his  twice-honoured 
head  rolled  bloody  in  the  dust,  and  his  mangled  coi-pse  was 
dragged  insultin<dv  throuj:fh  the  streets  of  liome  and  finallv 
suspended  at  a  butcher's  stall  near  the  market  of  San  ^larcello  I 
Thus  perished  the  f^imous  Cola  di  llienzo  the  "  Spirts 
ff entile  "  of  Petrarca's  bold  and  beautiful  imagination  ;  a  man 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


209 


whose  conceptions  were  greater  than  liis  powers,  whose  vanity 
overtopped  his  principles,  and  who  was  at  once  the  ad- 

A.D  1354 

mnation  wonder  and  contempt  of  his  age  and  country  *.   ' "  ' 

At  Florence  during  the  alarm  occasioned  by  Montreal's 
inroad  a  private  feud,  springing  from  Bordone  de'  Bordonis 
recent  condemnation,  broke  forth  in  open  war  between  that 
family  and  the  Mangioni,  whose  dwelhngs  were  suddenly 
attacked  and  a  lady  killed  by  a  javelin  in  the  assault.  Public 
authority  assisted  by  private  families  quelled  the  tumult,  for 
which  five  of  the  Bordoni  with  several  adherents  were  banished 
and  then  property  confiscated. 

Amongst  those  who  appeared  in  arms  on  this  occasion  were 
the  rival  families  of  llicci  and  Albizzi;  with  less  intention 
perhaps  of  preserving  tranquillity,  than  of  assisting  their  friends, 
or  being  themselves  on  the  alert  in  such  tumultuous  times 
when  the  least  accident  might  be  seized  on  by  private 
hatred  as  an  opportunity  for  revenge  or  incipient  injury.  An 
old  and  angry  feud  existed  between  them,  and  their  slightest 
movements  were  reciprocally  and  jealously  watched ;  some 
trifling  disturbance  in  the  Mercato  Vecchio  near  the  houses  of 
the  Ricci  occasioned  a  sudden  rumom'  that  they  were  going  to 
attack  the  Albizzi,  and  again  that  the  Albizzi  were  moving 
against  the  Ricci :  this  threw  all  Florence  into  confusion  for 
both  families  were  powerful  in  friends  and  kindred,  the  Albizzi 
alone  numbering  thirty  cousins  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and 
both  of  them  being  determined  leaders  of  faction  with  numerous 


*  In  calling  Rienzi  the  "  Spirto  gen- 
tile" of  Petrarca,  I  have  followe<l  the 
common  opinion,  but  it  seems  stranjre 
that  he  should  so  praise  the  hitteicst 
enemy  of  his  dearest  friends  and 
patrons ;  and  there  seems  moreover  to 
he  internal  evidence  in  the  Canzone  to 
contradict  this  assumption,  and  justify 
De  Sade's  opinion,  that  it  was  really 
addressed  to  the  younger  Stephano 
Colonna,  who  was  made  by  the  Pope 

VOL.  II.  P 


Senator  of  Rome,  for  five  years  from 
1335,  and  who  moreover  enjoyed  a 
great  reputation  in  Italy.  Those  who 
are  curious  on  this  point  may  read 
note  X.,  vol.  i.,  of  De  Sade. — M.  Vil- 
lani,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  ix.,  x.,  xiii.,  xxiii., 
xxvi.  — Vita  di  Cola  di  Rienzo,  or 
Frammenti  di  Storia  Romana,  Lib.  ii., 
cap.  xii.,  &c.  —  Muratori,  Anno  1354. 
— De  Sade,  Mem.  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  iv., 
p.  22. — Sismondi,  vol.  iv. 


210 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


211 


followers  and  extensive  influence.  The  whole  body  of  citizens 
therefore  either  as  kinsmen  or  political  partisans,  was  attached 
to  one  or  the  other  and  in  arms  for  their  support ;  but  although 
the  alarm  proved  unfounded  and  tranquillity  remained  for  th(i 
moment  unbroken,  yet  their  rivalr}-  only  flared  up  the  higher 
with  this  sudden  blast  and  cast  a  deeper  glow  upon  their 
mutual  enmity.  The  Albizzi,  originally  from  Arezzo,  were 
probably  exiled  Guelphs  ;  but  their  opponents  trusting  to  the 
general  impression  made  by  the  prevalence  of  Gliiljcline  opi- 
nions among  the  Aretines  asserted  that  they  must  necessarily 
belong  to  that  faction,  and  by  means  of  this  stigma  the  Ricci 
hoped  to  vanquish  them.  They  placed  more  confidence  in 
the  success  of  their  stratagem  in  consequence  of  the  emperor's 
recent  appearance  in  Italy  which  had  already  l)egun  to  excite 
apprehensions  and  prepai*ed  the  public  for  any  suspicions  :  both 
families  therefore  strengthened  themselves  with  new  partisans 
and  were  continually  stmggling  for  supreme  authority. 

The  origin  of  that  magistracy  usually  denominated  tb( 
''Party  Guelph'^  and  its  high  authority  over  all  suspected 
Ghibelines  has  already  been  noticed ;  but  time  accidents  and 
new  sources  of  discord  had  so  obliterated  ancient  animosities 
that  many  descendants  of  old  Ghibeline  families  exercised  the 
highest  public  functions  of  the  commonwealth.  Uguccione  chief 
of  the  Ricci  hoped  by  a  renewal  of  fonner  feelings  and  perse- 
cutions either  to  humble  the  Albizzi  at  one  bluw  by  a  depriva- 
tion of  all  political  power,  or  to  render  them  suspected  if,  as 
was  anticipated,  they  should  oppose  a  law  that  he  intended  to 
enact :  wherefore  by  petition  (which  was  the  Florentine  form 
of  introducing  bills)  to  the  captains  of  the  Party  Guelph,  he 
simply  proposed  that  any  Ghibeline  holding  office  should  be 
subjected  to  a  penalty  of  500  florins  ;  and  then  quietly  awaited 
the  opposition  of  his  rival ;  for  it  was  a  settled  maxim  in  both 
families  to  thwart  eveiy  proposition  good  or  bad  that  originated 
with  either.     But  Piero  chief  of  the  Albizzi  a  man  of  prompt 


ability,  on  learning  Ricci  s  intentions  came  suddenly  from  his 
villa  and  supported  the  bill  with  all  his  influence :  this  able 
manoeuvre  completely  disconcerted  Uguccione  and  placed  Piero 
at  the  head  of  the  new  Guelpliic  party.     The  law  passed,  but 
remained  fur  the  moment  inactive  for  Ricci  s  personal  attack 
being  baffled  Piero  became  indiff^erent  about  the  matter,  and 
as  the  whole  decree  was  a  mere  party  trick  no  magistrate  would 
trouble   himself  with   its  execution  :    the   seed  was   however 
sown,  l)ut  its  fruits  were  probably  unforeseen  or  not  exactly 
estimated ;  it  was  a  snake  that  only  slept  to  be  again  awakened 
and  with  augmented  venom  endanger  the  Avhole  community  -. 
It  has  been  shown  tliat  the  acquisition  of  Genoa  necessarily 
involved  IMilan  in  a  war  with  Venice,  and  that  the  latter  with 
her  usual  activity  lost  no  time  about  strengthening  herself : 
with  great  perseverance  she  succeeded  in  organising  a  league 
of  the  Lombard  princes  against  Visconti,  first  by  reconcihng 
them  to  each  other  and  then   uniting  them  in  common  hos- 
tihty  to  the  prelate.     Padua  Ferrara  Mantua  and  Verona  were 
thus  combined,  nor  were  the  ties  of  relationship  in  the  Scala 
family  any  serious  obstacle ;  for  Visconti  seeing  that  the  papal 
forces  would  be  long  and  fully  employed  in  reducing  the  eccle- 
siastical cities  and  therefore  unlikely  to  give  him  any  annoy- 
ance, had  in  various  ways  been  carrying  fonvard  his  own  plans 
of  encroachment  on  the  tenitories  of  his  eastern  neighbours. 
Each  of  these  princes  being  individually  weak  was  afraid  to 
assert  his  independence,  lest  he  should  be  singly  overwhelmed 
by  the  weight  of  Milanese  power,  yet  so  reciprocally  inimical 
that  no  general  union  could  long  bind  them  unless  rivetted  by 
common  and  immuient  danger,  or  the  weight  of  a  superior 
power. 

The  indefatigable  exertions  of  Venice  at  length  overcame 
every  difficulty  and  a  league  was  concluded  in  December  1353 
by  virtue  of  which  four  thousand  men-at-arms  were  banded 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  56G.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii. 

P  2 


212 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


a<'ainst  Tisconti  in  the  following   spring ;    and  all  the  con 
federates  suhsequently  joined  Venice  in  her  fniitless  endea- 
vours to  draw  Florence  into  the  league,  as  already  narrated. 
On  this  refusal  the  allies  addressed  themselves  to  Charles  IV. 
and  taking  the  recent  Florentine  treaty  as  a  hasis  adopted  all 
its  provisk)ns  with  some  additional  offers  if  he  would  immedi- 
ately johi  them  in  arms  against  the  Archbishop  of  Milan.    But 
the  only  objects  of  Charles  were  money  and  a  public  corona- 
tion :  he  cared  little  for  Italians  and  less  for  their  quarrels ; 
and   treated  indiscriminately,  yet   secretly,  ^'ith  the   league 
and  its  adversaries,  so   that  by   exciting   eveiybody's  expec- 
tation he  artfully  hoped  to  remove  those  obstacles  which  often 
impeded  the  visits  of  his  predecessor  s  to  liome.     The  Floren- 
tines having  so  recently  invited  him  could  scarcely  object  to 
his  presence,  but  had  'despatched  Boccaccio  as  their  ambas- 
sador to  leani  in  what  light  tliis  visit  was  considered  at  the 
court  of  Avignon :  Charles  had  however  already  obtained  the 
pontifical  sanction  under  certain  conditions,   amongst   others 
not  to  remain  a  day  in  Rome  after  his  coronation  nor  to  enter 
it  before :  he  kept  his  word ;  but  it  was  considered  as  a  virtual 
resignation  of  imperial  sovereignty  over  the  ancient  capiUil, 
and  excited  the  indignation  of  Petrarca  in  common  with  the 
German  barons  and  princes,  and  even  of  the  Romans  them- 
selves.     "  The  successor  of  Saint  Peter,"  exclaims  Petrarch ; 
"  the  successor  of  Saint   Peter  who  wears   liis  tiara  on  the 
banks  of  the  Rhone  with  the  same  confidence  as  he  would  on 
those  of  the  Tiber,  not  only  permits  the  emperor  to  leave 
Rome  but  even  orders  him  to  do  so.     In  other  words,  he 
allows  him  to  assume  the  imperial  title,  and  forbids  him  to 
exercise  its  functions.     With  one  hand  he  opens  to  him  the 
temple  where  the  imperial  crown  is  to  be  received,  and  with 
the  other  he  shuts  the  gates  of  that  city  which  is  the  capital 
and  seat  of  empu-e.      What  a  contradiction^:^!"      Charles s 

*  Sec  Petrarca's  Letters,  in  De  Sade,  Mem.  vol.  iii.,  p.  402. 


CHAP,  xxiii.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


213 


arrival  at  Udine  in  October  1354  with  only  three  hundred 
unarmed  followers  showed  that  his  object  was  not  immediate 
war  while  it  convinced  all  those  states  with  whom  he  had 
nef^otiated  of  his  false  mi  trusty  character-.  At  Padua  and 
iVIantua  he  was  honoimibly  received,  and  acting  as  a  peace- 
maker procured  the  immediate  dismissal  of  Count  Lando  and 
his  lawless  followers  wdio  instantly  descended  like  a  swarm  of 
locusts  on  Piavenna  and  then  on  Naples;  but  he  failed  in 
permanently  reconciling  the  belligerents  in  consequence  of  a 
victory  gained  by  Genoa  over  Venice  at  Porto  Longo,  which 
rendered  the  \'isconti  intractable.  A  truce  of  several  months 
was  however  agreed  to ;  and  this  allowed  time  for  Charles's 
assumption  of  the  iron  crown  of  Italy  wliidi  took  place  at 
Milan  in  Januaiy  lo55  f.  Inuring  these  hostilities  the  princi- 
pal Guelphs  of  Bologna  failed  in  an  attempt  to  expel  Giovanni 
d'  Oleggio  and  join  the  league,  and  were  therefore  punished 
as  traitors ;  nevertheless  the  confederates  had  othenvise  pre- 
pared for  vigorous  action  when  a  sudden  but  momentary 
suspension  of  hostilities  was  caused  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Mdan's  death  on  the  fifth  of  October  1:)54. 

His  dominions  were  divided  between  the  sons  of  Stefano 
Visconti  w^ho  with  separate  and  independent  portions  were 
coequal  in  the  general  sovereignty  ]\lilan  being  the  centre 
of  government  and  (jenoa  connnon  to  all.  ]\Iatteo  the  eldest 
brother,  who  had  Parma  Placentia  Lodi  Bobbio  and  Bologna, 
loved  his  ease  and  enjoyment  and  took  only  a  ceremonious 
and  nominal  part  in  pulilic  afiairs.  To  Bemabo  fell  all  mili- 
taiy  business  with  Crema,  Cremona,  Brescia  and  Bergamo, 
while  Galeazzo  along  with  the  interior  administration  ruled 
Como  Xovara  Vercelli  Asti  Tortona  and  Alexandria  J. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Lombardy ;  and  Florence  uneasy  at 


*  M.  Villani,  Lil).  iv.,  cap.  xxvii.  J  M.   Villani,    Lib.    iv.,    cap.    xxv., 

t  M.  Villain,  Lib.  iv.,  tap.  xxvii.  and     xxviii.  —  Poggio  Braccioliui,   1st.   ili 
xxix.  Firenze,  Lib,  i",  xx. 


214 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


the  imperial  presence  created  a  board  of  sixteen  citizens  to 
inspect  her  fortified  places,  arrange  for  the  collecting  of  cattle 
and  all  moveable  jn-operty  into  fenced  towns,  muster  the  native 
railitar)'  strength,  break  up  the  roads,  and  make  every  prepara- 
tion for  an  obstinate  defence  of  the  countr}'.  Sixteen  other 
citizens  presided  by  the  Bishop  of  Florence  sul)sequently  re- 
ceived fidl  powers  to  conclude  a  tiTice  or  peace  for  any  period 
not  exceeding  one  year,  and  three  hundred  men-at-arms  were 
embodied  in  the  city  with  an  annual  salary  of  100  florins  each, 
and  the  j)rivilege  of  not  being  compelled  to  sene  out  of  Flo- 
rence except  in  fortified  places. 

But  far  from  wishing  to  quarrel  with  Charles,  the  Floren- 
tines only  endeavoured  to  miite  in  one  single  embassy  those 
of  Siena  Penigia  and  Ai'ezzo,  and  thus  derive  more  conse- 
quence as  a  confederacy  than  could  possibly  accrue  from  any 
separate  missions  however  imposing :  Pistoia  Volterra  San 
Muiiato  and  the  Guelphic  Counts  Guidi  were  then  ordered  to 
send  in  deputies  and  promptly  declare  their  sentiments  towards 
Florence  ;  for  government  deemed  it  not  improbable  that  tht 
imperial  presence  would  rouse  up  doiTnant  feelings  and  in- 
terests, and  under  the  shadow  of  its  supreme  authority,  which 
still  commanded  a  sort  of  mystic  reverence  strongly  tinctured 
with  dread,  create  a  spirit  and  notions  of  independence  hi 
her  subject  states  that  perhaps  might  be  troublesome. 

Like  malignant  planets,  the  German  emperors,  even  when 
unsupported  by  troops,  carried  with  them  in  their  periodical 
visits  a  perpetually  disturbing  force  that  affected  every  Italian 
community  but  more  especially  the  Guelphic  republics..  The 
Ghibelines  fell  naturally  towards  their  acknowledged  chief,  but 
generally  suffered  by  the  contact ;  while  the  Guelphs  could 
rarely  withstand  unamied  the  shock  of  those  old  and  still 
reviving  claims  that  considered  existing  govemments  rather 
as  imperial  vicars  than  independent  sovereignties. 

The  theoretical  and  often  the  practical  suspension  of  poli- 


ClIAP.  XXIIl.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


215 


tical  authority  follow^ed  as  a  matter  of  course  in  the  presence  of 
their  superior,  and  these  high-reaching  prerogatives  were  advo- 
cated by  men  who  really  wished  well  to  Italy.  Cola  di  Rienzo 
as  we  have  seen,  and  an  abler  patriot  than  he,  the  poet  Petrarca 
both  held  such  sentiments  but  as  proceedhig  from  the  people, 
and  there  were  those  also  who  considered  that  the  ancient 
emperors  owed  their  power  entirely  to  Roman  citizens  and  that 
they  therefore  held  only  a  delegated  authority  over  the  latter, 
subject  even  to  be  elected  and  deposed  at  their  pleasure : 
wherefore,  argues  Matteo  Villani,  as  the  Florentines  were  early 
admitted  to  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship  they  still  retained 
their  pristine  indepiiidence  and  were  not  amenable  to,  but  had 
a  right  to  treat  on  equal  temis  with  the  Cffisars. 

Italy  he  describes  as  being  then  irregularly  divided  into  two 
distinct  parties  one  of  which  adhering  to  the  church  was  com- 
posed of  Gueljihs,  or  as  he  calls  them,  "  Defenders  of  the 
Faith ;"  the  others  attaclied  to  the  reigning  emperor  whatever 
might  be  his  temporal  conduct  as  regarded  the  church ;  and 
these  were  the  Ghibelines  or  according  to  Villani  "  Leaders  of 
Battles,^'  for  tliey  prided  themselves  on  the  imperial  name  and 
countenance  and  were  keen  promoters  of  distiu'bances  and 
wai'.  In  their  visits  to  Italy  the  emperors  generally  favoured 
the  latter,  and  left  many  Ghibeline  vicars  in  various  cities  who 
at  their  master's  death  assumed  an  independent  authority, 
destroyed  public  liberty,  became  absolute  lords,  tyrants,  and 
deadly  foes  to  the  opposite  party  which  still  preserved  its  free- 
dom and  remaintHl  faithful  to  the  church ;  and  the  danger  of 
such  examples  this  author  adduces  as  another  reason  against 
unconditional  submission  to  imperial  authority. 

These  political  inroads  from  the  north  never  failed  to  gene- 
rate disorders  and  confusion,  venal  justice ;  or  injustice,  as 
the  case  might  l)e,  contentions,  of  which  the  emperors  natu- 
rally became  arbiters ;  and  a  barter  of  favours  by  which  they 
rarely  failed  to  make  the  most  of  their  own  passing  authority : 


2ia 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


[book 


such  at  least  was  the  opmioii  of  Plorence  and  she  therefore 
tried  hai'd  but  vainly  to  force  her  Guelpliic  neighbours  into  a 
common  declaration  of  their  own  independence. 
Charles,  attended  only  by  his  three  hundred  unarmed  followers, 
was  not  disposed  to  tarry  unnecessarily  amidst  the 
numerous  squadrons  of  Milan  which,  being  already 
assembled  for  the  war,  were  artfully  paraded  in  successive  rounds 
to  give  him  a  false  impression  of  the  strength  and  numbei-s  of 
the  three  Visconti.  He  hastened  on  towards  Pisa,  vet  was  crossed 
at  everj^  turn  by  fresh  bands  of  arme<l  men  haunting  him  like 
evil  spirits,  until  he  had  passed  the  Milanese  border;  his  sudden 
arrival  there  in  the  middle  of  January  startled  the  Florentines, 
who  however  prepared  an  embassy  in  conjunction  with  Siena 
and  Arezzo  (for  Perugia  as  an  ecclesiastical  citv  chose  sindv 
to  assert  her  freedom)  which  attired  in  costly  garments,  all  of 
the  same  fashion,  proceeded  in  state  to  Pisa  and  on  the  thir- 
tieth of  January  were  admitted  to  an  audience. 

•They  entered  the  presence-chamber  dressed  in  scarlet  rol)es 
lined  with  miniver,  and  superbly  adonied :  but  the  Senese  who 
had  already  taken  another  Ihie  of  policy,  objected  to  Arezzo's 
forming  part  of  the  embassy :  they  wished  to  leave  the  Flo- 
rentines alone  and  conspicuous,  in  order  to  render  the  contrast 
more  strildng  between  their  own  studied  adulation  and  the 
others'  blunt  demands  and  rough  expressions  of  independence. 
The  Florentine  ambassadoi-s  began  their  onition  with  due 
decorum  but  marked  independence  ;  they  addressed  Charles  as 
"  The  most  Serene  Prince,''  spoke  ^ith  reverence  of  the  ''Sacred 
Crown,"'  but  avoided  giving  him  directly  the  title  of  emperor. 
They  congratulated  him  on  his  arrival,  professed  a  surt  of 
vague  devotion  to  liis  person  with  general  offers  of  assistance, 
but  nothing  obligatory ;  and  excused  their  tardy  mission  by  the 
extreme  difficulty  of  ever  connng  to  prompt  resolutions  in  a 
republic.  They  then  professed  an  entire  confidence  in  his 
intentions  and  requested  some  gracious  expression  of  peace  and 


CHAP.  xxni.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


217 


amity  to  satisfy  their  fellow-citizens.  Every  approaching  shadow 
of  subjection  was  studiously  avoided,  and  to  such  a  degree,  that 
coupled  ^vith  their  l)old  demands  and  native  rudeness  ;  which 
clung  to  them  longer  than  their  liberty ;  so  much  offence  was 
given  as  to  excite  a  general  indignation,  and  some  rough  treat- 
ment would  have  follow^ed  had  not  tlie  arclibisliop  of  Prague, 
the  vice-chancellor,  imd  even  the  emperor  himself  interfered  to 
protect  them. 

It  was  not  the  interest  of  Charles  to  quarrel  with  Florence  : 
she  was  too  rich  to  neglect,  too  stubborn  to  subdue,  and  too 
powerful  to  offend  with  impunity ;  wherefore  deferring  the 
consideration  of  i)articulars  to  a  future  day  he  turned  away 
abruptly  to  hear  the  Senese  ambassadors;  and  while  negligently 
peeling  a  willow  wand  as  was  his  custom,  and  throwing  his 
eyes  round  on  the  company  :is  though  he  were  paying  no  atten- 
tion to  the  orators,  not  a  word  of  their  discourse  escaped  him. 
So  fair  an  occasion  was  not  to  be  neglected  l)y  the  Senese,  who 
accordingly  endeavoured  to  ingratiate  themselves  in  a  flattering 
speech  where  the  imperial  title  was  frequently  and  artfully 
introduced;  but  they  finally  astounded  the  Florentines  by 
actually  offering  the  absolute  lordshi})  of  Siena  witliout  reserve 
or  condition  to  the  emperor.  This  was  a  political  device  of  the 
ruling  faction  wliicli  was  tlien  inimical  to  Florence  and  the 
ambassadors  of  Volterra,  San  Miniato,  and  even  Pistoia,  imitated 
their  dangerous  example ;  Arezzo  would  have  then  followed 
had  not  the  Florentines  with  great  difficulty  prevented  it,  but 
pushing  their  officiousness  still  further  and  attempting  to 
speak  also  for  Pistoia  and  Arezzo,  Charles  sharply  stopped 
them  with  the  remark  that  the  aml)assadors  were  not  children 
and  could  plead  for  themselves -=. 
Fifty  thousand   fiorins  were   subsequently  offered   for  the 


*  M.  Villani,  Lil>.  iv.,cap.  liii.,  liv, —  Cronaca  Pisana,  from  cap.  Ixxxv.  to 
S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  .5()J>. — Sis-  xoviii. — Roncioni,  Istorie  Pisane,  p. 
mondi,  vol.   iv.,  cap.  xliii.  —  Sardo,     482. 


218 


FLORENTINE    HISTftRY. 


[book  I. 


imperial  confirmation  of  all  rights  and  privileges  asserted  by 
Florence,  yet  the  sagacious  monarch  held  back  with  apparent 
inditference  until  the  amount  was  doubled,  but  with  extreme 
difiQcultv,  bv  the  Florentine  councils ;  for  the  citizens  were 
avei*se  to  yielding  even  in  empty  fonn,  much  more  to  buying 
at  such  a  price  the  unacknowledged  pretensions  of  the  emperor. 
Nor  was  this  difticulty  all  on  one  side ;  for  Charles  was  also 
tenacious  of  imagined  prerogatives,  so  that  the  negotiations, 
carried  on  by  him  in  person  with  some  heat,  were  intemperately 
broken  off  late  at  night  and  new  instructions  demanded  from 
the  seignoiy.  A  sudden  el)ullition  of  temper  however  and  a 
night's  sleep  brought  calmer  notions,  and  the  proposed  con- 
ditions were  accepted  and  ratified  on  the  following  moniing  by 
this  war}'  emperor.  They  were  the  repeal  of  every  sentence 
and  condemnation  that  had  ever  been  pronounced  by  his  prede- 
cessors against  the  city  and  community  of  Florence  the  Counts 
Guido  of  BattifoUi,  or  those  of  Doadola,  Mangona  and  Veniia : 
that  the  Florentine  city,  county,  and  district  sliould  be  ruled  as 
heretofore  by  their  o^vn  nuniicipal  laws  and  statutes,  all  of  which 
both  present  and  future  if  not  incompatible  with  inteniational 
rights  he  solemnly  confmned,  and  moreover  declared  the  actual 
gonfalonier  and  priors  of  the  arts  with  all  their  successors  to  be 
dming  his  lifetime  ex  officio  imperial  vicars  :  he  also  promised 
not  to  enter  the  capittil  or  temtory,  or  any  fortified  town  belong- 
ing to  the  Florentine  republic  ;  after  wliich  a  sort  of  homage 
or  at  least  a  public  act  of  obeisance  and  submission  was  per- 
formed in  the  name  of  that  commonwealth  ;  which  then,  but 
not  until  then,  acknowledged  him  as  emperor.  And  for  all 
these  considerations,  which  were  a  mere  sacrifice  of  words 
unbinding  on  liis  successors,  he  was  to  receive,  besides  the 
100,000  florins,  an  annuity  of  4000  ducats  for  life :  these  con- 
ditions were  confirmed  by  Charles  at  Siena  on  payment  of 
the  first  instalment,  and  again  as  emperor  at  Pietra  Santa  after 
liis  coronation,  when  C0,000  florins  of  the  debt  were  liquidated. 


CH.NP.   XXIII.] 


FLOEENTTNE    HISTORY. 


219 


Florence  being  thus  replaced  on  the  list  of  imperial  cities 
became  again  a  part  of  the  empire  and  entitled  to  its  protec- 
tion; but  with  a  nominal  loss  of  independence  that  struck  sorely 
on  national  pride ;  and  the  harder  from  its  costliness.  The  council 
of  the  people  was  assembled  on  the  twelfth  of  IMarch  to  sanction 
this  covenant;  but  when  Piero  di  Griffo,  notary  of  the  refonn- 
ations,  began  to  read  it,  either  from  real  emotion,  or  as  some 
supposed,  to  gain  popularity  by  good  acting,  he  burst  into  tears 
and  could  no  longer  continue  the  lecture  :  an  adjournment  of 
the  assembly  took  place,  but  even  when  it  met  on  the  following 
day,  and  notw^ithstanding  that  this  unpopular  motion  had  gone 
through  all  the  other  councils,  it  was  rejected  seven  times  suc- 
cessively by  that  of  the  people :  nor  was  it  until  many  influential 
citizens  severally  demonstrated  the  advantages  that  would  be 
gained  and  the  dangers  incurred  by  its  rejection  that  the  ques- 
tion was  reluctantly  suffered  to  pass :  on  the  twenty-fii-st  of 
March  Charles  made  it  known  to  the  Pisan  parliament  and  two 
days  after  it  was  formally  pul  dished  at  Florence  but  without  any 
signs  of  public  satisfaction,  or  even  a  common  attendance  of 
citizens  :  the  few  that  did  assist  walked  sullenly  home  with 
marked  disapprobation  of  so  costly  although  nominal  a  loss  of 
national  freedom  and  semi-coercive  acknowledgment  of  imperial 
supremacy*. 

This  important  treaty  being  finished  Charles  entered  Siena  on 
the  twenty-fourth  of  IMareli  with  his  retmue  augmented  by  the 
Empress  and  four  thousand  German  cavalry ;  by  the  various 
Ghibeline  chiefs  of  Tuscany ;  and  to  the  general  surprise,  by  a 
detachment  from  Florence  the  constant  and  implacable  foe  of 
eveiy  emperor,  but  especially  those  of  Luxembourg. 

Siena  for  about  seventv  vears  luid  been  ruled  bv  the  chiefs 
of  a  small  but  powerful  oligarcliy  called  the  "  Monte  "  or  "  Online 
de  Nove.''  It  was  originally  composed  of  the  most  popular 
Guelphic  leaders  and  determined  enemies  of  the  aristocracy, 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  Ixx.,  Ixxv. 


220 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


which  as  at  Florence  was  excluded  from  any  part  in  the  goveni- 
ment :  the  administration  was  held  by  nine  plel»eian  magis- 
trates chosen  by  the  council  of  the  people  from  a  general 
yearly  purse  at  a  single  election,  after  the  Florentine  manner 
for  the  supply  of  future  seignories.  By  the  selfish  working 
of  ambition  and  dishonest  political  artitice  the  supreme  power 
without  varying  its  form  or  mode  of  acquirement  was  gradually 
stolen  from  the  people "s  hands  and  placed  in  those  of  an 
oligarchy  of  ninety  indiyiduals  who  were  closely  banded  for 
this  purpose.  Hated  by  the  nobles  fuid  excluded  citizens, 
but  favoured  by  three  Neapolitan  monarchs  they  contrived  to 
preserve  their  power;  yet  aware  of  their  own  uni)()pularity 
which  haply  might  have  been  more  intense  than  merited,  their 
exterior  politics  after  King  Kobert's  death  were  marked  In- 
weakness  or  inshicerity  and  an  increasing  jealousy  of  ilorence. 
Fearful  of  external  shocks  on  the  mind  of  an  angry  people  they 
followed  Perugia's  example  and  not  only  bought  otf  the  Che- 
valier de  Montreal  at  their  ally's  expense  but  rather  assisted 
him  in  his  subsequent  operations  agiiinst  Florence  and  Arezzo. 
Alarmed  at  this  moment  lest  an  exasperated  population  should 
fly  to  the  emperor  for  support  and  expel  them  from  power, 
they  resolved  to  l)e  beforehand  and  rashlv  sacrificed  their  couu- 
try's  freedom  to  the  selfishness  of  faction  *. 

But  the  emperor's  object  was  gain :  not  the  support  of  a 
weak  govennnent  or  any  abstract  political  question  :  tyranny 
and  liberty  were  equally  indifferent  to  him  except  as  convenient 
instruments  of  self-aggrandisement :  he  soon  saw  that  all  real 
power  and  the  riches  of  Siena  were  in  a  combined  mass  of 
exasperated  citizens  an<l  nobles,  and  promptly  gave  them  liis 
countenance.  Loud  shouts  of  "Lo/f//  live  the  Emperor,'^  ''Death 
to  the  Nine :"  tumults  and  miiversal  confusion  were  the  ready 


•   M.  Villani,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  Ixi. — Orl.     cap.   xliii. 
Malavolti,  Storia  di  Siena,  Parte  ii*,     cap.  xciv. 
Lib.  vi.,  p.  111. — 8ismondi,  vol.  iv., 


—  SarUo    Cronaca,  Pisana, 


CHAP.  XXIIl.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


221 


answer  to  this  grace.  The  seignory  were  soon  besieged  in  the 
palace,  their  houses  ransacked,  the  streets  barricaded,  plunder 
and  conflagration  everpvhere  abroad,  and  civil  war  raged  in  all 
its  usual  violence,  when  Charles  seizing  this  crisis,  occupied 
the  beleaguered  palace,  dissolved  the  obnoxious  government  and 
destroyed  its  acts,  along  with  every  charter  he  had  ever  granted 
to  the  seignor}' :  he  barely  saved  their  lives  from  popular  fuiy 
but  let  their  property  be  plundered  and  even  their  friends  be 
murdered  while  trying  to  escape :  eveiy  decree  against  them 
was  approved  and  their  i)ower  annihilated,  but  especial  care 
was  taken  by  Charles  to  have  his  own  lordship,  which  he  held 
only  on  their  authority,  conflrmed  by  exerj  order  of  the  state. 
After  organising  a  provisional  goveniment  under  his  natural 
brother  the  archbishop  of  Prague  who  was  also  patriarch  of 
Aquileia,  Charles  resumed  his  march  towards  Rome  on  the 
fourth  day  after  his  arrival  at  Siena,  and  was  immediately 
crowned;  but  tnie  to  liis  promise  he  instantly  quitted  that 
capital,  returned  on  the  nineteenth  of  April  to  a  city  still 
reelmg  from  the  shock  of  his  former  visit,  and  after  establish- 
ing his  brother  as  imperial  \  iear  and  chief  of  the  new  govern- 
ment, retired  to  Pisa  v/here  fresh  troubles  awaited  him  *. 

But  the  Sencse  felt  no  benefit  from  a  revolution  that  only 
changed  men,  not  measures,  and  were  forthwith  in  new  agita- 
tion ;  another  revolution  flared  up  as  suddenly  as  the  first  and 
was  equally  fatal  to  the  existing  government :  the  patriarch  was 
quickly  deposed  and  his  life  in  jeopardy:  Charles  could  not  aid 
liim,  for  both  Lucca  and  Pisa  were  then  in  confusion  and  most 
of  his  Germans  departed;  but  he  renounced  everj  recently 
acquired  right  over  the  state,  and  promised  never  to  meddle 
witli  its  government  provided  tliat  his  brother  were  restored  in 
safety.     On  these  conditions  the  patriarch  was  dismissed,  and 


M.   Villani,   Lib.   iv.,  cap.    Ixxxi.,     — Sismondi,   vol.   iv.,   cap.    xliii 

Ixxxii ;  Lib.  v.,  cap.  xiii.,  xiv.— Oil.     Sardo,  Cronaca   Pisana,  cap.  c,  cii., 
Malavolti,  Parte  ii%  Lib.  vi.,  p.  112.     ciii. 


222 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


223 


thus  Siena  regained  her  independence  at  a  far  less  cost  than 
Florence  paid  for  the  nominal  confmnation  of  hers-". 

It  has  already  been  said  that  the  German  emperors  in  their 
periodical  revolutions  through  the  political  system  of  Italy  car- 
ried along  with  them,  like  erratic  stars,  certain  disturbing  forces 
which  more  or  less  unsettled  eveiT  community  tluit  floated 
within  the  sphere  of  their  inlluence :  a  perturbing  atmosphere 
always  accompanied  their  progress  and  was  now  in  full  action 
both  at  Pisa  and  in  the  subdued  and  sutTering  Lucca.  Charles 
of  LiLxembourg  had  made  himself  extremely  popular  while  he 
governed  the  latter  for  his  lather  John  of  Bohemia,  and  tli»' 
Lucchese  merchtuits  now  offered  him  iunnense  sums  to  emanci- 
pate their  country  fi'om  Pisan  bondage.  These  negotiations 
soon  became  known  and  excited  great  indignation  at  Pisa,  while 
the  occupation  of  the  Lucchese  citadel  by  a  German  gamson. 
the  removal  of  warlike  stores,  and  other  svnnptoms  of  agitation 
accompanied  by  a  sudden  fire  which  destroyed  the  palace  of  th« 
Pisan  government,  awakened  the  alarm  and  united  the  factions 
of  that  state.  The  Bergoluii  and  Kaspanti  were  attracted  by  a 
common  patriotic  spirit  into  momentar}^  imion,  and  a  sudden 
flame  bm*st  forth:  the  Raspanti  first  flew  to  arms  and  attacked 
the  imperialists,  nay  even  besieged  Charles  in  the  cathedral 
where  he  lodged  after  the  conflagration.  The  crisis  became 
alarming  when  Count  Pafletta  of  ]\Ionte-Scu(laio,  one  of  the 
imperial  followers  and  a  Pisan  exile  of  the  Iia.s])anti  foction  and 
Gherardesca  raee,  ran  out  amongst  his  partisans  and  persuaded 
them  to  separate  from  the  Bergolini :  then  putting  himself  at 
their  head  oflered  his  senices  to  the  emperor.  Charles  had 
originally  received  00,000  florins  in  the  name  of  the  Pisan 
commmiity  on  condition  of  maintixining  its  dominion  over 
Lucca  with  the  ascendancy  of  the  Berf»olini  faction  and  Gam- 
bacorti  family  in  the  national  government;  but  on  his  first 
arrival  the  Raspanti  witli  Pafletta  at  their  head  raised  a  sedition 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xx.,  xxii.,  xxix.,  xxxv.,  xxxvi. 


against  the  opposite  party,  and  Gambacorta  in  a  moment  of 
alarm  resigned  his  authority  into  the  emperor  s  hands  :  cooler 
thoughts  brought  wiser  counsels  ;    the  magistrates  struck  by 
the  folly  of  both  factions  endeavoured  to  reconcile  them,  and 
apparently  succeeded ;  Gambacorta  appears  to  have  been  sin- 
cere, Pafletta  not;  but  enjoy hig  the  imperial  favour  and  probably 
axjting  in  concert  with  Charles,  he  joined  with  Gambacorta  in  a 
respectful  demand  for  the  restitution  of  powers  that  had  only 
been  resigned  in  a  moment  of  fearful  excitement.    The  emperor 
bemg  just  then  without  troo[»s  relinquished  what  he  could  not 
keep  and  restored  the  po^jular  government :  this  of  com'se  dis- 
lodged the  Gambacorti ;  left  the  road  open  for  Pafletta,  and 
saved  Charles  from  the  appeanmce  of  a  direct  breach  of  his 
promise  in  pledging  liimself  so  solemnly  to  uphold  that  family. 
The  second  tumult  was  more  serious  for  the  Gambacorti, 
whose  leading  members  were  instantly  arrested,  the  insurgents 
dispersed  and  five  Berg<jlini  chiefs  thrown  into  prison :    but 
Lucca  was  on  the  alert  ;  she  seized  the  favourable  moment  and 
rapidly  organised  both  town  and  country  for  revolt.    The  intel- 
ligence of  this  movement  was  comiimnicated  by  beacon-fires  to 
Pisa  where  the  factions  again  united  for  common  good  and  in- 
stantly marched  on  that  rel>ellious  capital  which  they  reduced 
to  a  new  and  more  rigorous  bondage  than  before.     Thus  bafiled 
in  his  views  on  Lucca  Pisa  and  Siena,  Charles,  as  it  is  said  on 
the  suggestion  of  Pafletta,  pounced  on  the  unhappy  Gambacorti 
who  were  entirely  innocent,  they  having  taken  no  part  in  the 
recent  disturbance  :   they  were  immediately  examined ;   first 
without,  then  with  torture  ;    but  perceiving  death   inevitable 
resolved  to  spai'e  themselves  further  agony  by  confessing  every- 
thing that   they   were    charged   with.      Three   chiefs  of  this 
illustrious  race  and  four  of  their  principal  friends  thus  perished 
iguomhiiously  upon  the  scaflbld  =^'. 

*  Cronica  di   Don.  Velluti,  p.  9G. —     xxxiv.,  and  xxxvii. — Tronci,  Annali 
M.  Villani,  Lib.  v.,  caj).  from  xxix.  to     Pisani. — Sismoudi,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  xliii. 


224 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


After  so  bloody  an  example  of  royal  ingratitude  to  a  family 
who  had  proved  themselves  his  tirst  and  warmest  friends  in 
Tuscany,  and  not  deeming  himself  secure  in  Pisa  even  with  all 
the  Raspanti  at  his  back,  Charles  departed  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  May  for  Pietra  Santa  and  alterwards  for  Germany, 
passing  through  the  Mihmese  states  not  only  witiiout  honour 
but  suspiciously  watched  and  guarded  as  a  public  enemy. 

All  his  Itahan  influence  vanished  with  him  ;  he  gained  no 
credit,  established  no  interest,  acquired  no  power,  and  the  im- 
perial dignity  was  heedlessly  lowered  by  his  conduct :  but  h( 
canied  back  into  Germany  the  vain  title  of  emperor  with  well- 
filled  coffers  of  Italian  gold ;  and  cared  for  little  else,  beyond 
the  confines  of  Bohemia  =^ 

The  Gambacorti  were  merchants  and  ancient  citizens  of 
Pisa  who  after  the  Gherardeschis  expulsion  had  been  pushed  up 
to  gi-eatness  by  public  confidence  and  natural  force  of  character 
rather  than  by  any  decided  act  of  usurpation  ;  their  loss  was 
therefore  considered  to  be  a  national  misfortune,  for  they  had 
maintained  peace,  executed  justice,  paid  the  public  debts,  and 
increased  the  power,  commerce,  and  resources  of  their  country, 
and  do  not  seem  to  have  been  tyrants;  a  rare  occurrence  in  those 
days.  Florence  regretted  them,  for  she  also  had  found  the  benefit 
of  their  friendship  and  she  saw  every  casual  seed  of  quarrel  most 
sedulously  extii-pated  by  the  vigilance  of  their  tranquillisiug 
sway :  it  was  by  their  influence  that  Charies  was  admitted  into 
Pisa ;  in  their  palace  and  principally  at  their  cost  was  he  mag- 
nificently lodged  and  entertained,  and  they  remained  faithful  to 
him  throughout ;  but  when  too  late  were  fatally  convinced  of 
the  proverbial  folly  of  putting  their  trust  in  princes  f. 

— Sardo,  Cronaca  Pisana,  cap.  cviii.  to  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  41  l.^Sismondi, 

cxi.     Roncioni,  Istor.  Pisan.,  pp.  828  vol.  iv.,  cap.  xliii.— Sardo,  Cron.  Pisa, 

to  837.  cap.  cxii. 

*  Roncioni,  Istor.   Pisan.,  p.  837.—  +  M.  Villani,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  xxxviii.- 

M.  Villani,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  liv.  —  See  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  57a. 
Petrarca  8  Letter  in  De  Sadc,  Mem. 


CHAr.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


225 


Some  new  laws  terminated  this  eventful  year  at  Florence : 
one  amongst  others  was  rendered  necessary  by  the  discovery 
that  all  the  late  negotiations,  although  secret  deliberations  of 
government,  had  been  di^adgc(l  and  reported  to  the  emperor, 
who  thus  became  acquainted  witli  every  hidden  fear,  doubt,  or 
difficulty  that  arose  in  the  Florentine  councils.  An  act  was 
therefore  passed  which  besides  pecuniar}^  fines  inflicted  a  per- 
petual deprivation  of  office  on  any  citizen  who  should  thus  be- 
tray his  country's  secrets  ;  a  decree  more  calculated  to  increase 
circumspection  than  improve  patriotism,  which  flows  from  a 
higher  source. 

About  the  same  period  a  necessity  arose  for  the  promulgation 
of  new  laws  to  protect  individurds  against  the  still  arrogant  and 
overbearing  aristocracy,  amongst  whom  it  would  appear  as  if 
homicide,  cutting  and  maiming,  and  forcible  occupation  of  other 
people "s  property,  were  still  of  frequent  recurrence.  Any  of 
the  ancient  nobles  who  after  this  period  should  be  convicted 
of  these  and  similar  crimes  were  forbidden  to  reside  in  the 
same  quarter  of  the  city  with  the  rest  of  their  family;  or 
if  inhabitants  of  the  country,  they  were  in  like  manner  pro- 
hibited from  living  in  the  same  Pieviere  or  ecclesiastical  union 
of  parishes ;  a  penalty  being  also  attached  to  any  aid  afforded 
them  by  relations ;  and  as  many  powerless  hidividuals  of 
humble  life,  such  as  widows  and  oq^hans,  had  their  little  pro- 
perty so  much  damaged  by  reckless  nobles  as  to  render  its 
cidtivation  useless  to  the  great  injuiy  of  both  owners  and 
public,  a  law  was  promulgated  which  declared  that  all  such  pro- 
perty should  be  thereafter  hired  on  lease  by  the  community  or 
Pieviere  in  which  it  happened  to  be,  or  by  the  relations  of  those 
who  had  done  the  mischief.  So  careful  were  the  Florentmes 
of  individual  rights  and  civil  liberty  whenever  they  involved  a 
more  rigorous  legislation  against  the  detested  nobility.  About 
this  time  also  we  have  the  first  indications  of  an  incipient 
attempt  to  register  real  property  in  Florence.     It  arose  from 

VOL.    II.  Q 


226 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  xxin.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


22: 


the  difficulty  of  seizing  such  property  in  lieu  of  debt ;  for  the 
dwellings  shops  magazines  warehouses  and  workshops  of  indi- 
viduals were  so  interlaced  and  confounded  amidst  the  numerous 
snijill  streets  and  alleys  that  few  creditors  could  ascertain  the 
exact  bounds  of  a  debtor's  possessions ;  more  especially  when 
any  of  his  immediate  neighboui's  fraudulently  claimed  the  pre- 
mises to  prevent  seizure.  For  these  reasons  some  patriotic 
citizens  imagined  that  they  could  confer  a  public  benefit  on  the 
state  by  diminishing  all  this  trouble  and  uncertainty ;  and 
therefore  petitioned  the  Seignory  for  the  immediate  foraiatiou 
of  public  registers  where  a  description  of  all  real  Florentine 
property  within  the  capital  and  contado  should  be  inserted 
quiirter  by  quarter  in  the  city,  and  parish  by  parish  m  the 
country  under  the  name  of  each  proprietor.  The  older  and 
more  experienced  citizens  declared  its  imjx>ssibility ;  neverthe- 
less the  decree  passed  but  failed  in  its  execution ;  for  althougli 
a  description  of  each  person's  property  and  its  boundaries  under 
heavy  penalties  was  ordered  to  be  made  by  eveiy  proprietor, 
and  superintended  by  the  ruler  of  each  parish,  the  rapid  and 
continual  changes  in  a  purely  commercial  and  manufacturin<4 
community  rendered  this  almost  im^^os^ible ;  being  accompa- 
nied, as  asserted,  by  other  and  graver  difficulties  ;  so  that 
after  much  trouble  expenditure  and  perseverance  for  several 
years,  the  project  was  relinquished  as  impracticable  *. 

The  notoriety  of  Count  Landos  aggi'essions  and  his  known  in- 
tention to  pass  from  Puglia  through  the  Abi*uzzi  into  the 
March  of  Ancona  with  an  ultimate  view  to  Tuscanv, 
startled  the  Florenthies  into  more  efficient  measures  of  defence. 
Pisa  Perugia  and  Volterra  united  with  her,  but  Siena  refused 
from  an  angiy  feeling  against  Pemgia  who  had  favoured  a  recent 
revolt  of  Montepulciano  and  the  Cavalieri's  restoration  there: 
more  imminent  danger  subsequently  overcame  auger  and  she  too 
joined  the  confederacy  with  a  fresh  and  friendly  feeling  towards 

*   M.  Villani,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  Ixxiv. 


A.D.  1356. 


Florence,  while   Pisa    on    the   contrary,    after   Gambacorta's 
death  had  resumed  all  her  ancient  enniitv.     This  broke  forth 
at  everj^  opportunity ;  the  small  town  of  Sovrana  was  filched 
from  her  by  some  Ghibeline  e.^iles  for  and  at  the  instigation  of 
Pisa;  but  avoiding  an  open  quarrel  the  Florentines  retaliated 
with  like  weapons  :  after  having  recovered  the  place  and  wor- 
ried some  Pisan  troops  on  their  march  to  Sambuca  an  indirect 
and  petty  warfare  was  maintained  by  means  of  third  parties,  the 
principals  holding  l)ack  and  maintaining  peace  unbroken.    Paf- 
fetta  had  died,  perhaps  was  poisoned,  in  prison  and   gained 
nothing  but  odium  from  Gambacorta's  death  ;  but  this  hostile 
spirit  gathered  new  force;    the  ancient  rights  of  Florentine 
commerce  in  Pisa  and  its  port  at  the  Anio's  mouth  were  ab- 
iniptly  abolished  ;  yet  these  having  been  solemnly  guaranteed  by 
treaty  the  measure  was  declared  to  be  an  act  of  public  safety 
and  done  by  imperial  conniiand  :  Charles  not  only  denied  this 
but  instimtly  ordered  the  grievance  to  be  removed ;  the  Pisans 
were  obstinate,  and  the  Florentine  niercliants  paid  the  duty, 
but  at  the  same  time  resolved,  without  breaking  the  peace,  to 
suffer  no  repetition  of  such  an  injuiy.     To  this  end  a  new 
magistracy  called  the  "  Dieci  del  Mare  "'  or  Ten  of  the  Sea  was 
instantly  created  with  ample  powers  to  abate  the  nuisance :  eight 
popolani  and  two  nobles  composed  this  council  which  gave  imme- 
diate orders  for  the  withdrawal  of  all  merchandise  from  Pisa 
within  a  given  period,  and  commenced  a  negotiation  for  the 
inmiediate  fomiation  of  a  port  at  Talamone  in  the  Maremma  ; 
for  the  erection  of  storehouses  fortifications  and  inns,  the  esta- 
blishment of  guards,  of  connnercial  roads,  and  every  other  con- 
venient means  of  communication.   The  port  duties  were  settled 
at  a  constant  annual  sum  of  7000  florins  ;  the  contract  signed 
for  ten  years  and  material  assistance  given  on  the  part  of  Siena 
by  a  voluntary  prohibition  of  all  land  traffic  between  that  city 
and  Pisa.   These  operations  were  carried  on  with  such  amazing 
rapidity  that  the  Pisans  veiy  soon  beheld  their  port  and  city 

Q  '2 


228 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


abandoned  by  ships  and  merchants  ;  their  dwellings  emptying, 
their  inns  deserted ;  their  roads  imfrequented,  and  their  markrt^ 
unprovided.  The  Florentuies  saw  their  advantage  and  were 
inflexible :  by  the  first  of  November  not  a  single  bale  of 
foreign  goods  remained  in  Pisa  while  a  general  feeling  of  satis- 
faction pervaded  Florence  at  having  thus  '*  sfjarato  "  or  broken 
their  stubborn  adversaiy  *. 

The  death  of  that  extraordinary  old  Ghibeline  chief  Piero 
Saccone  of  Pietramala,  relieved  Florence  from  any  further 
apprehension  from  the  sudden  outbreaks  of  his  mnnitigated 
energ}'  even  up  to  his  ninety-sixth  year  !  A  formidable  sol- 
dier ;  but  rather  as  a  partisan  than  a  leader ;  rapid  bold  and 
wily  in  his  movements,  and  devoted  to  war,  he  carried  these 
habits  with  a  singular  constancy  to  the  very  point  of  deatli. 
Calling  his  son  to  the  bed  side  :  "  Marco,''  said  he,  "  the  Uhr- 
*'  tint  will  naturally  suppose  that  you  are  at  this  moment  onhj 
"  thinking  of  your  dying  father,  and  they  will  he  neyliyeut. 
"  Now  (JO  thou  without  delay  collect  our  retai}icrs  and  surjirisc 
'*  Gressa  ere  the  bishop  can  hare  any  suspicion.''  Marco  obeyed 
but  was  repulsed,  and  the  old  soldier  expired  leaving  his  suc- 
cessor the  legacy  of  a  war  with  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo  and  the 
Ubertini. 

Count  Lando  had  by  this  time  entered  La  Marca  and  alread} 
threatened  Tuscany ;  and  this  compelled  bliaence  to  uew- 
organise  her  native  militar}^  bands  ;  for  liaving  been  once 
deceived  she  would  no  longer  tiiist  to  the  micertiun  faith  of  a 
confederacy ;  four  thousand  cross-bowmen  were  accordiiigl} 
called  into  service  and  a  detachment  of  civic  cavalry  ordered  tu 
occupy  the  mountam  passes  of  the  Mugello,  while  messengers 
were  despatched  to  amuse  Lando  \nth  false  negotiations  until 
all  the  cattle  and  provisions  had  been  placed  in  safety :  tlu* 
crossbow  and  iron  cuirass  of  every  bowman  was  supplied  at  the 


*  Sfjararc  is  to  break  a  stubborn  child. — Cionaca  di   Donato  VcUuti,  p.  90, 
et  6cq. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


229 


public  expense  :  four  times  a  year  there  was  to  be  a  general 
review  on  certain  times  and  places ;  the  Florentine  cross-bow- 
men amounted  to  eight  hundred  commanded  by  four  chiefs, 
one  for  each  quarter:  to  every  constable  or  commander  of 
twenty-five  was  given  a  standard  and  a  finely-wrought  bow  as 
a  prize  for  the  most  accurate  shot.  When  unemployed  they 
were  allowed  a  salary  of  twenty  soldi  a  month,  the  constable 
double  that  sum ;  and  when  on  service  tlu"ee  golden  florins. 
This  resolute  aspect  saved  Tuscany  from  an  immediate  visit 
and  Count  Lando  passed  forward  into  Lombardy. 

In  Pisa  the  bad  effects  of  their  folly  became  daily  more 
apparent  to  the  citizens,  but  only  nettled  without 
inducing  them  to  act  more  wisely :  Florence  had  not 
only  removed  her  own  trade  but  had  also  stopped  that  of  Pis- 
toia  with  both  Lucca  and  Pisa  and  compensated  it  by  complete 
freedom  of  commercial  intercourse  with  herself :  in  revenge  an 
attempt  was  made  to  capture  the  town  of  Uzano ;  but  still 
immovable,  Florence  only  increased  her  vigilance :  yet  these 
were  all  acts  of  the  ruling  liiction  in  Pisa,  for  commercial  people 
suffered  too  intensely  bv  this  revolution  not  to  wish  for  a  better 
understanding.  The  Pisan  government  aware  of  this,  tried 
hard  to  provoke  Florence  to  a  war  ;  which  if  once  begun  they 
trusted  to  national  antipathy  for  its  stubborn  prosecution :  in 
pursuance  of  this  plan  they  entered  into  a  league  with  Genoa, 
hoping  by  the  aid  of  her  galleys  to  worry  the  Talamone  traders 
so  much  as  to  i-uin  that  enterprise  and  even  succeeded  in  per- 
suading Genoa  that  the  Florentines  secretly  desired  this,  but 
declined  appearing  publicly  in  the  transaction  which  would  be 
a  breach  of  their  treaty  with  Siena :  Florentine  ambassadors 
were  immediately  sent  to  undeceive  that  state  but  owing  to  the 
Doge  Boccanegra's  partiality  for  Pisa  they  were  refused  an 
audience  and  nothing  was  effected.  To  provoke  Florence  still 
more  the  subjection  of  Lucca  was  forcibly  prolonged  for  twenty 
years  in  direct  breach  of  the  treaty  :  yet  no  further  notice  was 
taken  by  the  former  than  a  decree  which  made  it  penal  for  any 


230 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


citizen,  or  even  the  Seignory  itself,  to  comisel  or  in  any  way 
advocate  a  resumption  of  their  commercial  relations  \\ith  Pisa  ; 
and  to  oppose  Genoa  a  squadron  of  Provencal  galleys  was  taken 
into  the  Florentine  senice. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  danger,  Count  Lando  paid  by  Viscoiiti 
was  sent  again  into  Piomagna  to  assist  Ordilaffi  captain  of 
Forli  agahist  the  pope's  legate,  and  Florence  reasonably  feared 
that  the  next  step  would  be  into  Tuscany :  an  attempt  to  medi- 
ate between  the  belligerents  failed,  and  the  great  company 
being  hi  a  part  of  the  Bolognese  state  whence  in  a  single  day 
they  could  cross  the  Apennines  and  occupy  the  Mugello  by  an 
open  pass  called  "  Labia  dello  Stale  "  no  time  could  be  lost. 
The  UbaliUni  were  immediately  united  to  join  in  the  defence 
of  their  country  and  promptly  answered  the  call,  so  that  in  a 
short  time  nine  hundred  horse  and  six  thousand  foot,  besides 
fifteen  hundred  vassals  of  that  powerful  family  took  post  on  the 
frontier  and  entrenched  a  mile  and  a  luJf  of  the  pass  which 
was  further  strengthened  by  a  massive  stockade  of  whole  forest- 
trees  :  they  then  pitched  their  camp  within  this  inclosure  and 
waited  the  event. 

Count  Lando,  whose  only  olyect  was  plunder,  being  alanned 
at  so  bold  an  attitude  continued  liis  march  and  encamped  at 
Villa  Franca,  four  miles  from  the  beleaguered  city  of  Forli ; 
and  Albomoz  no  less  fnghtened  at  this  formidable  reenforce- 
ment  of  Ordilaffi 's  power,  despatched  the  Bishop  of  Nami  to 
Florence  for  assistance.  This  prelate  immediately  published 
a  cmsade  against  the  enemy  and  excited  that  strong  religious 
enthusiasm  which  generally  characterised  the  Florentines  ;  he 
collected  30,000  floiins  in  private  contributions,  principally 
from  women  and  poor  people  ;  recommended  that  exery  twelve 
citizens  should  support  a  man-at-arms  ;  succeeded  with  amazing 
mpidity  in  the  accomplishment  of  all  his  objects,  and  soon 
despatched  eight  hundred  cross-bowmen  and  seven  hundred 
Rarbute  under  Manno  Donati  to  the  camp,  besides  two  hundred 
i^avalry  and  two  thousand  footmen  who  volunteered  to  serve 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


231 


at  their  own  expense.  Such  was  spiritual  power !  No  less 
than  100,000  florins  were  expended  privately  and  publicly  on 
this  occasion,  and  in  return  the  whole  community  received  full 
pardon  for  all  their  sins  ;  so  keen  indeed  was  this  spirit  that 
a  Florentme  ambassador  was  expressly  sent  to  urge  upon 
Albomoz  an  immediate  battle  with  the  promise  of  '20,000 
additional  florins  for  his  troops  if  victorious.  The  cooler  policy 
of  government  throughout  this  enthusiastic  proceeding  was  no 
doubt  the  annihflation  of  Lando  and  Ids  company,  but  it  was 
admirably  seconded  l)y  the  religious  zeal  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  shows  the  rapid  and  powerful  effects  of  clmrch  influence 
when  artfully  applied  to  the  superstition  or  prejudices  of  a 

nation. 

Nevertheless  Albornoz  was  cautious  in  his  proceedings,  for 
feeling  himself  superior  to  Ordilafii  alone  and  being  well  sup- 
])lied  with  money  he  preferred  buying  off  Count  Lando  at  the 
expense  of  30,000  florins  and  sending  him  back  to  Lombardy 
under  an  engagement  to  leave  Florence,  Pisa,  Siena,  and  Peru- 
gia mnnolested  for  three  years :  this  was  not  a  disinterested 
bargain,  for  all  these  states  were  engaged  without  their  consent 
to  pay  a  shai'e  of  the  contribution.  Florence  with  tliat  usual 
heedlessness  of  expense  so  characteristic  of  a  flourishing  com- 
mercial people,  had  the  weakness  to  consent,  but  the  others 
plumply  refused,  and  ridiculed  the  notion  of  a  stranger  s  dis- 
posuig  of  their  money  without  even  consulting  them  on  the 
subject :  Lando  however  retired ;  the  siege  of  Forli  continued  ; 
and  Cardinal  Albornoz  behig  almost  immediately  superseded  by 
the  Abbot  of  Clugny  returned  through  Florence  to  Avignon. 

Florence  was  now  in  profound  peace  both  within  and  with- 
out, for  the  altercation  with  Pisa  caused  no  sensible  interrup- 
tion ;  but  so  unusual  a  state  could  not  be  expected  to  last  in 
that  tm-bulent  city  :  from  the  effects  of  the  "  Divieto  "  or  pro- 
liibition  against  any  two  of  the  same  family  acceptmg  office 
together,  or  within  a  specified  period  after  having  been  once 


232 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


233 


"11 


elected,  the  Florentine  government  had  gradually  changed 
hands  :  the  old  families  had  become  extremely  numerous  in 
their  kindred,  from  antiquity  and  continual  intermarriages,  and 
therefore  the  whole  chain  of  connexions  wiis  distui'bed  by  the 
attachment  of  a  single  link  to  the  public  honours  of  the  state. 

The  newly-risen  families  on  the  cuutrar}'  scarcely  knew  their 
own  grandfathers,  and  often  ditfered  even  in  name  from  their 
nearest  relatives:  the  ambition  of  the  former  was  therefore 
continually  baffled  by  the  '' Divieto,''  that  of  the  latter  never, 
and  the  government  by  degrees  fell  almost  entirely  into  the 
hands  of  new,  inexperienced  and  generally  ignorant  men  :  this 
was  a  fair  subject  of  complaint  for  those  ancient  Guelphic  fami- 
lies whose  ancestors  had  established  the  constitution  and  liber- 
ties of  Florence.  Men  of  slender  connexion  and  members  of 
the  minor  trades  now  returned  frequently  to  office  but  the 
great  popolani  families  seldom  :  at  the  periodical  scrutinies  fur 
replenishing  the  election-purses,  notwithstanding  every  precau- 
tion much  trick,  briber}-,  treating,  and  other  influences  were 
successfully  employed;  wherefore  because  the  more  scrupu- 
lously honest  disdained  these  demoralising  courses,  the  higher 
pubUc  offices  gradually  fell  into  the  hands  of  men  of  less  senti- 
ment and  coarser  character. 

They  were  not  however  exclusively  wedded  to  any  great 
faction ;  they  understood  the  practical  interest  of  their  class ; 
they  worked  alone  ;  and  their  highest  ambition  was  legitimate 
power,  not  the  subjugation  of  their  country  :  moreover  they 
were  as  yet  too  timid,  too  new  in  office  to  commit  great  crimes : 
on  the  contraiT,  faction  was  curbed,  the  citizens  were  more 
united  and  the  public  good  more  disinterestedly  studied  under 
the  influence  of  their  administration.  The  great  evil  was  cor- 
ruption of  the  periodical  scmtiny,  an  act  however  not  attribut- 
able to  them  alone ;  and  as  few  of  these  citizens  had  anv 
acknowledged  ancestors  or  public  notoriety  in  national  affairs, 
they  were  open  to  the  charge  of  family  Ghibeliuism  or  any 


other  stigma  that  for  the  moment  might  suit  their  enemies  to 
cast  upon  them. 

Certain  great  families  angry  at  their  own  exclusion  availed 
themselves  of  this  circumstance  ;  they  raised  a  cry  that  govern- 
ment was  become  exclusively  Ghibeline,  and  that  if  the  Captains 
of  Party  did  not  interfere,  their  own  power  which  was  the 
support  of  Italian  liberty  would  be  utterly  annihilated.  Nor 
was  it  untrue  that  a  Guelphic  ascendancy  formed  the  safe- 
guard of  liberty  as  the  enemy  of  all  Italian  tyrants  ;  for  if  a 
Guelphic  citizen  usurped  liis  country's  freedom  and  trampled 
on  his  fellow-citizens,  he  straightway  joined  the  Ghibeline 
despots  and  their  party,  and  generally  maintahied  himself  by 
their  support ;  but  the  Guelphs  were  rarely  allied  with  them 
and  always  their  enemies. 

The  ostensible  object  of  these  citizens  was  to  abridge  the 
Divieto  and  for  this  they  gained  many  supporters ;  but  their 
real  one  was  illegitimate  ambition  and  future  tyranny  '»'. 

By  the  management  of  Piero  degli  Albizzi  the  law  against 
Ghibelines  wiiich  the  Seignoiy  w^re  unwilling  to  execute  was 
placed  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Party  Guelph,  a  magistracy 
consisting,  as  it  did  when  first  established,  of  two  nobles  with 
knightly  rank  and  two  popolani.  The  nobles  at  this  epoch 
were  Guelfo  Gherardini  and  Geri  de'  Pazzi,  the  latter  a  friend 
of  Piero  degli  xVlbizzi :  the  others  were  Tommaso  Brancacci 
and  Simone  Simonetti ;  all,  according  to  Matteo  Villani,  of 
infamous  character.  These  in  their  real  or  pretended  zeal  to 
support  the  Guelphic  interest  re-proposed  a  modified  form  of 
the  anti-Ghibeline  law ;  to  the  eliect  that  if  any  GhibeUne 
citizen  or  subject  of  Florence,  or  any  one  not  really  a  good 
Guelph,  had  held  or  should  in  future  hold  a  public  emplo}Tnent, 
on  being  regularly  accused  and  the  charge  proved  by  six 
respectable  witnesses  he  should  either  be  capitally  condemned, 
or  else  fined  in  a  certain  sum,  to  be  settled  by  the  Seignory 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxiv. — Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  cap.  xlv. 


■ii 


2  34 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


235 


m 


1 1 


before  wliom  he  happened  to  be  arraigned ;  and  even  if  he 
escaped  other  punishment  tlie  accusation  alone  was  to  be 
deemed  sufficient  to  prevent  his  ever  being  appointed  to  a 
pubHc  office. 

This  law  displease<l  all  good  citizens  even  of  the  most  deter- 
mined Guelphs  :  it  wiis  the  act  of  a  faction,  but  atfected  even- 
bodv,  and  yet  was  difficult  to  resist  without  derogating  from 
the  honour  of  the  Party  Guelph,  a  magistracy  universally  re- 
verenced both  from  its  antiquity  and  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  its  creation.  Those  who  were  most  suspected  as  (Thibeline> 
were  loudest  in  its  praise  and  tried  to  uphold  its  execution 
until,  as  Villani  says,  the  stone  fell  upon  themselves ;  but  the 
generality  felt  the  sudden  weight  without  any  direct  means  of 
shaking  it  off;  they  felt  that  three  of  the  captains  could  at  any 
moment  destroy  all  their  hopes  and  cwn  capitally  punish 
them  ;  and  they  also  knew  that  the  election-purses  of  that 
magistracy  had  been  lately  filled  with  the  names  of  some  of 
the  most  dangerous  men  hi  Florence". 

The  Seignor}'  shocked  at  the  injustice  of  such  a  law  refused 
to  sanction  it,  but  the  captiiins  met  them  by  declaring  their 
refusal  to  be  a  strong  proof  that  they  themselves  were  not 
good  Guelphs ;  and  finally  succeeded  by  clamour,  and  almost 
an  exhibition  of  physical  force  in  compelling  its  enactment. 

Simone  de'  Bardi,  Tguccione  Buondelmonte,  Migliore  Gua- 
dagni,  and  Massaiazzo  Itaffacani  the  next  elected  captains,  all 
eager  for  power  and  prompt  to  trouble,  lobt  no  time  in  putting 
the  law  in  execution,  and  a  report  being  rife  that,  like  the 
ancient  triumvirate,  they  kept  a  list  of  the  proscribed  and 
condemned  by  acclamation  universal  terror  spread  through 
the  community.  Seventy  citizens  tilled  their  first  list ;  where- 
fore eveiy  individual  began  to  fear  himself  suspected  and  yet 
was  iifraid  to  speak,  because  the  slightest  expression  of  allirm 
would  be  received  as  a  proof  of  guilt.     Nevertheless  many 


presented  the  most  abject  petitions  to  the  captains  as  if  they 
were  sovereign  princes,  praying  not  to  be  included  in  the  list 
of  suspected  persons. 

The  latter  thinking  that  too  sudden  and  general  an .  alarm 
would  be  impolitic,  began  with  a  moderate  exercise  of  their 
power,  knowing  how  nmch  smoother  the  machine  would  roll 
if  gradually  and  silently  introduced ;  wherefore  accompanied 
by  two  hundred  of  their  own  adherents  they  repaired  to  the 
palace  and  accused  four  obscure  citizens  of  having  exercised 
some  trifling  office  in  times  past  and  admonished  live  others 
who  were  actually  in  office  ;  but  so  blighting  was  the  interdict 
that  the  families  of  two  never  enjoyed  any  public  employment 
for  a  ceutuiT  after.  This  moderate  half-concealed  exercise  of 
a  tremendous  power  only  served  to  show  its  wide  extent,  and 
hicreased  the  general  gloom  from  its  retrosjtective  action  ;  for 
opposition  seemed  hopeless  and  fear  was  paramount.  Ten 
davs  afterwards  two  more  citizens  were  condemned,  nor  did  the 
family  of  one  recover  its  privileges  fur  tln-ee  generations : 
gathering  contidence  as  they  prot-ecded  the  Capitani  accused 
eight  more  and  on  the  twenty-lir^t  of  Ajtril;  having  in  the 
interval  increased  their  proscription  list ;  four  others ;  so  that 
in  about  forty  days  eighteen  families  had  been,  if  not  capitally 
condemned,  at  least  lined  and  disfranchised.  After  this  the 
triumvirate  s  example  was  more  closely  followed  ;  for  altogether 
setting  aside  the  proscription  list  each  member  accused  whom 
he  pleased  and  the  others  acquiesced  :  "  Hast  thou  no  enemy  ^  " 
was  the  question  amongst  tlieni.  *'  Consent  to  admonish  mine 
and  I  will  do  the  same  Inj  thine  "-'. 

Terror  had  by  this  time  spread  so  widely  that  not  only  pri- 
vate individuals  but  the  priors  themselves,  although  conducting 
the  supreme  government,  were  fearful  of  opposing  this 
tyramiy:  at  length,  as  ever  happens  in  extreme  cases, 
a  check  was  proposed  Cino  Buoncioni   being  gonfalonier  of 


*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxxii. 


M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxxi. — Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefhni,  Lib.  ix..  Rub.  G74. 


236 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


justice ;  and  accordingly  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  April  two 
more  popular  members  were  added  to  the  board  of  captains 
making  in  all  four  of  that  order,  three  of  whose  votes  became 
necessar}'  to  pixss  any  resolution :  the  noble  members  were 
made  eligible  from  any  of  the  aristocracy  under  knightly  rank  ; 
the  contrary  of  which  had  hitherto  restricted  this  honour  to 
a  few  families  ;  and  no  captain  by  the  new  regulation  could  be 
reelected  m  less  than  a  year  after  havinj^  last  held  office :  a 
fresh  scrutiny  was  ordered,  new  members  chosen,  the  bill 
passed  ever}-  council  and  became  law  ;  and  thus  a  slight  check 
was  placed  on  the  rapidly  accelerating  force  of  so  fonnidable  an 
engine  *. 

The  magistracy  of  the  Party  Guelph  as  a  natural  consequence 
of  the  law  had  assumed  this  power  of  warning  any  suspected 
families,  or  those  whom  they  affected  to  suspect  of  Ghibeline 
principles,  against  any  future  acceptance  of  office ;  and  the 
citizens  so  admonished  received  the  appellation  of  ''  Ammoniti/' 
So  formidable  a  power  backed  by  the  privileges  riches  and 
patronage,  as  well  as  the  compact  organisation  of  this  body, 
became  a  temlde  instmment  of  faction  :  it  was  a  state  within 
a  state,  wliich  with  still  increasing  audacity  indiscriminately 
admonished  all  that  were  privately  obnoxious  to  it  or  its  adhe- 
rents ;  so  that  during  the  nine  years  which  followed  its  fn-st 
introduction  hi  1357  no  less  than  two  hundred  civic  famihes  had 
been  dish'anchised :  and  yet  instead  of  behig,  as  in  a  really  free 
countr}',  crushed  by  the  weight  of  public  opinion,  the  Capltani 
were  abjectly  courted  by  every  class  in  the  commonwealth  f . 

The  tenor  so  deeply  planted  in  the  minds  of  men  by  this 
tyranny  could  only,  says  Leonardo  Aretino,  be  discovered  by 
their  looks  ;  for  fear  and  danger  kept  every  body  silent  and 
the  city  had  changed  from  a  place  of  miith  to  the  abode  of 
melancholy. 

♦   M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xlii.  586. — M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxiv., 

t  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  146. —     xxxi.,  xxxii.  — Macchiavelli,  1st.  Fior- 
Scip.  Ammirato,   Lib.   xi.,  pp.    584,     entine,  Lib.  iii". 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


237 


Those  who  most  courted  the  Capitani  were  Piero  Albizzi, 
Lapo  di  Castiglionchio  and  Carlo  Strozzi  chiefs  of  the  Albizzi 
faction,  wherefore  Uguccione  de'  Ricci  had  the  double  mortifi- 
cation of  seeing  the  commonwealth  ruined  through  his  own 
factious  spirit,  and  his  rivals  snatcliiug  away  the  very  shaft 
which  he  had,  as  he  thought,  so  adroitly  launched  for  their 
destruction. 

Angiy  and  disappointed  he  struggled  long  in  vain  ;  but  in 
1366  on  the  occasion  of  Niccolo  Monacci  being  admonished, 
Baldese  Baldesi  being  gonfalonier  and  Iticci  himself  one  of 
the  priors ;  a  fair  occasion  presented  itself  for  opposing  this 
evil :  Monacci  who  had  been  secretaiy  to  the  republic  was  a  man 
of  acknowledged  talent,  universally  respected,  and  a  thorough 
Guelph  ;  so  that  the  injustice  of  his  accusation  was  too  palpable 
to  be  honestly  sanctioned,  and  the  Seignoiy  refused  to  entertain 
it.  They  compelled  the  captains  to  ainiid  their  acscusation  and 
even  carried  a  resolution  in  full  council  that  no  suspicion  should 
thereafter  rest  on  the  fair  &me  of  Xiccolo  Monacci. 

Encouraged  by  this  success  Piicci  seized  the  occasion  to 
impress  his  colleagues  with  the  necessity  of  a  vigorous  resist- 
ance, and  as  the  addition  of  two  popolani  in  1358  had  pro- 
duced some  beneficial  effects  he  now  proposed  to  augment  the 
Guelphic  board  to  nhie  members,  choosing  two  from  the  infe- 
rior trades  juid  five  popolani  in  order  more  effectually  to  check 
the  nobles  who  were  believed  to  be  the  most  active  and  resolute 
upholders  of  this  pernicious  system.  The  proposed  decree 
enacted  that  no  man  should  even  be  declared  a  Ghibeline 
unless  sanctioned  by  two-thirds  of  the  board  ;  and  a  pennanent 
hst  of  Guelphic  citizens  was  formed,  from  wMch  twenty-four 
persons  were  to  be  chosen  by  lot,  who  acting  as  a  grand  jury 
decided  in  the  first  instance,  after  healing  the  accused,  whether 
there  were  just  grounds  for  proceeding  to  a  public  accusation, 
twenty-two  votes  being  necessary  for  this  preliminary  decision. 
The  bill  went  triumphantly  through  every  council  with  general 


233 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


satisfaction  and  for  a  while  did  good  ;  but  it  was  finally  under- 
mined by  political  artifice,  and  both  factions  maintjiined  a 
hostile  and  menacing  equality  until  LSTl,  when  tlie  Albizzi 
gathered  fresh  vigour ;  as  will  be  hereafter  related  *. 

During  the  early  part  of  these  transactions  some  Genoese 
galleys  under  Pisan  iiiHuence  annoyed  th(^  Florentine  com- 
merce mitil  opposed  by  an  antagonist  squadron  of  ten  sail  from 
Provence  and  four  from  Naples  which  soon  checked  their  auda- 
city and  fonned  the  first  naval  annament  that  Florence  had  as 
yet  ventured  to  maintain.  It  was  not  long  wanted  ;  for  Pisa 
seeing  herself  baffled  at  all  points  declared  the  trade  with 
Talamone  free  to  even-  nation,  and  the  Florentines  thoudi  still 
suspicious  after  a  while  dismissed  all  but  five  galleys,  which  they 
long  continued  to  retain  for  commercial  protection.  Pisa  had 
thus  learned  to  her  cost  that  she  was  not  necessaiT  to  the 

ft/ 

existence  or  even  the  mercantile  prosperity  of  Florence,  and 
that  neither  the  vast  expense,  nor  public  injuries,  nor  private 
losses,  nor  restricted  trade,  nor  her  own  sul)sequent  advances, 
nor  those  of  othei-s  in  her  behalf,  could  shake  the  resolution  of 
that  republic  or  abate  one  jot  of  her  haughty  independence  f. 
The  inconvenience  was  assuredly  great,  but  the  moral  effect  was 
greater ;  and  an  increased  self-contidence  together  with  :i 
conscious  dignity  and  an  incipient  navy  remained  to  support 
the  Florentines. 

A  dispute  between  Cortona  and  Perugia  wliich  involved 
Siena  in  a  wjir  with  the  latter  was  maintained  with  such 
asperity  as  to  determine  the  last-mentioned  state  to  solicit 
Count  Lando's  dangerous  assistance.  Tlie  gnat  company  was 
then  in  Piomagna  and  commanded  in  his  absence  by  Count 
Broccai'do  and  Amerigo  del  Cavalletto  :  Broccardo  demanded  a 
free  passage  through  the  Florentine  territor}"  into  that  of  Peru- 
gia, which  was  peremptorily  refused  and  the  mountain  passes 

*  Cronaca  di  Donate  Vclluti,  pp.  lOG     +  Matteo  Villani,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xxsii., 
to  112. — 8.   Animinito,   Lib.  xii.,  p.     and  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xxxvii.,  Lxiii. 
b"56. 


CHAP,  xxiii.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


239 


more  strongly  guarded  in  concert  with  the  Guidi  and  Ubaldini. 
Manno  Donati,  Giov.  de'  Medici,  Amerigo  Cavalcanti,  Simone 
Peruzzi  and  afterwards  Filippo  Macchiavelli  were  sent  to  insist 
on  Broccardo  s  execution  of  the  late  treaty  with  Albonioz,  by 
which  Count  Lando  had  engaged  not  to  enter  Tuscany  for  two 
years  to  come.  Tlie  latter  wlio  had  in  the  interim  returned 
from  Germany,  at  once  disclaimed  any  intention  of  annojing 
Florence,  and  persuaded  the  ambassadors,  with  the  after  sanc- 
tion of  their  government,  to  trace  for  him  a  route  along  their 
frontier  from  the  \^al  di  r.amone  to  IMarradi ;  and  thence  by 
Castiglione  and  Biforco  to  Belforte  ;  to  Dicomano,  Vicorata, 
and  Bibiena ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  prudently  detamed  them 
as  hostages.  Under  their  auspices  Lando  began  his  march ; 
but  on  the  •24th  of  July  the  adventurers  plundered  Castiglione 
and  Biforco  ;  tliis  belonging  to  the  Counts  Guido ;  that  to  the 
Ubaldini  family ;  an  outrage  not  taken  meekly  even  at  the 
moment  and  still  less  so  afterwards.  The  moody  glances  and 
half-uttered  threatenings  of  thepeasantiy  were  unheeded ;  their 
imprecations  derided ;  their  complaints  ill  listened  to,  and 
worse  understood ;  and,  savs  Villani.  the  soldiers  being  ever  as 
tme  to  plunder  as  the  magnet  to  iron,  a  desperate  revenge  was 
the  consequence.  Count  Lando  had  notice  of  their  intentions 
the  same  evening  but  undervaluing  their  skill,  numbers,  and 
equipment,  fearlessly  made  preparations  for  threadhig  the 
dangerous  pass  of  "  Lf  SealeUe  "  or  the  "  Trnj^s "  on  the 
following  morning. 

The  road  tlirough  this  defile  although  short,  was  steep  and 
difficult :  it  led  along  the  bank  of  a  torrent  from  Biforco 
to  Belforte  winding  for  nearly  two  miles  between  impending 
hills  over  a  narrow  rugged  bottom  walled  in  by  lofty  clitfs  and 
loose  misshapen  rocks,  and  covered  with  stones  and  other 
obstacles :  it  was  a  dark  and  dangerous  passage,  made  as  it 
were  for  deception,  which  probaljly  acquired  for  it  the  appro- 
priate and  impressive  appellation  that  it  bore. 


240 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[Bf  OK  I. 


Amerigo  del  Cavalletto  with  the  advanced  guard  the  baggage 
the  camp-followers,  and  all  the  ambassadors  except  one ;  eitlier 
from  design  or  unreadiness  in  the  peasantry,  was  allowed  to 
pass  mnnolested ;  but  the  other  divisions  when  well  entered 
were  unexpectedly  attacked,  at  fn-st  by  about  eighty  iiistics 
and  then  by  all  the  mountaineers  of  the  district.  Kvt  ry  slope 
and  bush  and  rock  was  suddenly  in  motion;  the  mountain 
seemed  to  heave  as  if  shaken  by  an  earthquake  and  as  it  were 
loosening  from  itself,  rolled  down  amidst  thundering  shouts 
and  unutterable  confusion  in  a  mingled  mass  of  rocks  and  stones 
and  earth  and  trees  and  dust,  in  one  promiscuous  ruin ;  while 
from  the  top  of  all,  unmitigated  storms  of  slings  and  arrows 
kept  showering  on  the  victims. 

Count  Lando,  who  at  the  first  alarm  was  carelessly  taking 
some  refreshment   on   horseback  with  his    helmet  off;    now 
hastily  replaced  it  and  sounding  to  arms :  instantly  dismounted 
a  hundred  Hungarian  cavalrj'  and  sent  them  scrambling  along 
the  heights  to  dislodge  the  peasantiT:  but  these  were  far  more 
numerous  and  securely  posted ;  while  the  others,  accordhig  to 
the  fashion  of  their  country-  were  heavy  with  arms  and  cumbrous 
garments  :  the  combat  here  was  short  and  fatal,  but  still  some 
escaped.  Meanwhile  Count  Broccardo  ^^^th  his  horse  and  armour, 
were  crushed  to  a  bloody  and  unseemly  mass  and  rolled  with 
the  rock  that  killed  him  down  into  the  torrent,  where  nmltitudes 
shared  his  destiny  ;  strength  was  powerless,  skill  useless,  arms 
defenceless,  and  courage  of  no  avail  but  to  teach  men  how  to 
die:  nothing  could  withstand  the  ruin  from  above;  and  the  whole 
army  thus  suddenly  ensnared,  stiiiggled  with  hopeless  misera- 
ble death.     On  seeing  this,  the  peasantr}^  like  vultures  stooped 
fiercely  from  the  heights  and  clustering  round  their  victims 
prolonged  the  slaughter:  mth  javeUns  first,  and  then  with 
shorter   weapons  they  rushed  upon  the  foe  and  stmck  and 
murdered  with  impunity  ;   for  terror,  pressure,  and  confusion 
precluded  all  resistance. 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


241 


A  vassal  of  Count  Guide's  with  twelve  of   his  comrades 
attacked  Lando  who  sword  in  hand  made  a  long  and  gallant 
defence  but  was  compelled  to  surrender ;  holdmg  his  weapon 
by  the  point  and  seeing  it  accepted  he  ventured  to  remove  his 
helmet  when  a  peasant  nearly  despatched  him  by  a  treacherous 
blow  :  this  was  a  signal  for  general  submission  or  escape  :  the 
horsemen  leaped  from  their  steeds,  hastily  doffed  their  armour, 
and  betook  themselves  to  flight ;  escaping  as  they  best  could 
amongst  the  rocks  and  thickets  of  the  pass,  while  the  more 
ready  footmen  flew  hi  every  direction  that  promised  a  shadow 
of  safety.     But  ere  this  time  not  only  all  the  countiy-men  were 
fighting,  but  the  women  also  rushed  down  screaming  from  the 
hills  to  assist  their  husbands  and  share  in  the  general  spoil : 
money,  arms,  jewels,  belts  of  massive  silver,  and  other  valuables, 
were  torn  from  the  dead  and  dying  or  wrenched  in  exchange  for 
death  from  the  fugitives  with  all  the  madness  of  rapacity  and 
revenge.     Three  hmidred  knights  lay  slaughtered  on  the  rocks 
besides   a  thousand  war-horses  and  three  hundred  palfreys ; 
many  more  were  made  prisoners  both  of  horse  and  foot ;  and 
of  those  that  escaped  from  the  pass  numbers  were  captured  by 
loose  bodies  of  peasantry  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  action. 
Cavalletto  on  hearing  of  this  disaster  hurried  on  in  alarm  to 
Dicomano  and  there  entrenched  himself;  but  this  could  never 
have  availed  and  all  woidd  assuredly  have  perished  if,  to  save 
themselves,  the  Florentine  ambassadors  had  not  restrained  popu- 
lar fuiy  and  in  a  forced  march  of  forty-two  miles  led  him  by  the 
pass  of  Stale  into  the  Imolese  territory.     The  authorities  were 
blamed,  and  it  surely  offered  a  noble  opportunity  of  sacrificing 
or  at  least  riskmg  life  for  the  sake  of  their  country  ;  an  occasion 
that  only  a  few,  and  those  the  most  exalted  spirits  have  ever 
dared  to  embrace  :  the  Decii  would  have  done  it,  but  these 
republicans  were  men  of  a  safer  temperament*. 

*  M.  Villani,    Lib.  viii.,   cap.  Ixxii  ,     Lib.  xi.,  p.^588.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib. 
Ixxiii.,  Ixxiv.,  Ixxvi. — S.  Aramirato,     viii.,  p.  147. 
VOL.    II.  R 


242 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  J. 


The  stragglers  joined  Cavalletto  at  Imola  and  he  was  after- 
wards reenforced  by  two  thousand  German  cavalr}^  who  had 
quitted  the  Senese  and  Pemgian  armies  to  wreak  their  ven- 
geance on  the  Florentines.  But  nothing  daunted,  Florence 
contmued  to  guard  her  defiles  and  passes  and  simultaneously 
exerted  herself  to  make  peace  between  Siena  and  Pemgia  ; 
this  mediation  succeeded  and  both  being  tired  of  war  the  con- 
ditions  were  left  entirely  to  her  discretion  :  Montepulciauo  was 
accordingly  made  free  and  independent  of  Siena,  as  Cortona  wub 
nearly  so  of  Perugia  ;  both  cities  were  dissatisfied  at  this  award, 
yet  submitted  ^nthout  again  breaking  out  into  open  warfare  ; 
but  this  happened  somewhat  later. 

Count  Lando  by  bribing  his  captors,  after  some  adventures 
escaped  sorely  wounded  to  Bologna,  the  remnant  of  his  free- 
booters having  been  placed  in  safety  against  all  expectation, 
against  all  hope,  and  against  all  commands,  by  the  conduct  of 
the  Florentine  ambassadors.  Amerigo  was  vet  unsafe  at 
Dicomano  as  Count  Guido  and  all  his  vassals  were  still  buni- 
ing  for  revenge,  the  massacre  of  the  Scalelle  having  only  half 
appeased  them  :  the  baggage  remahied  untouched  :  the  republic 
had  above  twelve  thousand  men  in  arms  immediately  around 
him ;  the  roads  were  cut  and  evers'  pass  was  occupied ;  there 
was  no  escape,  no  safety  but  in  the  personal  terror  of  the 
ambassadors  for  Amerigo  had  promised  them  the  first  death- 
wound  in  case  of  disaster.  In  Florence  all  was  animation; 
more  numerous  councils  were  summoned  and  in  full  consulta- 
tion on  the  necessary  movements ;  there  was  complete  miani- 
mity ;  the  company  by  its  excesses  had  broken  every  compact 
and  the  only  question  was  whether  the  republic  was  still  bouiul 
to  keep  them. 

There  was  always  a  refined  theoretical  feeling  of  right  and 
justice  alive  in  Florence  but  seldom  strong  enough  to  prevail 
against  public  or  private  interest :  in  this  case  opinions  were 
divided  and  a  middle  coui*se  was  taken  ;  orders  were  issued  not 


CHAP,  xxni.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


243 


to  allow  foreign  soldiers  to  enter  the  Florentine  territoiy,  or 
furnish  them  A\itli  any  supplies  ;  and  although  hostilities  were 
not  positively  directed  against  Amerigo  l)y  public  decree  yet  no 
man  was  forbidden  to  ofl['end  him  ;  which  in  the  excited  state  of 
the  country  was  unequiv^ocal  destruction.  Cavalletto  conscious 
of  his  danger  despatched  one  of  the  ambassadors  to  Florence 
on  his  own  behalf:  his  inlluence  caused  another  assembly  of 
more  numerous  councils  in  which  almost  every  citizen  that  had 
ever  held  office  assisted ;  but  he  could  do  nothing  more :  the 
ambassador  pleaded  in  vain ;  the  former  decree  was  confirmed 
and  even  re-confn-med  bv  three  other  councils  convoked  at  the 
powerful  instance  of  this  citizen  who  had  great  weight  in  the 
commonwealth.  But  these  solemn  and  repeated  expressions 
of  the  national  will  availed  nothing  against  the  safety  of  the 
Florentine  ambassadors  ;  unlike  llegulus  they  acted  for  them- 
selves not  for  Florence  and  even  disobeyed  her  mandates :  by 
wliich,  says  Villani,  may  be  imagined  what  audacity  swelled 
the  hearts  of  great  citizens,  and  how  small  their  reverence  for 
their  country  !  And  justly  so  :  he  contiiuies  ;  for  in  those  days 
the  comitry  neither  rewarded  merit  nor  punished  iniquity ;  but 
private  and  party  interest  smothered  all  patriotic  feeling  and 
enabled  them  to  bear  any  public  injury  with  composure. 

Amerigo  and  his  companions  bad  now  scarcely  three  days' 
subsistence ;  numerous  and  angry  bands  kept  thickenmg  round 
tliem ;  tlie  hills  above  Sieve  bristled  with  Florentine  spears ; 
crossbow-men  lined  every  eminence,  the  passes  were  retrenched, 
strengthened,  and  numerously  guarded ;  four  hundred  Floren- 
tine men-at-arms  under  the  Gemian  Broccardo  were  already 

ft. 

ill  their  saddles  and  destmction  appeared  inevitable.  A  feel- 
ing of  compassion  for  his  countiymen  touched  this  chieftain's 
heart  and  overcame  his  loyalty  :  bv  tlie  ambassadors'  connivance 
he  repaired  secretly  to  Dicomano  and  had  an  interview  with 
Amerigo  wliich  resulted  in  a  derision,  as  the  event  proved,  to 
conduct  the  company  safely  to  A^icchio  in  the  Florentine  state 

r2 


244 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


[book  I. 


despite  of  the  late  decrees,  and  leave  them  mastei-s  of  the  plain 
of  Mugello  with  all  its  abundance.  No  counnunication  of  this 
was  made  through  their  colleague  to  the  seigiioiy,  the  militaiy 
commanders  beheved  that  they  were  to  receive  orders  from  the 
embassy  and  Broccardo  amongst  the  rest  willingly  ac(^eptotl 
the  rear  guard  for  the  better  defence  of  his  countiymen. 

At  the  sound  of  the  Florentine  tnimpets  which  were  sent 
fonvard  by  the  captive  ambassadors  with  great  state  ;  tlie  roads 
and  passes  were  re-opened,  all  impediments  remo\e(l,  and 
Amerigo  was  publicly  escorted  by  a  band  of  I'lorentim*  ir«ts>- 
lK>w-men  to  Vicchio  :  here  his  followei-s  were  supplied,  tlmjugh 
a  second  breach  of  orders,  ^^^th  the  veiT  provisions  that  were 
sent  by  govennnent  for  the  national  troo|»s,  and  >oiiit'  skirmisli- 
ing  even  took  place  between  Count  Guido's  vassals  who  hovered 
on  their  thinks  and  the  Florentine  escort.  On  beholding  these 
unlooked-for  proceedings  the  remaining  soldiers,  citizens,  nnd 
peasantry,  who  had  assembled  in  great  numbers  on  the  hills, 
were  indignant  and  amazed,  yet  so  far  respected  their  country's 
ministers  iis  to  refrain  from  active  violence,  but  loudlv  declared 
tliat  the  republic  was  sacnticed  and  denounced  its  unfaitliful 
servants.  After  four-and-twenty  hours'  delay  Amerigo  resumed 
his  march  mider  the  care  of  Manno  Donati,  but  not  without 
laWng  an  ambuscade  for  the  anned  multitudes  that  infested 
him  and  killing  many  in  the  combat :  hurrying  forward  untler 
the  guidance  of  Ghisello  degli  Ubaldini,  an  able  chief,  who 
increased  the  robber's  alarm  to  clear  his  own  temtory,  Amerigo 
with  great  difficulty  accomplished  this  eventful  movement. 

But  Florence  had  not  yet  thrown  off  the  gi'eat  company : 
reenforced  by  the  Senese  and  Pemgian  l)ands  of  foreign  mer- 
cenaries under  Anichino  Baumgarten  (or  Mongardo  as  he  is 
called  by  Italian  authoi's)  they  made  an  attempt  on  FaenzM 
but  were  repulsed  by  the  aid  of  three  Imndrcd  Florentine 
cavalry  :  this  and  the  persuasion  that  the  disaster  at  Scalella 
was  connived  at  by  Florence,  redoubled  their  thi'eats  and  hatred 


CHAP.  XXIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


245 


but  did  not  diminish  their  fears.     The  Florentines  bemg  no 
less  apprehensive,  after  some  time  wasted  in  legal  disputes 
with  Bolomia  about  the  possession  of  Lo  Stale,  ran  a  strong 
intrenchment  Hanked  with  towers  across  that  pass  for  eight 
miles,  reaching  from  the  smnmit  of  the  adjoinmg  hdl  to  the 
town  of  Monte-Vivagno  and  stationing  a  guard  of  twelve  hun- 
dred heavy-armed  hifantry  to  maintain  it :  they  then  concluded 
a  league  with  the  legate  at  Faenza  against  every  free  company 
for  two  years  to  come,  but  as  yet  having  no  regidar  general, 
Pandolfo  Malatesta  of  Rimini  was  invited  to  assume  that  dig- 
luty     This  league  availed  nothing,  for  the  Abbot  of  Clugny 
then  lectate  proving  much  too  miwarlike  for  his  station,  Cardinal 
\lbonioz  was  again  appointed  who  after  a  month  of  intrigues 
at  Florence,  spent  in  vahi  and  interested  attempts  to  reconcile 
that  republic  with  Count  Lando,  quitted  it  not  very  well  pleased 

with  her  firmness. 

Nevertheless  thev  were  still  very  uneasy  at  the  schemes  and 
threateiiings  of  this  freebooter,  but  issuing  a  decree  which  for- 
bid any  subject  or  citizen  on  pain  of  death  to  serve  in  the 
Grand  Company  and  with  a  more  generous  spirit  than  the  car- 
dinals,  the  seignoiy  prepared  to  vindicate  the  honour  and  inde- 
pendence of  their  countr}\ 

Meanwiiile  the  ambassadors  after  having  completed  their 
discreditable  act  audaciously  returned  to  Florence  :  confiding 
in  their  political  infiuence  they  unblushingly  vindicated  their 
conduct  and  were  as  shamelessly  absolved  ;  they  haughtily 
repelled  anv  public  investigation  or  reproof  even  m  face  of  the 
council,  and  asserted  with  foctious  impudence  that  it  was  no 
light  matter  to  have  in  so  brief  a  period  expelled  this  band  ot 

robbers  from  the  country  *  !  ^       r 

Here  we  have  an  example  of  five  powerful  citizens  first  dis- 
obeying the  orders  and  then  braving  the  whole  power  of  the 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixxv.  to     147.-S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  pp.  590, 
Ixxix.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  vin.,  p.     59 L 


246 


FLORENTINE    IHSTORY. 


[book  I. 


Florentine  republic !     But  Florence  was  really  an  extensive 
aristocracy,  not  a  republic ;  and  although  more  free  and  ener- 
getic than  a  despotism,  was  equally  filled  with  its  vices  tliou<4i 
they  were  broken  and  repressed  by  competition.     Power  whe- 
ther regal  or  democratic  spoils  man  ;  but  the  former  tends  to 
paralyse  his  efficiently  useful  faculties  while  the  latter  admits 
of  a  more  active  growth  of  them,  both  for  good  and  evil :  the 
benefits  arising  from  the  first  depend  on  one  individual  and  aiv 
mortal :  those  of  the  second  on  the  emulative  working  of  suc- 
cessive minds  and  are  eternal.     In  one  the  intellect u'al  fire  is 
half  hidden  under  a  bushel  ;  in  the  other  it  expands  and  bums 
even  to  conflagration.     Theoretically  there   could  not  be  a 
moment's  hesiUition  in  the  choice  ;  practically  we  are  often 
compelled  most  unwillingly  to  pause,  and  balance  the  respective 
evils  :  the  leaden  pressure  of  despotism  is  sickening  ;  the  ^vild- 
fire  of  democracy  is  appaUing:  but  the  promiscuous  mass  ,.1 
crime  is  perhaps  proportionably  equal :  for  human  jiassions  in 
whatsoever  condition,  unless  well  governed,  will  either  smoulder 
or  blaze,    undermine  or  openly  destroy,   accordmg   to   their 
medium   of  action  :    wherefore  that  fonn   of  government   i> 
surely  best  which  tends   most  etfectually  to  strengthen  th. 
moral  dignity  of  man,  and  however  theoretically  good  may  U 
the  constitution  of  any  state,  no  nation  will  long  [.reserve  it- 
freedom,  though  the  forms  remain;  where  ''pure  ami  HudejUcd 
reUffion  "^;=  and  sound  morality,  which  are  nearly  identical,  do 
not  form  the  basis  of  public  virtue. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHS—.England  :  Edwanl  Ill.-Srotland  :  David  II. 
—France  :  John  (the  Good).-Aragon  :  Peter  IV.-Custilc  and  Leon  :  Petn 
Uie  Cruel. -PortnpalrAlphonso  IV.  to  l;«7,  then  Peter  I.-Gennan 
Emperor  :  Charles  IV.  of  Luxemburg.- Pope  :  Innocent  VL- Naples  :  Louis 
and  Joanna  L-S.aly  :  Louis  to  13.55,  then  Frederic  1 11.- Creek  Emperor  : 
John  CanUicuzene  to  135.-,,  then  John  Pah-roloirus.-Turkish  Empire  :  Orkhan, 
(establishes  h.msef  m  Europe  in  13.53).  -  Poland  :  Casimir  the  Great.  _ 
Hungary  :  Louis  the  Great,  of  the  house  of  Naples-Anjou 


General  Epistle  of  Saint  James,  chap,  i.,  v.  27. 


CHAP.   XX 


CIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


247 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

FROM     A.D.   1359    TO    A.D.  1305. 


AS  tbe  ruUk.  treasury  of  a  nation  is  filled  by  the  conUibu. 
tions    and  annnumlv  the  forcod  contributions  of  al  ,  so  most 
think  that  it  inav  be  dialed  into  ^vithout  any  moral   ^^  ^^^ 
difficulty  as  long  as  thev  can  avoid  the  penalties  ot 
„d  as  a  st^te  of  ..r  aiV„rds  more  facility  for  the  exercise 
of  such  labours,  it  has  generally  been  -loomed  ;f  -   -  J 
fiivourite  of  national  rulers  be  they  many  or  few,  at  least  as  a 
welcome  coadiutor  in  accomplishing  their  own  desires.     On 
the  other  hani  a  long  peace  with  all  its  permanent  connexions 
and  associations,  is  always  a  slow  though  necessao%  and  p  r^ 
haps  the  only  means  of  convincing  existing  f  "^'•^^lons  o    its 
gr  at  and  lasting  advamages.     But  war  whether  proce  ding 
lorn  internal  ambition  or  external  violence  is  the  -e.tab^, 
though  it  may  be  the  distant  source- of  nntiona    turn,    fo 
almost  every  public  matter,  civil,  political    or  -  'gou.  Jiut 
more   especially   miliUiry,    ultimately    resolves   ^t^e^f  mto   a 
questionlf  finance  :  money  is  the  alpha  and  o-^;,  t^^-  ^J 
ir  the  object,    of    everything  connected  with  the  affairs  of 
civilized  man ;  and  as  its  sources  are  finite  while  *«  w-ts     « 
infinite,  nothing  but  the  most  rigid  frugality  can  F--^^^ 
,n>^..  ruin;  not  the  fi-ugality  of  p.irsimony,  bu    ^^ ^^ 
ened   abihty   of   effi-cious   -penditu..       Y^^  ^ 
may  be  iu  vain  expected  from  powers  that  enjoy 


2i8 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  j. 


without  the  pressure  of  taxcation,   only  those   who  bear  the 
burden  ai'e  likely  to  watch  with  any  solicitude  over  the  pubhc 
expenses,  and  even  they  with  a  sleepy  glance  at  its  efficient 
appropriation  :  nay,  they  will  recklessly  sanction  new  wars,  new 
expense  and  extravagance,  and  therefore  new  accumulations  of 
debt  and  danger,  as  long  as  any  fresh  source  is  opened  for  the 
furtherance  of  their  o\mi  Inisiness  or  indmations.     And  this  will 
ever  be  if  a  disinterested  love  of  country  is  not  the  moving 
principle ;    and  thus  it  was  with  the  Florentines  :  the  con"^ 
sequences  of  their  old    folly   the  Lucchese   war,    were    now 
apparent,  and  fresh  expenses  debts  and  contributions  became 
necessary.    The  infant  navy  though  useful,  and  even  requisite, 
was  no  light  charge ;  the  alteration  of  tlieir  whole  line  of  com- 
merce, though  a  spirited  and  politic  act,  was  not  accomplished 
for  nothmg ;   subsidies  and  opposition  to  the  grand  company 
drained  large  sums,  and  the  still  menaced  hostilities  of  Count 
Lando  with  the  generally  disturbed  aspect  of  Italian  politics 
rendered  additional  funds  indispensable.     But  the  country'  was 
deep  in  debt,  the  revenues  almost  -all  mortgaged  to  pay  the 
interest  of  fonuer  loans,  and  the  people  in  such  a  state  that  any 
imposition  of  new  tiixes  unsanctioned  by  an  eiiemv's  presence 
would  have  been  insutferable  and  even  dangerous, '  The  pubhc 
mmd  was  moreover  highly  irritated  by  Guelphic  pei-secutions 
which  still  continued  in  spite  of  every  restraint,  and  which  did 
not  even  allow  acknowledged  good  citizens  to  remain  quiet,  but 
still  dragged  them  from  private  life  and  condemned  them  as 
Glubehnes. 

Manetto  da  Filicaia  the  new  gonfalonier  and  liis  collea-mes 
had  therefore  no  resource  but  borrowing  a.ul  its  attendant 
evils :  yet  public  credit  had  fallen  so  low  that  a  new  loan 
became  no  easy  task  even  on  ruinous  conditions :  nevertlieless 
a  decree  went  forth  on  the  twelfth  of  January  offering  live  florins 
interest  for  every  hundred,  with  credit  in  tlie  public  l«)oks 
for  thnce  that  sum,  tlins  making  the  whole  interest  amount 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


249 


to  15  per  cent,  per  annum  and  all  the  privileges  and  immu- 
nities enjoyed  by  other  creditors.  This  was  the  fourth 
"  Monte'  or  puVdic  stock  created  since  the  Lucchese  war  and 
100,000  florins  were  realised  by  the  expedient  at  the  expense 
of  3(50,000  of  additional  debt  with  its  attendant  interest ! 
Nor  was  this  from  any  scarcity  of  money  in  the  market  but  a 
pure  want  of  confidence  in  public  securities,  occasioned  by  the 
pernicious  system  of  making  new  loans  and  ibrming  new  stocks 
on  every  fresh  emergency  -. 

This  was  an  unpromising  commencement  of  the  year  at 
home,  and  the  aspect  of  foreign  aftairs  was  scarcely  less  cheer- 
less aiid  fori)idding.  Before  the  disaster  of  Scalella  Count  Lando 
carried  off  to  Germany  all  the  plunder  he  had  amassed  in 
Italy ;  and  after  redeeming  mortgaged  lands  and  buying  new 
estates  he  repaired  to  court  and  convinced  Charies  IV.  that 
not\rithstanding  the  decay  of  imperial  authority  hi  Tuscany, 
yet  if  armed  with  a  royal  warrant  he  would  still  engage  at 
his  own  expense  to  restore  it,  as  the  province  swarmed  with 
German  mercenaries  all  secretly  or  openly  attached  to  the 
company.    There  would  be  small  danger  of  battle,  and  a  single 
city  being  once  occupied  all  the  rest  he  promised  should  be 
quickly  brought  under  subjection.     Thus  persuaded,  Charles 
appointed  Laiido  his  Vicar  in  Pisa  but  secretly  gave  him  more 
extensive  powers,   and  the  agreement  made  with  Siena  by 
Count  l^roccardo  most  seasonably  favoured  him,  so  that  the 
affiiir  of  Scalella  probably  saved  Tuscany  f. 

During  Lando 's  recovery  the  remnant  of  his  company  under 
Amerigo'' del  Cavalletto  served  the  captain  of  Forii  then 
besieged  by  the  legate,  and  his  being  joined  by  Baumgarten 
and  Count  Luffo  with  about  two  thousand  Barbute  and  a  nume- 
rous infantry  from  Siena  produced  the  attack  and  repulse  at 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixxi.,  and     p.  51,  and  note. 

Lib.  ix.,  cap.  iii.-S.  An.mirato,  Lib.     f  M.  ViUani,  Lib.  viu.,  cap.  Ixxiii. 

xi.,  p.  592.— Governo  della  Toscana, 


350 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Fjienza :  but  still  further  augmented  by  Genn;ms  from  almost 
every  Italian  state,  these  freebooters  resumed  their  former 
audacity  now  mingled  with  an  ardent  thirst  of  vengeance,  and 
"  To  Florence,  To  Florence'  became  the  general  qyj:  never- 
theless failing  in  some  attempts  tx)  force  the  mountain 
passes,  they  on  hearing  of  Malatesta  s  appointment  retired 
into  Romagna. 

After  ceaseless  ravages  and  much  privation  Lando  was  fmdlv 
succoured  by  Giovanni  d'  Oleggio  then  Lord  of  Bologna,  wlio 
being  suspicious  of  the  new  Legate  s  intentions,  resolved  to  be 
prepared;  but  a  personal  conference  with  Alboruoz  removed 
these  fears  and  the  company,  still  exasperated  against  Florence, 
once  more  resumed  its  wonted  course  of  rapine.  Tlic  territory  of 
Piimiui  was  re-plundered  ;  Sogliano  near  Cesina  and  many  more 
places  were  stormed,  or  otherwise  taken  without  remoi'se  or 
mercy,  and  Florence  herself  was  kept  in  contiimal  alarm  lest  they 
should  make  a  descent  by  Faggiuola  and  Jiorgo  San  Sepolcro 
into  her  territorj-.  After  breathing  awhile  at  Sogliano  and 
lea\'ing  their  sick  and  wounded  to  the  peo2)le"s  care  tluv  again 
set  forth,  but  were  no  sooner  departed  than  a  body  of  the 
neighbouring  peasantry  attacked  the  town,  plundered  the  bag- 
gage and  murdered  the  sick  and  wounded  '■■. 

The  cold  was  so  intense  at  this  time  that  snow  lay  twenty  feet 
deep  in  the  streets  of  Bologna ;  a  great  hall  was  excavated  be- 
neath this  chilly  mass  and  an  entertainment  given  in  commemo- 
ration of  so  rare  an  event ;  yet  in  the  midst  of  such  a  season 
these  adventurers  were  still  out  in  search  of  food  and  shelter 
but  nearly  dispersed  and  annihilated  by  its  severity  :  neverthe- 
less they  worried  the  eastern  coast  of  Italy  and  at  tlie  same 
time  maintamed  a  close  correspondence  with  AUiornoz  wiio 
without  the  concurrence  of  Florence  was  for  his  own  views 
still  attempting  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  tliem  f . 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  Ixxxiii.,  Ixxxiv.,  Ixxxv.,  xciii.,  xcvii.  civ.  cv. 
t  M.  Villani,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  cv.,  and  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ii.,  v. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


251 


No  particular  affection  for  tliat  city  moved  the  legate,  but 
he  calculated  on  the  assistance  of  her  weighty  purse  and  lavish 
expenditure  to  rid  the  ecclesiastical  states  for  a  season  of  so 
formidable  an  obstacle  to  his  present  schemes ;  and  the  fright, 
folly,  or  reverence  of  the  Florentines  hi  sanctioning  his  former 
unauthorised  compact  encouraged  such  hopes.      It  was  now 
othei-^Nise,  for  she  had  nobly  resolved  to  spend  her  last  farthing 
in  driving  these  miscreants  ficaii  a  country  which  for  years  had 
been  disgi'acefully  subjected  to  their  yet   unchastised  aggres- 
sions, ratler  than  offer  the  shglitest  tribute  for  the  purchase  of 
a  doubtfid  forbearance.    In  the  face  of  all  this  Albornoz  con- 
cluded his  treaty,  by  which  he  engaged  on  the  church's  part  to 
pav  Count  Lando    15,000   florins  and  that   the   Florentines 
should  disburse  S0,000  more  for  the  purchase  of  four  years' 
tranquillity ;  and  if  these  terms  were  not  accepted  within  five 
days  by  the  latter  he  further  boinid  himself  to  forfeit  10,000 
florins' in  addition.      Albonio/  felt  more  confident  from  having 
tampered  with  certain   of   the  citizens   who  seci*etly   assured 
him  that    tlie   treaty  would    be    ratilied,  as  well    from  reve- 
rence to  him  and  the  church  as  from  the  apprehension  that 
Florence  might  be  left  to  c(»i)e  single-handed  with  the  great 

company. 

The  "publication  of  this  agreement  kindled  a  universal 
flame :  there  were  indeed  some  few  of  the  worst  citizens  that 
supported  it,  but  in  general  the  moral  courage  and  nobler 
spirit  of  Florence  broke  out  in  vivid  brightness:  the  timid, 
selfish,  and  evil-minded  were  rebuke.l  or  awed  into  silence  ;  a 
proud  independent  patriotism  pervaded  every  rank,  and  this,  or 
any  other  treat}^  with  Count  Lando  and  his  myrmidons,  was 
loudly  and  scornfully  rejected  :  a  report  which  also  prevailed 
that  All)onioz  was  covertly  working  to  obtain  the  absolute  go- 
vernment of  Florence  added  force  to  indignation  and  created 
an  universal  abuse  of  his  name  and  principles.  Nevertheless 
a  mission  was  instantly  sent  to  detach  him  if  possible  from  the 


wri 


252 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


German  roLher  and  once  more  offer  him  the  whole  sujiport  of  Flo- 
rence :  to  this  Albonioz  apparently  agreed,  hut  almost  simulta- 
neously concluded  a  new  compact  with  Laiido  ly  which  he 
agreed  to  pay  50,000  tlorins  to  relieve  the  ecclesiastical  states 
from  his  destructive  visitations. 

Thus  enriched  the  company  waxed  stronger  and  holder,  and 
their  spirit  was  high  with  the  expectation  of  a  golden  harvest 
in  Tuscany  ;  their  excesses  now  became  wilder  and  more  fero- 
cious than  ever,  and  not  a  man  fell  but  was  cmellv  reven<^ed 
by  his  relentless  conn*ades :  against  Florence  vindictive  throat- 
enings  were  reiterated  with  contemptuous  violence,  lor  inci- 
pient concessions  led  them  to  expect  final  humility  and  the 
spiritless  conduct  of  Italy  had  fostered  an  imposing  audacitv 
which  was  not  courage. 

The  intelligence  of  this  convention  amazed  and  exasperated 
the  Florentines  ;  there  was  an  ingratitude  in  it  that  they  who 
had  done  so  much  for  the  church  but  little  expected,  and  their 
mortification  was  extreme  :  for  many  vears  thev  had  maintained 
in  her  service  from  twelve  to  fourteen  hundred  of  their  best 
troops  besides  the  private  aid  of  various  individuals  l)otli  sub- 
jects and  citizens  ;  the  latter  within  a  veiy  limited  period  had 
spent  no  less  than  1()0,000  tlorins  hi  aid  of  the  church  and 
even  now  it  was  discovered  that  their  proffered  succour  was 
only  received  as  a  convenient  auxiliary  to  enhance  the  cardinal's 
terras  wliile  treating  with  Count  Lando.  To  this  intelligence  was 
added  that  Pisa,  Perugia,  and  Siena,  all  eijually  heedless  of 
Florence,  were  also  in  secret  negotiation  with  the  company ; 
messengers  were  forthwith  despatched  to  turn  them  from  this 
false  and  foolish  measure  to  a  more  politic  and  manly  course, 
but  all  in  vain ;  amicable  replies  were  indeed  received  but  the 
disgraceful  negotiations  continued,  and  the  dread  of  these  free- 
booters had  stnick  so  deep  into  the  public  mind  that  not  Tus- 
cany alone  but  even  Lombardy  was  trembling. 

Ditches  of  great  extent  and  dimensions  were  there  cut  across 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


253 


broad  tracts  of  country,  not  only  as  a  defence  against  them  but 
Z  to  repel  the  expected  invasion  of  the  Dul.e  of  Austria  whom 
Charles  IV    had  lately  created  King  of  Lombardy :  Bologna 
also  followed  this  defensive  example ;  and  the  Visconti  to  laci- 
litate  their  own  war  communications  with  the  latter  place  con- 
structed an  elevated  miUtaiy  road  across  all  the  plains,  passing 
:X^  and  ravines  by  viaducts  and  flanked  by  ditches  until  it 
reached  the  Po ;  while  m  Tuscany  to  secure  their  communica- 
tion with  Cortona  the  Senese  also  made  a  road  and  bridge  over 
the  Chiana  river  and  marshes,  or  more  probably  restored  the 
ancient  Roman  way  which  a  mass  of  long-neglected  waters  had 
♦fi-adually  destroyed-. 

\11  these  tilings  sho^^■ed  the  agitated  state  of  Italy;  and  it  is 
eas'y  even  in  the  present  day  to  imagine  the  degree  of  terror 
caused  by  an  able  niilit^iry  chief  leading  a  larger  army  tlmn  any 
siugle  state  eould  oppose  to  him ;  uiu-heeked  l>y  the  laws  o 
<.od  or  man,  and  carrying  murder  and  desolation  throughout 
a  defenceless  country  I     Florence  «as  even  more  active  than 
her  neighbours  in  preparhig  for  the  shock,  but  ^vlth  men,  not 
works  ;  and  notliing  shows  her  moral  courage  more  than  this 
resolution  to  stand  alone  against  a  danger  that  made  all  her 
most  powerhd  neighbours  tremble.     Her  own  army  which  was 
mustered  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  April  l:b30  consisted  of  two 
thousand  Barbute  each  with  two  horses,  five  hundred  Hmiga- 
rian  hght  horse ;  which  since  the  visits  of  Louis  had  become  a 
constant  ingredient  in  the  composition  of  Italian  armies  ;  and 
two  thousand  five  hundred  chosen  cro»sbow-men  ai-med  with 

light  corselets  f.  ,  v   *     p 

As  for  years  these  robbers  had  been  the  scourge  and  hate  ot 
ItHlv,  volunteers  public  and  private  poured  m  from  every 
quaner  to  fight  under  the  Florentine  standard :  Milan  sent 
two  thousand  men  ;  Naples,  Padua.  Ferrara ;  kings,  tyrants 
and  Cxhibelines ;    all  lent   their  aid  to  the  democratic  and 

•  M.  ViUani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  vi.  to  k.      t  Cario,  1st.  Mil.,  Parte  iii.,  p.  SS.f. 


^^^93 


254 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


(luelphic  Florence,  while  the  free  states  of  Tuscany  her  old 
allies  and  nearest  neighbours  refused  all  assistance  and  held 
disgraceful  parley  with  the  plunderers.  Perugia  was  the  first 
to  incur  this  shame  by  a  repetition  of  her  former  conduct  and 
for  now  consenting  to  pay  Count  Lando  4000  tlorins  annually 
during  live  years,  to  allow  the  company  a  coust.int  free  passage 
through  her  domhiions,  provide  an  abundant  market  fur  the 
troops,  and  refuse  all  iiid  to  the  Florentines.  8icna  coolly  fol- 
lowed this  example,  and  Pisa  with  enduring  bitterness'  and 
more  dishonesty,  not  only  granted  sui)p]ies  and  a  free  transit 
but  covertly  engaged  to  atford  more  direct  assistance  against 
Florence  *. 

The  formidable  Lando  after  fresh  deviistations  in  La  Marca 
and  Bologna  and  completing  these  shameful  treaties  ;  with  xhv 
help  of  the  legate's  subsidy  crossed  the  Perugian  territoiy  in 
the  begiiniing  of  May  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand  men  of 
all  arms.  But  Florence  far  from  shrinking,  rejected  eveiy 
overture  made  from  the  company  to  extract  money  without 
lighting,  as  well  as  the  friendly  offers  of  mediation  from  indivi- 
duals eager  to  save  her  from  destruction  and  boldly  pro- 
claimed a  reward  of  5000  florins  fur  Count  Lando  s  head  as  a 
robber  chieftain  ;  nor  could  the  Marquis  of  Monferrato  \vhu^< 
ambassadors  had  already  engaged  the  company,  and  who  only 
demanded  a  free  passage  through  the  Florentine  states  for  a 
moment  alter  her  resolution  f . 

After  some  plundering  excursions  in  the  direction  of  Todi 
the  great  company  made  its  appearance  at  Buonconvento 
towards  the  end  of  June  :  the  standai'd  of  Florence  was  imme- 
diately delivered  to  Pandolfo  Malatesta  who  contided  it  to 
the  valour  of  Xiccolo  Tolomei  a  noble  Senese  knight  attaclied 
to  the  Florenthie  service,  and  at  tlic  same  time  the  bannej- 
of  the  Feditori  was  given  in  charge  to  Oriando  a  faithful 
German  servant  of  the  republic,  on  purpose  to  show  the  re- 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xx.  f  Scip.  Amniirato,  Lib.  xi.,p.  593. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


255 


gular  troops  of  that  nation  how  much  confidence  was  placed 
iu  them.  Malatesta  was  invested  with  unlimited  powers, 
such  as  notliing  but  the  most  imminent  danger  could  have 
drawn  from  the  Florentines,  and  immediately  took  the  field 
with  about  eight  thousand  men,  while  Lando  showing  his 
ri<4it  flank  to  Siena  moved  round  their  frontier ;  both  armies 
marching  parallel  without  either  of  them  attemptmg  to  cross 

the  border*. 

The  Val  di  Pesa,  Celle  f,  Montopoli  and  San  Ptomano  were 
thus  successively  occupied  Ity  Pandolfo,  while  Lando  moved  by 
Pomarance  and  Sacco  to  Pontedera  on  the  confines  of  the 
Pisau  territory  and,  in  despite  of  his  devastations,  with  a  cer- 
tainty of  support  from  that  state  which  had  already  despatched 
eight  hundred  Barbute  to  the  Fosso  Anionico  ;  ostensibly  to 
protect  her  own  frontier,  but  really  to  reunfurce  the  company. 
A  battle  was  expected,  but  fighting  was  not  the  German's 
object,  and  plundering  was  impossible  with  so  keen  a  soltlier  as 
Malatesta  on  his  flank  :  his  marcli  was  resumed  on  the  tenth 
of  July  for  San  Pietro  in  Campo  iu  the  Lucchese  states  ;  five 
hundred  horse  followed  close  on  his  track  and  the  whole  army 
without  violating  the  Pisau  border  arrived  next  morning  at  a 
place  called  Pieve  a  Nievole,  closing  so  near  that  only  an  open 
plain,  such  as  would  almost  in  those  days  invite  armies  to  battle, 
divided  the  belligerents  I. 

On  the  l-:2th  Count  Lando  who  could  not  without  disgrace 
avoid  it,  sent  a  pompous  challenge  in  the  fashion  of  the  time  : 
a  torn  and  bloody  gauntlet  i)lace(l  on  a  branch  of  thorn  was 
carried  to  ^lalatesta  with  the  sound  of  trumpets  and  a  cartel  of 
defiance,  calling  on  the  Florentine  general,  if  he  dared,  to  pluck 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cup.  xxviii.  merit,  winch  reflects  the  highest  credit 

t  It  stood  three  miles   south-cast  of  .)n  its  author,  and  through  him  on  his 

Peccioli,  iu  the  Val  d'  Era,  hut  exists  country.) 

no  longer.      (Vide  Repetti  Di/.ionario  +   M.  Villani,  Lib.   ix.,  cap.  xxix.— 

Geograf  Fisico,  Storico  della  Toscaua,  Sardo,  Cronaca  di  Pisa,  cap.  cxxvu. 
a  work  of  extraordinarv  research  and 


256 


FLOHEXTINE    HTSTORY. 


[do  'K   I. 


the  glove  from  its  place  and  reply  to  tlie  call.  Paudollo  with 
a  ready  haud  (jiiietly  removed  it  from  the  bough,  and  yuiiling 
observed,  that  he  remembered  having  once  beaten  Count  Lamlo 
at  a  place  called  "  La  Frasca  "  in  Lombardy  •• :  then  turning 
to  the  herald  he  reidied,  '*  The  field  is  fair  free  and  level 
*'  between  us ;  we  are  prepared  and  willing  to  defend  it  in 
"  the  name  and  for  the  honour  of  Florence  and  her  just  cause ; 
*'  and  for  no  other  reason  are  we  here  than  to  prove  with  our 
**  swords  that  her  enemies  are  in  the  wrong  and  do  much  evil 
"  without  legitimate  cause  of  war,  and  thus  wc  trust  in  God  and 
"  hope  for  victor}- 1  And  to  him  that  sent  this  gauntlet  say, 
**  that  we  shall  soon  see  whether  his  deeds  will  correspond  with 
'•  liis  rough  and  fierce  defiance.''  He  then  rewarded  the 
herald  with  a  largess  of  wine  and  gold,  and  commanded  his  uwn 
trumpeters  to  sound  a  high-toned  answer  to  the  challenger  '. 

Nothing  further  occurred  until  the  sixteenth  when  both 
armies  began  to  move  ;  the  company  lirst  advanced  ;  but  seeing 
the  adversary's  readiness  immeiUately  changed  its  order  and 
took  up  a  strong  position  on  a  neighboming  height  called 
Campo  (die  Mosvhc  where  no  attack  coidd  be  prudently  made 
on  them:  Pandolfo  for  some  time  kept  Wiiiting  for  the  challengers 
on  the  i»lain,  but  so  far  from  fij:'htin<'  thev  >tudiouslv  avoided 
a  battle,  strengthened  their  new  position,  burned  the  old 
camp,  and  left  theii*  former  gi'ound  to  the  Florentines.  They 
were  beai'ded  in  their  ver^'  entrenchments  bv  the  Hunf'arian 
cavalr}'  while  Pand(dfo's  main  body  remained  under  arms  ap- 
prehensive from  the  enemy's  slackness  of  some  concealed 
mana^uvre;  but  all  continuing  (juiet  and  Malatt->ia  seehig  no 
chance  of  bringing  Ids  antagonist  to  action  at  once  determined 
to  blockade  him  by  occupying  the  high  grounds  towards 
Lucca.  Lando  apprehensive  of  the  consequoiices  suddenly 
decamped  in  confusion  before  daylight  on  the  twenty-third 
of  July,   taking   the  Lucca  road  where  he  was  not  pursued 


•  "  Frasca  "  signifies  a  branch. 


+  M.  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xxx. 


CHAP.  X\"IV.] 


FLOr.ENTIXE    HISTORY. 


257 


because  ^Vlalatesta  had  orders  to  respect  the  Pisan  torritoiy,  of 
which  Lucca  then  formed  a.  part  ;  wherefore  remaining  on  the 
frontier  \mtil  the  first  of  August,  and  learning  that  the  com- 
pauv  was  broken  up;  the  only  divisictn  of  any  foj'ce  being  under 
Lando  and  Daunigarten  on  its  way  to  join  the  ^Manpiis  of 
]\Ionfernito*s  army  against  Galeazzo  Visconti ;  he  retired  by 
Serravalle  to  Florence. 

Kntoriug  that  capital  in  trium|)h  he  with  singular  modesty 
i(  lusnl  tlte  iHteiuled  Imiiour  of  the  ])alio  or  canopy  of  state, 
lionie  by  the  most  distinguished  i-itizens ;  and  after  a  formal 
resignation  of  his  i-onnnand  retired  to  lUniini  with  the  grati- 
tude of  a  nation  that  not  long  after  liad  reasim  to  repent 
the  coniulouee  which  his  actual  merits  had  im[>lanted  in  their 
mind-. 

If  Morence  had  exhibited  half  her  proseut  spirit  and  listened 
to  tln'  i<)uii>el  of  Pandolfo 's  father  when  he  solicited  her  aid 
auain-t  tlie  Cliovalier  de  ^lontreal  she  niiiTjht  have  crushed  the 
conipany  in  it^  iul'aney  and  saved  a  world  of  misery  to  Italy: 
Imt  now  tlio  (  \;nn|)lc  w:is  >tn,  the  moral  effect  accomplished, 
the  power  and  inlluence  of  eondottieri  and  free  companies 
demonstrated,  the  moral  weakness  of  Italy  exposed,  and  the 
Italian  iiaiiou  doomed  perhaps  to  everlasting  servitude.  To 
prove  h(  r  gratitude  and  hatred  by  a  single  movement,  Florence 
^I'in  a  thousand  cavalry  to  as^i>t  the  Visconti  against  Count 
Lando  and  his  comrades  ;nid  these  after  doing  good  service 
veiunied  with  an  intimation  that  the  ^Milanese  army  was  going 
to  invest  IJologna,  an  expedition  that  gave  rise  to  new  political 
'  hanges  in  Italy. 

The  termination  of  the  late  campaign  was  as  glorious  as  its 
<  oiiiiiieneement  was  honourable  ;  it  was  a  war  of  piu'e  necessity,  a 
rare  occurrence  in  anv  aife  ov  coimtrv,  but  not  for  that  the  less 
expensive  ;  ;nid  therefore  to  meet  the  increased  disbursements 
a  new  "  Efitinio  "   or  valuation  of  real  property,  and  more 

*  JL  Villani,  Lib.  ix.,cap.  xxx.,  xxxi.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  595. 
VOL.    II.  S 


258 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


extended  taxation  were  conmianded,  and  fresh  sumptuary  laws, 
that  nevcr-faiUng  subject  of  Florentine  legislation  against 
female  vanity,  were  enacted ;  but  as  a  compensation  it  \\:i> 
declaimed  that  no  women  excepthig  heiresses  \\  ere  thenceforward 
to  be  answemble  for  then-  fathers'  debts. 

Some  petty  hostilities  wliich  ended  in  the  capture  of  1  »ib- 
biena  and  the  niin  of  the  Tarlati  next  occupied  the  pubhc 
mind.  Marco  the  son  of  Piero  was  still  at  war  with  the 
Bishop  of  Arezzo  to  whom  Bibbiena  of  right  belonged,  and  the 
Ubertini  in  consecjuence  uf  Biordo  and  Farinatas  vulunt.nv 
semce  in  the  late  campaign,  were  restored  to  all  their  ancient 
ridits  as  citizens,  and  moreover  allowed  to  throw  otY  tlieir 
nobility  and  become  popolani  of  Florence.  xVfter  the  public 
funenU  of  Biordo,  who  died  of  over-exeition  in  the  war,  the 
bishop  availing  himself  of  the  opportunity  {itiV»rded  by  his 
attendance  on  that  occasion,  transferred  all  liis  seignorial  riglitn 
over  Bibbiena  for  an  annual  sum  to  the  Florentines ;  an  army 
immediately  proceeded  to  reduce  it  and  Azzo  the  brother  of 
Biordo  was  made  a  knight  by  the  snviivign  power  of  tli-' 
people  and  trusted  with  the  arms  and  honour  of  the  same 
nation  of  whom  his  familv  had  hitherto  been  the  most  deter- 
mined  enemies*. 

Bibbiena  a  strong  and  important  post  for  the  protection  of 
Upper  Val  d'Anio  was  obstinately  defended  V.y  the  Tarlati,  n^r 
could  the  Florentines,  notwithstanding  all  the  intei-nal  in- 
fluence of  the  Ubertini,  succeed  until  the  sixth  <»f  dnnuary 
13(30  when  the  citizens,  tired  of  suffering,  treacherously  sur- 
rendered it.  During  the  siege  Marco  Galeotto  of  the  (iuiJi 
family  then  mider  the  ban  of  Florence  took  the  opportunity  of 
reconciling:  himself  to  that  state  bv  an  unconditional  offer  of 
both  his  strongholds  of  Soci  and  San  Xicenlo:  this  sort  '•! 
proceeding  always  pleased  Florence,  was  generally  advantageous 
to  the  inhabitants,  and  she  rarely  failed  in  generosity  to  the 

*  M.  Vilkui,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xlix. — Ibid.^cap.  \lvii. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


259 


A.D.  I.3(j(». 


chiefs;  thus  bit  by  bit  she  was  augmenthig  her  possessions. 
The  town  of  Serra  followed  this  politic  example 
while  Pieve  a  San  Steftmo,  Montecchio  and  the 
vfdlev  and  town  of  Chusi  fell  similarly  into  the  hands  of 
Arezzo,  a  city  whose  aggrandisement  Florence  did  not  behold 
with  envy  from  a  long-cherished  expectation  of  ultimately  re- 
suming all  her  ancient  authority  over  it :  by  these  losses  the 
once  powerful  Tarlati  lords  of  half  the  Tuscan  Apennines  were 
now  reduced  to  comparative  insignilicance-'-. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  castles  of  ]\Ionte  Carelli  and  Vivagni 
belonging  to  Tano  d(\uli  Alberti  who  had  made  them  a  den  of 
thieves,  were  suceo-^ixcly  captured  and  their  <diief  publicly 
executed  at  Florence  ;  he  had  zealously  assisted  the  xVrehbishop 
of  Milan  in  Oleggios  invasion  of  Tuscany,  and  ever  after 
through  apprehension  of  Florence  had  clung  more  closely  to 
the  Visconti  than  they  to  him,  relative  to  whieh  Matteo  A'illjini 
tells  an  amusing  anecdote.  Tano's  jester  who  saw  nothing  but 
folly  in  exciting  the  enmity  of  a  near  and  powerful  neighbour 
like  Florence  for  the  doul)tful  friendship  of  a  distant  lord,  de- 
tennined  by  a  practical  yAw  to  excm|tlify  his  masters  absurdity. 
He  therefore  threw  himsc-lf  into  a  ditcli  wliich  was  the  line  of 
demarcation  botwcen  Count  Tanos  possessions  and  the  Fb.- 
rentine  dominion:  and  as  if  he  were  suddenly  attacked  began 
shouting  out  for  assistance :  at  this  alarm  about  live  hundred 
Florentine  peasants  were  S(H)n  assembled  on  the  spot;  for  with 
so  rough  a  neighbour  they  were  ever  wakeful;  tlie  Count 
himself  also  hastened  to  the  rescue  and  angrily  rebuked  his 
jester  when  he  discovered  the  trick :  but  the  other  quietly 
answered,  "  Take  notice  master  mine,  that  at  the  sound  of  one 
'*  feeble  cit  five  hundred  Florentines  instantly  come  nmning 
"  to  the  spot,  l)ut  not  a  single  Mdanese!  Certes  Count  tluvu 
"  mayest  sound  the  horn  of  Orlando  for  a  whole  year  without 


*  M.  Villaui,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xlvii.,  xlviii.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi..  p.  of)!>. 


260 


FLORENTINE    IIISTOPwY. 


[book  1. 


CfUP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


261 


••  ever   bringing    half-ii-dozeu    of   the    arclilis>hop"s    niiu   tu 

'•  your  assistance  "*. 

After  this  example  which,  according  to  tin  y^wv'^  pr.^.lKvv 
was  made  without  any  opposition  frinu  3lil:iii,  ^oiiifj  of  tlir 
I'baldini  were  also  like  the  Ubortini  allnwrd  to  renounce  their 
nobility  and  soon  sold  many  of  their  >trong  places  to  Florence: 
.o  that  the  principal  branches  of  the  threr  ;^nv:it  A]KMnmi. 
lamilies  were  now  effectually  tamed,  :is  the  equally  powerful 
Counts  of  Santa  Fiore  were  about  the  saitii-  period  by  Siena 
wliich  bad  suffered  greatly  from  their  imoa.N. 

But  while  these  external  measures  were  gradually  knittiufi 
and  bindhig  together  the  borders  of  Florentine  jurisdiction, 
the  law  of  admonition  was  distracting  tin-  li.art  r.f  the  cummon- 
wealth  within:  although  theoretically  approved  of   by   many 
h.)uest  citizens  it  became  most  tyrannicd  in  practice  and  was 
systematically  perverted   to  the  ba-oi    iau"|Hi->es   of  factinn  : 
those  whom  it  was  at  first  intended  to  overwhelm  ro>e  lightly 
above  its  inlluence  and  lloated  on  the  arc^ry  w:ive  :  other'^,  l»y 
vainly  opposing  themselves  to  its  fuiy  were  lashed  into  viuloiit 
action,    or  trembling  with    imp«>tent   i^Ki>-i  ai  shrank    back  in 
terror  and  despaii',  while  every  attemi>ted  remedy  was  either 
circumvented  by  cunning  or  paralysed  I'v  tVar.     The  city  was 
ripe  for  disorder,  and  a  conspiracy   which    was   shortly  alter 
detected  would  have  annihilated  admonition  altogether  had  not 
tiie  good  fortune  of  the  mling  powers  l>ecii  >till  in  the  ascend- 
ant.   Certain  discontented  citizens  who  could  ill  l>rook  a  second 
place  ni  tlie  commonwealth,   and   oth(  r-    tliat    still    smarted 
under  the  stripes  of  Guelphic  tymnny,  availed  themselves  oi 
the  irritable  state  of  public  feeling  to  (Hganize  a  plot  that  ni 
abolishing  the  popular  grievance  would  also  rid  them  of  then* 
most  obnoxious  enemies. 

Bartolommeo,  or  according  to  Stefani,  Andrea  de'  Medici,  a 
resolute  and  diu-mg  partisan,  urged  on  l)y  Niccolo  del  Buoii" 

•  M.  Villain,  Lib.  Is.,  cap.  cix. 


i 


and  Domenico  Bandini,  both  ill-used  citizens,  conducted  tliis 
enterprise   and  made  use  of   Uberto  degli   Infangati  a  bold 
turbulent  man  and  already,  as  they  discovered,  engaged  in  a 
conspiracy  of  his  own,  for  their  willing  instrument  on  this 
occasion.    He  immediately  renewed  some  recent  correspondence 
with  one  l^ernarduolo  Bitzzo  secretary  to  Giovanni  d'Oleggio. 
the  object  of  which  was  to  deliver  Florence  into  the  hands  of  his 
master,  but  this  had  failed  in  consetiuence  of  Oleggio's  fall  and 
the  cession  of  Bologna  to  the  Pope  s  legate  Albornoz,  to  whom 
Piozzo  had  no  liesitation    in   now  transferrhig  the   proposal. 
The  SpMiiisli  (  ardinal's  prudence,  perliaps  \n>  better  feelings, 
overbalanced  aml)ition  so  that  he  not  only  declined  the  offer 
but  gave  notice   in  general  temis  to  the   Florentine  govern- 
ment of  what  was  in  contemplation.     Thus  repulsed  Bernar- 
duolo  otfered  this  ready-made  conspiracy  to  Bernabo  Visconti  a 
man  of  no  scruples  but  those  ariNing  from  the  greater  or  less 
probability  of  suceess,  who  entertaining  the  project  until  he 
had   lathomed    its   deptb,    afterwards  amused  the   intriguing 
secretary  wiili  vain  promises  which  the  latter  soon  got  tired  of 
and  otfered  his  secret  to  the  Florentine  government  for  25,<Mi(» 
florins. 

The  M<  (lician  conspirator,  whose  brother  Salvestro  was  high 
in  otfice,  soon  heard  of  this  transaction  and  although  quite 
ignorant  of  Fbertos  external  movements  felt  sure  that  it  would 
lead  to  a  general  discoverv  :  he  therefore  at  once  sacrificed  his 
two  companions  by  revealing  the  wdiole  transaction  to  Sal- 
vestro, and  after  stipulathig  for  his  own  pardon  delivered 
them  over  to  the  justice.  The  conspiracy  had  spread  consider- 
ably amongst  some  of  the  most  distinguished  fomilies  ;  and 
several  of  the  Frescobtddi,  Pazzi,  Donati,  Adimari,  Gherardini 
and  Brunelle.schi  were  implicated  and  banished  on  pain  of  death  ; 
yet  so  extensive  were  its  branches  that  government  resolved  to 
make  no  secret  of  their  knowledge  in  order  to  allow  the  guilty 
full  time  for  liight.     Bozzo  after  this  demanded  his  reward 


262 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1361. 


niui  produced  a  false  list  of  conspirators  which  had  been  trans- 
mitted to  him  by  Uberto  degli  Infangati ;  but  acting  in  the 
same  spirit  it  was  at  once  pronounced  a  forgery  :uid  destroyed 
without  reading  by  the  goveniment,  while  Uuzzo  was  some- 
what contemptuously  dismissed  with  but  501 »  ilorins  reward- . 
This  finished  the  year  1300  but  the  foll.Aving  s[.ring  and 
summer  were  remarkable  for  two  privaie  transactions 
which  although  obscured  in  the  grander  march  of  liis- 
torv  may  exclusive  of  their  intrinsic  intcri-t,  be  deemed  not 
unworthy  of  reconl  as  portraying  in  darkt'>t  and  most  dazzling 
colours  the  heaven  and  hell  of  liuman  nature,  lioth  were  deep 
tragedies  and  both  occm-red  in  Tuscany  :  one  in  tht'  contado 
of  Florence,  the  other  at  Perugia  :  the  former  a  tale  of  humble 
Hfe,  the  latter  a  story  of  more  exalted  station  ;  the  fir-t  de- 
senina  immortality  as  a  sacred  trinmith  of  atiectit-n  :  th< 
second  oblivion  as  disgraceful  to  Inunanity  ;  an<l  both  exliil>iting 
in  painful  contrast  the  various  working  of  human  passions. 

At  the  little  village  of  Saint  Agatha  in  tlie  community  of 
Scai'j)eria  a  young  peasant  named  Jacopo  di  Piero  had  the  mis- 
f  )rtune  to  kill  one  of  his  companions  ;  he  immediately  hiforaied 
his  father  of  the  accident  and  the  old  man  with  fearful  anxiety 
hurried  him  off  into  concealment.  When  the  homicide  became 
known  suspicion  ultimately  fell  upon  Piero  who  was  forthwith 
arrested,  sent  to  Florence,  and  as  usual  put  to  the  torture,  it 
being  then  considered  illegal  to  condemn  any  person  without  a 
self-confession  of  guilt.  Piero  to  save  his  sons  life,  and  hmi- 
self  from  unnecessary  torment  promptly  acknowledged  the 
murder  and  was  condemned  to  die.  Meanwhile  Jacopo  anxious 
^  about  the  result  had  secretly  entered  Florence  where  the  first 
oliject  that  met  his  eye  was  the  venerable  and  innocent  Piero 
calmly  walking  to  execution  for  the  expiation  of  a  crime  which 
nnother  had  accidentally  committed.     This  was  too  much  for 

*    M.    Villani,    Lib.    x.,   cap.    xxir.,    xxv.  —  Mar.    di    Copi)o    Stefani,    I^i 
Fiorenlina,  Lib.  ix.,  Rubrica  685. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


263 


Jacopo ;  who  rushed  with  a  bursting  heart  towards  the  officers 
of  justice  crying  out  "I  am  the  true  culprit,  I  am  he  that 
"  should  suffer  and  not  my  innocent  father  wlio  through  pity 
•'  and  affection  has  given  his  own  life  for  mine."  The  execu- 
tion was  immediately  suspended  and  the  truth  established,  old 
Piero  was  released  and  Jacopo  the  noble  offspring  of  a  noble 
father,  (both  Nature's  nobles)  was  amidst  the  tears  of  a  com- 
passionate people,  "  Inj  hf/al  turessity,''  says  the  indignant 
Villani,  most  cruelly  beheaded  I  So  much  for  law,  untempered 
by  discretion  and  mercy. 

The  companion  event  and  contrast  to  this  melancholy  pic- 
tm-e  occurred  in  the  city  of  Perugia,  where  a  lady  belonging  to 
the  then  predomniant  order  of  popidani  had  a  child  remarkable 
for  its  beauty  the  offspring  of  a  deceased  husband  :  being  left 
a  yomig  widow  she  married  a  man  ^^•ho  soon  became  devotedly 
attached  to  his  Httle  step-son,  so  much  was  he  taken  with 
the  child's  amiable  disposition  and  the  general  excellence 
that  distmguished  him,  although  only  ten  years  of  age.  The 
mother  with  a  mixture  of  natural  levity  and  migovernable 
passions  began  to  nourish  guilty  inclinations  towards  a  young 
Perugian  citizen  whom  she  was  determined  to  obtam  for  a 
husband  and  not  only  give  him  her  own  ample  fortune  but 
that  of  her  child  also  wliicli  was  still  more  considerable. 
Distracted  by  the  violence  of  this  passion  she  conspired 
with  lier  paramour  to  murder  both  husband  and  son,  and  a 
certain  night  was  settled  in  wliich  he  was  to  strangle  the  latter 
while  she  administered  poison  to  the  former.  When,  fill  was 
ready  this  impious  woman  c»rdercd  the  boy  to  cdrry  certain 
articles  to  her  lover's  dwelling  and  not  to  quit  the  place  until 
the  latter  should  "  despatch  him."  He  tripped  along  cheer- 
fully with  his  en-and,  delivered  the  thuigs  and  then  playfully 
asked  to  be  despatched.  The  young  man  at  once  softened  by 
this  artless  confidence  and  suddenly  stmck  with  remorse  ;  said 
in  a  compassionate  tone,  "Go  back  to  thy  mother  boy,  for  this 


264 


FLORENTTSE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


is  not  tlie  time  to  do  what  she  requires."     The  woman  sur- 
prised and  alarmed  at  her  son's  return  demanded  in  a  hurried 
voice  why  he  had  not  been  despatched,  and  on  hearing  the 
expressions  of  her   Altering   accomphce   instantly  reniana.a 
the  child  with  peremptory  injunctions  not  to  return  until  ho 
should   he    really  despatched   on  the  preconcerted   l.usiii,-^.. 
Anxious  to  please  her,  the  poor  hoy  retraced  his  steps  and  witli 
affectionate  eagerness  entreated  her  companion  to  do  what  ^ll( 
so  much  desired  :  hut  he,  still  more  moved,  burst  into  trjis  aiul 
replied,  *'Tell  thy  mother  child  that  this  business  nuist  not  1m 
''  confided  to  me' for  I  will  not  do  it."     The  child  once  nior. 
retm-ned  with  this  message  upon  which  the  implacable  men^^t.  ■ 
ordered   him    do)Aii   into    the  cellar   and    instantly    following 
exclaimed  as  if  addresshig  hei*self,  "  That  which  Iw  has  feared 
'^  to  do  I  will  myself  accomplish."     Then  with  a  determiiieJ 
hand  she  coolly  drew  a  knife  across  her  little  victims  throat 
and  lea\'ing  him  dead  on  the  pavement  walked  (juietly  to  her 
chamber  I     Soon  after  this  her  husband  returned,  and  as  w:.^ 
his  custom,  immediately  asked  after   the    boy,  to  which  tli.- 
murderess  with  a  calm  tongue    and  the  guile  of  a  serpent 
replied,  "  Thou  knowest  well !     But  go  down  to  the  cellar  and 
'^  peradventure  thou  shalt  find  him."     Alarmed  at  her  niamK  r 
lie  hastened  down,  and  at  sight  of  the  child's  bloody  corpse 
gasped  a  moment  for  breath  and  then  fell   mii><  lr».     'lli< 
fiend,  who  had  closely  followed,  instantly  locked  him  in  with 
the  body  and  then  with  distracted  screams  and  shrieks  of  mur 
der  the  house  was  soon  filled  by  a  crowd  of  terriiied  neighbours. 
to  whom  she  declared  that  her  husband  had  killed  the  child  fer 
his  inheritance.     Tearing  her  hair  and  face  she  again  burst 
into  screams  and  tears  of  counterfeited  agony  but  would  not 
suffer  the  cellar  to  be  unclosed  until  the  officers  of  justice 
came  and  examined  her  husband  by  torture,  which  being  unable 
to  bear  the  unhappy  man  admitted  everything  so  nefariously 
alleged  against  him. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


265 


While  preparations  were  making  for  his  execution  the  wife's 
paramour  overcome  by  remorse  and  compassion  and  after  sti- 
pulating fur  his  pardon,  discovered  the  truth  and  related  eveiy 
circumstance  of  his  own  conduct.  The  miserable  woman  then 
made  a  minute  and  circumstantial  confession  without  torture 
and  was  condeumed  to  have  jiart  of  her  llesli  pulled  away  by 
red-hot  pincers,  and  the  reimdnder  sliced  off  piece  after  piece 
with  sh:a-p  razors  until  she  expired  in  agonies,  a  terrible 
example  to  the  Perugian  people. 

There  is  a  si.-kei)ing  bari)arity  in  both  crime  and  punishment 
too  c]iaraeteri>tie  of  an  age  when  the  worst  passions  were  in  full 
career,  unbridkMl,  and  triumphant;  and  in  which  vengeance 
and  puVdic  justice  were  always  identical.  It  also  suited  the 
peoples  character  of  which  there  were  many  shades  in  the 
Italian  provi nei's  ;  the  Perugijuis  being  notorious  for  ferocity 
and  cruel  deci>ions,  their  neighbours  of  Siena  for  volatility  ; 
the  Florentines  for  gravity,  deliberation,  deep  thiiddng;  and 
vet  easily  roused;  the  Pisans  cunning  and  malicious,  and 
the  peoi)ie  of  Pomagna  held  i)uiiic  iaith  which  they  were  pro- 
verbiallv  said  to  carry  in  their  hands  like  small  money  for  their 
own  convenience. 

At  Florence  the  triennial  scrutiny  now  took  place  with  unu- 
sual keenness,  and  a  system  of  bribery  was  exposed  of  so 
glaring  an  aspect  that  notwithstanding  the  notoriety  of  this 
demoralising  inlluence  the  public  authorities  were  compelled 
to  punish  it,  not  only  with  gross  fines  but  by  the  more 
tning  jiunisliment  of  a  total  exclusion  from  office.  In  these 
preventive  measures  the  ofiices  of  the  priors,  Puonomini,  and 
gonfaloniers,  were  principally  aimed  at;  for  they  were  the 
highest  posts  that  could  be  held  by  citizens,  and  being  invested 
with  great  power  and  inlhunice,  besides  the  honour  redounding 
to  every  family  that  had  once  held  them,  they  were  eagerly 
coveted,  and  pursued  with  all  the  recklessness  of  party  spirit 
and    unscrupulous    ambition.       However  well  and   honestly 


266 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


adapted  these  scrutinies  were  for  securing  a  numerous  reserve 
of  worthy  and  able  citizens  to  conduct  the  state  ;  yet  in 
practice,  like  all  other  things  dependiint  on  human  frailty 
they  were  soon  tainted  and  the  clean-swt  pt  tenement  again 
became  a  habitation  of  sevenfold  evil ;  so  little  dues  liberty  and 
public  virtue  depend  on  inanimate  legal  forms  ho\vever  beau- 
tifully sculptured. 

In  the  present  instance  the  priors,  gonfaloniers  and  twelve 
Buonommi,  with  the  captains  of  Party,  the  live  chiefs  of 
Trade,  and  the  proconsul  of  Judges  and  Notai'ies  being  all 
assembled,  the  fii*st  three  bodies  in  addition  to  the  other  names 
already  chosen  had  to  select  five  persons  from  each  of  the 
sixteen  companies;  and  in  this  lay  the  principal  evil;  for  these 
officers  were  bribed  in  various  ways  by  the  rich  and  ambitious 
citizens  of  their  different  quarters  and  hence  the  longest 
purse  was  generally  successful.  All  who  were  detected  in  such 
illegal  courses  received  their  due  reward :  but  threatening 
and  punishment  in  these  cases  serve  only  to  sharpen  inge- 
nuity not  correct  morals  ;  the  proteus  forms  of  bribery  iwe 
ever  new  and  slippery  but  never  exhausted  ;  and  if  the  spirit 
of  honesty  be  not  in  the  nation  it  cannot  be  conjured,  however 
potent  the  spell:  thus  after  a  season  things  continued  in 
then'  usual  wav=''. 

A  practice  had  also  prevailed  for  many  years  which,  to  insure 
some  permanence  in  the  ever-changing  decrees  of  this  conti- 
nually refonning  and  never-mended  people,  imposed  a  line  on  any 
public  functionary  or  other  pei'son  that  should  attempt  to  alter 
them  :  this  fine  was  made  payable  to  the  pope  or  some  other 
foreign  power  or  person  and  therefore  opened  a  door  for  fre- 
quent and  inconvenient  interference  with  the  intenial  affairs  of 
Florence,  by  obhging  those  who  wished  to  alter  a  law,  first  to 
apply  for  permission  to  the  party  that  received  the  thie,  without 
whose  consent  it  would  appear  no  motion  for  such  alteration 


M.  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Lib.  ix.,  R.  694. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


267 


could  be  made  miless  by  paying  the  forfeit ;  as  if  the  holder  of 
these  fines  were  the  party  interested  and  not  the  commonwealth  ! 
This  frequently  happened  at  Venice  where  a  similar  system 
obtained,  but  with  this  material  difference,  that  there  the  penalty 
was  paid  to  the  state,  which  was  likely  on  good  reasons  to  remit 
it ;  whereas  no  abatement  of  such  lines  could  ever  be  expected 
from  foreign  powers  except  to  gain  their  private  ends  or  to  favour 
some  secret  adherent. 

The  seignory  deeming  this  practice  inconsistent  with  national 
dignity  and  subversive,  as  far  as  it  went,  of  national  freedom ; 
rescinded  the  law  and  imposed  lOdO  florins  of  fine  on  any 
person  who  should  ever  again  propose  a  similar  decree  and 
any  attempt  to  abrogate  tliis  reform  was  to  be  met  by  depri- 
vation of  office  and  instantaneous  condemnation  as  a  public 
peculator-''. 

Some  new  regulations  were  simultaneously  introduced  to 
strengthen  the  Party  (nielph  which  already  monopolised  the 
government  and  were  fast  eradicating  their  opponents  by  an 
unmitigated  exercise  of  the  admonitory  power.  A  stronger  line 
of  demarcation  was  also  drawn  between  the  remaining  aristo- 
cracy and  those  other  nobles  who  had  been  transferred  to  the 
more  powerful  order  of  Popolaiii :  this  decree  compelled  any 
nobleman  who  should  be  admitted  to  the  honours  of  demo- 
cracy to  appear  within  two  months  before  the  senate  and  pub- 
licly renounce  all  connection  with  the  aristocratic  portion  of  his 
family,  and  even  to  assume  another  name  and  arms;  and  being 
thus  divided  he  was  thenceforth  to  take  no  part  but  that  of  a 
mediator  in  the  injuries  quarrels  or  vengeance  of  his  former 
kinsmen,  under  the  penalty  of  instant  degradation  to  the  state 
of  nobility.  This  decree  occasioned  some  whimsical  changes  of 
both  family  names  and  armorial  bearings;  for  there  was  a 
natural  reluctance  even  in  republican  ambition,  to  part  for  ever 
from  a  time-honoured  name  and  ancient  cognisance,  and  move 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  C04. 


208  FLORENTINE    HISTORY.  [book  i. 

unregarded  among  the  crowd  of  vulgar  appellations  that  were 
startinjT    uii   like   mushrooms  in    the   ever-chancjinfj 

A.D.  1361.  o        1  CO 

atmosphere  of  a  mercantile  community. 

Thus  the  Ai/fi  family  ^^^th  a  horder  of  garlic  round  theii 
shield,  were  turned  into  the  Sea  lot/ hi  with  a  wreathing  of  shalots: 
and  the  ToruaquuHi  into  the  Tornahnvui  with  a  c(»at-of-aniis 
preserving  at  least  the  same  colours  as  theii-  ancient  escutcheon. 
Nevertheless,  different  members  of  the  same  family  assumed  .i 
variety  of  names  and  hearings  according  as  th(  y  were  suc((^ 
sively  admitted  to  the  honours  of  democracy :  the  last-name.  1 
race  for  instance  was  divided  into  eight  distinct  houses  witli 
different  surnames ;  the  Bardi  into  nine;  the  Adimari  into  toii 
and  so  of  others  ■■-. 

It  is  observed  by  Sismondi  that  those  laws  whieli  wev 
enacted  to  render  the  Florentine  magistracy  acccssihlc  lu  ;i!i. 
produced  a  contraiy  effect.  The  '' Dwiito  "  rxeluded  many  t»f 
the  most  illustrious  families  from  public  honours,  and  tlic 
''  Ammonizione''  which  was  ostensibly  intciidi'd  to  jtreservc  a 
Guelphic  equality  of  political  riglits  to  the  exclusion  of  Ghil>e- 
lines  ;  ser^  ed  the  rulhig  oligarchy  as  an  admirable  instrument 
for  pamlysing  the  exertions  of  those  who  were  likely  to  opi)use 
them.  These  nders  were  not  exclusively  of  one  class  :  tliev 
were  not  nobles,  not  popolani,  not  men  indiscriminately  named 
by  the  public  voice;  but  a  mingled  faction  of  the  ambitious  of 
every  order  associated  for  one  common  object  and  that  a  bad  on(^ : 
with  sufficient  art  to  turn  a  code  of  democmtical  regulations  !•• 
their  o\s\\  private  pur|)ose,  and  sufficient  l)oldness  to  make  u>e 
of  the  power  which  their  pernicious  dexterity  had  enabled  tla  iii 
to  gain. 

But  whatever  might  have  been  the  crimes  of  tliis  faction 
in  the  acquisition  of  power,  their  public  administration  seem^ 
to  have  been  steady  able  and  determmed,  and  their  conduct 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  606. —  copied  from  a  more  ancient  and  very 
*'  Consorteria  di  Fircnze,"  with  illu-  turioiis  MS.  of  the  year  1302  now  iii 
miuated  illustratious,  MS. ;  the  latter     the  author's  possession. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


269 


I 


in  the  late  conspiracy  unstained  by  tlie  usual  cmelty.  They 
conthuied  to  preserve  a  calm  dignity  with  Pisa  and  chastised 
her  witliout  war  while  they  vindicated  the  indc[)endence  of 
the  Florentine  Hag  and  conmierce  although  a  purely  inland 
power :  they  had  undauntedly  and  successfully  opposed  the 
<rran(l  company  the  terror  of  all  Italy,  when  others  stood  aloof 
;r.ul  left  them;  for  it  was  the  character  and  courage  of  Florence 
tliat  procured  her  foreign  aid,  not  the  external  aid  which  excited 
lier  native  courage.  We  shall  see  also  that  the  Florentines 
were  steady  in  their  alliance  with  Visconti,  at  least  in  with- 
hnlding  open  assistance  from  the  legate  althougli  entreated  by 
Inni  with  all  the  papal  hilluence  and  far  from  blind  to  the 
queneos  (.f  Milanese  aggrandisement.  Some  good  fortune 
;d>o  seems  to  have  attended  their  steps,  inasmuch  as  the  dis- 

ii-ii)iis  of  Volterra  enal)led  them  to  add  largely  to  their  poli- 
tical influence  in  Tuscany  and  strengthened  them  against  Pisa 
while  it  widened  the  Itreach  between  the  latter  and  Florence. 

Voltei  ra,  that  ancient  capital,  seated  upon  its  lofty  crumbling 
eminence,  and  girt  with  its  old  grey  border  of  Etrurian  walls, 
-till  tells  the  traveller  a  talc  of  anti(pie  grandeur  and  past  magni- 
ticence;  but  like  some  other  Italian  republics  it  had  not  been 
id'-le  to  pre>er\o  it>  pristine  liberty  and  now  bowed  under  the 
oppression  of  Bocchino  Belfredotti.  This  potent  chief  had  been 
in  conthiual  dissension  with  another  branch  of  his  own  family 
wliii  h  held  the  strong  fortress  of  Montefeltrino  in  the  vicinity 
of  \^jlterra,  an  acquisition  eagerly  coveted  by  Idm  to  strengthen 
his  position  and  conse(pieut  power  of  tyranny.  Tlie  republics 
of  Siena,  Pisa,  and  Florence,  generally  contrived  to  be  mediators 
in  tile  (piarrels  of  their  less  powerful  neighbours;  sometimes 
lioiiestly,  sometimes  politically,  but  never  reluctantly ;  the  last 
had  already  been  engaged  as  umpire  between  the  rival  Belfredotti 
and  still  remained  as  guarantee  iov  the  children  of  Francesco 
lord  of  ]\Iontefeltrino  after  that  chief's  decease.  Pisa  and 
Siena  had  also  meddled  in  the  strife,  the  former  as  a  friend, 


270 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


the  latter  as  an  enemy  of  Bocchino ;  but  this  chief  in  attempt- 
ing to  \M'ong  Francesco's  offspring,  provoked  first  the  severe 
remonstrances  and  then  the  determined  interference  of  Florence 
which  so  cilanned  him  that  he  began  a  negotiation  with  PisJ 
lor  the  sale  of  Volterra  to  that  stat€. 

The  secret  however  transpired,  the  people  already  wearied 
with  his  tyranny  rose  in  arms  and  imjirisoned  him  wliile  thev 
despatched  messengers  both  to  Florence  and  Siena  for  assist- 
ance.    The  former  being  disposed  neither  to  divide  her  influ- 
ence ^vith  that  state  nor  tmst  to  the  ficklonfss  of  \^dterra. 
mstantly  sent  a  strong  force  which  cutting  off  all  aid  from 
Siena  occupied  the  citadel  and  other  posts  and  became  master, 
of  the  tovMi :  Florence  then  candidly  declared  her  intention 
of  keeping  possession  for   ten  years  but  not  interfere  with 
public  freedom  which  on  the  contrary  she  promi^e.l  to  main- 
tain.     An   offensive    and  defensive    alliance    \\y(>   ((mcluded 
between  the  two  republics  and  the  first  act  of  civic  libertv 
showed  itself  in  the  immediate  decai)itati(ai  of  Bocchmo  oil 
Sunday  the  tenth  of  October  1:301.     Surli  a  prize  snatclied 
thus  unexpectedly  by  Florence  from  the  Pisan  grasj)  tilled  thi. 
people  ^ith  rage  and  disappointment  and  advanced  the  war 
one  step  nearer  >i^.     Their  mutual  enmitv,  the  subtraction  of 
Florentine  commerce,  and  the  growing  inclinatlnu  t  >  wjir,  have 
already  been  mentioned ;  for  even  thus  early  was  approaching 
the  fulfilment  of  Gambacorta  s  words  to  some  Florentine  mei" 
chants  whom  he  chanced  to  meet  on  tlie  Kialto  at  Venice 
Rumour  had  scarcely  announced  the  withdrawal  of  Florentine 
trade  from  Pisa  when  he  exclaimed:  ^^  Flnrpnfnns'  Florcuthirs' 
**  If  you  ouly  keep  firm  to  your  resolution  l^isx  nr  hnv,  ivill  he 
-  a  wilderncHsr    They  were  finn,  and  Pisa's  commerce  melted 
away  like  wreaths  of  snow  on  the  Apennhies;  foreign  merchants 
and  foreign  traders  vanished  along  with  it;  eveiy  dependent 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


271 


member  followed  the  source  of  his  livelihood  ;  the  warehouses, 
shops,  dwellings,  and  even  the  city  itself  were  half  deserted, 
and  all  handicraftsmen  in  unparalleled  difficulties.  Such  was 
the  condition  of  Pisa.  Wherefore  the  most  discreet  citizens 
sensible  of  their  error  endeavoured  with  many  flattering  and 
advantageous  ofltn's  to  entice  the  Florentines  back ;  but  this 
failing:  there  was  a  j];cneral  outcrv  led  by  the  secret  adherents 
of  Gambacorta  against  the  ruling  faction  who  had  long  deter- 
mined on  hostilities.  War  was  always  popular  at  Pisa  espe- 
cially against  i'lorcnce;  and  when  peace  came  this  party  trusted 
to  making  the  restoration  of  commercial  intercourse  their  basis 
of  negotiation :  and  this  it  was  that  had  caused  so  many  in- 
(hrect  aggressions  all  unnoticed  by  the  latter  for  the  sake  per- 
haps of  a  too  much  co\eted  tranquillity.  The  climax  was 
however  now  complete,  Florentine  patience  was  finally  ex- 
hausted; the  honour  of  the  nation  was  touched,  and  war 
became  a  settled  event  in  the  mind  of  every  man.  As  a  pre- 
hminary  step  an  old  military  follower  of  the  republic  named 
Giovanni  di  Sasso,  after  a  mock  banishment  for  some  fictitious 
crime,  was  secretly  engaged  to  light  Pisa  with  her  own  weapons. 
On  his  own  apparent  responsibility  he  veiy  soon  surprised 
the  fortress  of  Pietrabuona  which  guarding  the  upper  valley  of 
Pescia  commanded  the  Lucca  road  through  the  momitain  dis- 
tricts. The  l*isan  govirnnient  was  not  deceived  by  appear- 
ances, but  rejoicing  in  this  warlike  aspect  instantly  despatclied 
a  strong  force  to  recapture  the  place.  Meanwhile  Piero  Gam- 
bacorta broke  the  bounds  of  his  exile  within  the  Venetian 
states  and  appeared  at  Florence  in  Januaiy  13fi*-2. 
He  immediately  hired  a  company  of  Hungarians  who 
happened  to  be  there  seelving  employment,  and  with  some  Flo- 
rentine volunteers  and  Lucchese  exiles  assembled  twelve  hun- 
dred men  and  marched  to  the  Val  d'  Era.  The  l*isans 
complained  of  this  armament,  upon  which  Florence  not  only 
disclaimed  any  connection  with  it  but  recalled  all  her  own  citi- 


i»«# 


272 


FLORENTINE    niSTORY. 


[book  J. 


zens  who  had  engnj^ed  in  Piero's  senice,  so  that  he  found  hnn- 
self  alone  with  a  httle  anny  of  foreigners  to  whose  persons  and 
lan^niagehe  was  a  stranger,  and  which  was  th.  ivi'or.'  ^oon  dis- 
pelled partly  by  force  and  partly  hya  stratagem  (.t  the  Pisans  ■ 
Althouoh  peace  had  not  yet  been  formally  brr^ken  this  nn'oad 
was,  widi  some  reason  and  notN^ithstandiu;-  th<  ir  disrlamK  r, 
attHbuted  to  the  Flurenthies,  and  a  serious  ivtahati.ni  made  on 
the  district  of  Cerbaia  in  Val  di  Niov<ae:  this  was  soon 
answered,  and  the  hostile  squadrons  began  tliu.  mdire.tly  t<. 
shoulder  each  other  along  the  wlmle  frontier  of  Lucca  trom 
Monte  Carlo  to  Eomitfi  a  little  beyond  Pietrabuona,  all  tritlm.^ 
blasts  that  scarcely  nifiled  the    surface  but  were  furoimmeiv 

of  the  coming  storm. 

Florence  too  had  changed  her  strains  of  pc:i.o  to  a  moro 
warlike  symphony,  and  Zato  Passavanti  the  now  goiilalonur. 
old  as  he  was,  applauded  this  martial  spirit;  In-  luil    tlin. 
times  carried  the  supreme  standard  of  justice,  luid  been  ivm 
times  prior,  and  eighty  winters  had  neither  dimmed  his  ey. 
nor  abated  his  mental  energ)^      Often  had  ho  urged  his  coun- 
tmnen  to  more  yigorous  action  against  Pisa,  but  until  now  u. 
yahi :  a  pariiament  was  at  last  assembled  on  tbe  eighteenth  o1 
May  to  dictate  peace  or  war:  it  consisted  of  more  llian  mn 
hundred  citizens  the  most  experienced  of  ib(>  eommonwealtb. 
and  Zato  taking  the  lead  is  said  to  have  ad-lressed  them  sub- 
stantially as  follows. 

-  If  the  final  and  most  legitimate  object  of  war,  o  mosi 

-  excellent  citizens,  were  not  a  secure   peace,  no  one  would 

-  make  use  of  more  eaniest  language  than  1,  to  warn  yen 
"  acrainst  new  conflicts  :  both  because  I  love  as  a  good  citizen  to 

-  preserve  tran.iuillity  and  that  my  gi'eat  age  makes  me  more 

-  sensible  of  the  advantages  of  cpiiet  and  repose.  Jbit  castmg 
"  aside  all  ancient  examples,  I  have  observed  that  from  the 
"  year  of  the  plague  until  this  hour  we  never  enjoyed  less 

*  M.  Villaiii,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  Ixxxiv.,  Ixxxv.— Sardo,  Cronaca  Ui  Pisa,  cap.  cxxx. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLOKENTINE   HISTORY. 


273 


"  quiet  than  at  those  very  times  when  we  most  ardently  desired 
"  it.  You  all  know  that  from  inattention  to  the  warnings  of 
"  the  lord  of  Rimini  when  he  conjured  us  to  join  him  in  repel- 
"  ling  by  force  of  arms  the  aggi'essions  of  Montreal,  we  were 
"  subsequently  forced  to  pay  ;!si,000  golden  florins  for  that 
"  robber's  forbearance ;  and  when  the  treaty  was  broken  by 
'•  Count  Lando  during  the  magistracy  of  Sandro  Guarata,  we 
"  were  again  constrained  to  purchase  it  for  10,000  more.  And 
'*  this  disgraceful  tribute  would  for  ever  have  continued  if  in 
''  the  gonMoniership  of  Barna  Valorini  Torriano,  who  is  here 
"  present,  the  public  had  not  resolved  to  try  whether  iron  were 
"  not  more  efficacious  than  gold  ;  and  if,  despising  alike  the 
"  advice  and  authority  of  the  legate  who  tried  to  make  her  pay 
"a  third  ransom  of  sOjuio  llorins  she  had  not  indignantly 
"  armed,  and  boldly  chasing  the  enemy  from  her  frontier  se- 
"  cured  us  permanent  repose.  The  same  temporising  conduct 
"  bus  been  and  is  again  about  to  be  repeated  towards  Pisa  who 
"  openly  perseveres  in  her  aggressions,  wliile  our  affected 
"  blindness  to  her  insults  is  attributed  entirely  to  fear.  Per- 
"  haps  because  they  Iiave  added  Lucca  to  their  dominions  and 
*  that  our  force  has  diminished  since  the  Duke  of  Athens' 
"  tyranny,  they  imagine  that  we  cannot  resist  them:  but  they 
"  seem  to  forget  that  Lucca  brings  no  strength  ;  the  veiy  gar- 
"  rison  necessary  to  defend  it  against  its  own  exiles  is  more 
"  iiijurious  than  useful,  and  a  discontented  province  will  ever 
"  l>e  the  strength  of  an  enemy.  But  if  we,  at  once  quitting 
"  this  mockery  of  forl)earance,  only  assume  a  determined  atti- 
'*  tude  towai'ds  Pisa  we  shall  by  a  straighter  and  more  rapid 
"  course  arrive  at  that  peace  wliicli  now  although  so  long  and 
"  anxiously  pm'sued  still  flies  from  our  grasp,  and  which  can  in 
"  no  way  be  so  peimaiiently  secured  as  by  a  yigorous  well-cou- 
"  ducted  war.  When  men  are  indiscreetly  flattered  or  propi- 
"  tiated  with  voluntary  offers  of  undemanded  service  they  are 
"  apt  to  despise  those  that  court  them  ;  it  is  moreover  the 

VOL.   II.  T 


274 


FLOEENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


275 


n 


t( 


it 
(( 

(i 


(( 


(( 


(( 


t« 


Pisans'  nature  to  think  too  much  of  themselves ;  and  our 
fawning  meekness   has   encouraged   this   self-confidence  in 
them,  and  an  evident  contempt  of  us ;  but  we  shall  be  more 
compassionate  to  both  by  endeavouring  to  cure  them  of  this 
insanity.     They  have  already  driven  us  from  Pisa,  they  have 
robbed  us  of  Sovrana  and  Coriglio  ;   at  this  moment  they 
would  expel  us  from  Talamone  ;  and  anon  we  shall  see  their 
armed  soldiers  scaling  our  city  walls  if  we  allow  such  auda 
city   to  remain  any  longer  unpunished.     Let  us  therefore 
attack  them  now  in  their  own  dwellings,  let  us  defend  Pietra- 
buona,  not  as  the  possession  of  Giovanni  da  Lasso  but  as  our 
own ;  for  if  we  pursue  this  coui-se  I  tell  yon  that  the  Pisans 
will  soon  be  glad  to  let  us  live  in  peace.     The  time  favours 
us,  for  we  have  no  other  war ;  our  cause  is  just,  for  we  have 
been  unfairiy  and  repeatedly  provoked  ;  the  hopes  of  victory 
far  outweigh  the  fears  of  defeat,  for  we  have,  besides  other 
advantages,  Piero  Gambacorta  on  our  side  whose  adherents 
are  not  yet  extinct  in  Pisa.     For  their  injustice  the  Lord  has 
already   scourged  the    Pisans   with   a  pestilence   of  which 
numbers  have  expired,  so  that  I  know  not  why  we  should  he 
such  idle  spectators  ;  and  if  you  will  allow  me  to  say  so 
without  vanity  or  ambition  which  at  fourscore  are  nearly  dor- 
mant, I  would  tell  you  that  my  official  career  has  ever  been 
fortunate :  in  my  first   gonfaloniership  nine-and-forty  years 
ago,  war  ceased  by  the  death  of  Heniy  of  Luxemburg  who 
expired  at  Buonconvento  nine  days  before  I  resigned  that 
dignity:  m  1:3-29  when  I  entered  office  for  the  second  time, 
we  sorely  afflicted  Pisa  although  the  Bavarian  occupied  her 
walls  ;  and  in  1:13G  I  was  again  at  the  head  of  your  common- 
wealth when  Piero  Rossi  overcame  IMastino  with  great  glory 
to  Florence.     Do  not  then  doubt,  my  fellow-citizens,  havmg 
the  same  good  fortune  in  this  my  fourth  magistracy  which  has 
attended  the  other  three :  for  now  we  liave  Pisans  alone  t.) 
contend  with,  mstead  of  Pisans  and  two  great  emperors  in 


"  the  first  instance,  and  afterwards  Mastino  della  Scala,  a 
"  prince  not  second  either  in  power  or  abilities  to  the  most 
"  potent  monarchs  of  Christendom.  Let  us  then  create  a 
"  general ;  let  us  relieve  Pietrabuona  and  attack  the  Pisans  ; 
"  and  if  the  hampering  of  our  trade  at  Porto  Pisano  has 
*'  already  cost  them  dear,  let  us  compel  them  even  at  a  higher 
"  price  to  maintain  our  commerce  in  Talamone.  But  to  prove 
"  to  them  that  the  last  plague  did  not  extinguish  all  the  spirit 
"  and  virtue  of  Florence ;  young  men  I  call  more  especially 
"  upon  you  above  every  other  class  to  raise  your  voice  for  war ; 
"  a  war  not  moved  by  passion  but  advised  by  wisdom  ;  not  the 
"  wild  sally  of  impetuous  youth  but  the  sober  emanation  of 
"  maturer  age  and  old  experience,  for  until  this  auspicious 
"  moment  we  have  been  for  too  gentle  in  suffering  with  a  sickly 
"  patience  the  vain  audacity  of  Pisa  "*. 

The  high  character  and  prudence  of  Zato  coupled  with  the 
tmth  of  his  words  easily  persuaded  an  already  willing  audience; 
a  vote  for  the  immediate  succour  of  Pietrabuona  was  carried  by 
acclamation  and  aboard  of  eight  citizens  created  to  conduct  the 
war.  This  was  tantamount  to  direct  hostilities,  but  for  a  while 
the  peace  remained  inviolate,  for  Florence  was  still  slow  and 
deliberative  in  her  preliminary  movements  :  the  important 
sanction  of  the  people  was  gained  l)ut  her  usual  caution  conti- 
nued, and  some  time  elapsed  ere  the  w^hole  nation  became 
roused  mto  strong  energetic  action.  Bonifazio  di  Lupo  of 
Parma  a  man  of  few  words  but  honest  heart  and  great  military 
experience  was  nominated  general  and  despatched  to  examine 
and  report  on  the  siege  of  Pietrabuona  which  he  found  too  far 
advanced  to  relieve,  and  after  a  bloody  and  obstinate  resistance 
it  was  taken  on  the  followinf][  day. 

The  loss  of  this  place  produced  great  altercation  in  Flo- 
rence; recrimination  was  unsparingly  used  by  both  factions 
but  it  hastened  the  preparations  for  war  and  promoted  future 

*  Scip.  Ammir.ito,  Lib.  xii.,p.  610. 
T-2 


276 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


277 


imananimity.  The  assembling  of  the  regular  militia  it  was 
deemed  would  occupy  too  much  time  and  produce  only  mnvil- 
ling  soldiers,  wherefore  on  the  first  of  June  l-'Ui:^  an  appeal 
was  made  to  the  rich  and  powerful  gentlemen  of  town  and 
country  to  levy  companies  of  effective  troops  and  repair  with 
the  least  delay  to  Florence,  so  that  in  liftecn  days  hetweeii 
these  and  mercenaries  an  army  of  one  thousand  five  hundred 
men-at-arms  a^id  four  thousand  foot  hicluding  fifteen  hundred 
crossbows  thi'onged  the  streets  of  tlie  capital. 

Both  Siena  and  Penmiji  were  vainly  entreated  for  assist- 
ance;  they  were  secretly  disinclined  to  Florence  and  «,'avt 
evasive  answers  ;  but  Pistoia,  Arezzo,  the  Count  liuberto  Guidi 
and  other  neighbom's  acted  a  nioir  friendly  part:  on  tli. 
twentieth  of  June  the  whole  allied  force  of  one  thousand  ix 
hundred  horse  and  five  thousand  foot  received  their  colours  at 
a  specified  hour  and  minute,  and  mysteriously  winding  through 
certain  streets  of  the  capital  especially  named  by  astrologers. 
finally  reached  their  encampment  at  Santa  Maria  a  Verzuia 
without  the  walls :  this  supei-stition  was  secretly  ritliculed  hy 
many  but  fiivoured  by  the  nation  at  large,  and  was  well  wuithy 
of  their  Etnmtm  ancestors. 

On  the  twenty-third  the  army  was  at  Fucecchio  and  next 
day,  in  despite  of  the  Florentine  deputies  who  formed  liis 
council,  Bonifozio  entered  Val-d'-Era,  besieged  Ghizzano  - 1 
captured  it  in  two  days  ;  thus  answering  the  insolent  boasting  .i 
Pisa ;  for  even  the  rulers  of  that  nation  casting  all  dignity  aside 
were  on  the  capture  of  Pietrabuona,  unmeasured  in  then*  abuse 
and  silly  enough  to  declai'e  that  "  If  the  Florentines  dared  to 
*♦  make  war  one  Pisan  would  be  sufficient  to  cany  away  three  of 
*'  their  soldiei-s  bound  hand  and  foot ;  and  should  the  citizen^ 
*'  themselves  venture,  even  the  Pisan  women  would  defeat 
"  them."  Such  was  the  style  of  that  age,  nor  does  it  appear  to 
be  much  improved  in  the  present ;  and  yet  notlnng  is  more 
silly  or  unbecoming  than  the  vamiting  of  nations  or  indi^'iduuls 


of  what  they  idll  accomplish  in  a  game  so  proverbially  uncer- 
tain as  war-. 

But  Florence  was  not  content  with  a  mere  land  campaign ; 
the  protection  of  her  new  connncrcial  station  had  raised  a 
naval  spirit  in  the  people  and  Pisa  once  so  formidable  was  to 
be  bearded  on  her  own  element :  with  four  galleys  and  three 
other  vessels,  under  Piero  Grimaldi  a  Genoese  officer,  they  in- 
sulted the  whole  coast,  emptied  Porto  Pisano  of  its  scanty  com- 
merce, captured  the  islands  of  Giglio  and  Capraia  and  in  cooper- 
ation with  two  Neapolitan  galleys  carried  fear  and  devastation 
along  the  whole  coast ;  so  completely  had  the  f^ital  Battle  of 
Meloria  and  its  consequences  destroyed  the  maritime  power  and 
genius  of  Pisa  and  exhausted  the  various  som'ces  of  then-  growth ! 

Not  long  after  this  first  swoop,  Grimaldi,  with  his  four 
gdlies  and  one  armed  ship,  landed  a  detachment  of  crossbow- 
men  at  Porto  Pisano  itself;  he  defeated  the  port  guard,  occupied 
the  Mole,  and  pushed  forward  to  the  Palazzo  del  Ponte  which 
was  attacked  with  great  vigour.  This  appears  to  have  been  a 
strong  building  commanding  the  bridge  and  probably  served  as 
a  custom-house  ;  but  a  small  garrison  of  twenty  chosen  infantry 
well  armed  would  allow  of  no  approach  to  the  gates  in  spite  of 
all  the  skill  and  courage  of  the  assailants.  The  conflict  was 
obstmate  and  would  probably  have  fiiiled  had  not  Grimaldi,  an 
experienced  commander,  ordered  two  galleys  to  sway  up  their 
masts  and  long  reaching  yards ;  then  slinging  baskets  on  the 
yard-arms  which  leaned  over  tlie  land  like  cranes,  he  placed  two 
of  his  best  crossbow-men  in  each,  and  bringing  up  his  galleys 
close  to  the  palace  raised  or  lowered  the  yards  according  to 
his  marksmen's  convenience  who  remaining  on  a  level  with,  or 
overlooldng  the  palace  at  their  pleasure,  so  galled  its  defenders 
that  not  a  man  of  them  could  show  himself:  seeing  the  defence 
slacken  the  assailants  suddenly  advanced,  smashed  the  gate 
and  captured  the  place,  then  directing  their  efforts  agamst 

*  Cronaca  di  DonatoVelluti,  p.  100,  &c*.— M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.  cap.  ii.,  iii.,  vi. 


273 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


279 


cue  of  tlie  large  towers  which  defended  the  port  took  it  in  hke 
manner.  This  was  destroyed,  and  the  other  immediately  capi- 
tulated;  the  bridge  was  temporarily  repaired  and  the  com- 
mercial palace  and  adjoining  suburb  sharply  attacked ;  but  after 
a  well-sustained  conflict  the  Florentines  were  finally  compelled 
to  retire  before  a  superior  force  of  horse  and  ft)ut  which  had 
finally  rallied  there  from  all  quarters.  Keturning  on  board 
they  burned  what  vessels  still  remained  and  carried  off  some 
massive  chains  that  closed  the  port :  tbcse  trophies  after  having 
been  trailed  in  derision  through  eveiy  place  on  the  road  were 
subsequently  placed  on  two  cars  and  arrived  at  Florence  :  being 
afterwards  cut  into  lengths  they  were  hung  up  triumphantly  in 
several  parts  of  the  city  where  some  portions  still  dangle  at 
the  Bargello  and  Porta  San  Gallo,  and  othei-s  are  wTcatlied  on 
the  porphyiy  columns  before  the  brazen  doors  of  the  I^aptistry : 
the  columns  a  memorial  of  ancient  friendship,  the  chains  of 
existing  enmity  between  these  two  distinguished  republics-!^. 

The  Genoese  crossbow-men  who  achi<?vrd  this  exploit  then 
formed  almost  an  essential  element  in  the  armies  of  southern 
Europe ;  but  just  at  that  time  it  was  difficult  for  Florence  to 
obtam  them,  because  Simon  Boccanegra  the  Doge  of  Genoa 
still  grateful  for  Pisan  hospitality  detennined  to  support  that 
nation  in  liis  prosperity.  He  could  not  induce  his  country- 
men, whose  commercial  ties  were  too  close  and  intimate  with 
Florence,  to  take  an  active  part  against  lier ;  but  he  succeeded 
in  procuring  a  declaration  of  rigid  neutrality  under  the  shai-pest 
penalties,  and  these  he  took  care  to  see  rigorously  executed. 
Consequently  when  four  hundred  Genoese  crossbow-men  had 
been  engaged  by  the  Florentines  he  sternly  interfered  to 
stop  their  depai'ture,  even  at  the  risk  of  collision  with  the 
people,  and  left  their  agent  Francesco  Alderotti,  a  Florentine 
merchant,  no  other  alternative  than  a  dangerous  and  secret 
mission  to  Nice.     Once  out  of  the  Genoese  states  the  latter 

♦  M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xxx. 


infrin^red  no  law  by  enlisting  four  hundred  of  their  bowmen 
under^Ricieri  Grimaldi, brother  of  the  naval  commander,  at  seven 
cTolden  florins  a  month  each.    They  soon  joined  the  army  and  did 
good  service,  for  Bonifazio  Lupo  pursuing  the  war  with  vigour 
would  listen  to  no  official  advice  from  the  ignorant  Florentine 
Commissiaries  who  served  as  his  council ;  war  he  said  was  not 
commerce  nor  governed  by  the  same  rules,  and  having  once  given 
him  the  command  it  became  necessary^  for  the  seignory  to  con- 
fide in  his  experience.    This  language,  too  plain  to  be  palatable, 
displeased    a  Commissary    whose   brother    belonged   to    the 
Board  of  Eight  called  "  GU  Otto  della  Giierrar     Conduct  so 
independent  was  reported  by  this  officer  in  a  manner  most  suited 
to  his  o\vn  feelings  and  backed  by  sufficient  influence  to  procure 
Lupo's  removal  for  the  Florentines  were  ever  jealous  of  military 
power:  they  rarely  invested  their  generals  with  such  authority 
as  that  of  Pandolfo  ]\Ialatesta,  nor  had  Bonifazio  Lupo  the 
family  rank  necessary  to  maintain  his  ground  agtunst  party 
spirit.     He  was   indeed   a  man  of  talent,  of  great  honesty, 
and  a  disinterested  honourable  gentleman ;  but  all  this  did 
not  prevent  his  being  superseded  by  Ridolfo  Varano  of  Came- 
rino  whose  onlv  recommendation  seems  to  have  been  a  more 
distinguished  rank  without  militaiy  reputation. 

Although  mortified  at  this  slight  Bonifazio  repressed  his 
private  feehngs  and  having  once  engaged  to  serve  resolved  to 
do  so  sincerely:  he  therefore  redoubled  his  zeal,  pushed  for- 
ward most  active  operations  in  the  manner  of  the  age  by  ravag- 
ing all  the  Val-d'-Era,  destroying  Padule,  burning  Castello, 
San  Piero,  and  Mercato  di  Forcoli ;  and  in  the  short  space  of 
thi*ee  days  devastating  no  less  than  thirty-two  towns  and  villages 
with  their  respective  territories.  Six  hundred  houses  were 
committed  to  the  flames  in  this  short  foray,  and  after  ofl'ei'ing 
battle  to  the  Pisans  shut  up  in  Castello  del  Fosso,  Bonifazio 
retired  to  Petriolo.  But  not  to  let  the  troops  remain  idle  dur- 
ing the  last  moments  of  his  command  he  detached  nine  hmidred 


280 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


281 


men  fifty  niiles  away  into  the  Maremma  who  returned  vdxh  an 
immense  booty  of  cattle  which  was  e(iually  shared  amongst  the 
sokliers,  Bonifazio  alone  refusing  his  portion  of  the  spoil. 

To  the  ai-my  s  great  sorrow  he  was  finally  superseded  on  the 
ninth  of  July  ;  his  military  talent  valour  and  generosity  made 
him  popular  with  the  troops ;  and  the  moi'e  so  when  castinfr 
aside  all  private  wrongs  they  saw  him  at  llidolfo's  desire  cheer- 
fully consent  to  seiTe  with  a  subordinate  rank  in  the  same  armv 
he  hiid  so  successfully  commanded  -.  The  new  general,  prol)ably 
under  Bonifazio  s  influence,  displayed  some  incipient  activity  in 
taking  Cascina  and  afterwards  insulting  Pisa  by  miming  coui*ses 
and  offering  other  customarj^  affronts  and  contemptuous  actions 
under  the  city  walls,  as  well  as  by  hivesting  rercioli  in  conse- 
quence of  an  intercepted  letter  that  discovered  tlie  momentaiy 
weakness  of  that  gamsou ;  but  he  soon  showed  himself  so  weak 
and  mactive  that  Lupo  retired  to  Florence  in  disgust  and  under 
pretence  of  bad  health  solicited  liis  own  chscharge.  The  eighi 
now  feeling  his  value  would  not  consent,  and  behig  eager  for  the 
fall  of  a  place  so  important  as  Peccioli  induced  liim  to  return 
with  a  strong  reenforcement  and  augmented  authority. 

Peccioli  had  been  reduced  to  a  conditional  sun-ender  on  the 
tenth  of  August  if  not  previously  succoured ;  but  the  governor 
who  independent  of  the  people  had  made  a  desperate  resisUmce, 
still  held  out,  in  despite  of  their  capitulation  and  for  this  he 
hardly  escaped  death  from  the  vengeance  of  Florentine  rulers, 
and  the  inhabitants  were  in  danger  of  being  plundered  in 
revenge  for  his  gallantr}^  had  not  Bonifiizio  saved  them  by 
insistmg  on  a  rigid  obsen-ance  of  the  capitulation.  Montec- 
chio,  Aiatico  and  Toiano  successively  surrendered,  and  the 
town-bell  of  Toiano  was  afterwards  triumphantly  mounted  on 
the  Florentine  palace  as  a  dinner-bell  for  the  merchants  whose 
commerce  Pisa  had  attempted  to  destroy. 

This  shortlived  activity  was  probably  due  altogether  to  Lupo's 

♦  M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,cap.  xui.,  xv.— S.  Amuiirato,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  614. 


influence,  for  the  general  was  indolent  luxurious  and  unpopular 
and  the  army  fell  into  disorder ;  certain  German  and  Italian 
leaders  of  great  rank  and  following,  already  discontented  and 
further  instigated  by  their  pay  agent,  demanded  the  same  re- 
ward for  Peccioli  that  was  usually  bestowed  for  gaining  a  pitched 
battle.  This  being  peremptorily  refused,  one  of  the  Italian 
leaders  setting  a  hat  on  his  lance's  point  invited  all  who  wanted 
double  pay  to  join  their  standard :  this  of  com'se  produced  an 
immediate  dismissal,  but  marcliing  to  Orsaia  in  the  Aretine 
states  they  in  allusion  to  their  mutinous  standard  named  them- 
selves the  company  of  the  "  Cappelletto  "  or  little  hat,  and  col- 
lecting more  than  a  thousand  recmits  followed  the  shameful 
career  that  Werner  Montreal  and  Lando  had  made  so  popular 
amongst  all  who  would  profit  by  its  infimiy-. 

To  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  conduct  a  decree  was  im- 
mediately promulgated  compelling  every  foreign  mercenary  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  connnonwealth  and  its  military  chiefs 
and  commissaiies ;  to  be  content  with  the  regular  pay  and 
compensation  for  killed  or  disabled  horses,  and  neither  con- 
spire against  the  state  themselves  nor  conceal  the  infidelity  of 
others.  They  were  to  be  allowed  one  month's  pay  for  a  victory 
over  at  least  five  hundred  men-at-arms,  but  were  bound  to 
surrender  all  prisoners  except  the  cavaliy,  including  the 
enemy's  captain,  as  well  as  every  Florentine  found  in  arms 
against  his  coimtry.  The  plunder  of  all  stormed  places  was  to 
be  considered  as  the  soldier's  own  in  addition  to  all  other 
allowances  ;  but  places  taken  by  regular  siege  or  capitulation 
were  to  be  held  inviolate,  the  republic  reserving  to  itself  the 
right  of  pm-chasing  any  prisoners  made  under  different  circum- 
stances, at  the  rate  of  "20r>  Lire  for  each  foot  soldier  and  '200 
golden  florins  for  gentlemen-at-arms  on  hoi-seback;  all  other 
cavalry  bemg  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  various  condottieri. 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  from  xvii.  to  xxv.— Poggio    Bracciolini,  Istoria, 
Lib.  i.,  pp.  20,  21.    Ed.  Fiienze,  1598. 


2S2 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


283 


Stipendiaries  of  the  republic  who  should  he  made  prisoners  and 
afterwards  ransomed  were  allowed  to  resume  their  former  rank 
with  a  compensation  of  two  months'  pay  ;  and  all  foreign  mer- 
cenaries at  the  expiration  of  their  service  were  as  a 

A.D.  1362. 

company  l)ound  by  an  oath  not  to  make  war  on  Flo- 
rence for  ten  years  aftersvards. 

But  at  a  period  when  almost  ever}'  other  social  tie  was  broken 
to  suit  momentary  convenience  it  may  be  presumed  that  the 
latter  obligation  was  but  little  protection :  such  men  will  not  be 
restrained  by  oaths  or  bonds  unchecked  by  penalties,  and  where 
law  is  a  mere  portrait  without  life  it  may  be  much  admired  and 
still  remain  unheeded ;  when  on  the  contrary  it  assumes  a  terri- 
ble energ\'  and  becomes  only  a  keener  weapon  of  misgovern 
ment  it  makes  timid,  ciniel,  and  suspicious  nders ;  espe- 
cially in  those  perilous  times  when  public  attachment  is  most 
required  to  preserve,  if  well  governed,  what  all  should  feel  to 
be  a  blessing. 

Thus  the  Pisans  conscious  of  their  own  oppressions  felt  that 
Lucca  was  their  weakest  and  most  costly  point  of  defence  and 
that  there  would  be  no  safety  in  tinisting  to  the  Guelphic  in- 
habitants ;  wherefore  by  one  of  those  wicked  strokes  of  state 
policy  that  are  often  so  flippantly  justified  and  which  were  then 
and  perhaps  would  still  be  fre(|uent  but  for  the  repressive  force 
of  public  opinion ;  they  first  assembled  the  whole  garrison  in 
the  citadel  of  Agosta,  forewarned  a  hundred  Ghibeline  families 
of  their  purpose  with  injunctions  only  to  make  a  show  of  obe- 
dience, and  then  lighting  a  candle  on  the  city  gate,  ordered 
under  the  severest  penalties  of  goods  and  person,  that  men  and 
women,  strangers  and  citizens,  should  quit  tlie  town  and  all 
that  space  of  countiy  included  within  a  mile  of  its  walls,  ere 
the  taper  should  be  consumed  I  The  universal  dismay  is  morr 
easily  conceived  than  expressed. 

'*  It  was  a  cruel  and  sorrowful  spectacle"  says  ]M.  Villani  Nvith 
all  that  just  compassion  and  bold  benevolence  of  character  that 


distinguish  liim,  "It  was  a  sorrowful  and  cruel  sight  to  behold  the 
old  men  bowed  down  by  years,  the  women,  the  weeping  damsels  ; 
to  hear  the  sobs  and  woful  exclamations  ;  and  see  the  little  cliil- 
dreuAvith  impatient  cries  all  abandoning  their  homes,  their  goods, 
and  their  native  city  to  wander  they  knew  not  whither  :  to  see 
the  ancient  gentle  citizens,  the  noble  merchants,  and  industrious 
artisans,  all  in  hasty  fliglit  as  though  they  were  pursued  by 
fierce  and  implacable  enemies,  leaving  their  beloved  dwellings 
a  prey  to  the  ruthless  plunderer." 

This  detestable  mandate  was  punctually  enforced  and  the 
city  deserted  by  almost  all  its  inhabitants  remained  for  a  while 
in  a  mournful  calm,  the  awful  repose  of  desolation  falling  in 
snow-like  silence.  Suddenly  the  Agosta's  portals  were  dashed 
asunder,  and  out  rushed  a  wild  tempestuous  crew  of  horse  and 
foot,  soldier  and  cavalier,  careering  through  the  streets,  with 
sword  and  mac^e  and  lance,  and  vaunting  shouts  of  "  Death  to 
the  Gnclphs,  away,  aivaij  to  Florence:'  Such  was  the  Pisans' 
triumph!  And  this  at  a  moment  when  their  capital  was 
securely  insulted  and  half  the  state  overmn  with  Florentine 

battalions !  - 

The  plague,  which  afflicted  Pisa  and  caused  much  of  her  dis- 
astei-s  diminished  with  the  waning  year,  and  entirely  ceased 
ere  the  commencement  of  1  :](»;>;  but  once  relieved  from  this 
scourge  the  Pisans  gained  new  spirit  and  became  eager  even  m 
the  depth  of  winter  to  begin  a  fresh  campaign  :  Altopascio  and 
Santa  Maria-a-Monte  were  attacked  in  January; 
Pescia  and  Barga  neariy  surprised  and  the  latter  regu- 
larly besieged,  but  all  with  small  forces  and  misuccessful 
results  ;  yet  Florence  witli  her  numerous  army  found  consider- 
able difficulty  hi  opposing  them ;  a  consequence  of  its  disor- 
ganised and  inefficient  state. 

The  tribes  of  rapacious  usurers  that  prowled  round  the 
annies  of  those  days,  equally  convenient  and  probably  far  less 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib,  xi.,  cap.  xvi. 


A.D.  1363. 


284 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


scrupulous  than  the  Tews  who  now  plunder  our  seamen ;  had 
been  supplpng  money  to  the  soldiers  at  high,  although  con- 
sidering their  risk,  not  perhaps  unjustifiable  interest :  wlien  dis- 
appointed in  their  expectiitions  of  repayment  they  seized  \rith- 
out  scmple  on  amis,  horses,  and  pay  or  received  the  two 
former  in  pa\Mi  for  their  advances  ;  the  republic  therefore  often 
found  itself  with  only  a  coi-ps  of  disarmed  and  dismounted 
troops  when  most  in  need  of  effective  men,  and  to  remedy  this 
inconvenience  a  militaiy  bank  of  loan  was  instituted  which  began 
discounting  on  the  tirst  of  March  with  a  capital  of  15,001) 
florins  from  the  commonwealth*. 

Soon  after  this  Ilidolfo  da  Cameriuo  having  finished  his 
engagement  ijuitted  Florence  with  little  honour  to  himself  or 
the  state,  and  eariy  in  March  Piero  Famese  a  man  of  far 
different  stamp  and  kno^\^l  reputation  succeeded  him :  it  was 
during  the  inactivity  caused  by  this  change  that  the  Pisans 
attempted   to   suq)rise   Barga ;  but  Famese  lost  no  time  in 
joining  the  araiy  then  quartered  in  the  Val-de-Nievole,  and 
thence  carried  on  a  secret  correspondence  witli  certain  dis- 
contented Lucchese  citizens  :  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  suqirise  their  city  but  the  Pisans  were  far  too  vigilant 
for  such  enterprises,  wherefore  after   putting  eveiy  man  to 
death  that  was  suspected  of  being  privy  to  the  plot,  their  main 
anny  made  a  sudden  inroad  on  Volterm  and  captured  Gello  on 
the  one   hand  while  they  pressed    the  siege   of  Barga   and 
defeated  a  Florentine  detachment  sent  to  assist  the  revolt  of 
Castiglione  and  other  to\ms  of  Garfagnana,  on  the  other.    This 
small  division  of  troops  under  Spinellocchio  de'  Tolomei  <it 
Siena  and  Currado  da  Jesi  were  surprised  and  nearly  sur- 
rounded in  the  hills  of  Garfagnana  by  a  superior  force,  their 
only  chance  of  retreat  being  in  the  defence  of  a  narrow  moun- 
tain path  l)y  which  the  enemy  could  intercept  them.     The  two 
commanders  on  seeing  this,  leapt  at  once  from  their  horses, 


M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xxxviii.,  xxxix.,  xl.,  xlv. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


285 


(tot  possession  of  the  pass  and  defended  it  alone  against  the 
whole  Pisan  army  until  all  their  own  people  were  in  safety : 
thev  then  surrendered  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war-  ! 

Nettled  at  these  incipient  failures  Farnese  became  more 
ea^ter  for  a  blow,  especially  as  the  "  White  Comimmj  "  of 
En^hsh  adventurers  then  in  the  Marquis  of  Montferrato's  ser- 
vice was  daily  expected  and  too  powerful  to  cope  with,  and 
the  Pisan  general  Kinieri  da  r»aschi  was  no  less  eager  for  a 
pitched  battle  from  the  wisli  of  gaining  his  laurels  ere  the 
English  camef.  This  unity  of  purpose  brought  Farnese  on  the 
seventh  of  May  near  Bagno  a  Vena  with  eight  hundred  horse 
and  an  equal  number  of  veteran  inftmtry ;  whereupon  Piinieri 
\s\\\\  six  lumdred  horse  and  far  more  numerous  footmen 
advanced  from  Pisa  with  a  continually  increasing  force  of 
infantry,  intending  to  seize  the  pass  of  San  Piero  and  cut  off 
the  Florentines'  retreat ;  but  Farnese  allowed  no  time  for  this  ; 
closing  rapidly  with  the  Pisans  he  at  once  formed  in  order  of 
battle  and  led  on  the  attack  :  the  ground  proving  too  rough  to 
use  the  lance  with  precision  he  called  out  to  his  cavalry  to  trust 
only  to  their  swords  and  then  drove  with  his  whole  line  into 
the  adverse  squadrons.  There  was  no  lack  of  courage  to  meet 
them  and  the  Florentine  chivaliy  were  twice  dashed  back  in  dis- 
order, for  atfii-st  these  light  Hungarian  horsemen  could  ill  stand 
the  handling  of  steel-clad  cavaliers  ;  yet  in  a  third  charge  the 
Pisans  gave  way  but  soon  rallying  beliind  the  second  line  and 
supported  by  a  superior  iuftuitry  who  fought  amongst  them, 
they  again  made  head  with  more  daring  vigour,  Pietro  re-fonned 
his  men  and  met  them  with  harder  blows  and  louder  cheers  ; 
the  battle  now  became  more  bloody,  close,  and  obstinate,  for  nei- 
ther would  yield  an  inch  of  ground ;  and  it  was  not  the  formal 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,cap.  xlv.,  xlvi.,  English  in  the  Pisan  service  as  early 

xlvii.,  xlix.,  1.  as  1358,  of  the  Pisan  reckoning,  which 

t  According  to  Ranieri  Sardo's  Cro-  was  a  year  in  advance  of  the  Floren- 

naca  di  Pisa,  there  were  eight  hundred  tine  mode.     Vide  cap.  cxxvi. 


286 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


287 


combat,  the  wonted  stage-play  of  unprincipled  mercenaries  who 
spared  each  other  and  duped  their  employers  but  the  despe- 
rate conflict  of  angry  and  determined  men.  Thus  the  fight 
continued  for  a  while  without  advantage  on  either  side  until 
Piero  suddenly  ordered  two  hundred  horse  to  turn  the  eneDiy's 
flank,  a  movement  executed  with  such  spirit  that  the  hostile 
ranks  were  severed  almost  without  resistance  and  their  ensigns 
boldly  reached  and  as  bravely  captured.  This  success  gave 
fresh  vigour  to  the  front  battle  where  swords  were  flashing  and 
knights  and  steeds  falling ;  for  many  a  horse  suffered  by  flank- 
ing spear-thmsts  from  the  interaiingled  infantry ;  but  the  Pisans 
fell  back  disordered,  and  finally  retired  in  confusion  from  the 
Held. 

Ptinieri  and  many  other  gallant  gentlemen  were  taken  while 
still  bravely  fighting,  after  two  hours  and  a  half  of  <li)sely  con- 
tested and  uncertain  victoiy :  the  Himgarian  cavalry  made 
numerous  prisonei-s,  but  there  was  also  gi'eat  slaughter,  for 
personal  enmity  combined  with  honourable  emulation  to  am- 
tinue  the  conflict  even  when  success  was  hopeless.  IntelH- 
gence  of  the  battle  was  received  tlie  same  day  at  Florence  with 
shouts  of  joy,  and  on  the  eleventh  of  May  Piero  Famese 
entered  that  capital  in  triumph  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  pri- 
soners of  distinction,  a  thing  that  greatly  enhanced  the  victo^e^ 
of  those  days  by  its  fame  and  profitable  conseqaonc(^s.  He  was 
offered  a  crown  of  laurel  by  the  state ;  but  modestly  declined 
it,  saying  that  such  honours  should  be  reserved  as  amongst 
the  ancient  llomans  for  greater  triumphs  and  more  brilliant 
victories*.  The  joy  for  this  success  was  somewhat  diminished 
by  the  loss  of  Altopascio  which  Guelfo  degli  Scali  treacheronsly 
delivered  to  the  Pisans  for  3000  florins ;  wherefore  his  pro- 
perty in  town  and  country  was  publicly  destroyed  by  the  peopU^ 
under  government's  direction. 

Meanwhile  Ghisello  degli  Fbaldini  an  expert  officer  and 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  l,  and  li. 


bitter  enemy  of  Florence,  was  elected  general  of  the  Pisans 
and  helped  to  maintain  the  personal  and  angry  character  of 
this  war  even  more  than  had  hitherto  existed ;  a  mortal  hatred 
in  fact  prevailed,  not  only  between  the  rival  commonwealths 
but  between  the  generals  colonels  and  private  soldiers  ;  and  to 
such  excess  that  not  even  the  plague  itself  though  daily 
spreading,  could  mitigate  its  violence.  Marching  from  Empoli 
Famese  resumed  hostilities  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Arno  with 
two  thousand  five  hundred  horse  and  a  strong  force  of  cross- 
bows besides  other  infantry,  but  could  not,  even  ^ith  all  the 
provoking  ravage  of  his  troops,  either  bring  the  enemy  again  to 
action  or  raise  the  siege  of  Barga  which  they  still  perseveringly 
maintained ;  he  therefore  determined  to  march  directly  on 
Pisa  and  insult  them  in  their  capital. 

When  near  that  city  an  advanced  guard  of  sLxty  Barbute 
under  Amerigo  a  German  commander,  met  and  routed  a  hun- 
dred of  the  enemy's  horse  ;  this  brought  two  hundred  more  on 
Amerigo  who  was  beginning  to  waver  when  Otto  another  Ger- 
man colonel  rode  hastily  up  with  his  followers  to  the  rescue : 
the  Pisans  were  again  repulsed  in  some  disorder,  whereupon 
their  Podesta  made  a  pow^erful  sally  at  the  head  of  six  hundred 
Barbute  and  a  strong  body  of  armed  citizens  and  soon  discom- 
fited the  Gemians.  Things  now^  began  to  look  serious,  when 
Piero  Famese  galloped  up  with  three  hundred  fresh  men-at- 
arms  closely  followed  by  his  main  battle.  "  Is  this  the  way 
"  you  fly  before  an  enemy  we  have  so  often  defeated  "  exclaimed 
the  general,  and  at  the  same  moment  lowering  his  lance 
cliarged  the  nearest  of  his  tidversaries  with  a  bold  and  rough 
encounter.  The  affair  was  no  longer  a  skirmisli  or  brief  in 
duration  ;  the  Podesta,  well  supported  by  almost  all  the  nobles 
and  Pisan  citizens,  fought  stoutly  and  the  battle  soon  became 
general.  After  a  hard  struggle  the  Pisans  yielded  on  every 
side ;  many  were  killed  by  force  of  steel,  and  many  thrust 
headlong  into  the  Arno  by  the  pressure  of  a  universal  flight : 


arf 


288 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


289 


the  defeat  was  perfect  and  every  man  did  well ;  Lut  two  gen- 
tlemen who  by  consent  of  friend  and  foe  were  allowed  to  have 
sui*passed  every  other  in  pei'sonal  prowess  were  knij^htcd  liv 
Faniese  during  the  hottest  of  the  hattle.     Proud  of  this  second 
victoiT  he  challenged  the  enemy  again  to  meet  him,  and  on 
their  refusal  coined  gold,  silver,  and  c(tpper  money  at  a  plac( 
called  the  Spedaluzzo  close  to  the  walls  of  Pisa,  as  a  mark  df 
victoiy  and  sovereign  power.     The  silver  coins  rein-esenteJ  a 
fox,  the  emblem  of  Pisan  cunning,  helplessly  sprawling  under 
the  feet  of  the  Baptist  whose  image  was  impressed  on  all  the 
Florentine  coinage.     After  this  insult  he  withdrew,  but  not  in 
quiet,  for  his  rear  guard  where  the  newly-dubbed  knights  com 
manded  was  smartly  attacked  ;  yet  tlie  enemy  was  repul>(,d 
with  great  spirit  even  to  the  city  gate  where  a  Florentine  trum- 
peter fell  w^ounded  by  an  arrow  froiu  the  walls,  an  ol)stinate 
stniggle  ensued  to  gain  an  emltroidered  banner  attached  to  the 
instrument,  a  trophy  of  no  small  moment  in  those  romaiitir 
days,  and  neither  lost  without  dishonour  nor  won  without  Hune. 
Many  fell  in  the  conflict,  several  were  made  prisoners  on  bdiii 
sides,  yet  Florence  prevailed  ;  her  lily  was  earned  olY  unsullied. 
but  her  two  brave  champions  Guglielmo  di  IJolsi,  an<]  a  rd 
tain  Giovanni,  whose  surname  is  wanting,  remained  captives. 
The  armv  then  marched  to  Pecci(di,  Faniese  meaning?  to  hasten 
the  siege  of  ]Montecalvole  which  {dtliough  reduced  to  extrt 
mity  was  saved  by  an  artilice  of  tlie  Pisans :  annoyed  at  tin- 
and  the  continued  siege  of  IJarga  in  the  foce  of  two  such  vic- 
tories, Piero  suddenly  detached  a  division  of  his  army  in  ih' 
latter  direction  which  coming  unexpectedly  upon  the  Vi^vm^ 
attacked  and  can'ied  their  works,  ndsed  the  siege  and  expelled 
them  from  the  district. 

This  was  the  last  feat  of  Piero  Farnese :  a  wide-spreading 
pestilence  now  raged  through  Italy,  Egypt,  Syria,  and  all  the 
Levant;  through  Istria,  Padua,  and  Venice  it  ran  a  second 
course;   almost  all  Tuscany  sutfered;   and  at  Florence  after 


three  months'  unintermpted  progress  it  was  still  in  full  activity. 
The  army  became  infected,  and  on  the  nineteenth  of  June  saw 
its  general  struck  domi  by  the  fatal  malady  at  Castel  Fioren- 
tino,  and  a  corpse  the  following  midnight  at  San  Miniato  al 
Tedesco.  No  greater  misfortune  could  have  overtaken  the 
commonwealth  at  this  moment,  and  no  man  fell  with  more 
heartfelt  regi'et :  he  was  valiant  wary  and  experienced  in  arms, 
faithful  to  his  employers,  of  a  daring  courage,  and  had  almost 
uninterrupted  good  fortune  in  his  enteqirises.  After  a  few 
days'  delay  for  the  arrival  of  his  brother,  Piero  Farnese  was 
inteiTed  with  puldic  honours  in  the  cathedral  of  Florence  where 
an  e(iuestrian  portrait  of  him  by  Andrea  Dreagna  still  remains 
as  a  nmrk  of  national  gratitude-. 

With  a  feeling  less  pradent  than  amiable,  as  if  great  qualities 
were  necessarily  udierent  in  families,  the  Florentines  conferred 
Piero 's  command  on  his  brother  PJnuccio  as  they  had  formerly 
done  that  of  Piero  Piossi  on  Oriando ;  but  the  former  like  the 
latter  was  a  man  of  far  inferior  force  and  had  suddenly  to  cope 
with  an  enemy  that  even  Piero  himself  had  feared  to  encounter. 
This  was  the  "  White  Company  "  of  English  adventurers  under 
Albert  a  German,  who  had  just  arrived  at  Pisa  after  having  m 
vain  ofiered  his  semce  to  Florence :  against  Farnese's  advice 
they  were  rtyected  although  consisting  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred  horse  and  two  thousand  foot  merely  through  a  false 
and  miserable  economy  wliich  thus  changed  the  whole  aspect  of 
the  war  and  afterwards  brought  down  misfortune  on  the  com- 
monwealth. 

The  militaiy  spirit  of  Pisa  wliich  even  pestilence  had  not 
subdued,  mounted  high  on  this  occasion  and  Ghisello  with  an 
army  of  three  thousand  three  hundred  men-at-arms  and  six 
thousand  infentry  immediately  began  the  campaign.  Much 
might  now  have  been  accomplished  if  war,  as  distinct  from 
plunder,  had  been  better  understood  and  military  operations 

*  M.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ivii.,  Iviii.— D.  Velluti,  Cronaca,  p.  102. 
VOL.  II.  u 


290 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


carried  on  with  the  spirit  and  knowledge  of  a  Castruccio ;  for 
Piero  was  no  more,  and  the  blast  that  carried  him  off  had 
withered  the  strength  of  his  army-:-.  But  there  was  not  a 
steady  system  of  conquest ;  tui  angry  people  with  no  desire  but 
vengeance  ;  a  general  hired  to  fill  his  own  purse  wliile  he  carried 
this  object  into  execution ;  and  a  legit )n  of  foreign  robbers  to 
whom  all  causes  were  equal,  all  wars  legitimate,  were  not 
adapted  to  anything  but  to  inflict  the  greatest  possible  amount 
of  miser)-  on  both  friend  and  foe ;  wherefore  the  genius  of  Italian 
warfare  in  those  times  consisted  more  in  acquiring  empty 
triumphs,  insulting  an  enemy,  and  devastating  a  helpless 
country,  than  in  the  acquisition  of  any  solid  and  permanent 
advantage.  The  Florentine  territory  was  entered  by  Val-di- 
Nievole  and  Pistoia  first  insulted  by  preventing  the  citizens 
from  celebrating  their  accustomed  games  on  Saint  Jamess  day, 
an  indignity  so  great  as  to  cause  the  announcement  to  Ghisello 
of  the  Pistoians'  intention  to  nm  no  more  courses  for  the  Palio 
until  they  did  it  under  the  walls  of  Pisa. 

The  plain  of  Florence  next  felt  the  war,  Campi  and  Perctok 
were  occupied ;  the  Palio  was  iiin  for  under  the  gates  of  Flo- 
rence ;  money  was  coined  within  sight  of  the  to\ni ;  and  to 
complete  the  insulting  mocker}'^  three  asses  were  hanged  at 
Ponte  a  Rifredi  as  the  eflfigies  of  three  Florentine  citizens. 
whose  names  were  formally  attached  to  the  necks  of  their  rei)re- 
sentatives.  The  destruction  of  town,  village,  hamlet,  palace, 
villa,  and  cottage,  followed  hard  upon  this  puerile  vaunting,  and 
the  whole  western  plain  became  one  promiscuous  mass  of  ruin : 
yet  here  and  there  the  villa  and  gardens  of  some  rich  citizen 
were  expressly  left  untouched,  smiling  amidst  general  desola- 
tion, to  excite  suspicion  and  distract  the  Florentine  councils. 

Afterwards  crossing  the  Amo  Ghisello  bunied  Lastra,  ad- 
vanced to  Empoli,  swept  through  the  Lower  Val-d'-Anio  with 
iire  and  sword,  and  then  tired  of  their  work  the  soldiei's  returned 


*  Cronaca  di  Dan.  Velluti,  p.  102. 


CHAP,  xxiv.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


291 


loaded  with  booty  and  prisoners  to  Pisa.  This  was  the  first 
act  of  vengeance ;  and  the  mocked  and  insulted  captives  were 
now  sarcastically  told  that  it  was  the  prostrate  Fox  who  liad 
served  them  so;  but  the  Pisan  general  scarcely  enjoyed  his 
triumph  longer  than  the  Florentine,  for  he  died  of  fatigue  and 
fever  a  few  days  after,  as  much  liunoured  and  ref?retted  bv  the 
Pisans  as  Famese  had  been  by  the  Florentines  =:=. 

The  plague  still  raged  in  Florence  :  and  we  may  here  suspend 
tlie  general  narrative  to  relate  the  deatli  of  one  of  its  most 
illustrious  victims,  the  historiiin  ]\latteo  Villani  brother  to  Gio- 
vanni who  fifteen  years  before  had  been  swept  off  by  the  former 
pestilence.     Matteo  as  his  son  Filippo  relates,  died  on  the 
twelfth  of  July  130:i  after  a  long  stmggle  of  five  whole  days 
with  this  all-powerful  malady ;   a  circumstance  attributed  hy 
Filippo  to  his  sober  and  temperate  habits.     He  enjoined  Philip 
Villani  to  continue  his  history  to  the  close  of  the  Pisan  war  in 
order  not  to  leave  that  portion  of  the  work  imperfect ;    and 
seems,  from  a  fact  mentioned  in  his  last  chapter  to  have  written 
until  two  or  three  days  before  he  was  plague-struck.     As  a 
historian  his  style  is  not  so  simple  or  agreeable  as  Giovannis, 
but  there  is  perhaps  a  greater  force  of  character  which  fixes 
the  attention  and  at  once  impresses  the  reader  with  a  con- 
viction of  his  honesty  his  constantly  benevolent  feeling  and 
strong  sense   of  justice,  accompanied   by  evident  contempt 
for  the  superstitious  follies  of    the  day,    a  weakness   which 
his  brother  could  not  entirely  discard.     His  character  is  well 
sketched  by  Sismondi.     "  There  is  no  historian  that  inspires 
us  \rith  more  respect  esteem  and  alfection  than  ]\Iatteo  Villani. 
Religious  without  superstition,  he  respects  the  church  and  yet 
dares  to  paint  in  the  strongest  coloui-s  the  crimes  or  corruption 
of  some  of  its  chiefs.     He  understands  the  human  heart,  and 


•Filippo  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixi.,  —Cronaca  di  D.  Velluti,  p.  100,  <S: 
Hii.,  IxuL—Leo.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  Roncioni,  Istor.  Pis.,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  L7 
p.  ioj.-_S.  Animirato,  Lib.xii.,  p.  625. 


u  2 


292 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CH 


AP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


293 


is  sufficiently  versed  in  politics  to  unravel  all  tlie  errors  of 
governments  and  assign  events  to  their  veritable  cause ;  but 
he  is  too  good  a  man  ever  to  approve  of  faithlessness  or  to 
imagine  that  any  advantage  can  result  from  pei-tidy.  He  raises 
himself  above  the  prejudices  of  judicial  astrology  from  which 
his  brother  was  not  exempt :  he  end)races  all  the  known  world 
in  his  histoiy  and  with  a  philosophic  and  piercing  glance  he 
assigns  to  each  nation  its  trae  character.  He  is  animated  iii 
the  painting  of  virtue ;  he  is  intlamed  against  vice  ;  he  burns 
at  the  name  of  liberty.  No  Italian  historian  has  ever  rendered 
to  the  latter  a  more  noble  and  more  enduring  homage.  The 
party  that  governed  Florence  did  not  always  patiently  bear  his 
censures;  they  admonished  him  as  a  Ghibeline  on  the  twentv- 
uinth  of  April  1:303  and  thus  kept  him  from  public  employment 
during  the  last  year  of  his  life  "-. 

The  task  of  recording  past  events  sometimes  awakens  a  cer- 
tain feehng  of  liigh  judicial  authority  and  even  a  sort  of  immor- 
tality in  the  historian :  he  calls  up  the  spirits  of  bygone  ages  to 
his  presence ;  draws  from  them  the  story  of  their  time ;  con- 
fronts them  with  others  of  a  ditferent  stamp  and  nation ;  inves- 
tigates their  truth ;  acquits  or  condemns ;  iuid  then  dismisses 
them  to  make  room  for  another  race  of  brief  and  restless  beings. 
Thus  age  after  age,  race  after  race,  are  successively  unfolded, 
each  pregnant  with  its  own  peculiar  incidents  the  cause  or 
consequence  of  other  times ;  and  he  like  a  quiescent  everlasting 
spirit  calmly  reviews  them  all  as  one  by  one  they  pass  befure 
his  tribunal.  A  new  cotemporary  now  comes  before  us  for  a 
brief  space,  and  with  congenial  spirit  though  more  careless 
style,  continues  what  his  sire  and  uncle  had  so  honestly  and 
laboriously  commenced.  Accordhig  to  Filippo  Villani,  the 
administration  of  Florence  at  this  period,  whether  well  or  ill- 
directed  for  general  good,  was  principally  in  the  hands  of  meb 
belonging  to  the  Contado  and  district  recently  settled  in  the 

♦  Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  p.  1)3.— M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rubrica  GD'i. 


capital  and  but  little  versed  in  civil  government ;  and  of  other 
and  still  greater  strangers  who  residing  in  Florence  were 
through  their  wealth  enrolled  amongst  the  trades,  and  between 
usury  and  merchandise  had  amassed  so  great  riches  that  their 
alliance  was  joyfully  accepted  by  the  most  illustrious  families. 
By  means  of  presents  hospitalities  and  supplications  they  had 
crept  high  enough  to  drop  their  names  into  the  election  purses 
at  the  periodical  scrutiny  for  public  honours,  while  as  already 
said,  the  great  popular  families  were  extensively  affected  by 
the  Divieto.  Many  wise  experienced  citizens  of  ancient  races 
were  tlms  excluded  from  office,  and  even  those  who  still  as- 
sisted in  the  administration  were  suspiciously  regarded  and 
even  frowned  on  by  the  others.  The  consequence  was  a  want  of 
unanimity  in  the  councils,  and  often,  through  mere  opposition, 
the  adoption  of  measures  directly  contrary  to  what  the  old 
citizens  proposed  although  with  manifest  injury  to  the  common- 
wealth. Many  young  people  scarcely  Hedged  were  found  in 
office,  placed  there  by  their  Ivinsmen's  management  while  fonn- 
ing  part  of  the  various  administrations  ;  three  out  of  four 
had  not  past  their  twentieth  year  and  must  have  been  put  on 
the  hst  of  candidates  while  yet  in  their  cradle.  The  public 
miud  was  moreover  full  of  disorder  and  hatred  from  the  poison 
of  frequent  admonitions  ;  and  the  thirst  of  pecuniaiy  gain 
occupied  so  many  that  no  means  were  neglected,  both  by  the 
creation  of  new  and  useless  offices  for  favoured  men  and 
by  more  secret  ways,  to  share  the  public  revenue.  Parties 
ran  high,  each  suspiciously  watching  the  other's  actions,  and 
thus,  says  Philip  Villani,  the  unhappy  republic  found  itself 
a  prey  to  concealed  hatred,  private  avarice,  and  youthful  inex- 
perience*. 

No  state  apparently  offered  a  surer  mark  for  an  artful  tyrant 
to  strike  at,  and  the  blow  was  struck  but  failed ;  wherefore  we 
may  conclude  that  although   the  general  picture  drawn  by 

*  Fil.  Villani,  Lib,  xi.,  cap.  Ixv. 


294 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


295 


A.D.  1363. 


Filippo  is  coiTect,  yet  the  effects  of  the  admoTiltoiT  lash  uliicK 
his  father  had  so  lately  felt  must  have  imparted  a 
stronger  colouring  to  the  portrait  than  a  less  in- 
terested painter  would  have  given. 

Ill  this  state  of  puhlic  feeling  the  war  recommenced ;  and  s,, 
many   military  companies  had   been  formed   in   France  and 
Italy  that  armies  seemed  to  start  into  being  by  the  mere  stamp 
of  a  condottiere's  foot.      lielying  on  such  facilities  the  Floren- 
tine goveiTiment  had  for  economy  disbanded  most  of  its  troops 
trusting  to  have  an  efficient  army  ready  to  take  the  field  earlv 
in  the  spring,  and  with  this  object  in  view  they  had  already 
engaged  the  "  Cowpaffuta  dcUa  Stella  "  then  in  Provence  and 
amounting  to  six  thousand  lUirbute,  but  which  afterwards  failed 
them  through  the  machinations  of  Visconti ;  also  two  thousand 
more  in  Germany,   besides  five  hundred  men-at-amis  under 
Heniy  de  ]\Iontfort  and  two   barons   of  the  royal  house  of 
Suabia.     Subsequently  another  body  of  a  thousand  German 
cavalr}'  was  also  engaged,  but  so  badly  equipped  that  the  com- 
monwealth was  compelled  even  to  supply  them  with  lames : 
these  added  to  a  thousand  striplings  under  Count  Artimannu 
formed,  at  least  in  pei-spective,  the  new  anny  of  Florence.     \\\ 
efficient  chief  also  became  necessary  and  none  living  held  so 
honourable  a  place  in  the  public  memoiy  as  Pandolfo  :\Ialatesta 
of  liimini  the  conqueror  of  Lando  and  preser\.  r  of  b'lorence. 
A  deputation  was  accordingly  sent  into  Romagna  to  offer  him 
liis  fonner  dignity  with  the  usual  military  powers,  but  four 
yeai-s  had  sufficed  either  to  plant  new  and  more  extravagant 
notions  of  ambition  in  the  heart  of  Pandulfo,  or  to  lipen  those 
already  engi-afted  :    his  former  connexion  with  Florence  had 
enabled  him  to  spy  into  all  her  weakness,  to  investigate  tlu 
state  of  parties,  sound  the  public  mind,  and  lay  a  foundation 
for  future  work  whenever  a  convenient  season  should  present 
itself.      Having  such  views  he  probably  maintained  a  close 
connexion  amongst  certain  parties  in  the  commonwealth  who 


secretly  urged  him  to  accept  the  command  on  any  terms,  as  iu 
consequence  of  the  alarm  and  perilous  state  of  that  re- 
public he  would  ultimately  gain  everything  he  desired. 

After  deep  consultation  with  his  flither,  Pandolfo  returned 
to  Pesaro  where  he  had  left  the  Florentine  mission,  but  during 
the  negotiation  made  some  demands  so  extravagant  that  the 
deputies  were  in  the  act  of  an  abmpt  departure  with  their  foot 
in  the  stirrup  when  he  recalled  them  and  said  that  he  never 
wished  to  occupy  the  post  of  generalissimo  to  the  Florentine 
armies,  but  as  an  ancient  friend  of  the  republic  he  would  go 
aud  serve  for  two  months  in  her  cause.  This  offer  was  accepted 
and  on  the  fifteenth  of  August  he  entered  Florence  with  only 
two  hundred  followers,  the  remembrance  of  his  former  service 
being  sufficient  to  insure  him  a  popular  reception  and  his  high 
rank  the  chief  command  of  the  army. 

A  fresh  coimcil  of  eight,  two  from  each  quarter,  was  elected 
to  conduct  the  war,  about  which  however  Pandolfo  showed  him- 
self very  dilatory  although  the  new  Pisaii  general,  L'Omo 
Santa  Maria  lord  of  Jesi,  had  already  cleared  the  passes  of 
Chauti,  entered  the  upper  \"al-d'-Anio  and  captured  the  town 
of  Figline  making  much  booty  and  many  prisoners  of  both 
sexes ;  "  aud,"  savs  Villani,  "  Heaven  only  knows  how  the 
women  were  received  in  the  hands  of  the  English  who  are 
brutal  and  ci-uel  men  and  enrich  themselves  by  our  misfor- 
tunes." This  sudden  irmption  alarmed  the  government  but 
many  of  the  more  opulent  who  had  their  villas  and  palaces  and 
gardens  immediately  surrounding  Florence  w^ere  well  contented 
with  a  distant  war,  vainly  supposing  that  the  plains  of  San  Salvi 
and  Piipoli  were  less  vulnerable  than  those  of  Campi  and  Pere- 
tola.  Pandolfo  who  could  now  no  longer  remain  idle  moved 
forward  with  all  the  Florentine  forces  and  pitched  his  tents  near 
Incisa  in  a  weak  extended  position  pui'posely  chosen,  against  the 
remonstrances  of  Pdnuccio  Farnese  and  every  other  officer  of  dis- 
tinction except  Count  Artimanno,  who  was  as  false  as  Malatesta 


296 


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[book  I. 


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FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


297 


himself.  The  latter  not  satisfied  with  the  dangerous  situation 
of  his  army  ordered  the  Cappelletto  company,  then  in  the 
Tuscan  Maremma  under  Florentine  orders,  with  the  Genium 
Amerigo  and  five  hmidred  more  of  his  best  cavaliy  besides 
other  good  troops  and  officers,  to  make  a  diversion  in  the 
Pisan  state  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  them  to  recal  their 
squadrons  from  the  Upper  Val-d'-Anio.  After  this  he  quietly 
returned  to  Florence  leaving  the  refuse  of  his  troops  in  an  un- 
tenable position  under  Rinuccio  Faniese  to  cope  with  the 
veteran  and  war-hardened  soldiers  of  the  English  Edward. 
Seeing  this,  the  latter  aitfully  engaged  one  of  their  o\mi  people, 
(by  a  formal  challenge)  m  single  combat  with  a  Florentine,  aud 
flocking  in  small  parties  unarmed  to  the  duel  completely  re- 
connoitred the  camp,  which  the  following  moniing  was  attacked 
and  carried  after  a  long  and  spirited  resistance  wliile  Count 
Artimanno  with  the  whole  garrison  of  Incisa  looked  quietly  on. 
The  defeat  was  totid  and  the  loss  in  Idlltd  and  prisoners  of 
note  upwards  of  four  hundred  :  the  English  retired  with  their 
prey  to  Figline  and  marched  on  the  following  day  to  tli«^ 
attack  of  Incisa,  but  Count  Artimanno  had  already  evacuated 
it  and  was  in  full  retreat  to  Florence  =^'.  The  citizens  wert 
astounded  at  the  news  of  this  disa>>ter  and  Pandulfo  made  a 
show  of  mai'ching  to  the  succour  of  Incisa,  but  he  had  scarcely 
proceeded  a  few  miles  when  meeting  Count  Artimanno  in 
full  retreat  he  instantly  returned  in  apparent  ten-or  to  the 
capital.  There  in  a  well-pretended  alarm  he  dwelt  on  the 
necessity  of  providing  for  inunediate  defence,  but  to  do  m» 
eflfectually  he  required  absolute  power  both  within  and  witli- 
out  and  an  oath  of  allegiance  from  the  troops  ;  in  other 
words  he  demanded  the  unconditional  seignoiy  of  Florence. 

*  Leonardo  Aretino  (as  translated  by  manno  behaved  treacherously;  but  1 

Donato  Acciaioli,  Lib.  viii.,p,  153),  in  follow  Filippo  Villani,  a  cotemporan 

his  brief  manner  passes  rapidly  over  author,  who  may  be  at  least  supposed 

this  transaction,  leaving  the  reader  to  to  give  the  public  opinion  of  the  time, 

infer  that  neither  Malatesta  nor  Arti-  and  is  followed  by  subsequent  writers. 


Such  audacious  proposals,  backed  as  was  expected  by  his  own 
party  in  the  state,  were  made  on  the  supposition  that  the  citi- 
zens through  terror  and  necessity  would  be  comj)elled  to 
receive  him  on  his  own  conditions  as  a  less  dangerous  visitor 
than  the  Engh^h,  and  he  nearly  succeeded  in  his  object.  A 
great  council  was  immediately  convoked  and  Malatesta 's  de- 
mands proposed  for  acceptance  -••  :  all  felt  the  want  of  an  able 
leader  at  that  perilous  niunient  and  Pandolfo's  courage  and 
talent  were  as  unipestionable  as  his  audacity  aud  immeasurable 
ambition:  every  one  feared  to  oppose  him,  many  secretly 
favoured  him  ;  but  all  felt  that  the  concession  of  such  extensive 
powers  to  such  a  man  would  be  an  act  of  folly  and  pregnant 
with  danger  to  the  commonwealth.  A  general  silence  pre- 
vailed, for  each  individual  feared  to  commit  himself  by  soli- 
tary resistance.  At  last  Simon  Peruzzi  rose  and  boldly  voted 
against  any  concessions  :  this  he  said  was  an  impudent  de- 
mand for  no  less  than  the  entire  sovereignty  of  Florence ;  he 
bade  them  remember  the  Duke  of  Athens  and  his  bold  success- 
ful treason :  we  are  all  acquainted,  he  added,  with  the  sweets 
of  Liberty,  let  us  then  live  and  die  in  her  arms.  The  national 
spirit  was  at  once  reldndled  hj  this  short  address ;  it  spoke  to 
the  heart  of  all,  for  every  niiui  felt  that  in  these  few  words  his 
omi  secret  wishes  were  courageously  expressed  ;  the  adherents 
of  Pandolfo,  if  any  went  so  far,  were  rebuked  to  silence  and 
his  ambitious  pretensions  for  ever  extinguished.  A  new  oath 
of  allegiance  was  instantly  required  from  the  troops ;  a  new 
officer  called  ''the  Defender  of  the  People;'  with  full  powers 
withui  the  city,  was  created  for  the  protection  of  public  liberty, 
and  the  supreme  military  command  with  the  usual  authority 
offered  to  and  accepted  by  Malatesta  but  with  the  secret  deter- 

These  extraordinary  councils  were  any  great  public  reputation  was  cited 

called  "Co«%Z/o  de"  Rkhiesti;'  or  as   a   matter   of  course;    they   were 

Council  of  the  Summoned,  to  which  sometimes    very   numerous   and    ex- 

eyery  citizen  who  had  ever  filled  the  pressed  the  true  public  opinion, 
higher  offices  of  state,  or  who  enjoyed 


298 


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[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


299 


mination  to  accomplish  his  pui-pose  by  some  other  means 
His  lii-st  act  was  to  dismiss  C^ount  xVrtimamio  and  eight  hun- 
dred cavahy  on  pretence  of  their  recent  conduct,  but  in 
reality  to  weaken  the  public  force  and  embarrass  the  goveni- 
ment;  and  then  still  under  the  affected  sensation  of  deep 
alarm,  he  ban-icaded  the  roads,  niised  and  strengthened  the 
ramparts  in  various  places  and  made  eveiy  i)repardtion  for  an 
immediate  siege-. 

The  English  ha>ing  active  spies  who  transmitted  intelli 
gence  of  what  passed,  maliciously  increased  the  confusion  Iv 
sending  word  that  on  the  twenty-second  of  October  they  would 
bum  the  suburb  of  Saint  Nicholas  which  they  tli«  rcfure  udnsed 
the  government  to  look  well  to.  This  distracted  the  Floren- 
tines  with  doul)ts  and  fears,  but  thinking  the  execution  of  the 
threat  most  probable  they  reenforced  the  position  of  San  ]\Iiniain- 
a-Monte  and  garrisoned  it  with  four  hundred  Pistoians  besides 
five  hundred  exiles  under  Niccolo  IJuondelmonti  and  Sinibaldo 
Donati  who  had  been  recalled  from  exih.^  >\-ith  the  promise  uf 
pardon.  Public  alann  was  at  its  height  when  on  the  appointed 
day  the  English  banners  were  seen  floating  over  the  neighbour- 
ing plains  of  Ripoli ;  but  after  having  plundered  all  the  sur- 
roundmg  country  the  general  anxiety  was  relieved  by  intelli- 
gence of  their  final  retreat  loaded  \\ith  booty  to  Figline. 

Malatesta  issued  out  with  a  large  force  and  was  johied  by  a 
larger  body  of  peasantry  eager  for  a  revenge  that  might  easily 
have  been  taken,  for  the  English  were  tired  with  a  long  and 
rough  night  march  through  difficult  roads,  and  impeded  ly 
their  prisonei*s  and  plimder;  but  the  affected  alarm  of  PandoUb 
and  the  real  terror  of  both  seignor}*  and  people,  coupled  with  a 
general  impression  that  the  English  were  lions  and  not  men. 
was  their  salvation  as  they  themselves  afterwards  acknowledged. 
There  was  at  this  period  and  for  long  after  in  Florence,  no 

♦  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cup.  Ixvii.,     p.  6-28.— Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  folio 
Ixviii.,  Ixix.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xii.,     153. — Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  p.  96. 


deeper  sound  of  terror  than  the  name  of  an  Englishman ;  the 
very  nur'ses  used  it  as  a  threat  to  their  wayward  children,  and 
the  general  impression  of  them  was  something  beyond  human 
nature :  their  movements  were  so  rapid  as  almost  to  give  the 
idea  of  ubiquity ;  their  daring  exceeded  anything  before  wit- 
nessed, their  liardiness  and  utter  contempt  of  seasons  asto- 
nished the  Italians,  and  it  is  well  known  of  what  excesses 
Englishmen  are  capable  when  unrestrained  by  the  rigid  disci- 
pline of  regular  warfare.  It  may  easily  be  conceived  therefore 
what  an  impression  was  made  by  the  ferocity  of  these  bands  of 
experienced  plmiderers  fresh  from  the  wars  of  France  and 
England,  accustomed  to  blood,  and  dead  to  every  passion  but 
war  avarice  and  cupidity.  Their  long  sojourn  at  Figline  and 
daily  destraction  of  a  country  much  of  which  belonged  to  the 
richest  citizens  of  Florence,  made  Pandolfo  hope  that  despair 
of  external  affairs  coupled  with  internal  quaiTels  and  confusion 
would  oblige  the  people  at  last  to  grant  his  demands ;  but  the 
enemy's  sudden  dislodgment  destroyed  this  notion  until  his 
hopes  were  somewhat  revived  by  the  treacherous  attack  and 
(hspersion  of  the  Cappelletto  company  by  the  Senese  on  its 
march  to  Florence.  This  was  an  act  of  vengeance  for  recent 
excesses,  which  the  Florentines  deemed  it  most  prudent  not 
to  notice  for  the  moment  although  their  army  lost  a  thousand 
veteran  soldiers  by  the  deed,  but  tliey  had  afterwards  an  oppor- 
tunity of  repaying  this  open  declaration  of  Senese  feeling 
towards  an  ally  in  distress*. 

Meanwhile  the  English  loaded  with  an  accumulation  of 
plunder  bethought  themselves  of  returning  to  Pisa  by  the  road 
they  came,  and  to  secure  a  quiet  march  gave  the  Florentme 
government  due  notice  that  on  the  eleventh  of  November  they 
mtended  to  consecrate  a  priest  at  the  convent  of  San  Salvi  one 
mile  from  the  town,  requesting  the  seignory  and  citizens  to 
assist  m  the  ceremony.     Every  report  of  every  spy  confirmed 

*  Fil.  Villanij  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixx.,  Ixxi. 


300 


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[book 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


301 


this  intelligence  and  even  Pandolfo  believed  it :  the  English 
in  fact  began  their  march  in  that  direction,  and  the  appearance 
of  only  a  single  soldier  on  the  liovezzano  road  threw  the  whole 
city  into  confusion.  The  alarm-bells  instantly  rung  an  un- 
ceasing peal;  the  people  ran  here  and  there  in  peii)lexitv, 
without  order,  without  leader,  and  even  quitting  their  standards 
to  stare  at  what  they  supposed  to  be  passing  beyond  the  walk : 
so  that  long  before  Pandolfo,  who  was  studiously  indolent,  hail 
finished  his  repast  and  taken  his  post  at  the  gate  of  La  Croce 
more  than  eight  thousand  well-armed  citizens  were  already  i>r(> 
miscuouslv  assembled  in  the  field  and  well  advanced  towards 
San  Salvi,  where  substituting  zeal  for  discipline  they  deemed 
themselves  fully  prepared  to  meet  an  army  of  old  experienced 

soldiers. 

About  the  time  that  by  Pandolfo's  calculation  the  fight 
should  have  commenced  he  closed  both  the  Santa  Croce  and 
Justizia  gates  lea\Hng  as  he  thought  the  greater  part  of  the 
Urban  troops  in  the  hands  of  the  Ihiglish  ;  but  the  luoment 
this  axit  of  treachery  became  known  the  external  tumult  rose 
loud  and  high ;  men  women  and  children  kept  crowding  in 
terror  under  the  walls ;  loud  cries  to  throw  open  the  gates 
were  heard  and  responded  to  withui ;  the  whole  town  was 
inditrnant :  nor  was  it  until  the  dread  of  internal  tumult  made 
Pandolfo  overcome  his  pretended  fears  for  the  public  safety 
that  he  condescended  to  re-open  the  city  gates. 

This  conduct  left  no  doubt  of  his  intentions  on  the  mind  vi 
any ;  the  name  of  Walter  de  Brienne  was  bandied  from  moutb 
to  mouth  ;  the  priors'  palace  was  immediately  victualled  garri- 
soned and  strengthened,  its  battlements  armed  with  great 
crossbows  and  other  engines,  and  eveiy  citizen  alive  and  up 
for  the  preservation  of  liberty.  In  the  middle  of  this  con- 
fusion a  messenger  came  hurrjnng  in  with  the  tidings  that 
Figline  had  been  burned  and  the  English  were  departed  by 
the  Chanti  district  on  their  return  to  Pisa.     Thus  quieted,  the 


priors  cited  Malatesta  to  their  bar  after  having  held  a  general 
council,  and  with  a  sharp  reprimand  ordered  him  to  proceed 
to  the  frontier  and  there  take  up  whatever  position  he  pleased, 
for  the  people  could  defend  their  city  without  him ;  and  at  the 
same  time  informed  him  that  had  it  not  been  for  his  illustrious 
name  and  former  services  he  might  have  expected  less  agree- 
able treatment  *. 

The  English  meanwhile  made  good  their  unmolested  retreat, 
were  received  in  triumph  at  Pisa  and  allotted  part  of  that  city 
fur  their  winter  quarters ;  but  being  now  enriched  and  tired  of 
campaignhig  they  determined  to  enjoy  themselves  and  with- 
out much  scrui)le  about  the  means,  so  that  the  citizens  suffered 
greatly  from  their  licentiousness ;  many  Pisan  wives  and 
daughters  were  sent  to  Genoa  for  protection  against  their 
insults,  and  although  these  ruliians  were  soon  after  wanted  for 
the  siege  of  Barga  they  refused  to  stir  from  the  capital  except  at 
their  own  convenience.  In  January  1  -1)04  they  engaged 

fl        •  11  •        1      -r»-  •  11  A.D.  1364. 

tor  SIX  months  longer  m  the  risan  service  urulerahnost 
unlimited  conditions,  for  a  payment  of  150,000  florins  :  all  other 
mercenaries  were  disbanded,  and  the  English  alone  led  by  Sir 
dolm  Hawkwood,  now  commander-in-chief  of  the  Pisan  armv, 
iemained  to  fight  the  battles  of  that  republic  f. 

These  troops,  as  Villani  describes  them,  enamoured  of  plun- 
der and  delighting  in  battle,  prei)ared  a  thousand  ''  L(fnces  " 
on  the  second  of  February  in  the  middle  of  an  unusually 
rigorous  winter,  when  war  generally  sleeps,  to  resume  hostili- 
ties against  Florence.  The  English  were  the  first  who  con- 
ducted men-at-arms  into  Italy  under  the  name  of  ''Lances'' 
each  lance  consisting  of  three  soldiers :  before  this  they  came 
"(I  handiere,''  or  in  bands  of  about  thirty  each  but  were  more 
commonly  called  "  IhirJuitc  ;"  either  as  Sismondi  says  because 
the  German  men-at-arms  wore  a  tuft  or  beard  of  hoi'se-hair  on 
their  casques,  or  more  probably  because  they  wore  visored  hel- 

*  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xl,  cap.  Ixxiii.     f  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi,,  cap.  Ixxiv.,  Ixxix. 


302 


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[book  I. 


H  VP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


303 


mets  the  chin-piece  of  which  was  denominated  *' Barhuta." 
This  company  as  already  remarked  surprised  the  ItaUans  by 
then-  apparent  indifference  to  all  the  vicissitudes  of  weather 
and  seasons  in  their  incursions.  They  were  all  young  meu 
and  mostly  horn  and  bred  in  camps  during  the  long  wars 
between  France  and  England :  they  were  hot  and  wilful,  says 
Villani ;  accustomed  to  rapine  and  homicide  ;  ever  ready  with 
their  weapon  ;  reckless  of  personal  safety,  but  in  all  the  disci 
pline  of  war  quick  and  obedient  to  their  officers.  From  their 
excessive  fearlessness  and  self-contidence  they  were  careless  in 
their  mode  of  encamping,  spreading  themselves  too  much  and 
too  iiTegidarly  apart,  and  were  in  general  so  badly  posted  as  to 
be  easily  surprised  by  a  brave  and  skilful  enemy.  The  armour 
of  almost  all  consisted  of  a  heavy  cuirass  with  a  steel  coat  of 
mail  hanging  over  the  breast;  cuisses,  greaves,  and  l>racelets 
of  iron,  strong  swords  and  daggers  and  tilting-lances,  which 
they  managed  on  foot  N^th  great  facility.  Kach  had  one  or 
two  pages,  some  more  according  to  their  means,  who  the 
moment  their  master's  armour  wus  thrown  off  cleaned  and  bur- 
nished it  up  so  that  when  they  moved  on  the  held  of  battle  tliey 
shone  and  sparkled  like  so  many  mirrors  and  therefore  seemed 
so  much  the  more  terrible.  Others  were  archers  who  used 
long  yew  bows  in  the  management  of  which  they  were  quick 
obedient  and  extremely  skilful.  Their  manner  of  lighting  on 
the  field  of  battle  was  almost  always  on  foot :  giving  the 
horses  to  their  pages  they  closed  up  their  ranks  together  in  a. 
form  almost  circular,  or  as  Ammirato  desciibos  it,  like  a  hedge- 
hog, two  of  them  holding  one  lance,  in  the  same  maimer  as  the 
hunting-spear  is  held  to  meet  the  boar. 

The  same  author  says  that  they  rarely  began  their  charge 
until  within  twenty  paces  of  the  enemy;  and  then  closely 
linked  and  their  lances  lowered,  with  a  slow  lirm  step  and 
fearful  shouts  they  came  do>vn  with  exceeding  force  upon  their 
adversaries.     It  was  difficult  to  break  their  order;  but  e.xpe- 


rience  proved  them  to  be  better  adapted  to  sudden  noctumal 
inroads  and  the  plundering  of  towns  than  to  keep  the  field  lon^r 
together  in  regular  warfare ;  and,  adds  Filippo  Villani,  they 
succeeded  more  from  the  cowardice  of  our  people  than  their 
own  military  virtue.  They  had  portable  ladders  in  pieces  of 
never  more  than  three  rounds  in  length,  one  piece  fitting  into 
the  other  like  a  trumpet  and  so  ingeniously  contrived  that  they 
could  rapidly  unite  them  to  any  required  length  and  thus  scale 
the  highest  towers  with  certtunty*. 

Such  were  our  countrymen  under  Sir  John  Hawkwood,  or 
Giovanni  Aguto,  by  which  name  he  is  better  known  in  Italian 
history :  he  was  a  man  who  had  served  tln'ougli  all  the  wars  of 
Edward  III. ;  personally  courageous,  cunning,  quick  in  seizing 
advantages  and  not  easily  blinded  by  the  mere  reputation  of  his 
antagonists.  With  a  thousand  of  such  "  Lancei'  and  two  thou- 
sand infantiy,  maldng  altogether  an  army  of  five  thousand 
fighting  men  besides  the  pages,  Hawkwood  left  the  Pisan  fron- 
tier in  the  midst  of  a  winter  such  as  was  never  before  remem- 
bered in  Tuscany.  Throughout  nearly  all  December  and  until 
the  month  of  March  it  had  scarcely  ceased  to  snow  :  the  cold 
according  to  A^illani,  was  bitter  beyond  example,  the  winds 
piercing  and  the  ice  unusually  thick,  so  that  it  became  almost 
impossible  for  horses  to  cross  the  mountain  paths,  especially 
some  that  could  not  well  be  avoided.  Nevertheless  Hawkwood 
marched  in  one  night  through  the  deep  snows  of  A\al-di-Nievole 
surprised  the  country  about  Vinci  and  Lamporechi  and  even 
took  the  inhabitants  in  their  beds  ;  for  the  peasantiy  would  hear 
no  warning  nor  obey  any  order  that  drew  them  from  their 
property  to  the  shelter  of  fenced  towns  in  a  season  when  such 
an  attack  was  deemed  impossible.  Kallying  from  their  first 
suri^rise  however  the  people  made  a  good  defence  and  lost  but 
few ;  the  English  suftered  more,  especially  by  a  sudden  attack 

III  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.   Ixxxi.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  633.— Orl. 
'^lalavolu,  Lib.  vii.,  Parte  ii%  p.  1-25. 


304 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


305 


on  Vinci  whence  thej  were  repulsed  with  great  loss  in  conse- 
quence of  the  very  daring  nature  of  their  assault.  Carmigiiano 
next  felt  their  force  but  they  were  still  gallantly  repulsed  iii 
two  distinct  attacks  :  not  liking  this  they  turned  off  to  Montalc 
above  Montemurlo  intending  to  penetrate  by  the  mountains 
into  the  Mugello  district,  but  tinding  fifteen  hundred  resolute 
peasantry  m  possession  of  the  passes,  they  retired  by  Serravallp 
to  the  Pisan  tenitoiy. 

In  this  expedition  Hawk  wood  lust  three  hundred  men  in 
killed  and  piisoners  as  well  at  Vinci  and  Carmignano,  as  by  tlit^ 
peasantiy  of  SeiTavalle  and  the  Pistoians  :  they  made  few  j)ri- 
sonei*s,  scarcely  plunder  enough  to  support  themselves,  niauv 
horses  died  of  cold  and  fatigue  under  a  continual  fall  of  snow 
both  day  and  night,  and  many  soldiers  expired  after  their  retimi 
into  quarters  ;  so  that  the  company  was  much  diminished  and 
probably  acquired  a  little  more  respect  for  the  prowess  of  tlnii 
Tuscan  opponents '•'-. 

Peace  Wiis  concluded  in  March  bttucin  ( ialeazzo  Visconli 
and  the  Marquis  of  Monfermto,  as  well  as  between  the  Pope 
and  Bemabo,  by  which  Bologna  remained  to  the  Church  an.i 
Galeazzo  was  glad  to  free  himself  from  a  load  of  expense  l-y 
turning  over  Anichino  Baumgarten  and  his  three  thousaml 
Germans  to  Pisa  which  augmented  her  army  to  six  thousand 
five  hundred  men-at-anns  ;  an  immense  force  for  so  small  a  i' 
public  to  bring  into  the  field  in  those  days.  Availing  themsehv^ 
of  their  superiority  and  feeling  this  ruinous  expense,  the  Pistub 
believed  it  a  propitious  moment  to  nuike  through  papal  mediii 
tion,  an  advantageous  and  honoiuralile  })ea(e,  and  Urban  V.  bcin.: 
no  less  anxious  to  quiet  Tuscany  despatched  Marco  di  ^^itt ili" 
general  of  the  Franciscans  to  accomplish  this  desirable  object. 
Beuifj  honoui'ablv  received  at  Florence,  he  was  infonned  bv  tli* 
citizens  that  as  thev  had  been  absolutelv  forced  into  the  wari'V 

*  Fil.  VilLani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxxi. 


Pisa  in  despite  of  themselves,  no  answer  could  be  given  until 
her  propositions  were  known.  a.d.  1.364. 

A  great  council  of  the  Piicliiesti,  amounting  to  more  than  a 
thousand  citizens,  was  meanwhile  assembled  in  order  to  silence 
the  war  party  if  peace  should  be  determined  on ;  but  if  pos- 
sible, to  avoid  a  shameful  treaty  the  conditions  of  which  were 
already  secretly  in  possession  of  government.  It  was  therefore 
resolved  that  the  enemy  s  propositions  should  first  be  laid  before 
this  council  by  the  papal  commissioner  and  aftenvards  sub- 
mitted to  the  seignory ;  before  the  Franciscan  was  sent  for 
cue  of  the  priors  rose  and  artfully  hinted  that  they  were 
not  the  authors  of  the  present  transaction  for  the  last  seignory 
had  alreavdv  heard  of  it,  and  that  as  the  eidit  councillors  of 
wai*  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the  matter  they  would  proceed  to 
explain  not  only  tlie  measures  already  taken  for  the  ensuing 
campaign  but  also  the  means  of  their  accomplislnnent ;  after 
which  the  financial  state  of  the  comnmnity  would  be  submitted 
to  the  assembly  by  its  treasurer  Sphiello  della  Camera. 

One  of  the  war  council  immediately  rose  and  stated  that  for 
70,000  florins  thev  had  enj^afjed  four  thousand  Barbute  of  the 
*'  Star  Company"  then  in  Provence,  for  six  months  ;  amongst 
whom  were  no  less  than  five  hundred  gentlemen ;  and  in 
Germany  two  thousand  more,  led  by  officers  of  distinction, 
besides  three  thousand  men-at-anns  already  in  the  public  ser- 
vice; that  these  troops  were  all  to  assemble  at  Florence  ere 
the  month  was  finished,  !Uid  that  the  expense  of  this  armament 
having  been  already  incurred  could  not  then  be  avoided. 

The  tendency  of  this  discourse  was  strong  towards  war  and 
it  made  an  impression  that  the  financial  statement  of  Spinello 
confirmed  :  tlie  revenue  and  expenditure  were  first  broadly 
exhibited,  and  he  then  proved  that  when  all  these  troops  w^ere 
paid  up  to  the  month  of  October  the  republic  would  have  a 
debt  remaining  of  only  100,000  florins.  This  favourable 
statement  decided  the  question :  Marco  di  Viterbo  was  called 

VOL.  II.  X 


306 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


307 


in,  the  Pisan   propositions  were   read,    and   found   to  Le  so 
haughty,  insulting,  and  utterly  inadmissible,  that  the  assemldy 
declared   almost   by  acclamation   first,  for  a  reasonable   and 
honourable  peace  if  it  could  be  made  ;    and  if  not,  then  war 
and  all  its  consequences  -.    Marco  retired  with  this  answer  and 
assisted  by  ambassadors  from  Genoa  Perugia  and  Siena,  en- 
deavoured to  procure  more  reasonable  tenns  from  Pisa ;  but 
proud  and  confident  in  her  assembled  force  and  secret  union 
with  Galeazzo,  she  rejected  every  overture  and  threatened  deso- 
lation to  Florence  if  the  original  offers  were  not  accepted. 
Thus  doubly  provoked  the  Florentines  looked  anxiously  for  the 
"  Compagnia  della  Stella,"  whose  anival  however  Gideazzo  had 
by  briber}'  found  means  to  prevent ;    but   the  two  thousand 
Germans  were  tme  to  their  engagement,  and  Bonifazio  Lupo 
whose  talents  and  fidelity  had  already  been  tried,  Tommaso  da 
S[)oleto,  Manno  Donati,  Piicciardo  Cancellieri   and  Giovanni 
Malatacca  da  Reggio,  all  able  and  experienced  officers  were 
enj:jaj:jed  in  their  service.      HcniT  de  Montfoit  was  alreadv 

DO  *  * 

come,  accompanied  by  the  Counts  John  and  Pddolfo  of  Suabia 
and  five  hundred  men-at-arms,  the  most  part  gentlemen. 

Thus  inspirited,  peace  on  such  terms,  was  refused  by  Flo- 
rence, and  therefore  on  the  thirteenth  of  April  Hawkwood  and 
Baumgarten  with  the  Pisan  aimy  six  thousand  five  hundred 
strong  besides  a  thousand  rural  cavalry,  marched  by  the  Val  di 
Nievole  into  the  plain  of  Pistoia.  These  companies  encamped 
separately  and  next  moniing  the  English  made  excursions  as 
far  as  Prato,  fought  the  inhabitants  at  their  own  gates,  and 
with  their  accustomed  audacitv  seized  on  the  draw-bridge  itself 
to  the  utter  dismay  of  the  citizens ;  not  content  with  this  a 
thousand  of  them  marched  by  night  to  the  Prato  gate  of  Flo- 
rence spreading  alarms  througliout  the  capital ;  and  next  day 
the  whole  white  company  together  burst  into  the  Mugello 
through  the  Val  di  ^larino  pass,  with  the  intent  of  occupying 

•  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxxii. 


the  plain  of  San  Salvi  by  that  route  leaving  Baumgarten  to 
encamp  alone  at  Peretola'^'-. 

While  the  Mugello  suffered  under  their  ravages  Pandolfo 
Malatesta  who  had  not  yet  relinquished  his  designs  on  Flo- 
rence determined  to  enter  that  province  with  all  the  men-at- 
arms  that  were  under  his  command  at  the  moment :  the  coun- 
cil of  eight  forbid  this  and  a  dispute  arose  which  ended  in  his 
talking  with  him  a  thousand  men,  but  in  company  with  Henry 
de  Montfort  who  had  strict  injunctions  to  watch  all  his  move- 
ments. After  some  time  spent  in  plundering,  the  English 
were  encountered  and  beaten  by  a  very  inferior  force  of  Ger- 
mans :  it  was  a  mere  skirmish  but  remarkable  for  the  personal 
prowess  of  one  of  Count  Henry's  followers,  who  dismounting 
with  lance  in  hand  is  said  to  liave  unhorsed  no  less  than  ten 
Englishmen  successively,  of  whom  two  were  Idlled ;  the  rest 
of  the  skirmishers  tied  and  the  whole  company  soon  after 
retreated  to  the  original  encampment  without  succeeding  in 
tbeir  object. 

Malatesta  still  infetuated  with  his  ambitious  designs  and  a 
false  notion  of  the  Florentines'  belief  in  the  necessity  of  his 
presence,  feigned  urgent  lamily  affairs  as  an  excuse  for  request- 
ing some  days'  leave  of  absence  ;  and  was  sui*prised  to  find  his 
request  not  only  granted  for  the  time  specified  but  for  all  the 
remaining  period  of  his  engagement.  This  was  accompanied 
l>y  a  simple  exposition  of  his  past  conduct  and  some  threatening 
for  the  future  if  he  persisted :  Pandolfo  instantly  repaired  to 
Florence  and  declared  that  however  urgent  were  his  affaii-s  the 
public  service  was  more  so,  therefore  volunteered  to  remain 
with  all  his  followers  ;  but  being  coolly  thanked  for  his  good- 
will, and  his  offers  haughtily  declined  as  unnecessary,  he  de- 
parted in  disgrace  and  was  replaced  by  Heniy  de  Montfort 
until  the  Florentines  were  again  simple  enough  to  trust  the 
conduct  of  their  army  to  his  uncle  Galeotto  of  Rimini  f. 

*  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Ixxxiv.    f  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  Lsxxvi., Ixxxvii . 

X  )i 


308 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


When  the  English  retunied  from  their  unsuccessful  attempt  on 
the  Mugello  the  comhined  army  spread  over  the  whole  plain  of 
Florence :  Sesto,  Colonnata,  the  skirts  of  Monte  Morello,  San  Ste- 
fano  in  Pane,  and  all  the  adjacent  country  were  overrun  as  hy  a 
devastating  torrent.     The  Petraia,  now  a  royal  villa,  then  be- 
longed to  the  private  family  of  Brunelleschi  and  was  daringly  held 
hy  the  sons  of  Boccaccio  Bmncllesco  against  the  whole  Anglo- 
German  army ;  disdaining  to  fly  they  gathered  together  a  few 
f\imily  retainers  and  stood  on  their  defence  although  absolutely 
suiTOunded  by  the  hostile  encampment.   The  Pisan  general  could 
not  brook  this  insult :  to  be  bearded  in  the  midst  of  his  squad- 
rons by  a  few  boys,  and  have  every  movement  overlooked  k 
the  petty  tower  of  a  plain  Florentine  citizen  was  too  much  t-. 
bear,  and  a  strong  body  of  English  was  ordered  to  cany  it  l.v 
escalade:  this  command  was  blithely  listened  to,  the  men  ad- 
vanced with  order  and  confidence,  the  attack  was  UM  bloody  and 
ol^stinate,  but  repulsed ;  the  young  Brunelleschi  repelled  all 
their  efforts  and  batfled  them  on  every  side.    They  then  retired; 
a  detachment  of  Germans  were  led  foi-ward  and,  perhaps  with 
some  contempt  for  the  beaten  English,  placed  their  ladders  for 
the  assault:  mounting  with  great  courage  they  met  equal  resist- 
ance and  a  similar  fate  ;  shame,  wounds,  and  death  attended 
them  back  to  their  astonished  comrades.    The  disgi-ace  was  no\\- 
equally  divided  between  both  nations,  and  both  indignantly 
united  in  a  third  and  more  desperate  assault ;  but  all  in  vain : 
again  both  were  beaten  back  in  disorder  by  the  indomitahlo 

Brunelleschi,  and  the  attempt  was  relinquished-.     Thus  did  ii 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLOIIENTINE   HISTORY. 


309 


*  Scipionc  Ammirato,  who  resuled  and 
wrote  the  greater  part  of  his  history  in 
the  Villa  Topaia,  situated  just  above 
the  Petraia,  (given  to  him  by  the 
firaiid  Duke  Cosimo  I.  for  that  pur- 
pose), tells  us  that  it  belonged  to  the 
Cardinal  Ferdinand  of  Medici,  and 
though  he  changed  the  rest  of  the 
building,  he  (Ammirato)  believes  that 


the  tower  was  never  altered.  It  there- 
fore still  remains  a  monument  of  tlu- 
Brunelleschi  prowess,  and  pcrliap- 
taste  ;  for  some,  in  the  historian's  day. 
were  of  ojiinion  that  the  great  uivln- 
tect  of  that  family  was  its  creator,  h 
passed  from  the  Brunelleschi  to  the 
Stro7.7.i  family,  and  then  to  the  Mc(li*i. 
is  still  a  royal  villa,  and  full  of  fiiu" 


single  Florentine  family  hold  their  paternal  tower  against  a 
whole  host  of  the  best  troops  in  Christendom,  and  had  the 
ruling  faction  at  Florence  stifled  its  animosities  and  generally 
encouraged  and  ably  directed  so  noble  a  spirit  they  might  have 
mocked  all  the  efforts  of  Pisa ;  but,  says  Villani,  the  envy  and 
ill-will,  and  the  little  wisdom  that  then  characterised  the  go- 
venmient  obstructed  every  virtuous  effort  either  of  themselves 
or  private  citizens. 

After  this  exploit  the  Pisan  tents  w^ere  stmck  and  without 
opposition  their  inmates  occupied  the  heights  of  Montughi, 
about  La  Pietra,  and  the  opposite  hills  under  Fiesole,  spread- 
ing themselves  even  as  far  as  Rovezzano  in  the  plain  of  San 
Saivi :  this  movement  filled  the  Florentines  with  dismay ;  they 
saw  the  English  threat  of  ordaining  a  priest  at  that  convent 
about  to  be  fulfilled  in  a  more  serious  form  than  their  worst 
fears  had  anticipated  :  they  were  now  surrounded  by  enemies 
and  on  the  first  of  May  beheld  the  combined  armies  descend- 
ing in  glittering  columns  by  various  roads  from  the  Fiesoline 
hills  towards  the  Porta  san  Gallo. 

The  space  outside  of  this  gate  was  in  those  days  a  populous 
suburb  with  a  piazza  or  public  market-place  that  occupied 
the  site  of  that  pleasant  garden  now  called  "  Parterra, "'  the 
gate  itself  being  then  covered  and  defended  by  an  anteport  which 
inclosed  a  considerable  space  and  connected  itself  by  flanking 
walls  with  the  ramparts.  Beyond  these  works,  on  three  differ- 
ent roads  Heniy  de  IMontfort  had  thrown  up  barricades ;  the 
first  across  a  way  leading  to  the  church  of  Saint  Antonio  del 
Vescovo  standing  at  a  short  distance  westward  of  the  gate  ;  the 
second  across  that  leading  to  the  convent  of  San  Gallo,  long 
smce  demolished  but  which  then  stood  to  the  eastward  of  the 


paintings  and  statues ;  the  gardens  are  bronze  statue  of  a  bathing  nymph,  is 

magnificent,   the    view    superb,    the  one  of  John  di  Bologna's  best  produc- 

fountains  full,  brilliant,  and  sparkling,  tions. 
the  terraces  broad  and  noble,  and  the 


310 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bo 


OK  1. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


311 


Parterra  not  verj-  far  from  the  present  Porta  Pinti :  the  tbh'd 
lay  athwart  the  south-eastern  road  wliich  still  runs  alona 
the  ramparts ;  and  there  Henr}'  de  Moutfort  took  post  with  all 
his  men-at-arms. 

No  sooner  was  the  enemy's  movement  known  in  Florence 
than  her  spirited  citizens  with  greater  courage  than  kiiowletU'e 
rushed  in  disorder  from  the  town  to  the  two  tirst  barricades,  and 
taking  post  without  order  or  discipUne  impeded  the  regular 
troops  ;  nor  could  all  the  remonstrances  of  Bonifazio  Lupo. 
Mamio  Donati,  and  other  experienced  officers  induce  them  to 
retire,  so  that  their  gallant  obstinacy  involved  the  loss  of  Ijotli 
those  positions  with  great  slaughter  before  the  day  was  done. 
As  the  German  and  English  colunuis  advanced,  a  geutlenian 
from  each  nation,  Everard  and  Cox,  or  Cook,  broke  from  their 
ranks  and  walked  composedly  up  on  each  side  of  the  road  until 
they  reached  the  barricade :  this  and  its  occupants  they  seemed 
to  hold  in  utter  disdain,  and  perfoiTued  such  feats  of  valour  in 
mutual  emulation  as  kept  both  hosts  in  amaze  until  the  attacking 
columns  closed  up  and  tumbled  defences  and  defenders  over  and 
over  like  children  and  their  pla}i:hings,  with  a  severe  punish- 
ment of  the  gallant  but  unskilful  citizens.      Everard  pushed 
boldly  forward  but  well  supported,  as  far  as  the  Piazza  and  even 
to  the  very  bridles  of  De  Montfort's  chivalry ;  but  they,  savs 
Villani,  stood  like  a  mass  of  solid  iron  and  were  never  assaulted 
although  showers  of  English  aiTows  cunie  rattling  down  like 
hailstones  on  the  steel-clad  men,  thinning  the  civic  bands  and 
loose  battalions,  whUe  feeble  archeiy  from  rampart  and  bar- 
bacan  might  occasionally  have  startled  the  enemy's  ears,  (saitli 
the  chronicle)  but  did  no  other  mischief. 

The  church  of  Saint  Antonio  with  many  surrounding  build- 
ings were  soon  in  flames  and  the  fight  still  raged  with  un- 
diminished fury  when  Baumgarten  in  the  true  spirit  of  chivaliy. 
amidst  shouts  tumult  and  conflagration,  had  himself  dubbed 
a  knight  to   the  sound  of  tmmpets   and  other  instl'ument^ 


as  if  in  a  great  pitched  battle.  He  then  conferred  the  same 
honour  upon  Everard  and  others,  and  "  with  such  deafen- 
inq  cries  as   though  heaven    itself  icere   thundering  for    the 

ceremony.'^ 

The  conflict  now  slackened,  the  Florentines  were  compelled 
to  take  shelter  in  the  town,  a  retreat  was  sounded  and  the 
enemy  retired  in  perfect  order  to  the  hills  and  city  of  Fiesole 
where  the  mstallation  of  the  new-made  knights  was  celebrated  by 
noctunial  revels  in  perfect  keeping  with  the  morning's  achieve- 
ments. Companies  of  various  numbers  from  twenty  to  a  hun- 
dred, every  man  with  a  lighted  torch,  danced  round  in  circles 
interlaced  and  meeting  ;  ever  and  anon  they  tossed  their  fire- 
brands high  in  air  and  caught  them  as  they  fell ;  sometimes  they 
joined  hands  and  followed  each  other  in  circular  movements 
with  great  order  and  lively  shouts,  and  sounds  of  martial  in- 
struments. About  two  thousand  of  such  torch-bearers  were 
dimly  seen  like  spirits  in  these  midnight  revels,  while  those  on 
the  plain  seasoned  their  pastime  by  mocking  the  solemn  gravity 
of  the  priors  and  mimicking  the  messages  and  hurried  orders 
issued  from  the  palace  in  seasons  of  public  alarm.  Besides 
these  a  third  and  more  malicious  party  secretly  conveyed  some 
trumpeters  into  the  city  ditch  near  the  gate  of  Santa  Croce, 
who  suddenly  sounding  an  assault  threw  the  whole  town  into 
confusion  :  the  people  ran  to  and  fro  without  order  or  definite 
object,  shouts  cries  and  tumult  filled  every  street ;  the  women 
with  more  presence  of  mind  lighted  up  their  houses  and  amidst 
all  their  terror  their  screams  and  lamentations,  managed  to 
collect  stones  and  other  missiles  on  the  window-sills  and  bal- 
conies to  overwhelm  the  assailants  ;  but  Florence  was  for  a 
while  supposed  to  be  actually  stormed,  luitil  a  detection  of  the 
trick  restored  tranquillity. 

On  the  second  of  May  the  enemy  broke  up  their  encamp- 
ment and  crossing  the  Amo  near  a  spot  called  Sardegna  close 
to  Florence  posted  themselves  on  the  range  of  southern  hills 


312 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


313 


from  Arcetri  to  the  Porta  san  Frediano  which  they  dared  to 
attack  in  the  same  manner  as  at  San  Gallo  hut  were  repulsed 
with  loss  from  the  barricades  at  the  convent  of  Verzaia ;  for 
they  had  now  been  proved,  and  were  found,  says  Villani,  "  to 
be  men,  and  not  lions,''  so  that  the  Florentines  met  them  hand 
to  hand  without  flmcliing  :  after  bmning  and  plundering  the 
beautiful  heights  of  Bellosguardo,  which  then  as  now  were  covered 
with  villas  and  gardens,  their  devastatmg  march  was  directed 
towards  the  Upper  Val-d'-Amo,  whence,  after  another  repulse 
and  some  loss  at  Terranuova  and  other  places,  they  passed  on 
towards  Arezzo  and  Cortona,  but  finding  the  countiy  cleared 
returned  by  the  Senese  territory,  levying  a  contribution  of 
•^7,000  florins  in  their  way  towards  the  Val-d'-Elsa;  then 
sweeping  Val-di-Nievole  retraced  their  steps  and  finished  this 
devastating  course  at  San  Piero  in  Campo  near  Pisa.  Here 
on  a  general  review  and  muster  of  the  amiy  it  was  found  that 
six  hundred  good  men-at-anns  had  been  killed  and  two  thou- 
sand  wounded,  of  whom  great  numbers  soon  after  died,  and  thu^ 
ended  the  second  Pisan  campaign  in  the  Florentine  territor}'^=. 
Meanwhile  the  Florentines  were  far  from  idle ;  no  sooner 
had  they  been  relieved  from  the  enemy's  presence  by  force 
of  arms,  and  according  to  Pioncio  the  bribing  of  Baumgar- 
ten  f ,  than  under  Marino  Donati's  influence  they  assembled  a 
large  force  of  citizens,  volunteers,  and  mercenaries,  to  make  a 
sudden  inroad  and  revenge  their  recent  injuries :  on  the  twenty 


*  Fil.  Villaui,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xc. — 
Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  153,  &c. 
— Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  i",  p.  23. — 
S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  639. — 
Diario  del  Monaldi. — Cronaca  di 
Donato  Veliuti,  p.  103,  &c.  —  Ron- 
cioni,  1st.  Pisa,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  872. — 
Tronci,  Annali.  Pisa,  vol.  iv.,  p.  .56. 
•f*  Baumgarten  is  called  by  the  Italians 
Anichino  di  Monguardo,  and  Bongardo ; 
asHawkwood  is  Giovanni  Acuto,Vanni 
Aguto,  Auti,  and  Hacwd.    (  V.  Ron- 


cioni.  Lib.  xv.,  pp.  872-3.)  The 
Cronaca  di  Pisa  {Muratorl  Script. 
Rer.  Ital.,  torn  xv.,  p.  1045),  says, 
that  Abrctto  Tedesco  and  Andrea 
Dubramonte  were  the  officers  bribed  ; 
not  Baumgarten ;  and  that  they  had 
agreed  to  betray  Pisa  but  were  de- 
tected by  Hawkwood,  who  gave  timely 
notice  to  the  Pisans,  so  that  they  were 
refused  an  entrance  to  the  city,  and 
soon  after  quitted  the  country  with 
their  followers  and  disbanded. 


first  of  May  De  Montfort  left  San  Miniato  al  Tedesco  with 
fifteen  days'  provisions  and  ravaged  the  Pisan  states  as  far  as 
San  Piero  in  Grado  three  miles  from  the  capital  where  he 
encamped ;  but  just  at  the  same  moment  a  company  of  fourteen 
hundred  adventurei-s  arrived  at  Pisa  in  search  of  employment, 
and  for  '2000  florins  agreed  to  march  against  the  Florentines  : 
Manuo  Donati  who  had  heard  of  their  arrival  and  suspected 
the  result  urged  De  Montfort  to  cross  the  Ponte  alio  Stagno 
and  attack  Leghorn  before  they  were  upon  him,  as  hampered 
by  such  a  force  his  retreat  would  be  difficult  before  the  return 
of  Hawkwood,  and  then  impossible.  De  Montfort  s  knightly 
com*age  would  not  at  first  listen  to  such  proposals,  but  being 
soon  convinced  of  the  danger  he  lost  no  time  and  passed  the 
Fosso  Araonico  ;  Donati  instantly  cut  the  timbers  of  the  bridge 
at  Lo  Stagno,  just  before  the  new  company  made  its  appear- 
ance on  the  other  side,  and  having  served  much  in  Lombardyand 
become  acquainted  with  almost  every  condottiere,  he  soon  re- 
cognised some  old  friends  amongst  the  officers  and  induced  them 
to  quit  the  pursuit,  in  which  they  had  no  particular  interest, 
with  a  promise  to  molest  him  as  little  as  possible  consistent 
with  their  engagement.  They  accordingly  returned  to  Pisa 
while  De  Montfort  marched  on  Leghorn,  then  an  insignificant 
place,  which  along  with  Porto  Pisano  he  captured ;  but  fearful 
of  his  retreat  being  cut  off*  if  the  enemy  were  to  occupy  the 
pass  of  Monte  Scudaio  near  the  left  bank  of  the  Cecena  he  con- 
tinued liis  march  for  thirty-eight  miles  without  a  halt,  and  in 
four-and-twenty  hours  through  bad  mountain  roads  cleared 
the  Scudaio  pass  four  hours  before  the  enemy  reached  it  *. 

The  army  was  safe,  but  this  successful  inroad  did  not  allay 
the  shame  and  anger  of  Florence,  who  giving  up  all  hopes  of 
the  Star  Company  and  finding  that  the  Germans  and  English 
had  nearly  finished  the  term  of  their  agreement  with  Pisa 
bribed  them  both,  the  former  with  44,000   the  latter  with 

*  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xc. 


314 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


tsooK 


70,000  florins  not  to  renew  it  or  molest  Florence  for  live 
months  but  ravage  the  Senese  states  instead,  and  revenge  the 
fate  of  Niccolo  d'  Urbino  and  the  Cappelletto  company.  Thus 
the  whole  army  of  mercenaries  were  seduced  fromPisa  with  the 
exception  of  Hawkwood  and  about  eight  or  twelve  hundred 
English  who  still  found  more  advantage  in  remaining;  but 
whether  the  talents  of  De  Montfort  were  not  found  suflBcieut,  or 
from  a  natiomd  dislike  of  transiilpine  commanders,  tlic  Flo- 
rentines determined  to  replace  liim  by  an  Italian,  and  appointed 
Pandolfo's  uncle  the  aged  Galeotto  Malatesta  who  had  a  great 
military  reputation,  to  command  theii*  armies  •''-.  This  nomina- 
tion was  considered  as  a  sort  of  salve  for  the  wounded  honour 
of  Pandolfo,  and  Galeotto  took  the  field  in  July,  but  not  until 
he  had  extorted  unusual  powers  from  the  govennuent  which 
they  were  still  weak  enough  to  concede  and  afterwards  had 
abundant  reason  to  repent  of  f . 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  July,  the  anniversarj'  of  the  insulting 
mockery  at  Ponte-a-Rifredi,  the  whole  Florentine  army  amount- 
ing to  four  thousand  men-at-arms,  eleven  thou>aiid  hilantry 
and  three  hundred  Florentine  gentlemen  who  served  at  their 
own  charge,  arrived  after  a  night's  march  at  the  small  town  oi 
Cascina  about  seven  miles  from  Pisa.  The  weather  was  in- 
tensely hot,  the  soldiers  tired  ;  all  threw  off  their  armour,  sume 
their  clothes,  and  numbers  plunged  at  once  into  the  cooling 
waters  of  the  Arno :  others  half  undressed  lay  fiist  asleep  or 
gasping  in  the  sultr}'  shade  scai'ce  cooler  than  the  smi,  and  all 
in  various  ways  had  abandoned  themselves  to  rest  with  hut 
little  thought  either  of  their  own  camp  or  the  enemy.  The 
general  himself  being  old  and  sicldy  had  also  retired  to  hed 
without  considering  his  vicinity  to  the  "  Foxes  "  of  Pisa,  and 
especially  to  the  '*  Old  Fox  "  Hawkwood.  The  camp  was 
therefore  carelessly  barricaded  and  more  carelessly  guarded : 

♦  Domenico  Boninscgni,  Hist.  Fioren-     Pisa,  p.  1045,  Scrip.  Rer.  Ital.  torn.  xv. 
tine,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  575. — Roncioni,  1st.     +  Boninsegui,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  526. 
Pisa,  Lib.   xv.,  p.   874. — Cronaca  di 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


315 


hut  Manno  Donati  ever  on  the  alert,  after  visiting  the  position 
became  seriously  alarmed,  and  waking  Galeotto  urged  on  him 
so  strongly  the  importance  of  greater  precaution  as  to  receive 
full  authority  along  with  Lupo  and  three  others,  for  acting  as 
he  pleased.     Manno  immediately  strengthened  those  defences 
that  lay  across  the  road  leading  through  San  Sovino  direct  to 
Pisa,  reenforcing  them  with  Grimaldis  Genoese  crossbow-men, 
a  detachment  of  chosen  PTorentines,  some  Aretine  infantiy  and 
a  body  of  hardy  mountaineers  from  the  Casentino.     Hawk- 
wood, who  had  instant  and  accurate  intelligence  of  the  negli- 
gence and   disorder  but  not  of  the  subsequent  precautions, 
quietly  assembled  his  troops  at  San  Sovino  four  miles  from  the 
canqi,  pushing  on  a  detachment  to  make  several  Mse  attacks 
successively  and  then  retire  ;  this  was  repeated  until  Malatesta 
annoyed  at  such  alanns  ordered  a  watchman  stationed  on  the 
belfiy  tower  to  sound  no  more  without  his  orders  whatever 
he  might  observe,  under  the  penalty  of  losing  a  limb  !      So 
rigorous  a  command  of  course  kept  ever}'thing  still,  and  Hawk- 
wood thinking  that  his  stratagem  had  succeeded  stood  still  also 
until  the  declining  but  still  powerful  sun  and   a  periodical 
westerly  wind  which  generally  accompanied  it,  should  blind  the 
enemy  with  dust  and  glai'e  when  he  made  his  real  attack.     All 
this  was  considered  skilful ;  yet  he  was  blamed  for  setting  at 
nought  the  four  miles  of  a  burning  and  dusty  road  that  his 
troops  had  to  pass,  loaded  with  ponderous  armour,  before  they 
got  sight  of  the  enemy.     But  tinisting  says  the  chronicle  to  his 
hardy  English,  bom  and  bred  in  the  wars  of  France,  he  en- 
coui'aged  them  with  the  prospective  ransom  of  three  or  four 
hundred  Florentines,  all  opulent  gentlemen,  all  ignorant  of 
arms,  and  worth  from  1000  to  '2000  florins  each  as  prisoners 
of  war.     The  cavalry  w^ere  ordered  to  dismount  in  order  to  raise 
less  dust  and  march  more  silently  so  as  to  insure  a  complete 
surprise ;  and  either  from  negligent  spies,  or  treachery  in  Mala- 
testa as  was  then  believed,  so  it  happened  ;  but  the  fact  of  his 


316 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP,  xxrv.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


317 


leaving  the  care  of  his  camp  with  full  authority  to  two  such 
tried  men  as  Manno  Donati  and  Bonifazio  Lupo  must  clear 
him  from  any  premeditated  treason.  "  Led  by  those  fierce 
inexorable  English  who  were  incited  by  their  love  of  rapine '" 
the  first  division  advanced,  and  eight  hmidred  of  these  islanders 
had  already  attacked  the  camp  ere  they  were  perceived,  the 
sudden  clang  of  anns  and  shouts  of  expected  victoiy  bringing 
the  first  notice  of  hostilities  to  the  tired  and  negligent  soldiers. 
In  consequence  of  Donati  s  vigilance  the  guard  was  instantly 
up  and  engaged  with  the  enemy ;  an  obstinate  struggle  con- 
tinued in  front  while  Grimaldi's  crossbows  galled  the  English 
flank  from  some  loop-holed  buildings  on  the  road  side  :  the 
alarm  now  became  general ;  Manno  was  first  at  the  barrier,  but 
seeirig  how  things  were,  sdlied  from  a  different  quarter  at  the 
head  of  some  cavalry  and  attacked  the  other  flank  with  great 
spirit :  De  Montfort  soon  followed,  leading  on  the  Feditori ; 
Counts  Giovanni  and  Ridolfo  drove  after  him  at  speed,  and  the 
latter  disdaining  a  mere  defence  dashed  jisunder  the  barriers, 
and  charged  with  so  rude  a  shock,  and  singly  did  such  deeds 
that  Villaui  is  pui-posely  silent  lest  they  shoidd  be  disbelieved 
as  fabulous.  The  l>attle  was  obstinate,  the  assailants  were 
charged  and  recharged  through  the  whole  depth  of  their  rank> 
even  to  the  waggons  of  wine  and  refreshments  that  had  accom- 
panied them,  and  after  a  gallant  struggle  against  the  whole 
Florentine  army,  broke  and  lied  in  all  directions.  We  are 
not  told  why  they  were  left  unsupported  ;  only  that  Hawkwood 
seeing  his  bravest  diWsion  beaten,  prudently  retreated  to  San 
Sovino  where  the  troops  had  left  their  horses  ;  and  then  a\Yare 
of  the  confusion  in  his  rear,  with  the  whole  host  of  Florence 
rushing  down  upon  him,  continued  his  flight  to  Pisa.  Malatesta 
was  urged  to  follow  ;  but  on  the  contrar}'  and  not  without  sup- 
porters of  this  conduct,  he  discontinued  the  pursuit,  declaring  that 
"  He  would  not  play  a  hack  ijame  after  once  uinninfj.''  Thus  mul- 
titudes escaped,  and  especiaUy  English  who  had  not  even  time  to 


draw  the  arrows  from  their  wounds  before  they  arrived  at  Pisa 
where  many  of  them  afterwards  expired. 

The  following  day  the  army  moved  towards  that  city,  made 
some  knights,  and  it  is  said  celebrated  games  with  the  usual  in- 
sults at  Santa  Anna  Vecchia  close  to  the  town,  but  as  this  rests  on 
the  authority  of  some  Pisan  manuscripts  alone  it  is  disbelieved 
by  Tronci*.  Of  the  Pisan  army  more  than  a  thousand  were 
killed  and  two  thousand  made  prisoners,  the  wounded  are  not 
mentioned,  and  only  the  native  Pisans  were  retained ;  but 
Galeotto  is  accused  of  maliciously  instigating  the  soldiers  to 
demand  "  double  pay  and  the  month  complete  "  a  reward  only 
given  for  pitched  battles,  and  tins  for  merely  repulsing  an 
attack  that  should  never  have  been  allowe'd  to  take  place  in  the 
maimer  it  did.  The  Florentines  had  indiscreetly  given  him 
the  power  of  promising  this  recompense  never  dreaming  that  it 
would  be  so  lightly  bestowed,  and  Malatesta  did  so  with  the 
double  satisfiiction  of  putting  them  to  170,000  florins  of  addi- 
tional expense  and  ingratiating  himself  with  the  soldiers.  The 
people  were  thmiderstruck  and  averse  from  paying  a  demand 
so  enormous  and  unjust,  but  the  troops  were  mutinous,  threat- 
ening, [uid  unmanageable,  and  Pisa  being  weakened  by  the  late 
victoiy  a  fair  occasion  offered  itself  to  Florence  for  a  renewal 
of  her  former  negotiations  f. 

At  their  return  the  soldiers  refused  to  give  up  any  captives 


*  Poggio,  however,  mentions  the  cre- 
ation of  knights,  and  the  games  and 
insults  might  therefore  have  followed 
as  a  natural  consequence.  Amongst 
other  insults  they  are  said  to  have 
hanged  two  rooks,  two  dogs,  and  two 
sheep,  accompanied  by  a  label  on 
which  was  written  "  Cowie  cornarchlc 
fP'idando  reniatCf  come  can'i  rah- 
hiosi  ci  assaliste,  e  come  montonl  la 
fuga  prcndutt"  Like  rooks  }ou 
came  chattering,  like  furious  dogs  you 
attacked  us,  and  like  sheep  you  took 
to  flight.    Sardo  dates  this  attack  the 


'2nth  of  July,  and  the  year  1365, 
according  to  Pisan  computation,  and 
gives  a  lower  number  for  the  killed 
and  prisoners. 

t  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.   xcvii. — 
Leon.   Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  p.   155. — 
Poggio   Bracciolini,  Lib.  i"\ — Tronci 
Annali,  vol.  iv.,  p.  GO,  &c"*. —  Saido 
Cronaca  Pisa,  cap.  c.wxi. — Roncione 
liib.  XV.,  p.  875,  et   seq. — Muratori 
Annali,  An.  i;^()-i. — Cronaca  di  Pisa 
Muratori,  S.   R.    I.,  tom.    xv. — Orl. 
Malavolti,   Lib.    vii.,  Parte   ii%  folio 

107 


313 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXIV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


319 


until  satisfied  about  the  fulfilment  of  their  generals  promise; 
the  prisoners  were  then  brought  into  the  town  but  made  to 
pay  gate-tolls  of  so  much  a  head  as  if  they  were  cattle,  and 
were  otherwise  treated  with  great  indignity.  They  were  sub- 
sequently lodged  in  the  public  prisons  and  afterwards  loni- 
pelled  to  build  that  roof  against  the  modem  post-office  still  dis- 
tinguished as  the  *'  Lofjfjia''  or  "  Tetto  de'  Fmtnr^'. 

With  yet  unsatisfied  vengeance,  as  well  as  to  strengthen  the 
negotiations  for  peace,  the  army  though  still  doubtful  and  muti- 
nous, was  ordered  into  the  field  :  by  the  intrigues  it  is  asserted 
of  Malatesta  they  refused  to  move  from  Montetopoli  until  nguin 
reassured  of  their  pay,  but  satisfied  on  this  point  they  occu- 
pied the  country  about  Pisa  early  in  August  where  a  seridus 
affray  between  a  new  company  of  English  m  the  Florentine 
service  and  the  German  mercenaries,  compelled  the  govcni- 
ment  to  separate  them,  the  former  being  sent  to  the  Upper 
Val-d'-Arno  where  some  fresh  disturbance  had  occuired  and 
the  others  under  Galeotto  to  ravage  the  states  of  Lucca. 

But  the  enormous  and  still  increasing  expense  of  this  con- 
test, the  insubordination  of  the  army,  and  the  equivocal  con- 
duct of  Malatesta,  inclined  all  hearts  towards  peace  and  has- 
tened the  negotiations :  ten  Florentine  commissioners  ^Yelv 
accordingly  appointed  to  meet  the  Pisan  ambassadors  at  Pesci:i. 
and  both  sides  being  sincere  the  treaty  was  soon  arranged; 
but  previous  to  its  publication  an  event  occurred  which  threat- 
ened to  throw  even-tliinj]j  back  into  war  and  utter  confusion. 

Giovanni  d'Agnello  a  Pisan  merchant  of  little  or  no  iicti 
amongst  his  countr}Tnen  had  been  sent  as  ambassador  to  Milan 
where  the  Visconti  although  friends  with  Florence  were  con- 
stantly plotting  in  favour  of  Pisa  by  whose  assistance  tlit  v 
hoped  one  day  to  gain  a  secure  footing  in  Tuscany.  But  tlic 
Italian  republics  were  not  easily  managed  ;  the  faction  of  to-day 
might  be  crushed  to-morrow  with  all  its  machinations,  and  the 


jealous  mutability  of  the  people  forbade  any  peimanent  union 
with  absolute  princes  on  terms  of  real  friendship  or  genuine 
equality.  Individual  citizens  however,  often  found  their  inte- 
rest in  these  connections,  and  therefore  the  Visconti  were 
aiixious  to  give  Pisa  a  master,  but  one  who  should  be  com- 
pletely subservient  to  themselves ;  and  Giovanni  d'Agnello,  a 
man  more  cunning  than  wise,  rashly  presumptuous,  and  fond 
of  revolutions,  seemed  admirably  fitted  to  their  purpose.  They 
therefore  offered  to  assist  him  in  usurping  the  lordship  of  Pisa 
provided  he  would  hold  the  government  as  their  lieutenant 
giving  up  certain  towns  into  their  hands  and  continue  the  war 
against  Florence*. 

On  Giovanni's  return  he  proposed  in  council  to  elect  an 
annual  chief  magistrate  as  a  more  secret  and  efficient  form  of 
administration  in  time  of  war,  such  as  w^ould  give  more  con- 
iidence  to  their  troops  and  allies  and  be  especially  accept- 
ahle  to  their  old  and  faithful  friends  the  lords  of  Milan ;  and 
to  avoid  any  suspicion  he  forthwith  proposed  Piero  Albizzo  da 
Vico  one  of  the  most  popular  and  honest  of  the  Pisans  for  this 
office.  Piero  who  had  just  been  appointed  to  settle  the  con- 
ditions of  peace  sternly  rejected  the  proposal  and  departed. 
This  proposition  was  at  first  laughed  at ;  but  after  several 
renewals,  began  to  excite  some  suspicion  of  Agnello  s  motives, 
and  the  liaspanti  fearful  of  Gambacorta's  restoration  by  the 
conditions  of  peace,  fell  in  with  his  views  and  hoped  by  creating 
him  Doge  to  secure  a  chief  of  their  own  faction  against  the 
Bergolini.  An  attempt  was  finally  made  to  arrest  Agnello 
wliich  he  not  only  evaded  with  extreme  cunning,  but  distributed 
a  subsidy  of  30,000  florins  given  by  the  Visconti  in  such  a  manner 
that  with  the  support  of  some  hired  bands  of  adventurers  and 
the  mercenary  aid  of  Ilawkwood  he  occupied  the  public  palace 
during  the  night  of  the  thirteenth  of  August ;  then  sending  for 
the  Anziani   one  by  one,  pretended  to  each  tliat  he  had  a 


*  S.  Ammimto,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  G46. 


F.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  ci. 


320 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIT.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


321 


divine  mission  for  what  he  was  ahout,  and  in  obedience  to  such 
inspiration  he   found  himself  compelled  as  he  said 

A  D    1  'ids 

"to  assume  the  sovereign  power  with  the  title  of  Doge 
for  at  least  one  vear. 

These  public  functionaries  thus  roused  from  their  sleep  and 
surprised,  not  knowing  what  tuni  atHiirs  might  have  taken. 
acquiesced  in  all  his  measures  and  promised  through  mere 
apprehension  to  support  him.  In  this  manner  by  force  of  anns, 
cunning,  bribes,  promises,  and  ultimate  surprise,  he  was  hailed 
Doge  of  Pisa  by  all  the  citizens  on  tlie  following  moniinj^. 
Nor  was  this  an  epliemeral  revolution  ;  to  consulidate  liis 
power  Agnello  united  sixteen  families  of  the  Raspauti  faetinu 
who  had  concurred  in  his  election  under  the  same  name  andann>. 
a  golden  leopard  in  a  scarlet  field,  and  under  one  single  eliief : 
he  entitled  them  counts ;  decreed  that  one  was  to  be  annunlly 
elected  Doge  and  when  the  proper  moment  arrived  he  wonld 
be  prepared  to  resign  his  dignity. 

But  Agnello  soon  abandoned  this  title  as  too  common  mu\ 
subordinate  ;  savouring  also  somewhat  too  shai-ply  of  democracy ; 
and  took  the  more  imposing  one  of  "  Lord  of  Pisa  ":  he  added 
to  this  the  most  pompous  and  absurd  state :  carried  a  gulden 
sceptre,  and  commtrnded  tliat  petitions  should  be  presented  te 
him  on  the  knee.  Thus  may  be  seen  how  easy  it  was  even 
for  a  single  citizen  of  no  great  talent  but  much  gold  and 
audacity,  to  overi)ower  the  turbulent  and  treacherous  liberty  d 
these  republics,  unsupported  as  they  then  were  by  a  native 
military  force  and  patriotic  spirit,  and  trusting  to  the  slippcn 
faith  of  a  parcel  of  hired  robbers  for  their  very  existence  ^ 

During  these  transactions  peace  was  conehided  at  Pescia  and 
published  on  the  seventeenth  of  August  \:  Agnello  would  liav. 

•  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.   xii.,  p.  G47.—  t  " /'   I>!^rio   del   Monaldi;'  siy 

FiL  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  ci.— Cronuca  31st   August,  but  this  Diary,  bcMdis 

di  Pisa,  p.   1046.— Sardo,  Cron.  Pisa,  its    nicagrencss,  is   very    loose  in   it* 

Libro    cxxxii  — Roncioni,  1st.   Pisa,  dates. 
Lib.  XV.,  p.  877. 


annulled  the  treaty  but  as  yet  dared  not  openly  oppose  the 
Irishes  of  his  own  party  whose  kinsmen  were  still  in  the  prisons 
of  Florence ;  and  even  in  the  latter  city  there  was  some  in- 
cipient mmnnuring  amongst  the  lower  classes  of  citizens. 
By  this  peace  the  ancient  mercantile  privileges  of  Florence 
were  restored ;  Pietrabuona,  that  spark  which  at  last  fired  the 
war-pile,  was  given  up  to  the  Florentines;  their  prisoners 
restored  without  ransom  while  those  of  Pisa  in  the  gaols  of 
Florence  were  to  be  paid  for,  besides  10,000  florins  a  year  for 
ten  years,  to  be  brought  to  Florence  on  Saint  Jolm  s  day,  which 
being  the  crowning  festival  when  the  tribute  and  homage 
of  their  subject  states  were  publicly  received  in  great  form  and 
ceremony,  such  payment  assumed  a  similar  character  in  the 
people's  eyes  and  flattered  the  national  vanity  *. 

Thus  after  an  enormous  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure 
this  unjust  and  foolish  war  was  ended ;  but  not  its  consequences. 
The  peace  was  glorious  for  Florence  because  Pisa  became 
tributary ;  but  much  mischief  had  been  inflicted  on  the  inno- 
cent of  both  sides ;  vast  sums  perniciously  spent ;  more  debt 
contracted  ;  the  comitry  so  ruined  that  in  Florence  new  pri^d- 
leges  and  innnunities  were  accorded  to  the  old  inhabitants  and 
fresh  settlers,  to  induce  them  again  to  cultivate  the  earth :  no 
increase  of  territoiy  on  either  side  :  many  tears ;  more  blood ; 
wulows  ;  orphans ;  parents  deprived  of  children  ;  ruined  towns, 
deserted  hamlets,  habitations  desolate;  olive-groves  bunied, 
vmeyards  rooted  up;  God's  gifts  and  mans  industr^^  alike 
destroyed,  the  substance  of  both  nations  poured  into  the  laps 
of  unprincipled  and  rapacious  foreigners  ;  aliens  in  language  and 
manners  as  in  name ;  men  who  eageriy  snatched  the  gift  while 

*  Fil.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  cii.— Leon.  p.  105.  —  Sardo,   Cron.    Pisana,   cap. 

Aretino,  Lib.  vni.— Scip.  Ammirato,  txxxiii.— Roncioni,  1st.  Pis.,  Lib.  xv., 

Lib.  xn    p.  048.— Pog^o,  Lib.  i°,  p.  p.  880.— Cronuca  di  Pisa,  torn,  xv.,  p. 

^/.— lronci,Annali,  vol.    iv.— Sis-  1046.-S.  R.  L     Sardo  differs  from 

mondi  vol.  v..  cap.  xlvii.  —  Diaro  del  other  authors  in  the  amount  and  period 

Monaldi.  — Cronaca  di  Don.  Velluti,  of  this  tribute. 

VOL.   II.  Y 


322 


FLORENIINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


they  robbed  aiid  murdered  both  the  givers  with  equal  uiihffereuce 
and  afterwai'ds  remained  on  the  soil  as  a  curse,  and  a  scour<Te 
and  a  judgment.  So  true  it  is  that  the  eiimes  of  nations,  per 
haps  even  more  surely  than  those  of  individuals,  sooner  or  later 
tuni  and  rend  themselves. 


iHAP.  xxv.j 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


323 


CoTFMPORARY  MoNARCHs. — Cliaiigos — Fi*nnre  t  John  the  Good  to  1 3(14  , 
then  Charles  V.  (the  Wise). — Popes:  Innocent  VI.  to  ISlii;  then  L'rban  V 
Ottoman  Empire  :  Orkhan  to  \'6(i0  ;  then  Mur.id,  or  Amunith  1. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


FROM    A.D.    1365    TO    A.I).    1.5  74. 


A.D.  1365. 


From  the  treaty  of  Pcscia  until  the  vcar  l:]ns  little  worth v 
of  record  took  jdace  in  Florence  ;  yet  she  was  far  from  tranquil ; 
for  besides  the  storms  of  democracy  that  struck  her, 
though  not  always  with  au  unhealthy  action,  she  shared 
the  general  troubles  of  Italy,  the  hiliiction  of  unretained  con- 
dottieri  and  their  ruffian  bands,  who  attracted  by  gold  and 
discord  flocked  like  vultures  to  tlie  spoil  of  that  rich,  beautiful 
and  ill-fated  country.  France,  half-ruiued  by  English  ambi- 
tion; by  excessive  taxation;  civil  wai-s,  famine  and  pestilence : 
and  that  memorable  outbreak  of  the  infuriated  peasantiy  under 
the  name  of  ''  Jacqun-ie,''  was  in  l'J60  reduced  to  unmodified 
suffering ;  and  yet  further  (kx^med  by  the  rapid  gathering  of 
military  robbers,  even  to  tlie  aggravation  of  this  miserable 
condition. 

After  the  peace  of  Bretigni  swarms  of  these  adventurers 
rose  froDi  the  decaying  armies  of  in-ance  and  England,  and 
spreading  in  masses  swept  broadly  over  the  yet  unplundered 
pronnces.  The  luxurious  Avignon  gUttered  from  afar  a 
bright  and  temptuig  prize,  nor  was  the  high-priesthood  any 
obstacle  to  these  soldiers'  rapacity :  Mammon  was  their  object, 
and  they  sought  him  with  most  confidence  and  least  danger 
amongst  the  empm'pled  votaries  of  Christ  s  humility  *.     One 

*  On  this  subject  see  Petrarch's  Letters  i^enerally.  (De  S:ide,  Memoirs,  passim.) 

Y  -2 


324 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CUAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


325 


of  these  companies  lowered  in  the  north,  another  flaunted  in  the 
south ;  a  third  approached  more  nearly,  with  protection  on  their 
lips  hut  rapine  in  their  hearts ;  hoth  hanks  of  the  Rhone  were 
infested ;  every  enomiity  peqietrated ;  nor  was  it  until  Inno- 
cent Vl  had  dishursed  \oO,000  florins  that  he  could  rid  him- 
self of  even  one  swarm  of  these  devouring  locusts. 

In  May  1361  the  English  or  "  White  Compauf  of  tin 
thousand  men  of  all  arms  was  thus  pm'chased  and  turned  over 
to  the  Marquis  of  ^lonferrato  then  at  war  with  Galeazzo  Vis- 
conte,  and  these  adventurers  thinking  to  escape  from  the  phigue 
wliich  was  devastating  Fhmders  France  and  England,  probaMy 
earned  it  with  them  to  Tiedmont,  whence  after  hemg  let  lo-se 
on  the  Lomhard  plains  it  ran  unchecked  through  northern  m\ 
eastern  Itiily,  and  even  the  lofty  castles  on  hoth  Alp  and 
Apeunine  did  not  escape  its  visitation. 

The  Visconti  opposed  no  troops  to  either  plague  or  enemy; 
a  defensive  war  and  perfect  self-isolation  were  their  arms :  the 
castles  of  Monica  and  Marignano  served  as  a  refuge  for  th.^ 
l)rinces  until  the  watchman  placed  hy  Bemaho  to  give  noti.  e 
of  any  stmnger  s  arrival  was  found  dead  hy  the  side  of  liis 
alarmd)ell ;  on  this  Visconte  fled  in  terror  to  a  small  huutm," 
seat  in  the  depth  of  a  forest  where  encompassed  by  a  cl-.^^ 
palisade  and  numerous  gibbets  he  threatened  death  to  any 
who  should  dare  to  enter  the  forbidden  ground.     Invisibh?  for 
a  long  time,  and  generally  supposed  to  he  dead,  he  cared  httle 
for  the  report,  but  remained  thus  sequestered  until  the  danger 
liad  entirelv  ceased.    It  was  one  year  later  ere  Tuscany  became 
infected,  until  wliich  period  she  stood  free  from  misfonime 
and  comparatively  prosperous,  while  war  between  the  cluircli. 
Milan,  imd  Monferato,  added  to  her  neighbours'  sufl'ering:  but 
she    did   not   finally  escape.      A  general  peace  leavhig  the 
vai'ious  companies  idle  m  1304,  all  thu^e  provinces  not  mme- 
diately  under  Florentine  protection  hecame   then*  prey  and 
Florence  herself  excited  suspicions  by  a  desire  to  keep  Wi 


A.D.  13C5. 


with  them ;  yet  even  she  was  never  sure  of  their  word,  and 
therefore  kept  a  native   force  continually  on  foot 
for  self-protection  *. 

Equally  evading  the  entreaties  of  Tuscany  and  Avignon  to 
unite  in  a  league  against  them  she  thereby  incurred  Pope 
Urban 's  dipleasure ;  hut  to  prove  her  devotion,  voluntarily 
offered  five  armed  galleys  and  five  hundred  Barbute  as  his 
convoy  and  escort  to  Rome ;  or  else  to  receive  him  in  Flo- 
rence with  due  honour  if  he  fulfilled  his  own  and  the  general 
wish  of  once  more  residing  m  the  imperial  city. 

About  the  same  time  a  new  company  of  freebooters  imder  the 
denomination  of  "  Saint  George,"  commanded  by  Ambrogio,  a 
natural  son  of  Bemaho  Visconte,  assembled  in  Lmiigiana  and 
augmented  the  general  troubles  :  Florence  purchased  peace  for 
herself  and  subject  states  at  6000  florins,  but  in  despite  of 
treaties,  papal  anathemas,  and  every  other  impediment  these 
bai'barians  managed  to  keep  all  Italy  in  tribulation.  The 
Florentines  though  right  willing  to  destroy  them  could  do 
nothing  without  filling  the  country  with  others  as  dangerous 
as  themselves,  for  no  native  force  was  sufficient  to  oppose  them 
so  completely  had  the  military  spirit  been  neglected  and  dis- 
organised ;  and  yet  with  such  experience  of  the  evil  no  public 
measui'es  of  general  efficiency  were  ever  taken  by  Florence 
against  it  although  such  captains  as  Manno  Donati  with  the 
native  spirit  of  her  people,  a  spuit  not  yet  extinct,  would  have 
made  her  independent  of  any  alien  soldier. 

In  this  perplexity  they  sent  frequent  embassies,  sometimes 
to  Hawkwood  and  sometimes  to  Baumgailen,  nominally  to 
thank  them  for  as  yet  uncommitted  evil  and  confirm  their 
plighted  faith,  but  really  to  spy  into  their  secrets  and  embroil 
them  with  each  other.  This  policy  seems  to  have  succeeded, 
for  the  Star  Company  under  Albert  a  German  chief  who  had 
lately  come  to  share  the  spoil  of  Italy,  joined  Baumgarten,  pro- 

*  Matteo  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xxvii.,  xxxiv.,  xliii.,  xlvi.,  Ixiv, 


326 


FLORFNTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP, 


XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


327 


l)ably  iuviteJ  by  Perugia  which  was  then  wonied  l)y  Hawkwood 
and  with  twenty  thousand  cavahy  attacked  the  latter  on  tlir 
thirtv-th'st  of  July  l."i05.  A  long  and  bloody  battle  continued 
until  night,  terminated  in  the  defeat  of  the  English  with  ;• 
loss  on  both  sides  of  three  thousand  men  left  dead  on  the  Held 
and  fifteen  hundred  Englishmen  led  captive  to  Perugia. 

The  odds  against  which  Hawkwood  fouglit  must  have  beei 
excessive,  for  his  company  even  when  undiminished  l»y  plafru^ 
or  war  numbered  l»ut  ten  thousand  men  of  all  arms,  of  whir; 
only  six  thousand  were  cavaliy,  and  after  suilering  from  tli 
causes,  separation,  and  continual  hostilities,  occasionally  reec- 
forced  by  new  levies,  withstood  an  army  of  twenty  tlioiisniT^ 
cavalry  alone,  for  the  infimtry  are  nowhere  noticed :  yet  idu. 
this  tliey  were  strong  enough  to  retreat  into  the  Senese  ten; 
tory  and  continue   their  predatoiy  course   until  Albeit  ;inu 
Baumgarten  hired  by  that  state   again  defeated  them  iieai 
]\Iagliano  in  the  Tuscan  Maremma :  Hawkwood  then  reti: 
towards  Genoa  and  uniting  with  the  company  of  Saint  Georg. 
returned  to  the  Senese  dominions,  but  was  finally  compelleil 
to  retreat--'. 

Thus  continually  harassed  Tuscany  was  anytliing  but  traii 
quil,  and  this  disquiet  produced  an  alliance  for  tiv. 
years  between  Florence  and  Siena  not  only  against 
external  violence  but  if  possible  to  cure  the  internal  disorder? 
of  both  states,  principally  arising  from  robberies  so  great  and 
frequent  as  to  destroy  the  miserable  remnants  of  tillage  that  tie 
(ondottieri  had  overlooked  ;  wherefore  the  outlaws  of  one  com 
mmiity  were  now  to  be  considered  as  outlaws  of  both  unl'-^ 
they  happened  to  be  citizens  of  either.     This  unhealthy  coiitli- 
lion  of  society  does  not  appear  tu  have  been  confined  to  tlit 
rural  population  alone,  a  lamentable  failure  in  the  admiuis 
tration  of  justice  was  loudly  complained  of  in   Florence  aiitl 
with  such  effect  as  to  enforce  the  restoration  of  the  "Capi 

*  Orl.  Malavolti,  Lib.viii.,  Parte  ii'>,  p.  127.— Muratori,  Annali,  1.%.3. 


A.  D.  1366. 


tano  del  Popolo  "  an  ofiice  which  had  been  imprudently  abo- 
lished thirteen  years  before  for  the  sake  of  economy,  when 
pressed  by  the  Milanese  war.  It  w^as  a  charge  of  great  import- 
ance and  utihty  if  all  its  functions  were  performed,  and  these, 
as  may  be  inferred  from  the  titles  of  "  Defender  of  the  Trades 
and  Tradesmen,"  and  "  Conservator  of  the  Public  Peace  in 
Town  and  Comitry,"  were  of  no  little  consequence  to  the  wel- 
fare of  a  manufacturing  and  commercial  state.  At  the  same 
period  the  podesta's  council  which  had  l)een  augmented  during 
the  plague,  probably  to  secure  a  sufficient  attendance,  was 
again  reduced  to  two  hundred  members,  forty  popolani  and  ten 
nobles  from  each  quarter ;  so  that  notwithstanding  popular  jea- 
lousy it  would  appear  that  the  nobility  still  enjoyed  a  consider- 
able portion  of  direct  political  power,  as  they  must  have  done 
indirectly  through  their  Idnsmen  who  had  entered  the  popular 
ranks  without  perhaps  altogether  throwing  off  family  feeling 
or  aristocratic  spirit.  After  many  fruitless  endeavours  to  form 
a  general  league  against  the  various  companies,  which  failed  for 
lack  of  Florentine  cooperation  and  the  unexpired  treaties  seve- 
rally made  with  them,  an  alliance  was  at  last  formed  in  the 
month  of  Felmiary  between  the  Pope,  the  Queen  of  Naples, 
Perugia,  Todi,  Cortona,  Arezzo,  Siena,  Pisa  and  Florence; 
against  all  new  companies  that  might  thereafter  make  their 
appearance  in  Italy  ;  and  so  uidignant  was  Urban  agauist  those 
already  in  the  land,  that  the  Florentines  were  compelled  to 
seek  absolution  for  having  dared  to  treat  with  Ambrogio  Vis- 
t;onte  after  his  malediction  had  been  pronounced  *. 

William  Grimoai'd  abbot  of  Saint  Victor  de  Marseilles, 
although  not  even  a  cardinal,  and  then  on  a  mission 
to  Naples  as  papal  Nuncio,  succeeded  Innocent  VI.  in 
130:2  and  under  the  name  of  Urban  V.  was  the  sixth  pope 
since  the  removal  of  the  pontifical  court  by  Clement  V.  in  the 
yeai'  1305.    The  city  of  Avignon,  small,  dirty  and  disagreeable, 

*  Cronaca  di  Donate,  Velluti,  p.  112. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xii.,  p.  654. 


A.D.  1367. 


328 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


329 


as  Petrarca  describes  it ;  was  at  least  free  from  popular  tumults 
and  aristocratic  turbulence :  the  pope  and  cardinals  there  enjoyed 
a  repose  that  might  be  supposed  the  nurse  of  that  religious 
contemplation  so  suited  to  their  holy  office,  and  yet  its  influence 
was  far  from  beneficial  either  to  themselves,  their  flock,  or 
Christianity.  The  papal  court  became  notorious  for  its  excess 
in  every  vice  that  disgraces  humanity,  but  as  is  asserted, 
with  this  distinction  ;  that  those  immoi^alities  which  even  then 
startled  the  common  votaries  of  licentiousness  m  suiTouudinff 

0 

nations  were  so  firmly  fixed  in  Avignon  as  to  lose  their  sinful 
character  and  with  a  polished  surface  bore  men  smoothly 
along  uncensured  and  serene. 

The  epithet  of  "  Western  Dahylon  "  by  which  this  city  was 
generally  designated  sufficiently  marks  the  nature  of  its  repu- 
tation in  the  opinion  of  the  then  most  virtuous  and  enlightened 
characters :  moreover  the  succession  of  Gallic  popes ;  their 
constant  residence  in  France,  and  a  college  composed  almost 
entirely  of  French  cardinals  ;  all  combined  to  reduce  the  pon- 
tificate to  nearly  a  servile  dependence  on  that  throne  ;  but  as 
independence  was  in  those  days  the  mainspring  of  its  power,  the 
ecclesiastical  dignity  suffered,  and  an  unfavourable  impres- 
sion was  produced  highly  injmious  to  the  spiritual  influence 
of  the  popedom. 

The  union  of  high  worldly  power  with  the  lowly  character  of 
Christianity,  although  theoretically  inconsistent,  may  perhaps 
be  practically  necessary  when  the  head  of  that  religion  is  to 
control  the  moral  actions  of  the  world :  a  powerful  monarch 
will  be  still  more  powerful  with  the  keys  of  heaven  in  his  hand, 
and  a  high-priest  will  be  still  more  reverenced  if  he  can  make 
himself  felt  as  well  as  heard.  The  religious  mfluence  of  the 
early  popes  which  sprang  from  and  was  supported  by  their 
virtues  in  a  superstitious  age,  has  waned  with  their  power  in  a 
more  enlightened  one ;  and  although  temporal  decay  may  not 
be  the  only  cause,  none  will  doubt  that  their  spiritual  thunders 


would  even  now  be  far  more  effective  if  accompanied  by  a 
numerous  artillery  and  some  legions  of  veteran  soldiers. 

The  papal  residence  in  France  excited  indignation  in  Italy ; 
other  bishops  were  justly  compelled  to  reside  with  their  flocks  ; 
why,  it  was  asked,  did  not  the  bishop  of  Rome  show  an  example  ? 
Petrarca  amongst  others  was  loudest  and  boldest  in  his  ejdior- 
tations. 

"  Thou  art,"  he  says,  "  sovereign  pontiff  everywhere,  but 
bishop  exclusively  in  Piome !  In  thy  absence  she  is  the 
rictim  of  civil  and  foreign  war :  Rome  knows  no  repose ;  her 
houses  are  in  ruins,  her  walls  prostrate,  her  temples  tottering ; 
religion  is  neglected,  laws  are  violated,  justice  despised ;  and 
the  people  in  loud  lamentation  call  on  thy  name  with  piercing 
cries  ;  but  deaf  to  their  voice  you  show  no  pity  for  their  woes, 
and  the  tears  of  thy  spouse  are  unavailing  I"-:-.  This  epistle 
which  is  written  throughout  with  a  boldness  sometimes  border- 
ing on  disrespect,  was  taken  in  good  part  by  Urban  and  is  sup- 
posed to  have  hastened  his  departure  although  from  the  moment 
of  election  he  had  declared  his  determination  to  return.  But 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  the  condottieri  and  their  rapacious 
followers  were  the  real  promoters  of  this  popular  act  for 
Avignon  was  now  no  longer  tranquil  nor  even  safe,  and  both 
citizens  and  courtiers  had  been  frequently  compelled  to  ai'm  in 
defence  of  the  city. 

Although  Urban  had  excommunicated  Bemabo  Visconte  he 
was  subsequently  reconciled  by  the  French  king's  mediation 
whose  daughter  Isabella  had  married  his  nephew  Giovanni 
Galeazzo  recently  created  Count  of  Vertu ;  but  Bernabo's  en- 
mity to  the  church  and  its  ministers,  sho\\Ti  both  in  public  wars 
and  private  spoliation,  coupled  with  an  utter  contempt  of  her 
maledictions,  rendered  his  conduct  insupportable  by  a  spirited 
pontiff:  Urban  therefore  determined  to  realise  his  original  inten- 
tion and  proceed  to  Italy  where  with  the  emperor's  assistance 

•Petrarca's  Epist.,  apud  Dc  Sade,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  679. 


330 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I, 


he  hoped  to  exterminate  the  Visconti  as  Urban  IV.  by  means 
of  another  Charles  had  destroyed  the  liouse  of  Manfred. 
Aware  however  that  foreign  arms  coiikl  effect  httle  in  Italy 
without  native  assistance,  he  first  addressed  himself  to  Florence, 
the  most  powerful  and  uilluential  state  of  Tuscany,  and  ac- 
cepted her  offer  of  troops  and  galleys  as  a  preliminary  step  to 
exhibit  his  friendly  intentions.  As  early  as  ]  '^1)5  he  had  con- 
certed with  Charles  IV.  about  the  mainier  of  his  retmii :  the 
Infidels  had  already  endangered  Greece  and  the  Emperur 
now  visited  Avignon,  nominally  to  raise  forces  fur  the  relief  of 
that  empire  ;  but  the  crusading  spirit  had  long  evaporated 
and  domestic  quarrels  blinded  all  nations  even  to  the  policy 
of  checking  Turkish  aggressions,  so  that  tliis  conference  only 
ended  in  what  was  much  nearer  to  both  their  hearts,  the  settle- 
ment of  Italian  affairs  and  a  close  alliance  against  the  Visconti. 

Cardinal  Albonioz  was  instmcted  to  prepare  a  residence  at 
Viterbo ;  the  churches,  palaces,  and  other  buildings  in  IIuur 
were  put  under  repair ;  the  condottieri  were  denounced ;  the 
flags  and  galleys  of  Venice,  Genoa,  Pisa,  Florence  and  Naples 
enlivened  the  port  of  Mai-seilles,  and  linally  on  the  thirtieth  of 
April  1307  Url)an  V.  with  most  of  the  sacred  college  quitted 
Avignon.  Five  cardinals  would  not  stir ;  some  went  by 
land ;  and  of  those  who  did  accompany  the  pontiff  several 
saluted  him  with  loud  imprecations  while  the  anchors  were 
weighed  the  sails  loosed  and  the  rowers  stretched  out  for 
Genoa  *. 

His  arrival  brought  a  moment  of  calm  to  that  distracted 
city  ;  fiiction  for  an  instant  was  disamied,  a  gleam  of  tranquil- 
lity overspread  the  place  and  the  most  deadly  enemies  united 
for  a  brief  period  to  honour  him.  He  then  departed,  and  the 
tide  of  faction  returned  !  But  the  fourtli  of  June  saw  Urban 
welcomed  by  Albonioz  and  the  Roman  deputies  on  the  shores 
of  Conieto :  there  he  was  offered  the  lordship  of  the  world  > 


*  De  Sade,  Memoires,  &c.,  vol.  iii.,  Liv.  vi. 


tHAP. 


XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


331 


capital  with  the  keys  of  St.  Angelo,  and  joy  spread  broadly 
over  Italy. 

Albonioz  wiio  had  reduced  La  Marca,  Romagna  and  almost 
all  the  ecclesiastical  states  to  obedience ;  who  in  answer  to 
Urban 's  demand  for  a  financial  account  of  his  fourteen  years' 
administration,  sent  him  a  cart  loaded  with  the  keys  of  con- 
(jiiered  cities ;  became  the  man  of  all  others  on  whom  most 
reliance  was  placed  for  support  but  he  unfortunately  expired  on 
the  twenty-fourth  of  August ;  not  however  before  he  had 
concluded  a  league  between  the  pontiff  and  almost  every 
enemy  of  Milan.  The  emperor,  the  King  of  Hungary,  the 
Qneen  of  Naples  ;  the  lords  of  Padua  Ferrara  and  Mantua,  all 
joined  in  this  confederacy  :  Florence  alone  refused  to  \iolate 
the  peace  of  Sar;izzaiia  -. 

Niccolo  Spinelli  the  chancellor  of  Sicily  had  been  previously 
despatched  with  letters  from  the  pope  to  sound  the  Florentines 
on  this  point  in  his  way  to  Naples  ;  but  avoiding  any  direct 
answer  until  Url»aii's  arrival  they  sent  Brunelesco,  a  notary 
and  father  of  the  great  architect,  to  discover  the  emperor  s  in- 
tentions ;  first  from  his  allies  at  Padua  and  Ferrara  where 
Manno  Donati  and  Rieardo  do'  Cancellieri  were  to  procure 
every  iiifomiation,  and  then  at  Vienna,  always  following  the 
imperial  movements.  The  result  was  a  direct  refusal  to  jom 
the  league  although  strongly  pressed  by  Urban  who  even 
tried  to  induce  them  with  a  personal  assurance  of  his  confi- 
dence ;  a  confidence  so  periVct  that  he  felt  sure  they  would 
postpone  even  their  most  ancient  friendships  to  the  cause  of 
God  and  religion,  and  therefore  assist  him  in  e\ery  emergency, 
but  more  especially  against  the  house  of  Visconti  which  for 
fifty  years,  from  the  excommunicated  Matteo  down  to  the  actual 
rulers,  had  been  their  enemy :  the  reigning  brothers  as  he 
asserted,  only  waited  for  a  favourable  moment  when  they  could 


*  S.  Animinito,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.    GOl. — Muratori,  Annali. — De  Sadc,  vol.   iii., 
Lib.  vi. — Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  cap.  xlviii. 


332 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


occupy  Bologiia  and  the  ecclesiastical  cities  in  Romagna,  the 
great  Florentine  bulwarks,  to  pounce  on  that  state  and  con- 
quer Tuscany  :  he  assured  them  that  Charles  would  cross  the 
Alps  with  a  powerful  anny  as  the  pope's  champion,  and  attack- 
ing Milan  hurl  his  disloyal  vicars  from  their  power  while  his 
victorious  legions  emancipated  the  rest  of  Lomhardy :  this 
cause  he  said  had  brought  him  to  Italy  ;  for  this  he  had  called 
the  Florentines  to  Rome ;  and  to  this  end  he  had  now  siun- 
moned  them  to  his  presence. 

The  simple  answer  of  Florence  was,  that  with  the  most  de- 
voted attachment  to  the  church  she  was  ever  tme  to  her 
engagements  and  would  neither  break  her  faith  with  Milan 
nor  her  treaties  with  the  condottieri,  but  still  preserving  her 
attachment  to  the  holy  see  *. 

Urban  was  mortitied  and  angry  at  this  coolness,  nor  did  her 
alacrity  in  despatching  three  hundred  cavaliy  to  his  assistance 
in  a  sudden  insiurection  at  Viterbo  abate  his  displeasure :  the 
sedition  was  quickly  stopped  and  these  forces  recalled  to  subdue 
a  revolt  of  Sim  ]\Iiniato  which  bemg  openly  assisted  by  the  Doge 
of  Pisa  had  assumed  a  serious  character.  A  new  compact  was 
drawn  up  and  the  government  of  that  town  according  to  Flo- 
rentine policy  reduced  to  a  democratic  form  ;  but  as  the  San- 
miniatese  nobles  had  considerable  power  and  were  as  in  other 
states  usually  joined  by  the  malcontents  of  all  parties,  the 
peace  did  not  last,  and  this  revolt  of  San  Miuiato  afterwards 
involved  the  republic  in  serious  difficulties. 

The  imperial  advent  was  now  at  hand  and  all  Italy  breath- 
less with  expectation  :  the  Visconti  being  universally 
feared,  hated,  and  distrusted,  were  thrown  entirely 
on  their  own  resources ;  for  excepting  Can  Signore  della  Scala 
and  the  Florentmes,  almost  every  Italian  state  was  against 
them ;  but  Bemabo  met  the  tempest  with  confidence,  and 
Florence  again  despatched  an  embassy  to  meet  the  emperor 
and  discover  his  real  sentiments  towards  her.     On  the  fifth  of 


A  J).  1368. 


*  Cronaca  di  Donato  Velluti,  pp.  112,  114. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


333 


May  he  arrived  at  Conegliano  with  an  immense  army,  varying 
according  to  different  writers  from  twenty  thousand  to  fifty 
thousand  men,  which  when  augmented  by  the  confederates  was 
sufficient  to  swallow  up  the  Visconti ;  but  Hawkwood  and  Can 
della  Scala  soon  checked  it  by  cutting  the  dykes  of  the  Adige 
and  Po  and  overflowing  the  Mantuan  and  Paduan  districts. 
The  confederates  had  invested  Borgoforte  which  was  defended 
by  the  former,  and  endeavoured  to  swamp  it  by  breaking  the 
superior  embankment  of  the  river ;  yet  the  English  not  only 
managed  to  turn  the  waters  from  themselves  but  by  effecting 
another  breach  below  the  town  destroyed  the  imperial  camp 
and  compelled  an  instant  retreat-'.  This  allowed  time  for 
negotiation  and  Bernabo  who  was  bold,  firm,  and  sagacious,  con- 
fiding in  the  emperor  s  avarice,  and  secretly  favoured  by  his 
sous-m-law  the  dukes  of  Bavaria  and  Austria  who  formed  part 
of  the  imperial  army,  dazzled  him  with  Milanese  ducats  while 
the  less  warlike  Galeazzo  employed  his  friend  Petrarca  in  a 
negotiation  fur  peace  wdth  Pope  Urban's  brother  Cardinal  Anglic 
at  Bologna.  The  poet  failed  but  Bernabo  took  a  surer  course  ; 
Charles  began  a  parley,  disbanded  most  of  his  soldiers,  and 
after  long  delay  with  no  successful  exploits  but  great  injury  to 
his  allies,  finished  by  a  close  alliance  with  the  verj'  man  whose 
whole  race  he  was  expected  to  annihilate ! 

So  ended  the  hopes  of  Italy !  The  Visconti  still  towered  in 
all  then- potency ;  the  condottieri  still  revelled  in  all  their  licen- 
tiousness; and  the  single  town  of  Borgoforte,  restored  to  Mantua 
by  treaty,  was  the  only  achievement  of  so  numerous  an  army  ! 
Italy  was  indignant  at  this  betrayal  of  the  common  cause  ;  for 
the  Visconti  to  maintain  tlieir  own  power  and  support  their 
ambition  were  necessarily  the  groat  encouragers,  either  directly 
or  indirectly,  of  the  condottieri  who  ravaged  it ;  and  well  might 
Petrarca  exclaim  "  Che  fan  qui  tante  iiellegrine  spade  ?''\  when 

*  Corio,   Hist.    Milan,    Parte   iii%  p.     t  Wh>  have  we  here  so  many  foreign 
240.  swords  ? 


334 


FLORENTINE    UISTOliy. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


335 


we  learn  from  Corio  and  others  that  the  Visconti's  aniiy  \v;;v 
composed  of  Italians,  Germans,  Enghsh  and  Burgundiaiis : 
that  of  the  lords  of  Ferrara,  Mantua,  and  Verona  the  same : 
the  pope  had  Spaniards,  Bretons,  Gascons,  Provencals  and 
Neapolitans:  and  the  emperor  Bohemians,  Slavonians,  Hmi 
garians,  Poles,  and  other  distant  nations :  and  thus  was  Italy 
devoured !  * 

Urban  was  confounded  :  the  emperors  progress  not^vith 
standmg  his  peaceful  aspect  and  diminishtd  legions  still  earned 
along  with  it  the  usual  disturbing  force,  and  his  immediate  ad- 
vance towards  Tuscany  was  dreaded  both  by  Florence  and  Pisa. 
Agnello  the  creature  of  Beniabo  had  kei)t  aloof  from  the  leaj:fiu'. 
consequently  feared  and  was  anxious  to  propitiate  Charles; 
he  becran  a  nef»otiation  to  confirm  his  actual  authontv  with 
the  dignity  of  imperial  vicar  in  Pisa,  and  Viesides  the  r(  voltnl 
San  Miniato  offered  Lucca  in  exchange ;  the  gi'eat  acqmsitiou 
of  his  countr\'  and  dearest  to  national  doiT  I  His  terms  were 
accepted,  and  the  Lucchese  who  had  never  lost  their  attacli 
ment  to  Charles  rejoiced  in  the  bargain  while  the  emperor 
felt  that  he  was  bartering  an  empty  honour  for  a  peaceful 
sovereignty  which  he  could  always  turn  into  money  by  selling 
it  to  those  most  interested. 

The  Lucchese  were  now  enabled  under  better  auspices  tM 
renew  their  fonner  otfers  of  buying  at  an  excessive  price  tlieir 
lost  independence,  and  to  do  it  too  despite  of  their  Ion*,' 
abasement,  by  the  industiT,  the  commercial  wealth,  and  the 
credit  of  their  fellow-citizens.  For  though  injured  oppressed 
and  exiled,  many  had  thriven  amongst  strangei-s  without  fcr 
getting  their  native  comitiy,  and  now  once  more  otfered  their 
resources  for  its  ransom  ;  nor  did  Charles  altogether  declini 
this  union  of  thrift  and  popularity  but  took  his  own  time  and 
convenience  to  consider  it.  Lucca  was  finally  delivered  to 
Marcovaldo  bishop  of  Augsboiu'g  after  six-and- twenty  years  of 

•  Petrarca,  Caiiz.  iv.— Corio,  Parte  iii*,  p.  240. — Muratori,  Annali. 


Pisan  tyranny,  and  Charles  entered  it  on  the  fifth  of  September 
1308  amidst  the  shouts  of  a  joyful  people. 

Near  the  town  he  was  met  by  Agnello  and  his  two  sons 
whom  he  blighted  with  great  ceremony,  and  on  entering  Lucca 
the  whole  company  ascended  a  decorated  platform  whence  the 
I  usuq)er  was  to  be  publicly  declared  Doge  and  Imperial  Vicar  of 
\  Pisa;  but  suddenly  the  spars  gave  way  and  the  whole  scaffold- 
)  ing  came  crasliing  to  the  ground :  many  persons  were  killed 
more  wounded,  amongst  them  Giovjonii  d'  Agnello  himself, 
whose  thigh  was  broken  and  moreover  his  power  anniliilated  by 
this  luckless  accident ;  for  the  news  flew  rapidly  to  Pisa  and 
despite  of  all  precautions  excited  a  general  revolt. 

Under  the  patriot  Albizzi  da  Vico  before  mentioned,  the  city 
soon  echoed  with  shouts  of  "  Long  hve  the  Emperor :"  "  Death 
to  the  Doge."  The  guards  were  overpowered,  and  even  a  part 
of  the  Raspanti  joined  the  patriots,  so  that  ere  long  a  complete 
revolution  was  effected;  all  the  exiles  except  Piero  Gamba- 
corta  were  allowed  to  return  and  Agnello  with  the  loss  of 
eveiy  present  hope  quietly  relinquished  his  honours. 

Gambacorta  was  at  this  moment  with  the  emperor,  for  whose 
protection  he  had  paid  10,000  florins,  and  in  DKK),  after  a 
period  of  internal  agitation  somewhat  curbed  by  a  powerful 
armed  association  of  patriotic  nobles  and  citizens  called  the 
"  Company  of  Saint  Michael,"  his  sentence  of  banishment  was 
through  imperial  influence  publicly  annulled,  lletuming  in 
triumph  to  the  scene  of  his  family's  gloiy^  and  misfortunes  old 
enmities  seemed  for  the  moment  to  be  forgiven  if  not  for- 
gotten, and  the  Gambacorti  again  shone  amongst  the  most 
prominent  citizens  of  Pisa.  Faction  however  although  re- 
pressed by  Piero  s  prudence  was  far  from  still ;  few  were  so 
moderate  or  politic  as  their  chief;  the  Easpand,  attacked 
and  mjured  by  his  party,  were  succoured  by  him  with  seeming 
generosity  while  he  sharply  rebuked  then-  assailants  :  one  of 
the  city  gates  remained  still  in   their  possession  and   seemg 


335 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


themselves  finally  driven  from  political  power  they  poisoned  the 
emperor's  mind  against  Gambacoita,  and  invited  him  to  make 
a  sudden  attack  upon  Pisa  itself  and  thus  seize  the  govern- 
ment ;  an  entei'prise  that  would  have  succeeded  but  for  the  spi- 
rited defence  of  the  people  backed  as  is  said  by  a  seasonable 
supply  of  golden  florins*.     The  sudden  turn  of  Lombard  poli- 
tics gave  Florence  more  cause  of  anxiety  about  the  emperor's 
feeling  towards  herself ;  for  she  learned  that  he  was  not  only 
angry  at  her  refusal  to  join  the  allies,  but  accused  her  of  having 
infringed   the   impenal   prerogatives   by  occupying   Volterra, 
Prato,  and  other  places :  in  this  perjilexity  she  prayed  for  the 
pope's  interference  to  prevent  hostilities,  and  Urban  displeased 
with  Charles  and  disappointed  by  the  failure  of  his  own  views, 
one  of  which  was  said  to  be  the  subjugation  of  Tuscany,  seemed 
to  favour  her  wishes  and  tried  ineffectually,  perhaps  insincerely, 
to  bring  about  a  reconciliation.     The  imperial  troops  under 
papal   banners   made   incursions  on    Florence,  favoured  the 
revolt  of  San   Miniato,  occupied  that  town,  demanded   the 
restitution  of  Volterra,  besides    other   Florentine  conquests: 
and  ^vithout  actually  declaiing  war  began  a  regular  course  of 
hostilities.      This  compelled    the   Florentines   to   arm:   the 
sound  of  warlike  preparation  was  everywhere  heard ;  the  roads 
were  broken   up,    trade    intermpted,   and   much   injuiy   and 
inconvenience  suffered ;  but  amidst  all  this  there  was  a  spi- 
rited refusal  returaed  to  the  imperial  demands,  and  a  declared 
resolution  not  to  surrender  a  single  place  ur  a  foot  of  land 
to    the    German    monarch,   whom   however    the\'   eonstantlv 
treated  with  a  respectful  distant  and  determined  cuulnessf. 


*  Cronaca  di  Donate  Vclluti,  p.  115,  Lib.  xv.,p.  889. 

&c*. — Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1368.  f  Cronaca  di  Donato  Velluti,  pp.  117, 

Tronci,  Annali.  — S.   Ainuiir.ito,  Lib.  1 1 8, 1*24. — Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  i", 

xiii.,  p.  665. — Corio,  Hist.  Mil.,  Parte  p.  27. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p. 

iii.,  p.  241. — Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  cap.  665. — Domcnic()IJuoninsegni,Ritratlo 

xlviii.  —  Sardo,    Cron.    Pisa,     cap.  dell'  Istorie  Fioicntiue,  Lib.  iv". 
cxxxviii.,  ct  scq. —  Roncioni,  1st.  Pisa, 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


337 


A.D.  136y. 


() 


Although  mistrusting  Pope  Url)an's  sincerity  the  restoration 
of  Piero  Gambacorta  gave  new  confidence  to  Florence 
by  securing   her  friendly  relations  with   Pisa;    yet 
seeing  no  alternative  but  war  or  a  compromise  with  imperial 
rapacity  and  the  former  being  the  most  serious  and  costly  evil, 
she  resolved   to   purchase   forbearance  with   50,000  florins  ; 
and  the  opportune  arrival  of  Giovanni  Malatacca  da  Eeggi 
with  a  body  of  troops  in  their  own  pay  accelerated  the  nego- 
tiation =^     In  1308  Charies  had  been  attracted  to  Siena  by 
civil  disturbances  of  which  he  intended  to  malve  good  use,  and 
therefore  on  his  return  from  Rome  began  to  intrigue  for  the 
supreme  power :  after  some  unsuccessful  niacliinations  he  in 
JanuaiT  hW.)  l)y  the  aid  of  a  faction  heade.!  by  tlie  Salimbeni 
a  rich  and  powerful  race,  attempted  with  three  thousand  cavalry 
to  oveqiower  both  nobles  and  people  but  was  gallantly  beaten, 
made  prisoner,  and  disgracefully  turned  out  of  the  town  without 
horses  or  money,  except  what  the  citizens  somewhat  too  gene- 
rously supplied  out  of  respect  for  his  dignity  and  the  apprehen- 
sion of  future  aggressions.     Equally  fearful  of  the  still  agitated 
Pisa  diaries  retreated  to  Lucca,  resolving  after  he  had  ex- 
tracted all  he  could  from  Tuscany  to  quit  the  Italian  states, 
leaving  Benuibo  Visconte  to  execute  the  duties  of  imperial 
vicar  both  in  that  city  and  Pisa.     This  last  resolution  alarme<l 
both  pope  and  Florentines  whose  states  were  already  too  closely 
shouldered  by  Visconti's  power,  so  that  they  exerted  them- 
selves to  reconcile  the  emperor  with  Pisa  and  effect  a  treaty 
hy  which  Lucca  should  l>e  left  an  independent  state,  and  Pisti 
free  with  a  popular  government,  on  payment  of  50,000  florins, 
lor  which  Florence  engaged  to  become  surety. 

But  the  most  lucrative  bargain  made  by  Charles  was  the 
restoration  of  Lucchese  freedom  after  sLx-and-fifty  years  of  un- 
mitigated oppression,  reckoning  from  the  first  usm-pation  of 
Fguccione  della  Faggiola  in  lOlt  until  the  entire  emancipation 


S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  G6G. 


VOL.  II. 


333 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  J. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


339 


of  that  citv  in  1370,  when  the  last  payment  of  300,000  florins 
was  completed  and  the  Cardinal  de  Montfort  left  Lueca  a  free 
and  independent  commonwealth. 

During  tliis  long  servitude  she  had  lost  her  trade,  maimfac- 
tures,  and  populousness,  hut  not  her  character:  the  whole 
province  of  Val-di-Nievole  had  heen  conquered  or  otherwise 
acquired  by  Florence  and  was  never  afterwards  restored ;  her 
citizens  were  oppressed,  exiled  and  imi)overished ;  but  the  love 
of  country,  of  liberty,  and  an  unconquered  spirit  of  national 
independence  still  remained. 

Although  five  yeai-s  of  peace  had  blunted  former  :mimosit\ . 
as  yet  no  symptoms  of  returning  commerce  between  Florence 
and  Pisa  were  perceptible ;  the  latter  could  only  be  passive 
and  the  former  at  great  inconvenience  still  contimuMl  to  fre- 
quent the  port  of  Talamone  although  in  the  disordered  state  of 
Tuscany  this  long  line  of  transport  was  tedious  uncertain  and 
misafe.     About  Jmie  therefore,  after  the  Gambacorti  became 
once  more  dominant  in  Pisa,  tliis  sulyect  was  taken  into  serious 
consideration  and  soon  aiTanged,  with  a  complete  reciprocity  of 
commercial  privileges  between  the  two  repubhcs :  free  trade 
was  established  m  its  most  extended  signitication  as  regarded 
merchandise ;  for  food  of  all  kinds  with  the  exception  of  lish 
seems  ever  to  have  been  shackled ;  and  to  facilitate  the  con- 
veyance of  goods  the  present  road  along  the  Arnu's  bank  was 
then  m  part  if  not  wholly  constructed*. 

Charles  returned  to  Germany  in  July  but  the  malcontents 
of  San  Miniato,  instigated  lii-st  by  the  Patriarch  of  Aqnilea. 
afterwards  by  De  INIontfort  Cardinal  of  Boulogne  and  Governor 
of  Lucca,  and  then  supported  by  Bemabo,  were  still  in  open 
rebellion.  Florence  had  come  to  an  amicable  arrangement 
with  De  Montfort  on  this  point,  but  angry  at  the  pope's  biumers 
being  used  against  her,  and  seeing  him  fully  occupied  >\'ith  the 
Peru^nans  she  broke  the  treaty  and  sent  an  anny  under  Mala- 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.j  p.  GiiH. 


tacca  to  besiege  the  place.     The  cardinal,  indignant  at  tliis 
treachery  nistantly  negotiated  with  Bemabo  and  etfected  an 
agi-eement  between   him  the   pope  and  emperor  that  for  a 
certain  sum  paid  to  himself  and  the   latter,  his   assistance 
agamst  Perugia,  and  his  promise  not  to  molest  the  ecclesiastical 
states,  he  was  to  be  made  vicar  of  Lucca  and  San  ]\Iiniato 
and  the  pope  was  to  return  to  Avignon  >;^.      Bemabo  there- 
fore, having  no  scmples  about  breaking  liis  faith  interfered 
as  vicar  of  that   to^^^l,  and   being  prepared  for  aggression 
gave   notice    that  if  Florence  persisted   he  should  be  com- 
pelled to  move  in  its  defence.     The  Florentines  sui-pnsed  and 
indignant  at   this  proceeding  from  one  for  whom  they  had 
refused  the  alliance  and  provoked  the  anger  of  both  pope  and 
emperor,  replied  with  spirit  that  if  peace  were  once  broken 
he  should  not  find  them  idle.     In   the   interim  Mont.iione 
Camieto,  Coiano,  Castelnuovo,  and  San  Guintino  all  depen- 
dencies of  San  Miniato,  tendered  their  .submission,  while  Vol- 
terra  renewed  her  alliance  and  consented  to  the  occupation  of 
her  citadel  by  Florence  for  another  decennial  peiiod.     Both 
parties   being   determined,   Hawkwood  who  commanded    the 
Mdanese  advanced  from  Sarzana,  which  had  given  itself  to 
Bemabo,  and  taking  up  a  position  at  Cascina  watched  his  op- 
portunity of  raising  the  siege  or  at  least  succouring  San  Miniato 
now  hard  pressed  by  the  Horentines.     Malatacca,  or  according 
to  Ammirato  Bartolino  di  Losco  of  Beggio,  maintained  a  strict 
blockade  in  so  strong  a  position  that  Hawkwood  was  baffled  • 
but  the  ignorant  seignory  mistaking  the  pmdence  of  both 
generals  for  fear,  insisted  on  a  battle  as  the  only  successful  way 
of  conductmg  a  campaign ;   a  step  which  their  general  with 
equal  pertinacity  avoided  as  the  most  dangerous  and  unneces- 
saiy.     Florence  stHl  indignant  at  Visconte  s  conduct  hastily 
brought  about  a  league  between  the  pope  and  several  Lombard 
states  who  along  with  herself  combined  for  five  years  to  make 

*  Cronaca  di  Ponato  Vclluti;  p.  124. 
y   •> 


340 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


341 


war  on  the  Visconti  and  look  to  the  general  defence  of  Italy - 

Urban  well  pleased  to  see  Florence  at  last  so  fairly 
A.D.  1370.  ^j^g.^g^^|  ^.ji-ij  Beniaho  rebuked  the  Cardinal  De  :Muiit- 
fort  for  liis  precipitance  and  despatched  two  legates  to  tlu^ 
fomier  chief  with  a  bull  of  excommunication  and  dec  luraliMii  of 
warf.     Viscoute  listened  attentively  while  the  document  was 
read  by  the  Cardinal  of  Belfort  and  the  Al)b..t  of  Farfa  who  wen- 
charged  with  this  dehcate  mission,  and  then  quietly  conduct- 
ing them  to  the  Ponte  del  Naviglio  in  the  centre  of  :\Iilaii. 
"  Choose,"  said  he,  "  which  you  like  best ;  to  eat  or  to  drink 
before  you  leave  me."     The  prelates  wire  silent :  an  angi-}'  au.l 
unscrupulous  tyrant  was  before  them,  his  guards  and  slavish 
populace  around;  all  prompt  to  execute  his  \Wldest  coraman.l 
•'  Do  not  imagine  "  added  he  ''  that  I  will  allow  you  to  i-art  N\itli- 
out  some  refi-eshment  likely  to  make  you  rememl>er  me.'    One 
of  them  casting  a  glance  at  the  river  replied  "  We  would  mtliei 
eat  than  ask  to  drink  from  so  large  a  stream."     "  Very  well. 
returned  Beniabo,  ''you  shall  not  leave  my  presence  until  ymi 
"  have  eaten  the  parchments  on  which  these  bulls  of  exconi- 
•'  munication  are  written,  the  leaden  seals  that  hang  to  them. 
"  and  the  silken  ribands  \\ith  which  they  are  tied."     It  \va> 
in  vain  that  the  legates  claimed  the  rights  of  ambassadoi-s.  (i 
urged  their  sacred  calling :  nothhig  would  avail ;  in  presence  oi 
the  coiu-t,  the  guards,  and  all  the  citizens,  they  w.nv  compellcl 
to  finish  this   indigestible  feast,  and  tlien   s<'ut   out  of  tli.' 

countr}\ 

The  Florentine  general,  after  repeatedly  proving  from  tlic 
strong  position  of  the  besiegers,  that  Hawkwood  could  effeci 
nothing  in  favour  of  San  Miniato  without  bringing  up  lu> 
whole  army,  and  even  then  to  certam  defeat,  was  peremptorily 
ordered  on  the  hrst  of  December  1300  to  quit  his  entrench 
ments  and  give  battle.     With  some  words  expressive  of  hi- 

*  Po2£io  Bracciolini,   Istorin,  Lib.  i",     GC)0.  ^  . 

p.   27!— S.   Aniniiralo,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.     t  Cronaca  di  Donate  Veliuti,  p.  l-''- 


admiration  of  the  ancient  Romans  who  left  their  generals  uncon- 
trolled, he  unwillingly  obeyed,  came  up  with  tired  soldiers, 
attacked,  and  by  a  successful  stratagem  of  Hawk  wood  "s  was 
totally  defeated  and  made  prisoner  on  the  Fosso  Arnonico. 
The  camp  before  San  Miniato  was  immediately  reenforced  from 
Florence,  and  so  strong  was  the  position  that  Haw^kwood  even 
though  victorious  never  attempted  it,  l)ut  appears  to  have 
thrown  a  small  body  of  troops  into  the  citadel :  on  the  contrary 
he  overran  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital,  even  to  the  very 
gates,  with  the  usual  concomitants  until  the  ninth  of  January 
when  by  means  of  an  inhabitant  of  low  condition  named  Lupa- 
rello,  the  long-contested  San  Miniato  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Count  Ptobert  of  Battifolle  after  a  hard  struggle  with  the 
garrison  -''. 

The  joy  for  this  conquest  was  extreme  in  Florence  ;  the  com- 
munity being  exasperated  not  only  on  account  of  the  revolt  and 
obstinate  resistance,  but  because  it  had  entailed  a  new  war  on 
the  commonwealtli  with  the  most  formidable  opponent  in  Italv. 
The  prisoners  were  therefore  insulted  iuid  their  lives  endangered; 
several  of  the  ringleaders  beheaded  and  many  more  banished  ; 
aniungst  others  the  family  of  Borromeo  afterwards  so  revered 
and  distinguished  in  the  city  of  Milan.     Piidolfo   da  Varano 
now  succeeded  Count  Eobert  of  Battifolle  in  the  command  of 
the  Florentines,  and  so  little  apprehension  do  they  appear  to 
have  had  of  Hawkwood  that  eight  hundred  horse  were  despatched 
under  ]\Ianno  Donati  to  join  the  Lombard  army  and  show 
Bemabo  Msconte  that  Horence  was  not  only  able  to  defend 
her  own  dominions  but  molest  him  also  where  he  least  expected 
her  f . 

Nor  was  the  latter  idle :  assembling  a  considerable  force  he 
made  a  diversion  in  Tuscany,  attempted  to  sui-prise  Lucca  and 

*  Poggio  dates  this  ill  1368,  but  is  at  Donate    Vclluti,    p.    127.  —  Poggio 

variance  with  all  other  historians.  Bracciolini,  Lib.  i°,  p.  27,  &c*. — Leon. 

f  Cronichelta  d'   Inccrto,  p.    105. —  Aretino,    Lib.    viii. —  S.    Ammirato, 

Diario    del    Moualdi.  —  Cronata    di  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  671. — Muratori,  AnuaJL 


i 


342 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


afterwards  Pisa,  from  whence  he  was  gallantly  repulsed  by  the 
citizens  and  a  body  of  Florentine  auxiliaries,  the  whole  com- 
manded by  Piero  GumbacorUi  who  for  that  night's  conduct  was 
invested  by  the  ruling  faction  (which  was  his  own)  with  the 
supreme  power  of  the  republic,  and  thus  recovered  all  the  influ- 
ence of  his  familv  along  with  the  ancient  authority  of  the  Gherar- 
deschi.     Thus  baffled  Hawkwood  pillaged  Leghorn  and  ravaged 
the  Maremma,  but  finally  retreated  before  a  strong  division  of 
the  league  which  was  brought  across  the  Apennhies  to  oppose 
him,  and  returned  by  Sarzana  into  Lombardy.  Florence  wishing 
for  her  own  interest  to  see  Lucca  at  liberty  paid  the  remaining 
^5,000  florins  due  to  the  emperor  and  enabled  De  Montfortto 
rid  himself  of  his  onerous  charge  :  the  cardinal  departed  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  ]\Iarch  and  thus  she  had  the  satisfaction  of  com- 
pleting the  freedom  of  Lucca  and  at  the  same  time  strength- 
ening her  own  party  by  uniting  bi)th  that  city  and  Pisa  to  the 
confederacy.     But  as  scarcely  a  man  in  Lucca  remembered  her 
palmy  days  of  freedom  except  as  a  tradition,  Florence  was 
obliged  to  pro\'ide  statesmen  for  the  arrangement  of  her  new 
constitution  on  the  Florentine  model ;  also  with  money  and 
even  engineers  to  demolish  the  stronghold  of  all  her  tyrants 
the  citadel  palace  of  Agosta,  at  the  destruction  of  wliich  the 
citizens  worked  with  all  the  spirit  of  new-born  liberty*. 

After  Hawkwood's  retreat  the  auxiliaries  returned  to  Lom- 
bardv  with  Manno  Donati's  division  of  Florentines  who  vciy 
soon  distinguished  themselves  at  Keggio  where  their  leader  fell  a 
\-ictim  to  his  exertions :  some  time  after  tliis  success  all  sides 
began  to  talk  of  peace  which  Beniabo  was  ever  ready  to  make 
or  break  as  it  suited  liim  at  the  moment ;  but  this  object  was 
more  quickly  obtained  in  consequence  of  the  defeat  of  the  Floren- 
tine division  under  Ixosso  de'  Pticci  by  Hawkwood,  so  that  a  treaty 
was  signed  at  Bologna  on  twelfthof  November  without  any  greater 


•  Pog^o  Bracciolini,  Lib.  i",  p.  29,     Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  675.  —  Sis- 
&c. —  Leon.  Aretiuo,  Lib.   viii. — S.     mondi,  vol.  v.,  cap.  xlviii. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


343 


consequences  to  Tuscany  than  a  closer  union  between  the  Flo- 
rentine, Pisan,  and  Lucchese  republics,  w4iich  naturally  gave 
the  first  a  more  powerful  influence  throughout  that  province. 
It  also  reconciled  the  Florentines  with  Urban  V.  who  tired  of 
Italian  disorders  was  less  anxious  to  revenge  the  insult  offered 
to  his  representatives  than  to  return  to  the  calmer  enjoyments 
of  Avignon. 

Without  giving  any  other  reason  than  a  wish  to  reconcile 
France  and  England  he  prepared  to  leave  Italy  where  he 
received  obedience  respect  and  reverence  even  to  a  belief  in 
his  power  of  performing  miracles  ;  where  he  had  completed  the 
victorious  march  of  Albornoz,  and  saw  the  ever-turbulent  Rome 
with  all  the  ecclesiastical  patrimony  at  his  feet,  Perugia  alone 
excepted,  which  he  was  however  attempting  to  subdue,  and 
which  now  deprived  of  Bemabo's  aid  w^as,  by  the  mediation  of 
Florence,  soon  after  reconciled  and  submissive.  Urban's  lowli- 
ness was  exemplar}^  and  yet  he  had  been  greatly  tried  :  on  enter- 
ing Rome  the  emperor  met  him,  and  instantly  dismounting, 
humbly  took  the  bridle  of  his  wliite  palfrey  and  conducted  him 
with  profound  reverence  to  the  cathedral.  Coluccio  Salutati  * 
in  a  letter  to  Boccaccio  describes  the  variety  of  impression  made 
on  the  Romans  by  this  unusual  act  of  humility.  "  The  Roman 
prelates  in  the  papal  suite  were  delighted  to  see  their  chief  so 
honoured  ;  the  Roman  people  mshed  in  exulting  crowds  to  be- 
hold the  two  monarchs  of  tliis  world  in  so  intimate  an  union ; 
the  lovers  of  peace  could  scarcely  satisfy  themselves  with  a  spec- 
tacle that  excited  their  warmest  devotion  :  but  those  who  put 
an  evil  interpretation  on  everything  attributed  this  act  of  sub- 
mission to  the  emperor's  pusillanimity.  Some  said  that  it  was  a 
feigned  humility,  and  the  enemies  of  the  chui'ch  either  turned 
all  into  ridicule  or  openly  condemned  it.  For  myself  I  was  intoxi- 


*  Coluccio,  one  of  the  ablest  men  of    hijih   official    situation  in   the    papal 
his  day,  and  afterwards  secretary  to  the     court. 
Florentine  republic,  held  at  this  time  a 


344 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


cated  with  joy;  I  could  not  contain  myself  when  I  beheld 
what  our  iVithei-s  liad  never  seen  and  what  we  dared  not  have 
even  hoped  for ;  the  pontificate  in  union  with  the  empire ;  the 
pulpit  obedient  to  the  spirit,  and  the  monarchy  of  the  earth 
submissive  to  the  monarchy  of  heaven." 

The  love  of  country,  the  ceaseless  tm-moils  of  Italianpohtics, 
the  climate  ;  and  above  all  the  wearing  persuasions  of  French 
cardinals  who  hinguished  for  the  soft  and  sensual  tranquillity 
of  Avignon,  were  too  much  for  the  man  wlio  without  having 
l>een  ever  seduced  from  his  natural  humility  saw  the  emperor 
of  the  west  at  his  stirrup,  and  afterwards  the  emperor  uf  the 
east  at  his  footstool,  renouncing  all  schismatical  opinions,  and 
reverently  acknowledging  his  supremaey. 

There  hideed  seems  to  have  been  but  one  opinion  of  this 
pope,  yet  supposing  the  charge  of  secretly  aiming  at  the  sub- 
jugation of  Tuscany  to  be  true,  rehgious  zeal  would  scarcely  be 
distinguishable  from  temporal  ambhion.  His  enjoyment  c»t 
tranquillity  was  brief;  for  embarking  at  Coraeto  on  the  fifth  of 
September  and  arriving  on  the  twenty-fifth,  he  died  on  the 
nineteenth  of  December  1:370.  On  feeling  the  approach  c»t 
death  he  ordered  the  dooi*s  of  his  palace  to  be  thrown  open ; 
the  people  entered  and  beheld  a  pope  calmly  and  contentedly 
expiring  on  a  miserable  bed,  dressed  in  the  humble  habit  of  his 
order  which  he  never  quitted,  and  leaving  the  world  with  per- 
fect confidence  and  resignation. 

"  He  was,"  savs  Petrarca,  "  an  excellent  man  adapted  t 
ever}^  sort  of  good ;  because  he  was  neither  blinded  by  igno- 
rance nor  her  sister  inexperience  ;  nor  enervated  by  luxury  or 
love  of  women  ;  but  it  is  more  difficult  and  more  rare  to  perse- 
vere in  a  gi-eat  work  than  to  undertake  it ;  he  sinned  from 
excess  of  complacency  to  those  about  him.  But  liow  could  he 
help  being  entangled  in  the  snares  which  they  set  for  him, 
shut  his  eai-s  to  their  insidious  councils,  or  resist  all  the  attacks 
which  they  made  ?    Is  it  not  navigating  agahist  the  wind?   Can 


(» 


:nAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


345 


A.D.  137L 


this  be  done  without  the  aid  of  several  rowers  ?  And  those 
v/hom  he  had  with  him,  far  from  opposing,  followed  the  leeward 
course,  searched  for  rocks  and  wished  for  shipwreck  "  *. 

When  the  Florentines  heard  that  cardinal  Count  de  Beau- 
fort nephew  of  Clement  VI.  had  assumed  the  pon- 
tificate under  the  name  of  Gregory  XL  an  embassy 
was  sent  to  congratulate  him  both  by  them  and  Perugia, 
and  to  beg  his  ratification  of  Urban  the  Fifth's  treaty  with 
the  latter  state  by  which  that  republic  became  pontifical 
vicar  and  virtually  independent.  But  a  decided  refusal  to  be 
bound  by  the  acts  of  his  i)redecessor  couj^led  with  the  intel- 
hgence  tliat  the  Cardinal  of  Burgos  had  taken  advantage  of  a 
famine  and  other  jiublic  calamities  to  occupy  Perugia,  alamied 
Florence  about  the  pope  s  ulterior  objects  and  occasioned  an 
attempt  to  form  a  provisional  confederacy  with  Siena  Pisa 
Lucca  and  Arezzo,  against  future  ecclesiastical  encroachments. 
Pisa  and  Siena  declined  any  alliance  independent  of  Avignon  ; 
and  a  league,  although  not  exactly  what  the  Florentines  wanted, 
was  at  last  conchuled  under  the  auspices  of  Cardinal  Anglec 
Vicar-General  of  Italv,  for  four  vears  from  the  twentv-fourth  of 
October;  the  obnoxious  cardinal  having  in  the  mterim  been 
removed  from  Perugia. 

External  peace  became  as  usual  at  Florence  the  prelude  to 
internal  war ;  not  the  sanguinary  encounters  of  former  days, 
but  with  passions  equally  strong,  selfish  and  remorseless  : 
Uguccione  de'  Kicci  to  the  people's  entire  satisfaction  became 
gonfalonier  of  justice  in  September;  his  unmitigated  opposition 
to  Piero  Albizzi  and  the  law^  of  admonition  had  made  him 
extremely  popular,  and  his  modification  of  that  law  in  1300 
was  fresh  in  the  public  mind:  expectation  therefore  hung 
anxious  on  his  present  power,  but  Kicci  no  longer  appeared 


*  Cronichctta  d'  Inccrto,  p.  198. —  — De  Sade,  Mem.  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  vi., 
Dom.  Buoninscgni,  Lib.  ill.,  p.  .YuVy,  pp.  769,771,773. — Sismondi,  vol.  v., 
&c. — Muiatori,  Aimali,  Anno   1370.     cap.  xlix. 


346 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I 


as  the  popular  champion  that  the  people   had   heen  accus- 
tomed to  behold  so  zealous  in  their  cause  and  whose  present 
poverty  indicated  his  former  integrity.     This  was  at  first  attri- 
buted to  age,  to  indolence,  the  woriy  of  straitened  circum- 
stances ;  to  anything  except  inlidelity ;  but  a  whole  people  is 
seldom  long  deceived  and  it  was  soon  whispered  that  he  had 
secretly  reconciled  himself  to  the  Albizzi  by  the  persuasion  of 
Cai-lo  Strozzi,  the  most  able  and  active  as  well  as  one  of  the 
most  potent  of  that  party.     Clandestine  visits  passed  between 
them  in  which  it  was  sdd  that  Strozzi  used  all  his  powers  of 
eloquence  to  seduce  him  :  he  contrasted  the  aristocratic  fully  in 
losing,  with  the  popular  sagacity  in  still  retainhig  supreme 
authority  in  their  hands  ;  and  more  especially  lauded  the  then 
ruling  faction  which  by  prompt  and  skilful  management  was 
yet  able  to  hold  itself  superior  not  only  to  the  nobles  but  to 
the  legion  of  upstart  citizens  that  had  gradually  entered  nay 
almost  usiu7)ed  the  government  and  who  if  successful  would 
in  their  turn  be  ousted  by  a  new  political  generation.     He 
instanced   the   actual   seignorj^   which   excepting    themselves 
and  two  others,  was  composed  of  the  lowest  order  of  citizens 
the    exclusive    offspring  of   the    Divieto,    alike   strangers  to 
the  city  and  its  ancient  inhabitants;    to  oppose  these  alone 
the  admonition  had  been  set  in  motion  and  was  in  fact  the 
strongest  support  of  the  popolani.     He  then  ridiculed  the  folly 
of  Ricci  in  permitting  a  mere  family  feud  to  injure  the  Party 
Guelph  and  his  own  kindred  instead  of  letting  them  thrive 
like  Piero  Albizzi  who  only  from  favouring  that  magistracy 
now  governed  the  state  and  saw  his  son  a  cardinal,  while  he 
himself  was  followed  and  courted  by  all  the  world.     He  in- 
quired what  had  been  gained  either  to  Ricci  or  his  race  by  the 
long-cherished  epithet  of  ''Lover  of  the  Public  Good,"  and 
urged  him  to  unite  so  intimately  with  Piero  as  to  share  those 
riches  and  honours  that  the  church  would  shower  upon  his 
family  like  rain  from  thunder-clouds,  by  means  of  this  coali- 


CHAF.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


347 


tion  ;  and  instead  of  being  pressed  and  poor  he  would  become 
wealthy  and  powerful. 

With  some  such  reasoning  it  was  believed,  perhaps  more 
from  the  effects  than  oral  information,  that  Pdcci  allowed  him- 
self to  be  seduced,  and  ere  long  one  of  his  sons  was  distin- 
guished by  places  and  pensions  from  the  legate  of  Bologna ; 
another  received  a  benefice,  and  Uguccione  himself  gave  no  fur- 
ther molestation  to  the  Guelpliic  party.  The  people  felt  they 
were  sacrificed,  crucified  as  it  were  between  two  thieves,  and  the 
outciy  became  loud  and  general,  more  especially  as  the  cardi- 
nal legate "s  ambition  had  already  become  a  subject  of  great 
suspicion  and  alarm  to  most  of  the  citizens  who  saw  with  im- 
l)atience  their  leading  families  within  his  corrupting  influence*. 

Thus  for  a  while  the  strife  between  these  potent  rivals  vir- 
tually ceased  but  not  the  stmggle  of  their  factions  :  the  Albizzi 
were  further  strengthened  by  the  accession  of  Benchi  de'  Buon- 
(lehnonti  a  nobleman  who  fur  his  good  service  in  the  Pisan  war 
had  been  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  a  commoner  but  without 
changing  his  name  or  renouncing  his  family:  he  had  been 
drawn  for  a  prior,  but  when  about  to  officiate,  a  new  law  aimed 
exclusively  at  him  declared  any  noble-popolano  unless  he 
changed  both  name  and  arms,  ineligible  to  the  seignory  under 
twenty  yeai-s  from  the  date  of  liis  translation.  Disappointed, 
and  indignant  at  this  blow  which  came  from  the  lower  class 
of  citizens,  he  instantly  joined  the  Albizzi  and  brought,  besides 
the  force  of  his  aristocratic  influence,  a  fresher  and  more  angry 
spirit  to  the  admonitory  power ;  and  thus  many  nobles  stifling 
all  former  enmity  willingly  seconded  the  designs  of  great  popular 
families. 

Between  members  of  the  Party  Guelph  the  sacrifice  or  safety 
of  individuals  became  a  simple  matter  of  barter ;  the  friends  of 


*  Dom.  Boninscflfni,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  354.     xiii.,  p.    678,  &c.  —  Leon.   Aretino, 
— March,  di   Coppo   Stcfani,  Lib.  ix.,     Libre  viii. 
Rub.  725,  726. — S.  AmmiratOj  Lib. 


348 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


one  were  condemned  or  exchanged  for  an  equal  value  on  the  other 
side,  hut  not  always  peaceahly  or  without  external  agita- 
A.D.  1372.  ^.^^^^     j^  .^  ^^^^^  scarcely  possible  to  trace  the  immediate 
bearing  uf  the  sei)arate  ruling  departments  of  Florentine  ad- 
ministration uix>n  each  other  or  estimate  the  relative  power  of  all 
the  si)rings  that  moved  it ;  insulated  fai-ts  frequently  start  into 
life  from  the  pages  of  old  historians  and  indicate  cert;\in  con- 
nexions and  dependencies  in  the  machine  of  government,  then 
universally  familiar  and  therefore  barely  dluded  to,  not  ex- 
plained :  which  throw  a  variable,  che«piered,  and  altogether  un- 
satisfactory light  on  the  subject,  extremely  embarrassing  even  t<. 
well-informed  Florentines.    One  of  these  difficulties  is  tlie  legal 
or  assumed  authority  of  the  Capitani  at  this  epoch  :  that  their 
ix)wer  was  excessive  is  evident,  whether  used  individually  or  as  a 
body,  but  how  it  acted  on  other  wheels  of  administration  is  hard 
to  say,  because  a  single  member,  and  he  of  the  weakest  faction, 
seems  by  an  effort  of  determined  audacity  to  have  controlled  one 
of  the  gravest  of  the  national  councils.    A  citizen  named  ZanoM 
Macinghi  who  happened  to  be  obnoxious  to  Rosso  ie    Ilicci 
having  been  dra^^^l  as  gonfolonier  of  a  company  was  marked  by 
him  for  admonition :  his  petition  to  this  effect  however  faile  1 
three  times  successively  in  the  "Council  of  Twenty-four,' so 
that  the  chairman  refused  to  repeat  the  attempt.     Enraged  at 
this  Rosso  declared  with  violence  that  he  would  reiterate  thi' 
charge  a  hundred  times  if  necessarv :  not  succeeding  in  this  he 
procured  a  council  of  Richiesti  to  be  immediately  summoned : 
but  whether  by  virtue  of  his  own  official  authority  or  througb 
individual  or  party  iniluence  with  the  seignory  is  one  of  those 
points  on  which  we  are  not  enlightened.    After  sitting  all  niglit 
the  council  were  induced  from  mere  exhaustion  to  consent  that 
Zanobi  should  be  declared  a  Ghibeline.     Although  not  easily 
comprehended,  tins  might  have  heen  a  forced  but  legitimate 
exercise  of  pariiamentaiy  forms  and  tactics  artfully  managed  to 
worry  the  assembly  into  a  vote  of  censure  and  deprivation 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


349 


against  an  obscure  individual  for  whose  welfare  few  of  them 
cared  ;  but  the  next  act  of  the  Capitani  was  more  decided, 
and  proves  that  whatever  might  have  been  the  forms  of  political 
liberty  in  Florence  its  sul)stance  had  ceased  to  exist  for  any 
except  the  dominant  faction ;  and  that  what  the  Florentines 
called  liberty  was  the  licence  of  driving  their  political  adver- 
saries from  power  if  tlx'y  could  ;  not  by  public  opinion  or  intel- 
lectual superiority,  but  by  force  of  arms. 

One  of  the  Ricci  faction  named  Ijartolo  Siminetti  banker  to 
the  wealthy  mercantile  house  of  Guardi,  wliicli  had  just  failed 
for  1 -20, 000  tlorins,  was  so  shaken  by  their  fiiU  as  himself  to 
totter  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  when  Carlo  Strozzi  and 
another  of  that  party  came  forwaixl  to  sustain  him,  and  in  return 
received  his  grateful  conscieritious  and  most  zealous  support. 
Increasing  public  dissatisfaction  about  the  Capitani  induced 
them  to  propose  a  law  forbidding  the  seignory  to  deliberate  upon 
any  bill  affecting  the  Party  Guelph  for  good  or  evil,  unless 
it  had  been  previously  discussed  and  approved  by  that  magis- 
tracy. This  was  a  bold  attempt  to  take  the  supreme  government 
by  storm,  to  annihilate  its  legislative  powers,  stifle  public  opinion, 
and  exalt  themselves  high  above  all  human  responsibility.  The 
proposition  was  of  course  rejected,  but  the  Capitani,  being  pre- 
sent, menaced  its  opponents  with  admonition  as  Ghibelines ; 
this  accusation  was  successively  repelled  by  all  the  dissenting 
priors ;  the  petition  went  a  second  time  to  tlie  vote  and,  tbe 
ballot  being  secret,  with  the  same  result.  Upon  this  Simi- 
netti and  Buonfiiuto  Serragli,  both  priors,  started  up  and  tbe 
former  in  a  bold  insolent  tone  for  which  he  was  noted,  cried 
out  "  We  will  soon  fnid  out  who  gave  these  white  beans  and 
therefore  who  are  tbe  enemies  of  the  Party  Guelph"-'.  Then 
walkuig  up  to  each  meml)er  he  stenily  demanded  if  he  were 
a  Guelph,  wliich  none  being  willing  or  able  to  deny,  at  once 


*  It  should  Ix-  rcmcTobercd  that  the     reverse  of  ours,  black  beans  meaning 
mode  of  balloting  in  Florence  was  the     "  Fti,"  and  white  beans  "  No."'' 


350 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


351 


! 


breaking  through  all  forms  of  constitutional  law,  he  forced 
every  individual  to  give  his  black  bean  openly,  and  thus  carried 
the  motion,  to  the  consternation  of  all  good  citizens*! 

Without  having  been  admitted  behind  the  curtain  or  know- 
ing the  by-play  and  undeqilot  of  tliis  extraordinary  scene  it 
is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  how  the  supreme  executi\e 
and  legislative  government  of  the  Florentine  republic  (for  in 
the  seignoiT  both  were  united)  could  have  allowed  itself  to  Ix 
thus  awed  mto  a  dkect  violation  of  all  fundamental  laws  and 
principles  ;  and  this  by  the  audacity  of  a  single  man,  even  sup- 
ported as  he  was  by  the  power  of  a  fonnidable  magistracy  and 
an  audacious  faction  !     It  proves  what  height  that  power  had 
attained  and  how  deeply  its  baleful  shadow  affected  the  com- 
monwealth;  yet  national   spirit  was   aroused,  for  the   open 
violation  of  public  decency  alone,  even  in  trifles,  may  often 
raise  a  louder  burst  of  feeling  than  more  solid  matters,  to  whos*- 
gra\'ity  all  are  not   sensible ;    but  in  this  audacious  act  the 
vitality  of  freedom  was  involved  in  addition  to  the  miseemly 
outrage,  and  a  broad  blast  of  indignation  ruffled  the  surface  of 

society. 

Men  soon  began  to  congregate,  covert  meetings  were  hold 
under  false  pretences ;  for  it  was  a  capital  crime  in  Florencr 
for  more  than  twelve  persons  to  meet  in  secret  ;  and  a  new 
seignor}^  favoured  the  public  wishes.  The  gonfiJonier  for 
March  and  April  was  Andrea  Mangioni,  a  llerce  adherent  of 
the  Albizzi ;  but  the  priors  were  men  of  another  stamp  ;  one, 
Giovamii  de'  :\Iozzi,  was  an  open  foe  to  admonition  and  an  lui- 
compromising  enemy  of  both  factions  :  with  him  therefore  Lapo 
di  Castiglionchio,  Salvestro  de'  Medici,  and  six  other  citizens, 
all  of  whom  except  two  had  been  gonfaloniers  of  justice,  con- 
spired against  the  present  misrule  ;  and  these  were  speedily 
followed  by  a  hundred  more,  all  men  of  rank  and  ability  dis- 
gusted witii  existing  circumstances.     The  first  meetmgs  were 

•  Mar.  di  Coppo  Steflxni,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  730.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  681. 


held  on  pretence  of  visiting  Simon  Peruzzi  an  associate,  who 
feigned  sickness ;  but  being  soon  detected  by  their  lynx-eyed 
advei-saries  they  were  immediately  denounced  and  this  at  once 
decided  them  to  meet  openly  in  the  church  of  San  Piero  Sche- 
reggio :  here  the  state  of  public  affairs  was  fully  discussed  by 
the  assembly,  which  afterwards  adjourning  in  a  body  to  the 
public  palace  one  of  them  addressed  the  seignoiy  as  follows  *  : 
"  Many  of  us  doubt,  most  excellent  seignors,  the  propriety 
**  of  om-  having  thus  assembled  by  private  requisition  although 
"  for  a  public  pui-pose,  lest  we  should  be  either  noted  as  pre- 
"  sumptuous  or,  being  ambitious,  condemned.     But  when  we 
*'  consider  that  day  by  day  otliers  without  hesitation  assemble 
"  in  their  houses  and  porticos,  not  for  public  utility  but  their 
'•  own  private  amljition ;  we  do  think  that  as  they  fearlessly 
"  meet  for  the  ruin  of  the  commonwealth  those  who  now  unite 
''  for  the  public  benefit  have  no  cause  of  apprehension ;  nor 
"  are  we  tempted  to  seek  for  or  listen  to  what  others  may  re- 
"  port  of  us  since  they  openly  disregard  our  judgment.    The  love 
"  we  bear  our  country,  magnificent  seignors,  first  induced  us 
"  to  deliberate,  and  the  same  love  now  brings  us  here  before 
'*  you  to  discuss  that  evil  which  though  dready  of  such  magni- 
"  tude  is  yet  fearfully  increasing;  and  then  to  offer  oui'  best 
"  assistance  for  its  destruction.      This,    however  difficult  it 
"  appear,  may  be  easily  accomplished  if  you  will  only  banish 
"  all  private  feelings  and  support  with  public  force  your  own 
"  legitimate  authority.     Tlie  common   cormption  of  all  the 
"  Italian  cities  has  extended  and  still  extends  to  ours ;  because 
"  from  the  moment  this  province  threw^  off  the  iniperial  yoke 
"  its  several  states,  relieved  from  a  correctmg  power,  have  not 
"  as  free  united  communities,  but  as  cities  split  into  factions, 
"  ordered  their  respective  governments,  and  from  these  proceed 
"  all  the  other  evils,  all  the  other  disorders  that  now  pervade 

♦Marchionni  di  Coppo   Stiifani,    Lib.  ix.,   Rub.    73L— S.  Ammirato,  Lib 
xiii.,  p.  G82.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii". 


352 


FLORENTINE    niSTOBV. 


[book  1- 


CHAP.  XSV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


353 


i( 


them.     No  union,  no  fnendsliip,  is  to  be  found  in  tlieir  citi- 
zens, excepting  among  those  that  are  conscious  of  some  crimt' 
either  against  imlividuals  or  their  native  country :  and  be 
cause  in  all,  both  religion  and  morality  are  extinguished 
oaths  and  plighted  faith  are  only  valued  as  additional  iiistni 
ments  of  treacheiy:  and  the  more  certain  and  easy  the  mod. 
of  deception  so  much  the  more  praise  and  glory  is  acquired. 
Hence  scoundrels  are  praised  as  industrious,  and  j^ood  men 
blamed  as  fools.     And  verily  all  those  thing>  which  most 
tend  to  corrupt  others  seem  now  to  have  nestled  in  tli.^ 
Italian  cities:  the  young  men  are  idle,  the  tdd  lascivi.)us : 
and  ever}'  age  and  every  sex  are  saturated  with  innn(n-al  and 
disgusting  customs  for  which  good  laws,  spoiled  from  mi- 
usage,  bring  no  relief.     Hence  arises  that  uierceuary  gietdy 
character  wliich  is  seen  in  the  citizens,  and  that  appetite  u.»r 
for  true  gloiy,  but  disgraceful  honours,  on  which  hang  enmi- 
ties, quaiTels,  malice  and  factions  ;  and  these  again  generate 
death,   exile,  atHiction  of  the  good,   and  exaltation  of  tli.^ 
wicked.     For  the  virtuous,  confiding  in  their  innocence,  tl<. 
not  search  like  the  vicious  for  patrons  who  will  defend  an<i 
promote  them;  so  that  being  unprotected  they  fall  and  arc 
ruined.     From  such  examples  spring  the  power  and  spirit 
of  faction  ;  because  the  ^icious  through  cupidity  and  ambition 
and  the  virtuous  from  necessity,  are  compelled  to   Mow 
them.      But  a  greater  evil  springs  from  seeing  the  leader^ 
and  promoters  of  fiiction  by  hj-pocritit^al  expressions  of  piety 
morality  and  honesty,  clothe  in  a  decent  exterior  their  most 
'  infamous   objects    and   intentions :    and   it   ever   hai)pens. 
'  though  they  are  all  enemies  to  freedom,  that  wliether  undf^r 
'  the  name  of  nobles  or  popolani,   in  artfully  ai-pcaring  to 
'  defend  they  really  trample   on  it ;    for   the   expected  prc- 
'  mium  of  victory  is  not  the  liberty  of  their  countiy,  but  the 
'  pleasure  of  having  beaten  their  opponents,  and  the  enjoy 
'  ment  of  that  power  which  the  latter  were  thus  compelled  t<» 


"  relinquish  ;  and  thus  tempted  there  is  nothing  so  unjust,  so 
"  cmel,  or  degrading  that  they  will  not  dare  to  do.     Hence 
''  laws  and  regulations,  not  for  public  but  private  advantage, 
•'  are  made  and  promulgated ;  hence  war,  peace,  tmces,  and 
"  alliances  are  all  undertaken,  not  for  the  glory  of  tlie  many 
"  but  the  passions  and  interests  of  the  few.     And  if  the  Italian 
"  cities  be  filled  with  such  disorders  Florence  beyond  all  others 
"  is  thus  tainted :  her  laws,  her  statutes,  her  civil  regulations, 
"  ever  have  been  and  still  are  ordained,  not  according  to  the 
"  wants  of  a  free  community  but  to  suit  the  ambition  of  that 
"  party   wliich   happens   at   the   moment   to   be   uppermost. 
"  Hence  it  follows  that  when  one  ftiction  is  driven  from  power 
"  or  one  sect  extinguished,  phoeiiLx-lilve    another   soon  rises 
"  from  its  ashes  ;  for  in  those  cities  that  maintain  themselves 
'*  by  parties  and  not  laws,  the  moment  one  faction  remains  un- 
"  opposed,  it  immediately  divides  against  itself,  as  there  is 
"  then  no  protection  from  those  private  intrigues  of  which,  in 
"  self-defence,  it  was  the  original  prcjoctor ;  and  that  this  is 
"  true  both  the  ancient  and  modern  divisions  of  our  own  city 
"  demonstrate.     Eveiy  one  imagined  when  the  Ghibeliiics  fell 
"  that   the  Guelphs  would   live  long  and  happily  together ; 
"  nevertheless,  after  a  little  while  the  Bianchi  and  Xeri  divided 
"  them  ;  and  when  the  Bianchi  were  conquered  the  city  was 
"  not  the  less  troubled    by   faction,   for  either  by  favouring 
"  exiles,  or  from  the  hatred  of  nobles  and  popolani,  struggles 
"  never  ceased.     And  then  to  bestow  with  unparalleled  gene- 
*'  rosity  on  others  that  which  we  could  not  or  would  not  jnjoy 
"  together  in  hannony,  we  strangely  surrendered  our  liberty  ; 
"  first  to  King  Robert,  afterwards  to  his  brother,  then  his  son  ; 
"  and  lastly  to  the  Duke  of  Athens.     But  Hke  those  who  caii- 
"  not  agi-ee  to  live  together  in  freedom  and  yet  will  not  be 
"  slaves  we  are  never  a  moment  in  repose;  nor  had  we  any  he- 
"  sitation,  (so  prone  is  every  class  among  us  to  discord)  while 
"  still  under  King  Bobert's  rule  in  displacing  his  royal  majesty 

VOL.  II.  A  A 


354 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


"  for  one  of  the  vilest  inhabitants  of  Agohbio  !     The  Duke  of 

*'  Athens,  for  the  honour  of  this  city,  ought  not  to  be  remem- 

"  bered;  but  his  cruel  tyrannical  disposition  should  for  once 

*'  give  us  a  lesson  of  wisdom  and  teach  us  how  to  live.    Never- 

"  theless  before  and  subsequent  to  his  expulsion,  we,  as  is  our 

"  wont,  quarrelled  and  fought  with  each  other;  nay  using  against 

*'  ourselves  the  ver}-  anns  so  lately  united  to  drive  the  tyrant 

*'  from  our  walls,  and  even  with  greater  fury  and  hatred  than 

"  before.     Our  ancient  nobles  being  subdued  and  compelled  to 

"  bow  before  the  people  many  believed  that  there  would  never 

'•  be  more  cause  of  disturbance,  seeing  that  those  were  bridled 

*'  who  by  their  haughtiness  and  insupportable  ambition  occa- 

"  sioned  it.      But  now  we  see  by  experience  how  fallacious  is 

"  man's  opinion,  how  false  his  judgment !     The  pride  and  am- 

"  bition  of  the  great  were  not  extinguished,  only  wrested  from 

"■  them  by  our  richer  citizens,  who  now,  as  is  the  custom  of 

"  ambition,  aspire  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  commonwealth, 

"  and  who   having  no  means  of  success  l)ut   discord,  agtun 

"  disturb  us ;    so  that  the  forgotten  names  of  Guelph  and 

*'  Ghibeline,   the   curse  of  this  republic,  ai*e  again  revived. 

"  Heaven  wills  it,  in  order  that  there  may  be  nothing  quiet 

"  or  stable  in  human  afikirs,  that  in  every  state  certain  fami- 

"  lies  exist  which  seem  created   for  its  destmction,  and  in 

*'  these  our  OA\'n  republic  abounds  beyond  all  others,  for  not 

"  one  but  many  have  distracted  it.     First  the  Buondelmonti, 

"then  the  Uberti,  afterwards  the  Cerchi  and  Donati;    and 

'*  now ;   oh  how    ridiculous !    the  Ricci  and   Albizzi  forsooth 

"  disturb  and  divide  the  city !     Most  excellent  seignors,  we 

'*  have  not  cited  the  depraved  manners,  the  corruption,  the 

'*  ancient  and  continual  discord  of  our  ancestors,  to  intimidate 

'*  but  only  remind  you  of  their  source ;  and  show  that  as  you 

*'  can  easily  recal  these  things  to  your  own  memory  so  have  we 

"  not  forgotten  them.     And  we  tell  you  moreover,  that  the 

*'  examples  of  those  times  need  not  make  you  diffident  about 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


355 


(I 


(i 


<( 


bemg  able  to  curb  the  present ;  for  then  the  ancient  families 
were  so  powerful  and  so  favoured  by  princes  that  the  common 
regulations  of  society  proved  insufficient  to  restrain  them ; 
"  but  now  that  the  empire  is  weak,  the  pope  no  longer  formid- 
able, and  that  tliis  city  and  all  Italy  are  ariived  at  a  relative 
state  of  equality  sufficient  to  sustain  ourselves  ;  there  will  be 
no  difficulty  in  the  execution ;  our  own  republic  especially, 
"  despite  of  ancient  examples  to  the  contraiy,  not  only  can 
"  maintain  its  unity  but  effi^ct  a  complete  social  reform,  pro- 
"  vided  you,  0  magnificent  seignors,  proceed  zealously  to  the 
'*  task  which  we,  moved  by  pity  for  our  country  not  any  private 
"  inducement,  now  advise  ;  and  though  the  corruption  be  deep 
"  you  can  at  once  destroy  that  evil  which  infects  us,  that  frenzy 
"  wliich  consumes  us,  that  poison  which  is  killing  us  :  impute 
''  our  ancient  troubles,  not  to  human  nature  but  to  the  times, 
"  which  are  always  changing,  wherefore  through  better  regula- 
"  tions  you  may  hope  for  our  city  a  better  fortune.  The  malig- 
"  nancy  of  these  times  may  by  prudence  be  conquered  if  you 
"  will  only  curb  the  ambitious,  annul  those  regulations  which 
"  are  the  nurses  of  faction,  and  replace  them  by  others  more 
"  conducive  to  real  liberty  :  and  may  you  be  pleased  rather  to  do 
"  this  now,  by  virtue  of  existing  laws,  than  be  compelled  here- 
"  after  by  a  people  driven  to  accomplish  it  by  force  of  arms  "-. 
This  speech  only  declared  in  plain  expressions  what  everybody 
felt  to  be  truth :  the  priors  were  willing  to  comply  and  assemble 
a  council  of  the  Richiesti  before  which  both  the  public  grievances 
and  the  accusations  against  citizens  were  to  be  laid.  To  this 
proposition  Jacopo  Guacciani  of  the  Albizzi  faction  objected 
as  unnecessary  and  dangerous  to  public  tranquillity ;  but  pro- 
posed that  the  delinquents  should  be  at  once  given  over  to  the 
podesta  and  suffer  the  penalty  of  their  crime.  Fihppo  Bastari 
then  answered  that  if  to  meet  for  the  purpose  of  exhibiting  the 
dangerous  condition  of  the  state  before  its  supreme  council 


*  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii**. 
A  AJi 


356 


FI.ORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


were  a  capital  crime,  he  confessed  to  having  committed  it  and  so 
rendered  himself  obnoxious  to  the  law,  for  he  was  one  of  th(.s.' 
who  in  San  Piero  Schereggio  resolved  to  inijjlore  the  seignorvs 
aid  in  defence  of  their  common  countiy  then  on  the  brmk  of 
ruin.     If  the  letter  only  of  the  law  were  attended  to  lie  miglit 
be  at  once  turned  over  to  the  executioner ;  but  if  in  a  free  city 
the  mouths  of  free  citizens  lovei-s  of  their  countiy  ought  not  to 
be  stopi)ed,  he  who  in  doliance  of  private  enmity  boldly  came 
forwai-d  to  expose  the  public  danger  should  be  rewarded.     He 
therefore  demanded,  not  reward;    for  a  good  citizen  wanted 
none  in  his  countrj^'s  cause :  but  that  they  would  cast  away 
passion  and  personal  interests  and  apply  effective  remedies  to 
the  grievances  complained  of.    *'  You  are  now"  said  lie  "become 
"  the  slaves  of  the  liicci  and  Albizzi,  nor  is  there  anything  left 
'•  of  our  ancient  liberty  but  the  name  and  a  false  and  feeble 
'•  shadow   of  the    original.       It  is  true    O  most    excellent 
"  seignoi^  that  we  meet  in  this  palace,  appoint  magistrates, 
"  despatch  embassies,  levy  soldiei-s,  and  put  (piestions  to  the 
**  vote  like  freemen,   but  the  substance  is  first  settled  eLe- 
*'  where ;    and  nothing  arrives  here   without   having  passed 
"  through  the  hands  of  one  or  the  other  i)arty.     Wlioever 
'*  comes  to  these  councils  really  to  serve  his  country  without 
*'  permission  from  the  dominant  Action,  or  suspected  bv  tlir 
"  Guelphic  tribunal,  is  at  once  put  aside  ;  or  under  some  other 
**  of  the  numerous  pretences  in  which  they  abound  is  ke])t  at  ii 
"  distance  from  the  government.     Up  to  this  moment,  if  any 
"  of  us   were  dissatisfied  with  one  faction  we  could  join  the 
*'  other,  and  in  the  exercise  of  this  choice  maintain  a  sort  of 
*'  bastard  liberty ;  but  now,  even  this  refuge  no  longer  remains, 
"  for  it  is  well  known  that  the  Ricci  are  reconciled  to  th(^ 
**  Albizzi,  or  at  least  that  some  of  their  leading  members  have 
''  coalesced  in  such   a  manner  as  to  paralyse  that  faction  ; 
wherefore  it  follows  that  we  must  all  submit  to  one,  or  rather 
"  to  many ;  for  the  great  evil  of  tyranny  is  that  obedience 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


357 


\ 


"  must  not  only  be  paid  to  the  chief  tyrant  but  also  to  all  his 
"  minions.  Some  of  you  will  tell  nie  that  I  speak  freely, 
"  and  you  will  tell  me  true ;  for  as  a  waning  light  emits  a 
"  iitful  splendour  while  it  dies  away,  so  should  our  expiring 
''  liberty  Hare  up  with  sudden  brightness.  And  if  I  am  told 
"  that  I  8j>eak  at  the  peril  of  my  head ;  I  re[)ly  that  I  am  not 
"  so  ignorant  of  the  world  as  to  be  insensible  to  danger;  but 
"  either  this  busiiK  ss  shall  take  another  aspect  and  I  bear 
"  away  the  glorious  fruit  of  my  temerity  :  or  if  it  continue  still 
"  unchecked,  I  fearlessly  declare  that  I  shall  then  have  little 
"  pleasure  in  preserving  a  life  that  dooms  me  to  see  my 
"  beloved  country  become  the  bondslave  of  its  o\vn  ambitious 
"  citizens.  I  have  been  five  times  seated  amongst  you  in  this 
"  palace,  thrice  as  prior  and  twice  as  gonfalonier  of  justice :  I 
"  have  seen  the  efforts  of  some  good  citizens  to  support  our 
"  fallinfj  liberty,  and  I  have  lent  my  humble  but  fearless  aid 
•*  to  sustain  it ;  and  now,  if  Heaven  so  decree,  I  will  fall 
"  cheerfully  along  with  it ;  and  this  same  spirit  that  at  my 
"  birth  was  free,  as  free  shall  it  be  restored  to  its  Creator ; 
"  for  whatever  may  become  of  me,  no  material  ties  or  corpo- 
"  real  sufferings  shall  impede  the  unshaclded  working  of  my 
"  mind." 

Filippo  Bastari  was  attentively  heard  and  instantly  supported 
by  Simone  Peiiizzi,  Lapo  Castiglionchio  and  a  host  of  others 
in  rapid  succession  and  without  a  moment's  pause,  so  that  the 
Albizzi  thought  it  necessary  to  deny  the  charge  of  wishing 
either  to  enslave  or  sell  their  countiy ;  but  it  was  well  known, 
as  they  asserted,  that  Uguccione  de'  Ricci  once  thought  of  giving 
it  to  Bernabo.  This  attack  was  repelled  by  Georgio  Ricci  who 
declared  that  the  speaker  Francesco  Albizzi  had  bragged  to 
the  lords  of  Ferrara  and  Padua  that  his  lather  held  Florence 
in  as  perfect  obedience  and  servitude  as  they  did  the  inhabi- 
tants of  their  own  states,  except  an  imagined  appearance  of 
liberty. 


358 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


This  recrimination  strengthened  the  patriots  and  threw  the 
whole  council  into  confusion,  so  that  the  priors  dissolved  it 
\sith  a  resolution  to  discuss  amongst  themselves  the  actual 
condition  of  the  repuhlic :  the  result  was  that  a  committee  of 
two  nobles  and  eight  popolani  was  appointed  to  discover  the 
cause  and  most  effectual  remedy  for  existing  Grievances,  hut 
ending  m  a  strong  recommendation  to  curb  the  pride  and  break 
the  power  of  Piero  Albizzi  and  his  party.     In  pui'suance  of 
this  advice  the  gonfalonier  and  eight  priors,  the  twelve  buono- 
mmi,  the  sixteen  gonfaloniers  of  companies,  the  nine  captains 
of  party,  and  the  committee  of  investigation ;  in  all  fifty-six ; 
were  immediately  fonued  into  a  Balia  with   full  powers  for 
settling  the  immediate  business  of  their  convocation,  but  other- 
NHse  circumstixntially  restricted.      The  spirit  of  this  board  was 
essentially  good,  and  therefore,  in  confonnity  with  the  report, 
the  Albizzi  alone  were  at  first  singled  out  for  castigation  notwith- 
standing their  adherents  in  the  assembly :  afterwards  ninety- 
sLx  followers  of  both  factions  were  to  be  deprived  of  office,  but 
as  if  fearful  of  their  o\vti  work,  they  ended  in  condemning  Piero 
Albizzi  and  Uguccione  Ricci  with  two  more  of  each  family  to 
five  years'  exclusion  from  every  office  except  that  of  the  Party 
Guelph,  accompanied  by  a  proliibition  against  their  entering  the 
official  residence  of  any  public  rector,  or  approaching  witliin  a 
hundred  '*  braccia''  or  about  two  hundred  feet  of  the  priors' 
palace,  and  having  their  names  if  drawn  for  office,  returned  to 
the  electoral  purses. 

Besides  these,  which  considering  the  Albizzi's  power  were 
deemed  to  be  bold  proceedings,  a  provision  was  made  that 
enabled  any  citizen  iv'ho  might  thereafter  be  injured  by  a  more 
powerful  neighbour,  to  lay  a  petition  before  the  seignory  and 
colleges,  and  on  proving  his  charge  the  culprit  became  subject 
to  the  penalties  of  nobility  ;  or  as  it  was  called,  being  inscribed 
in  the  Hst  of  the  "  Grandi "  or  great  people,  if  he  were  only  a 
simple  citizen ;   but  to  the  severer  punishment  of  "  Sojira- 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


359 


grande  "  if  he  happened  to  be  a  nobleman.  As  the  oppression 
of  the  weak  by  the  strong,  whether  nobles  or  popolani  appears 
to  have  been  very  prevalent  especially  in  the  rural  districts,  this 
law  discontented  many  who,  becoming  impatient  of  the  bit,  joined 
tlie  admonitionists  and  caused  much  ulterior  evil.  Several  wise 
regulations  were  promulgated  by  this  Balia,  amongst  others ; 
that,  except  against  the  Ubaldmi,  (then  actually  at  war  with 
Florence  and  considered  as  a  sort  of  outlaws)  no  war,  truce, 
or  peace,  could  thenceforth  be  made  or  broken ;  no  troops  sent 
out  of  the  country,  nor  the  submission  of  towns  or  other  places 
be  received  without  the  previous  approval  of  the  seignory  and 
colleges,  the  Capitani,  the  live  councillors  of  commerce,  a 
learned  able  and  respected  tribunal,  two  consuls  from  each 
Art*  and  ninety-six  citizens  chosen  equally  from  the  sLxteen 
companies,  of  which  number  none  could  be  drawn  who  had  not 
previously  served  in  some  of  the  above  offices,  the  judges  of 
commerce  excepted ;  and  not  more  than  two  individuals  from 
the  same  *'  Consorteria  "  or  union  of  families.  To  these  were 
subsequently  added,  and  with  potential  voice  the  "  Died  della 
Lihertd;''  in  all  one  hundred  and  ninety  of  the  most  expe- 
rienced citizens ;  the  whole  forming  a  broad  basis  of  popular 
representation  apparently  well  calculated  to  prevent  either  peace 
or  war  being  made  at  the  caprice  of  powerful  individuals  or  fac- 
tions, merely  to  feed  their  own  passions,  or  gratify  a  mischievous 
ambition.  The  citizens  were  moreover  forbidden  to  enter  the 
seignorial,  or  any  of  the  rectors'  palaces  except  on  days  of  pub- 
lic audience,  or  to  offer  any  donative  to  the  latter  functionaries ; 
for  much  secret  corruption  was  believed  to  exist  in  the  courts 
of  the  podesta  the  executor  of  the  ordinances  of  justice  and 
the  captain  of  the  people.  The  execution  of  many  of  these  laws 
was  committed  to  the  new  tribunal  above  mentioned  called 


*  In  consequence  of  the  mortality  of    fourteen,  but  were  restored  the  fol- 
1348,  the  number  oi  Arts  or  trades     lowing  year, 
were    reduced    from    twenty-one    to 


360 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tlie  ''Ten  of  Liberty''  which  was  instituted  by  tliis  Balia  for 
the  general  superintendence  of  civil  liberty  a  subject,  accord- 
iiig  to  our  notions,  but  little  understood  in  those  half-civilised 
times ;  to  prevent  the  fonnation  of  Actions ;  to  see  justice  well 
administered ;  and  to  discuss  questions  of  peace  and  war  with 
the  other  council,  which  deprived  of  their  cooperation  became 
lifeless  :  tliis  importiint  board  was  composed  of  two  citizens  t.f 
the  inferior  trades,  four  unoccupied  populani  and  two  nobles ; 
and  was  renewed  every  four  months  *. 

These  reforms  humbled  the  Albizzi  more  in  appearence  than 
reality,  and  with  ostensive  impartiality  bore  harder  on  their 
rivals :  by  leaving  open  the  Guelphic  magistracy  to  both  fac- 
tions the  Albizzi  were  in  reality  strengthened  ;  for  that  tribu- 
nal's power  was  excessive  and  their  intluence  in  it  paramount: 
therefore  when  Piero  was  told  of  the  Balia's  decree,  he  merely 
said  ''This  will  do  well  enough  if  they  go  no  further."     And 
even  in  the  Balia  itself  their  adherents  were  instrumental  in 
modifying  the  first  sweeping  resolution  by  artfully,  and  perhaps 
truly  representing  the  danger  of  offending  so  inany  powerful 
families ;  by  showing  the  ample  time  which  they  still  had  to 
work  and  therefore  the  inutility  and  imprudence  of  haste;  also 
the  safer  policy  of  first  trying  how  a  less  extensive  measure 
would  be  received  by  the  community!.     Nevertheless  there  were 
some  strong  spirits  among  their  patriotic  opponents  :  JMegliore 
Guadagni  was  one  who  boldly  opposed  them,  first  by  petition- 
ing under  the  new  law  against  Francesco  degli  Albizzi,  Anth 
whom  he  had  some  dispute  about  a  farm,  and  having  him  placed 
A.D.  1373.    ^"^^^ig^t  the  Grandi,  and  afterwards  in  the  beginning 
of  1373  ;  being  then  chief  magistrate;  he  procured  a 
law  by  which  not  only  the  three  Albizzi  but  the  whole  of  that 
race  and  the  Ilicci  were  excluded  from  office,  and  instead  of  their 

*  Dom.     Bnoninsegni,  Lib.    iv.,   p.     Libro  ix.,  Rub.  7.32,  ScC^ 
b«J. — Marchionne  di  Coppo  Stefuni, 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


361 


names  being  replaced  in  the  election  purses  when  dra\Tn  for 
official  situations,  which  would  have  givei*  them  equal  chances 
with  others  after  the  expiration  of  their  pmiishnient,  the  billets 
were  in  future  to  be  torn  up,  and  thus  all  hope  destroyed  until 
a  new  imlnirsement  took  place  which  Avoukl  again  be  likely  to 
extend  the  2)eriod  of  their  exclusion  ='^ 

This  was  a  bold  resolute  action  against  a  fiiinily  so  numerous, 
rich  and  powerful  with  such  a  weapon  as  the  Guelphic  tri- 
bunal at  their  command,  and  who  now  with  increased  bitter- 
ness exerted  themselves  to  re-double  its  pernicious  influence. 
Guadagni's  ground  was  however  secure,  the  cause  popular  and 
already  discussed,  and  his  attack  directed  only  against  one 
obnoxious  fiunily  with  the  fair  expectation  of  powerful  public 
protection  if  he  failed;  but  it  was  a  very  different  business 
when  Piero  Petriboni  prior  for  Santo  Spirito  in  the  same 
seignory  attacked  the  Capitani  themselves.  Certain  citizens 
elated  with  this  success  against  the  Albizzi  the  great  workers 
of  admonition,  attempted  to  arrest  this  formidable  engine  in 
its  full  career,  and  Petril>oni  introduced  a  bill  to  declare  all 
admonitory  acts  invalid  unless  appro\  ed  by  the  seignory  and 
colleges.  So  bold  a  step  Avas  too  much  even  for  Migliore  him- 
self although  it  would  have  increased  his  present  power  and 
future  safety,  and  was  therefore  not  only  rejected  in  the 
palace,  but  Piero  was  instantly  accused  of  a  wicked  attempt  to 
destroy  the  Party  Guelph  the  basis  and  palladium  of  Floren- 
tme  liberty ;  so  subtle  was  the  management  and  so  deep  the 
terror  of  that  tribunal !  Assuming  this  charge  as  true  the 
Capitani  followed  up  their  blow,  and  as  a  natural  consequence 
accused  him  with  some  plausibility  of  having  proposed  a  law 
which  struck  directly  at  public  freedom  and  therefore  rendered 
him  obnoxious  to  capital  punishment ;  so  that  much  discussion 

*^^Il  Biario  del  MonalcW''  extends  the   '^  CJironichctfa  (T   Incerto,''  in 

this  'Sentence  to  ten  years.    I  have  fol-  Dominico  M.  Manni's  collection,  also 

lowed  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  the  historian  says  ten  years. — Page  100. 
and  an  actor  in  the  political  scene  ;  but 


362 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


followed  on  the  expediency  of  beheading  him.  The  moment 
Petriboni  s  tenu  of  office  expired  he  answered  the  Capitanis 
summons  as  a  known  Ghibeline ;  and  he  who  only  one  day 
before  was  seen  exercising  the  highest  fmictions  of  national 
government  now  appeared  vdth  a  halter  on  his  neck  grovellina 
before  his  persecutoi-s,  imploring  mercy  for  having  introduced 
a  law  which  he  believed  to  be  for  his  country's  good,  and 
offering  to  go  into  voluntary  exile  to  save  his  head!  He 
fortunately  escaped  with  an  admonition  and  kept  his  head,  but 
lost  all  hope  of  using  it  iif  the  government  of  his  country*. 

This  outburst  of  the  better-disposed  citizens  was  perhaps 
more  spirited  than  ably  conducted  :  intent  rather  on  destroving 
the  effect  of  factions  that  immediately  oppressed  them  than  in 
providing  for  future  security  by  a  removal  of  causes,  tliey  Itll 
between  both  and  accomplished  neither :  the  Albizzi  remained 
powerful,  and  the  Kicci,  their  only  rivals,  enfeebled :  Petriboni 
attempted  a  deeper  blow,  and  had  he  been  properiy  seconded 
would  have  reestablished  the  supreme  government  and  de- 
stroyed  the  impcrium  in  imperlo  of  the  Guelphic  board.    But  the 
terror  of  this  tribunal  was  so  conlii'med,  and  so  confounded  in 
the  public  mind  with  the  very  existence  of  liberty  as  to  paralvse 
national  energy  and  pei-plex  all  judgment.     When  the  mind  of 
a  whole  people  is  thus  affected,  the  tyranny  must  be  excessive, 
the  power  temble,  the  obstacles  to  be  suraiomited  formidable, 
and  the  full  merit  and  boldness  of  their  opposition  can  scarcely 
be  appreciated  by  posterity.    The  fury  of  admonition,  rendered 
fiercer  by  these  proceedings,  raged  even  within  the  tribimal 
Itself  and  continued  public  disturbance ;  so  that  in  the  following 
year  men  were  again  found  that  unscared  by  Petriboni  s  destiny 
once  more  attempted  to  stem  the  tide  of  misiaile  and  vindicate 
the  rights  of  government. 

A  proposal  for  admonition  was  made  by  some  member  of  the 
minor  trades  amongst  the  Capitani,  and  was  opposed  by  the 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiu.,  p.  667. 


CHAP.  XXV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


363 


other,  who  himself  narrowly  escaped  admonition  in  conse- 
quence :  this  caused  additional  discontent  amongst  the  citizens 
as  it  showed  them  clearly  and  in  despite  of  all  their  prejudices, 
that  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  Capitani  and  not  Ghibe- 
linism,  was  the  real  cause  of  persecution.  The  prior  Giovanni 
Magalotti  fearlessly  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  this  tyran- 
nical abuse  of  constitutional  powders  intended  only  for  the 
preservation  of  liberty,  and  therefore  assembling  a  council  of 
six  hundred  Piichiesti  addressed  them  in  a  speech  the  pur- 
port of  which  was  to  prove  that  the  admonitory  system  was  fast 
bringing  the  republic  to  ruin.  The  sluice  thus  opened  a  tor- 
rent of  elo(iuence  followed  in  the  same  strain,  member  after 
member  eagerly  rising  in  support  of  Magalotti.  On  seeing 
this,  Lapo  of  Casteglionchio,  who  from  steady  patriotism  had 
tunied  completely  round  and  was  now  one  of  the  fiercest  ad- 
monitionists,  mounted  the  Ptinghiera  and  with  a  bold  and 
fluent  tongue  made  a  long  rambling  irrelevant  speech  until 
tired  of  his  vituperation  Magalotti  ordered  him  to  cease  and 
descend  from  the  platform.  This  command  infuriated  Lapo 
who  in  a  deafening  tone  cried  out  "  Look  gentlemen  to  what 
"  we  are  now  reduced !  A  Guelpli  cannot  speak  in  defence  of 
•*  the  Party  Guelph !  What  worse  could  we  expect  from 
"  Bernabo  himself  if  he  were  lord  of  Florence  ?  Giovanni 
"  Magalotti  and  his  followers  are  those  who  want  to  ruin  the 
"  bulwarks  and  citadel  of  liberty  by  silencing  us  their  defenders ! 
"  Will  the  rest  of  you  gentlemen  suffer  such  arrogance  and 
"  tamely  allow  one  man  by  the  authority  of  his  ill-suited  office 
*'  to  extinguish  the  most  sacred  tribunal  of  the  Party  Guelph, 
"  the  base  and  foundation  of  this  republic?"  Manetto  Ric- 
ciardo  one  of  the  priors  for  Santo  Spirito  immediately  asserted 
that  so  far  from  wishing  to  check  Lapo  he  had  full  liberty  to 
continue ;  but  Magalotti  unmoved  by  this,  sternly  repeated  his 
command  and  confusion  became  general  until  the  gonfalonier 
ordered  Lapo  to  terminate  his  speech  as  briefly  as  possible. 


364 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I, 


^\Tien   he   concluded   many  others  rose  and  denounced  the 

admonitory  system  so  effectually  that  a  resolution  was  massed 

which  recommended  the  Sei^nory  to  take  immediate  measures 

for  curbmg  or  absolutely  abolishing  this  tjTanny.     Here  was  a 

fair  promise,  but  some  delay  in  the  execution  afforded  time  for 

fresh  mtrigue ;   and  by  new  artifices  the  Capitani  sheltered 

themselves  from  the  coming  storm  until  the  plague  wlii.h  had 

agam  ai)peared,  dispersed  it  altogether,  so  that  the  only  result 

from  this  formidable  gathering  was  the  noting  of  ilanetto 

Pacciardo  in  the  books  of  the  party  as  a  friend  .-nid  benefoctor 

and  Giovanni  :\Iagalotti  as  a  suspected  Ghibeline^:=. 

It  usually  happens  that  amidst  the  jostle  of  factions  and  con- 
sequent vicissitudes  of  power,  the  mass  of  lower  and  middle 
ranks  acquire  something  in  the  scramble,  and  in  Florence  at 
almost  every  gi'eat  revolution  or  reform  some  small  advance  was 
made  by  the  mmor  trades  towards  a  political  equality  with  their 
supenors.   So  in  this  nominal  abasement  of  the  Albizzi  the  lower 
tradesmen  demanded  a  voice  in  the  court  of  commerce,  and  with 
some  reason  as  it  was  in  eveiy  way  connected  with  their  trades 
hut  still  more  closely  as  a  court  of  bankruptcv.     In  consequence 
of  this  demand  which  was  considered  just,  two  consuls  from  the 
minor  arts  were  added  to  the  five  already  existing;  yet  it  was  a 
questionable,  and  proved  an  imprudent  act  as  regarded  the 
character  of  this  court  which  had  difficult  and  delicate  duties 
to  perform,  involving  questions  of  international  law  and  requir- 
ing somethmg  beyond  the  Wews  and  information  then  existing 
amongst  the  mferior  aitisans  of  Florence.    The  reputation  of 
this  tnbunal  as  a  court  of  admiralty  was  far  and  widely  spread, 
and  with  such  confidence  in  its  judgments  that  it  was  fre- 
quented, and  its  decisions  voluntarilv  submitted  to  by  France 
Italy,  and  almost  every  other  part  of  the  commercial  worid  : 
after  this  epoch  however  its  reputation  is  said  to  have  declined  f. 

*S  Aminirato,Lib  xiii    P.C90.  Marc,    di    Coppo   Stefani,    Lib.    i^., 

t  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  o.  C88.—     Rub.  734. 


CHAP.  XXV.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


365 


While  these  transactions  were  passing  in  Florence  the  re- 
maining independent  branches  of  the  Ubaldini  began  to  give 
some  trouble;  Guaspari  Ubaldino  had  surprised  the  Florentine 
town  of  Castel  Lione,  and  put  the  govenior  and  gai'rison  to 
death :  tliis  was  a  shaqi  and  unexpected  blow,  and  the  more  so 
because  it  was  believed  to  have  been  struck  by  a  stronger 
hand,  for  the  Ubaldini  were  in  the  Popes  service  who 
since  the  conquests  of  All)ornoz  had  become  a  near  and  dis- 
agreeable neighbour  pressing  the  Florentine  territories  almost 
on  every  side.  Pope  Gregory  XI.  was  now  undisputed  lord 
of  all  the  patrimony ;  of  great  part  of  La  Marca  and  Pio- 
magna ;  and  of  the  dukedom  of  Spoleto  with  Pemgia  and 
Bologna ;  and  the  cardinal  of  Burgos  who  governed  the  latter 
was  fully  as  ambitious  as  his  predecessor  without  his  talents 
or  sagacitv.  Moreover  the  Albizzi  were  known  to  be  in  close, 
and  as  it  would  seein  by  a  letter  taken  from  the  abbot  of  Santa 
Triuita,  in  treasonable  intercourse  with  tliis  prelate-.  In 
these  circumstances  the  outrage  was  for  some  time  unnoticed 
for  fear  of  greater  evil ;  but  as  robberies  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Ubertini  became  frequent  in  the  mountains  a  price  was 
set  on  the  head  of  eleven  of  that  family,  and  a  magistracy 
called  the  ''  Eiijht  of  the  AJj)s''  created  to  superintend  their 
defence  and  security.  In  the  year  1373  after  some  successful 
operations,  Mainardo  Fbaldini  chief  of  the  clan  became  a  pri- 
soner to  Florence  ;  he  was  first  offered  liberty  in  exchange  for 
the  town  of  Tirli,  but  failing  in  eveiy  negotiation  with  his  family 
for  this  purj)ose  was  l)eheaded  l)y  the  podesta,  after  both  the 
captain  of  the  people  and  the  executor  of  the  ordmances  of 
justice  had  refused  to  carry  out  what  they  thought  an  unjust 
sentence,  because  he  had  been  made  prisoner  within  his  own 
dominions.  This  fact  while  it  honours  those  magistrates,  proves 
the  extreme  weakness  of  government,  and  Mainardo  s  death  was 


*  As  we  learn  from    Marcliionne  di     Dicci  Jella  Libcrta,  before  whom  tlic 
Coppo  Stcfuui,  who  was  one  of  the     affair  came. — Libro  ix.,  Rubrica  738. 


366 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY, 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVI  ] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


367 


universally  blamed,  for  he  was  a  man  of  talent  and  reputation 
and  considered  as  the  best  of  his  restless  race.  After  some 
further  success  several  of  the  Piguole  branch  of  the  family 
voluntarily  sun'endered  themselves  and  were  favourably  re- 
ceived as  popolani  of  Florence  :  Lozzoli,  Yaldagnello,  Tu'li  md 
all  their  other  strongholds,  fourteen  in  number,  subsequently 
fell  to  the  Florentines  so  that  tliis  numerous  powerful  and 
troublesome  race  was  at  length  completely  conquered  and  the 
republic  relieved  from  a  continual  cause  of  anxiety  and  often 
of  serious  alarm  '^ 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHS.  —  England  :  Edward    III.  —  Scotland  :  David 
Bnice,  to  13/ 1  ;  then  Robert  II.  (Stuart)— France  :  Charles  V.  (The  Wi^e) 
—Castile  and  Leon  :  Peter  the  Cruel,  1368  ;  then  Ilenrv  II.  of  Tra.tamarc 

—  Aragon  :  Peter  IV.- Portugal  :  Peter  I.  to  1.3t>7;'thcn  Fcrdmand— 
Germany  :  Charles  U  .  Emperor,  and  King  of  Bohemia.-Naples  :  Joanna  I. 

—  Sicjlj:  Fredenc  III.  of  Aragon.— Popes :  Urban  V.  to  1370;  then 
Gregory  XI.— Poland  :  Casimir  the  Great  to  1370;  then  Louis  the  Great, 
Kmg  of  Hungarj-  and  Poland.— Greek  Emperor  :  John  Paljeolo-us.— Ottoman 
Empire  :  Murad  I.  (Amurath). 


*  Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the 
power  of  this  family  by  the  following 
list  of  Castdli,  or  fenced  towns,  pos- 
sessed by  them  about  this  period  in 
the  Apennines  and  Low  Country, 
though  they  Mere  then  much  reduced 
from  their  original  splendour.  Their 
names  were  as  follows: — Monte Gem- 
moli,  Frena,  Caprile,  Roccabruna, 
Tirli,  Monte  Colloreto,  Lozzolc,  Vi- 


giano,  Castcllo  Lione,  Mantigno,  Val- 
dagnelli,  Frassino,  Susiiiana,Cerignolo, 
Belmonte,  Pignole,  Visano,  Bibbiana, 
Piedimonte,  Ciaregiuolo,  Salicchio, 
and  Castelpagano.  —  Marchionnc  di 
Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  739.— 
S.  AmmiratOy  Lib.  xi.,  p.  G04,  and 
Lib.  xiii,  pp.  08G-8-y.— i>/ano  dd 
Monaldi. 


• 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


FROM    A.D.    1374    TO    A.D.    1378. 


A.D.  1374. 


Before  entering  on  the  interesting  portion  of  Florentine 
history  which  immediately  follows  the  transactions  already  nar- 
rated, it  may  be  as  well  to  review  the  general  condi- 
tion of  Italy  up  to  this  period  and  especially  of  Lom- 
bardy,  as  more  closely  connected  with  what  will  follow. 

Foreign  invasions,  the  inroads  of  condottieri,  Sicilian  wars, 
and  domestic  troubles,  had  successively  kept  the  Idngdom  of 
Naples  in  a  state  of  almost  ceaseless  agitation  from  the  year 
1350,  when  Louis  king  of  Hungary  had  again  occupied  that 
countr}^  and  reduced  Giovanna  to  such  difficulties  as  compelled 
the  pontitf  s  interference  to  save  her  from  destmction.  In  1352 
Clement  VI.  succeeded  in  restoring  peace  on  condition  that  the 
Hungarian,  Giovanna,  and  Louis  of  Tarento,  should  all  three 
quit  the  realm  until  every  circumstance  of  Andrea's  murder 
had  been  fully  investigated  ;  so  that  if  Giovanna  should  be  im- 
plicated Naples  would  become  a  forfeit  to  Louis  of  Hungary : 
if  not,  she  was  still  to  reign,  but  pay  him  300,000  floiins  for  liis 
expenses.  A  young  beautiful  and  fascinating  woman  pleading 
her  own  cause  before  dissolute  judges  found  more  eloquence  in 
tears  than  words  and  soon  proved  her  innocence  in  the  eyes,  if 
not  in  the  hearts  of  her  auditors :  she  was  acquitted  by  pope 
and  cardinals,  and  King  Louis,  although  far  from  convinced, 
acquiesced  in  the  sentence  but  magnanimously  or  disdainfully 
refused  the  subsidy.     Giovanna  and  her  husband  were  crowned 


368 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


in  May  1:35 vl,  and  at  Clement's  request  the  long-imprisoned 
Neapolitan  princes  sinuilumeously  received  their  freedom  from 
Louis  of  Hanj:jan -. — But  there  were  other  sources  of  trouble. 

From  the  time  that  Sicily  fell  under  the  sway  of  Aragon  no 
pennanent  peace  had  ever  existed  with  Xa[)les  ;  wars,  descents, 
rehellions,  or  revolts,  had  devastated  both  countries  with 
vai-ious  and  alternate  miseiy ;  yet  Sicily  remained  inde}»endent. 
The  Neapolitan  Louis  a  prince  of  no  reputation  died  in  loO^, 
and  Giovanna  unable  as  a  single  woman  to  govern  her  turbu- 
lent vassals  married  James  of  Aragon  who  was  immediately 
created  Duke  of  Ccdabria  ;  but  after  Acciajuoli's  death  in  1300 
fortune  and  her  Sicilian  conquests  alike  fell  from  her  even  to 
Messina  itself;  so  that  in  137*2  she  ceded  the  whole  island  to 
King  Frederic  of  Aragon  as  her  feudatoiy  fur  a  yearly  tribute 
of  three  thousand  ounces  of  gold,  equal  at  that  time  to  about 
15,000  florins,  on  condition  of  his  relinquishing  the  royal  title 
of  Sicily  for  that  of  Trincaria ;  Giovanna  herself  exclusively 
bearing  the  foiTuer. 

Venice  after  a  severe  struggle  with  Louis  of  Hungary  which 
ended  in  1358  by  an  ignominious  peace,  had  again  quarrelled 
with  Padua  notwithstanding  all  the  endeavours  of  Florence 
the  pope  and  Pisa  to  preserve  tranquillity  on  land,  while 
another  of  her  numerous  wars  with  Genoa,  itself  in  a  state  of 
continual  dissension,  gave  full  occupation  to  all  her  maritime 
forces. 

Bologna  in  1355  was  governed  by  Giovanni  d'Oleggio  for 
Matteo  Visconte;  but  suspected  and  otTended  by  him  and 
unjustly  treated  by  Galeazzo,  with  the  aid  of  his  Ghibeline 
adherents,  the  Maltraversi,  he  revolted  and  under  the  title  of 
protector  became  absolute  lord  of  that  city :  the  confederates 
hailed  this  defection  by  instantly  sending  troops  to  his  aid,  and 
being  an  able  determined  man,  Visconte  s  troops  were  repulsed 
and  Oleggio's  authority  more  firmly  established.     Meanwhile 


Costanzo,  1st.  di  Hap.,  vol.  \°,  Lib.,  vi.,  p.  36G. 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


369 


Matteo  Visconte  suddenly  died ;  he  was  remarkable  for  his 
beauty  talents  and  indolence,  and  fell  a  victim,  it  was  believed, 
as  much  to  the  aml)ition  of  his  two  brothers  as  to  their  appre- 
hension of  mischief  from  his  licentiousness  which  left  the  honour 
of  no  family  miassailed  however  high  their  rank  and  respecta- 
bility-s  They  now  shared  his  domhiions,  still  leaving  Genoa  as 
common  property;  and  in  this  partition  Bologna  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Bemabo.  In  1350  Giovanni  d'Gleggio  agreed  by  treaty  to  retain 
the  lordship  of  that  city  during  his  lifetime  only ;  but  on  Ber- 
nabo's  part  the  whole  transaction  was  deceptive,  and  under  the 
false  pretence  of  attacking  b  errara  he  despatched  Arrigo,  son 
of  Castruccio  Castracani,  with  a  strong  force  to  Bologna  : 
Arrigo  soon  began  to  conspire  against  the  state  but  was  de- 
tected and  with  many  others  beheaded  in  defiance  of  every 
consequence  by  Oleggio,  who  after  this  naturally  fell  into  the 
arms  of  the  league,  the  onlv  fruit  that  P)ernab6's  treacherv 
produced.  Galeazzo  in  like  marnier  alienated  John  Palaeo- 
logus  Marquis  of  Monferrato,  a  prince  of  great  power  and  abi- 
lity, who  in  concert  with  the  Beccaria  of  Pavia,  and  havhig 
himself  considerable  influence  there  as  imperial  vicar,  openly 
defied  the  Visconti.  With  the  help  of  Savoy  he  soon  gained 
possession  of  Asti,  Alba,  Cheraseo,  Chieri,  and  almost  all  the 
Piedmontese  cities,  his  enemy's  indignation  the  while  turning 
fiercely  on  Pavia  which  was  closely  blockaded  hi  May,  and  a 
second  army  simultaneously  dropped  down  the  Po  to  besiege 
Borgoforte  hi  the  jMantuan  country. 

By  the  aid  of  ]\Ionferrato  and  the  stirring  eloquence  of 
Petrarca's  friend  the  Fra  Jacopo  Bussolari,  a  man  of  great 
energy  and  apparent  self-devotion,  one  bold  and  successful  sally 
was  made,  the  Mflanese  works  were  destroyed  and  the  city 
finally  liberated  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  May  1350  whfle  the 

The  probability  seems  to  be  that  be  ing  to  Corio,  was  disgusting.  (Vide 
died  from  the  pure  effects  of  dc-  Corio  dvW  Ilistorie  Milanese^  Parte 
bauchery,  the  excess  of  wiiicb,  accord-     iii%  folio  229). 


VOL.  II. 


B  B 


370 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Visconti  were  tlmce  defeated  in  other  places  by  the  comhmed 
forces  of  Reggio,  Mantua,  and  the  Marquis  of  Ferrara.  The 
confederates  about  this  period  purchased  Count  Lando's  slippery- 
aid  with  all  his  free  companions,  and  their  armies  thus  aug- 
mented carried  fii'e  and  sword  throughout  the  Milanese  states. 
Lando  then  joined  the  ^larquis  of  Monferrato  ;  more  losses 
accmed  to  Milan;  Genoa  revolted  in  November;  and  the 
deposed  Doge  Boccanegra  then  an  exile  at  Pisa,  or,  according  to 
Muratori,  a  sort  of  hostage  at  Milan,  was  reinstated  in  all  his 
former  authority  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  nobles, 
who  were  not  only  excluded  from  power  but  some  of  them 
exiled,  while  he  made  cormnon  cause  with  the  mai'quis  and 
became  a  deadly  foe  of  Milan  *. 

Things  were  thus  in  Lombardy  when  Cardinal  Alboraoz, 
after  having  with  great  political  sagacity  militaiy  skill  and 
perseverance,  reoccupied  a  large  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical 
states,  turned  his  arms  against  Francesco  degli  Ordelaffi  Lord 
of  Forli,  Forlimpopoli,  and  Cesina,  as  well  as  against  Rinieri  and 
Giovaimi  di  Manfredi  Seignors  of  Faenza,  whom  along  with 
the  Grand  Company  he  anathematised,  and  followed  it  up  by 
publishing  that  crusade  which  in  1357  was  so  successful  at 
Florence  f .  Faenza  and  Ascoli  surrendered,  but  Cesina  was 
long  and  gallantly  defended  by  Cea  wife  of  Francesco  Ordelaffi 
until  compelled  to  yield  by  an  insuiTection  (jf  the  far  less 
devoted  citizens. 

The  Lombard  war  continued  in  favour  of  the  allies  until  June 
1358  when  peace  was  concluded;  but  to  Beniabo  Visconte  ji 
treaty  was  the  mere  couching  of  the  tiger  for  a  more  deadly 
spring,  and  accordingly  the  following  year  he  attempted  to 
sui-prise  Bologna.  The  siege  of  Pavia  was  also  renewed  without 

*  Corio,  Hist.   Mil.,  Parte    iii%  folio  Arch.  Stor.  Ital. 

•231,  Ed.  1554. — M.  Villain,  Lib.  vii,,  f  Muratori  places  this  event  in  l.jofi, 

cap.  xl.        Muratori,    Anno   135G. —  after  Villani,   Ammirato   in    1357. — 

Cronache     Milanesi    di    Giovani,    P.  M.  Villani,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xiv. — ^Mura- 

Caguola,  &c.,  Lib.  i",  p.  VJj  vol.  iii. —  tori  Annali,  Anno  135G. 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


371 


that  city  being  able  to  receive  any  aid  from  Piedmont ;  for  the 
Marquis  of  Monferrato  after  havuig  engaged  Lando  and  Baum- 
garten  during  their  disgraceful  retreat  from  Tuscany,  was  ulti- 
mately deserted  by  both  ;  and  Bussolari  who  had  ousted  the 
Beccaria,  although  to  his  own  certain  iTiin,  yet  surrendered 
Pavia  on  favourable  conditions  to  Galeazzo  in  1359:  ForH 
yielded  the  same  year  and  Romagna  became  tranquil;  but 
Oleggio,  being  too  hardly  pressed  by  Bernabo  Visconte,  abdicated 
in  favour  of  the  church  receiving  Fermo  in  exchange  for  Bo- 
logna, to  the  great  joy  of  the  inhabitants.  The  war  and  siege 
nevertheless  continued  until  Visconte  s  anny  retired  before  an 
auxiliaiy  force  of  wild  Hungarians  levied  by  Albornoz  in 
1360. 

Galeazzo  meanwhile  was  still  in  active  hostilitv  with  Mon- 
ferrate  and  the  "White  Company:"  while  Albornoz,  Ferrara, 
Padua,  and  Reggio,  misuccessfully  united  in  a  demand  for  aid 
from  Florence  who  still  remained  faithful  to  her  treaty  with 
Milan  though  fully  alive  to  Visconte's  increasing  power  and  the 
risk  of  pontifical  enmity  *. 

War  soon  recommenced  in  Lombardy  and  Bernabo,  excom- 
municated by  Urban  V.  and  afterwards  defeated  by  the  con- 
federates at  Crevacuore,  was  linally  compelled  to  cede  Bologna 
to  the  church  at  a  general  peace  concluded  in  1364  between 
Milan  and  the  other  belligerent  states.  Two  years  afterwards 
an  alliance,  already  mentioned,  betw^een  the  pope  and  emperor, 
nominally  against  all  free  companies  but  really  against 
the  Visconti,  was  commenced  through  the  secret  agency  of 
Niccolo  d'  Este  and  Malatesta  Unghero.  and  this  awakening 
Bernabo  s  suspicion  produced  a  demand  on  his  part  for  admit- 
tance as  a  member  on  purpose  to  test  their  sincerity.  Urban 
refeiTed  him  to  Charles  who  endeavoured  to  mislead  the  too 
subtile  Visconte  by  hollow  professions  and  false  excuses: 
but  Beniabo  was  not  easily  overreached,  therefore  instantly 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xii.,p   COl. 
B  B  2 


372 


FLORENTINE    UISTORY. 


[book  I. 


commanded  bis  natuml  sou  Ambrogio  to  levy  fresb  troops  in 
tbe  Genoese  territory  wbere  loose  adventurers  of  all  nations 
abounded,  and  witli  a  plentiful  supply  of  money  tbe  company 
of  Saint  George  soon  rose  in  compact  order  from  tbe  strag- 
gling freebooters  of  England  France  and  Gennany.  Genoa 
wus^'immediately  menaced,  and  cowering  under  tbe  uplifted 
arm  of  Visconte  implored  bis  alliance.  Tbis  left  Ambrogio 
at  liberty  to  unite  ANitb  Hawkwood  after  bis  defeat  by  Baum- 
garten  and  subsequent  expulsion  from  Siena;  but  a  later 
attack  on  tbe  Neapolitan  dominions  by  tbis  young  cbieftain  was 
less  fortunate  ;  for  after  having  inflicted  mucb  miseiy  tbere,  be 
was  toUilly  defeated  and  made  prisoner  by  Giovanni  Malatacca 
witb  tbe  combined  forces  of  Rome  and  Naples ;  tbree  bundred 
of  bis  followers  were  instantly  banged  by  tbe  pope  and  tlie  wbole 
company  annibilated  *. 

Galeazzo  Visconte  wbo  like  Beniabo  was  ever  seeking  for 
bigb  family  alliances,  after  mari-ying  bis  son  to  Isabella  of 
France,  in  l:30s  united  bis  daughter  Violanto  witb  Lionel 
Duke  of  Clarence  son  of  Edward  III.  of  England,  and  giving 
witb  ber  besides  a  dowiy  of  -200,000  florins,  tbe  city  of  Alba 
and  other  fortified  towns  in  Tiedmont.  These  nuptials  were 
celebrated  with  extraordinary^  magnificence  in  tbe  beginning  of 
June,  but  Clarence,  exhausted  as  was  believed  by  intem- 
perance, died  within  the  year  and  mucb  vexation  accrued  to 
(ialeazzo  in  consequence  wbo  lost  not  only  Alba  but  all  tbe 
other  towns,  along  with  that  attachment  of  the  English  com- 
panies to  secure  whose  fidelity  was,  according  to  some  authors, 
one  of  his  great  inducements  to  tbis  match  f. 

After  the  peace  with  Charles  and  his  allies  in  1 309 ;  and 
tbe  renewed  hostibties  consequent  on  the  revolt  of  San  Miniato 
when  Florence  became  his  enemy,  Galeazzo  recommenced  tbe 
war  witb  Montferrato  who  bad  purchased  Alba  and  tbe  otlier 

♦  Miiratori,  Annali,  Anni  1366-1367. 

t  Muratori,  Annali,  1368,  1369.-Corio,  Parte  iii%  f«.lio  238. 


CHIP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


373 


Piedmontese  towns  from  tbe  English,  while  Bernabo  acquired 
Sarazana  and  FtOggio ;  tbe  former  by  voluntaiy  cession,  tlie 
latter  by  purchase  from  a  condottiere,  brother  to  Count  Lando, 
who  had  been  employed  by  Niccolo  d'  Este  to  take  treache- 
rous possession  of  it  for  him.  Having  sacked  tbe  town  witli 
unusual  cmelty  even  for  these  freebooters,  tbis  chief  betrayed 
his  deceitful  employer  and  sold  it  in  1371  to  the  most  bitter 
enemy  of  d'  Este.  Such  was  tbe  ffiitli  of  mercenaries,  tbe 
morality  of  princes,  and  tbe  lamentable  destiny  of  unoffending 
citizens  in  that  turbulent  and  remorseless  age ! 

Ambrogio  Visconte,  wbo  was  now  ransomed  and  command- 
ing the  ]\Iilanese  army,  invaded  both  Ferrara  and  Modena  to 
the  great  alarm  of  Gregory  and  bis  allies ;  more  especially  as 
they  were  now  deprived  of  the  Marquis  of  Monferrato's  abilities, 
for  this  distinguished  chieftain  died  in  137'2  leaving  bis  children 
mmors  under  tbe  protection  of  that  pontiff  and  Duke  Otho  of 
Brunswick.  These  princes  uniting  witb  Amadeo  Count  of 
Savoy,  who  became  alarmed  at  Frederic  Marquis  of  Saluzzos 
movements  in  favour  of  Visconte,  continued  tbe  war  against 
Galeazzo  and  bis  new  ally,  while  tbe  other  papal  forces  with 
Nicholas  of  Este,  Francis  Carrara  of  Padua  and  a  body  of  Flo- 
rentine auxiliaries  made  war  on  Bernabo;  nor  did  Florence 
violate  tbe  treaty  of  1370  by  this  assistance,  as  a  friendly  force 
could  in  those  days  be  honourably  despatched  to  the  succour  of 
an  ally  if  so  bound  by  previous  treaty,  without  any  national 
quarrel  or  new  cause  of  offence.  Tbis  araiy  was  defeated  by 
Ambrogio  on  tbe  second  of  June,  after  a  bloody  battle  in  which 
Rod  a  German  commander  of  the  Florentines  and  a  thousand 
men  were  made  prisoners,  amongst  others  William  of  Fogliano 
the  general-in-chief  who  was  barbarously  put  to  death  by  Ber- 
nabo. The  capture  of  Correggio  followed  as  an  immediate 
consequence  of  this  victory,  and  Bernabo  improving  bis  advan- 
tage attempted  the  siege  of  Modena  but  was  foiled  by  tbe 
confederates  now  reenforced  by  the  legate  of  Bologna  and  a 


374 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Neapolitan  contingent :  yet  Milan  was  more  weakened  and  her 
enemy  more  strengthened  by  the  departure  of  Hawkwood,  who 
disgusted  at  not  being  allowed  to  bring  the  Count  of  Savoy  to 
battle  joined  the  papal  army  as  soon  as  his  term  of  service  had 
expired  and  changed  the  fortune  of  the  war. 

In  the  security  of  a  short  tmce  concluded  l)y  the  mediation 
of  France,  Ambrogio,  apparently  unauthorised  by  his  father ; 
devastated  all  the  Bolognese  territory  up  to  the  city  gates  and 
carried  off  plunder  amoimting   to  600,000   florins :    as  this 
threatened  a  renewal  of  hostilities,  Pope  Gregoiy  XL  imposed 
a  tithe  on  England,  Hungary,    Poland,   Denmtirk,   Sweden, 
and  Norway,  and  with  the  submissive  zeal  of  these  pious  king- 
doms   maintained  two   powerful   armies  ;    one   in   Piedmont 
against  Galeazzo ;  the  other  to  oppose  his  brother  in  Lom- 
bardy;  and  excommunicated  both  in  1373.     The  only  effect 
of  this   anathema  was   a  fresh  and  immediate  spoliation  of 
church  property  throughout  all  the  Milanese  territor}^ ;  and  at 
the  natural  expiration  of  the  truce,  that  of  Bologna  was  again 
ravaged  by   Ambrogio  Visconte.      But   the  latter  was   now 
opposed  by  a  more  skilful  enemy  who  attacked  his  retreating 
army  encumbered  as  it  was  with  prey  and  plunder,  and  de- 
feated him  at  the  river  Panaro  with  severe  loss.      Hawkwood 
by  this  victory  opened  all  the  tenitory  of  Pavia  and  Piacenza, 
and  many  Guelphic  towns  seized  the  occasion  for  revolt,  while 
Amadeo  of  Savoy  advanced  on  the  other  side  canying  devasta- 
tion almost  to  the  gates  of  Pa\Ta,  and  even  ravaging  for  several 
months  the  whole  Milanese  territory,  besides  cutting  off  most 
of  the  communications  with  that  capital. 

To  prevent  the  junction  of  liis  enemies  Visconte  boldly 
tnrew  himself  between  them  and  routed  a  large  body  of  troops 
at  Monte  Chiaro,  but  the  Lord  of  Cussi  and  Hawkwood  coming 
speedily  up,  although  much  inferior  in  numbers,  gave  him  a 
signal  defeat  on  the  eighth  of  May  1373  at  Gavardo  near  the 
bridge  of  the  river  Chiesi,  capturing  many  nobles  of  the  highest 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


375 


rank  and  distinction.     Revolts  followed  with  great  rapidity  in 
the  Bergamese  territory ;  Ambrogio  was  killed  on  the  seven- 
teenth of  August  in  attempting  to  quell  them,  and  Bemabo 
grieved  and  furious  at  his  son  s  death  marched  in  person  to  the 
scene  of  action  and  wreaked  a  cruel  vengeance  on  the  rebellious 
province.     About  the  same   time  Galeazzo  recovered  many 
of  his  losses  in  the  Piacentino  and  affairs  being  thus  rendered 
more  equal  peace  began  to  be  talked  of,  but  the  French  legates, 
who  absolutely  disposed  of  the  papal  revenues  as  they  pleased, 
found  war  more  advantageous  for  their  o\\ti  interest  and  Lom- 
bardy  was  for  a  while  longer  held  to  this  ^erj  ordeal  without 
remorse  or  mitigation*.     Thus  from  Venice  to  Genoa  human 
passions,  borne  Onward  by  unbridled  power,  spread  desolation 
like  a  pall  over  the  land  ;"  hatred,  treachery,  and  ambition  were 
struggling  for  mastery  on  eveiy  side,  and  priest  and  potentate 
trampled  down  humanity  like  the  mossy  covering  of  the  earth, 
as  fit  only  to  bear  the  print  of  their  remorseless  footsteps. 

We  have  already  seen  how  the  great  lords  of  Italy  had 
profited  by  the  pope's  residence  at  Avignon  to  usurp  almost 
all  the  ecclesiastical  dominions :  in  Romagna,  La  Marca,  Spo- 
leto  and  the  Patrimony,  eveiything  had  been  occupied  :  Gio- 
vanni di  Vico,  the  Malatesti  of  Rimini,  Polenta  of  Piavenna, 
Gentile  Mogliano   of  Feimo,    Francesco  Ordelaffi  of  Forii, 
besides  a  swarm  of  lesser  tyrants,  had  usurped  the  sovereignty 
of  numerous  cities  wliich  it  was  necessary  that  the  church 
should  either  recover,  or  else  abandon  together  with  all  her 
temporal  power  in  Italy.     It  has  been  shown  how  Cardinal 
Egidio  Albornoz  of  Toledo  who  had  acquired  much  military 
experience  in  the  Moorish  wars,  succeeded  in  attcomplishing 
the  former  task,  to  which  indeed  he  was  peculiariy  adapted,  as 
a  soldier  a  scholar  and  a  statesman.     With  a  rapid  perception 
of  the  weak  points  in  human  character  he  used  them  as  the 
means  of  leading  men  at  his  will ;   prompt  in  conception, 

*  Muratori,  Annali,  Anno  1373. 


376 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


prompter  in  execution,  he  yet  possessed  a  keen-sighted  and 
far-reaching  patience  which  always  enabled  him  to  strike  at 
the  proper  moment,  and  liis  blows  were  sure,  sudden,  and 
unexpected.  Moderate  after  victory,  unsubdued  by  defeat,  he 
seemed  to  w^ax  stronger  from  misfortune,  and  without  more 
scruples  than  others  of  liis  time,  he  was  at  once  firai  and 
gentle,  severe  or  affable,  as  occasion  required ;  and  whether 
sagaciously  threading  liis  way  through  the  intricacies  of  human 
government,  or  boldly  meeting  all  the  violence  of  war,  he 
generally  accomplished  his  purj)ose:  such  at  least  was  his 
cliaracter  amongst  cotemporaries ;  and  thus  working,  in  about 
four  years  he  was  enabled  to  complete  his  bold  and  arduous 
entei'prise.  The  foreign  character  and  predilections  of  the 
papal  court  had  a  baneful  influence  on  Itidy,  governed  as  it 
was  entii'ely  by  French  legates  whose  rule  was  haughty,  inso- 
lent, and  almost  intolerable.  Not  only  the  ecclesiastical  cities 
but  those  also  which  called  themselves  free  did  they  according 
to  Aretino,  endeavour  to  subjugate  :  all  their  governments  and 
establishments  were  those  of  war  not  peace,  and  Italy  was 
filled  with  fierce  transalpine  adventurers  who  came  in  herds  to 
batten  on  her  fruitfulness. 

The  citadels  which  in  many  free  cities  were  built  by  these 
rulers  at  enormous  cost,  proved  that  the  people  felt  no  sensation 
of  liberty  but  rather  endured  a  forced  and  miserable  servitude, 
while  the  legates,  execrated  by  their  subjects,  were  universally 
feared  and  suspected  by  their  neighbours.  Such  was  the  state 
of  Italy  in  1374,  and  Beruabo  becoming  every  day  more  doubt- 
ful and  uneasy  determined  notwithstanding  the  legate's  oppo- 
sition to  negotiate  a  truce  at  Avignon,  which  by  dint  of  money 
was  accomplished,  but  only  for  one  year,  in  1374.  He  was 
more  anxious  for  this  pause  foreseeing  that  the  condottieri 
once  discharged  from  the  papal  service  would  resume  their 
usual  com-se  by  oveiTunning  and  perhaps  devastating  Tuscany; 
and  probably  suspecting  the  legate's  secret  designs,  expected 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


377 


that  instead  of  an  ancient  friend  a  new  and  bitter  enemy  would 
aiise  against  the  chm'ch  in  the  leading  state  of  that  countiy*. 

Florence  at  this  period  had  greatly  suffered  and  the  public 
mind  became  painfully  depressed  by  successive  inflictions  of 
flood  pestilence  and  famhie :  plague  disappeared  in  autumn, 
but  rains  and  devastating  floods  soon  followed,  and  a  searching 
scarcity  of  food  thinned  out  the  afflicted  citizens.  The  late  truce 
was  also  pregnant  with  evils  the  offspring  of  priestly  ambition  ; 
and  a  fearful  extension  of  ecclesiastical  power  ultimately  forced 
on  a  war  that  however  just  in  its  objects,  skilful  and  vigorous 
in  execution,  and  glorious  in  its  termination  ;  was  nevertheless 
accompanied  by  even  more  than  the  usual  atrocities  ;  atrocities 
not  committed  by  Florence,  but  by  the  so-called  Christian 
pastors  of  a  Christian  church,  and  their  cruel  and  remorseless 
myrmidons  f . 

The  new  year  brought  with  it  a  more  sickening  scarcity, 
while  the  Bolognese  territory  and  Piomagna  abounded ; 
earnest  entreaties  were  made  to  the  legate  for  a  sup- 
ply of  corn,  and  with  confident  expectations  of  success  ;  he  was 
the  ally  of  Florence,  her  troops  were  still  in  his  service,  and 
she  had  always  been  the  unflinching  adherent  of  popes  and 
priestcraft:  no  doubt  was  therefore  entertained  of  receiving 
tlie  customary  provisions  from  those  provinces  ;  but  the  alarm 
and  anger  that  distracted  that  commmiity  may  be  conceived 
when  his  stern  refusal  was  publicly  announced  to  the  citizens. 
William  de  Koellet  cardinal  of  Saint  Angelo,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded the  cardinal  of  Burgos  at  Bologna  had  anything  in 
view  but  the  relief  of  Florence ;  disgusted  at  her  refusal  to 
lend  him  money  for  the  payment  of  his  troops  he  turned  them 
loose  upon  her  territory  and  aimed  through  the  papal  influ- 
ence at  supreme  power  in  Tuscany  :  misjudging  the  Florentine 

*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.— Doracn.     +  Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  i.— S.  Am- 
Boninsegni,  Historic  Fiorentine,  Lib.     mirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  689. 
iv.,  p.  559. 


A.D.  1375. 


378 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


character  he  imagined  that  tired  of  internal  quarrels,  re- 
duced by  sickness,  and  subdued  by  famine  ;  the  people  would 
turn  against  their  lulers  and  gladly  receive  the  man  who  would 
bring  peace  and  abundance  to  their  sufferings.  Their  habitual 
reverence  for  the  church  and  the  secret  favour  of  the  Albizzi 
strengthened  this  belief ;  and  so  con\inced  was  he  of  its  truth 
that  he  sent  an  engineer  covertly  to  examine  and  report  on 
the  most  favourable  position  for  constructing  a  citadel  at 
Florence*. 

Whether  acting  under  secret  instructions  from  A\ignon  or 
independently  of  that  court,  Noellet  continued  his  cruel  prohibi- 
tion in  the  face  of  a  papal  order  to  the  contrary,  and  compelled 
Florence  to  supply  herself  elsewhere  at  a  ruinous  expense,  in 
order  to  hold  out  until  the  forthcoming  harvest.  Even  this 
hope  began  to  wither  when  she  beheld  Hawkwood  and  all  liis 
freebooters  let  loose  upon  her  plains  as  Bernabo  had  antici- 
pated ;  ostensibly  as  an  unretained  and  independent  chieftain, 
but  really  a  paid  condottiere  acting  by  command  of  the  car- 
dinal, who  not  only  ordered  the  harvest  to  be  destroyed  but  also 
organised  a  conspiracy  at  Prato  by  means  of  a  priest  and  a  friar, 
for  the  delivery  of  that  important  city  into  his  possession. 
Hawkwood  who  disliked  the  French  was  inclined  from  mere 
calculation  of  individual  interest  to  the  side  of  Florence  -svith 
whom  he  soon  came  to  an  undei'standmg  and  gave  secret  in- 
formation of  ever}'thing :  the  conspirators  were  taken  and 
hanged  while  Hawkwood  was  bought  oif  for  five  years  at  the 
price  of  1 30,000  florins,  and  so  this  summer  s  harvest  escaped 
along  with  the  republic  itself  from  almost  certain  destruction!. 

Previous  to  this  transaction  an  embassy  had  been  sent  to 

♦   M.    di    Coppo    Stefani,    Lib.  ix.,  Boninsegni,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  559. — M.  ili 

Rubric    75L  —  Poggio    Bracciolini,  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  75L — 

Istoria  Fiorentina,  Lib.    i.,  p.  3L —  Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  34. — 

"  Cronichetto  d'  Incerto,"  Vide  Man-  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  folio  157. — 

ni's  collection,  Florence,  1733,  p.  202.  S.    Ammirato,   Lib.  xiii.j  p.  692. — 

f  Cronichetto  d'  Incerto,  p.  203. —  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii. 


CHAP.  xxvi.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


379 


remonstrate  with  the  legate  on  his  breach  of  faith,  and  demand 
the  recal  of  Hawkwood  ;  but  Noellet  loudly  disowned  the  act ; 
asserted  that  he  was  no  longer  employed  by  the  church ;  advised 
the  Florentines  to  oppose  him  stoutly ;  and  at  the  ambassador's 
request  furnished  them  with  a  letter  to  that  general  containing 
a  formal  discharge  from  the  papal  service.    The  artful  plenipo- 
tentiaries lost  no  time  hi  forwarding  tliis  document  by  a  secret 
messenger  to  Hawkwood  and  their  own  government,  while  the 
legate  more  leisurely  despatched  a  comiter  order  to  the  Eng- 
lishman urging  an  implicit  obedience  to  his  previous  instruc- 
tions.    Hawkwood  however  preferred  130,000  florins,  and  an 
annual  salary  of  r200  more  while  he  remamed  in  Italy,  to 
tlie  odium  of  undertaking  such  an  entei'prise  for  the  benefit  of 
others ;  wherefore  availing  himself  of  this  false  discharge  he 
became  the  friend  instead  of  the  enemy  of  Florence  *.     So 
monstrous  a  web  of  treacher}^  combined  with  the  hostile  move- 
ments of  Gerard  Dupuis  abbot  of  Montmayeur,  on  the  Perugian 
frontier  whence  he  threatened  Siena,  filled  the  citizens  with 
deeper  alarm  and  more  intense  indignation  :  they  now  saw  the 
futility  of  religious  scruples,  were  convinced  that  no  time  should 
be  lost,  and  at  the  exhortation  of  Niccolo  di  Guigni  Gonfalonier 
of  Justice,  all  private  and  political  animosities  were  repressed ; 
even  the  Albizzi,  now  as  powerful  as  ever  and  devoted  to  the 
church,  were  compelled  to  join  in  the  general  ardour,  and  an 
universal  burst  of  anger  was  heard  from  the  towers  of  Florence. 
Nevertheless  so  profoundly  reverenced  was  the  church  that 
even  the  sound  of  war  against  a  pope  appeared  to  many  little 
less  than  blasphemy:   numbers  opposed  it  on  this  pretence 
but  really  from  party  motives  alone ;  and  although  U guccione 
Ricci  was  dead,  the  present  discussion  and  a  proposed  alliance 
with  Bemabo  Visconte  whom  he  had  ever  supported,  roused  all 
that  faction  into  full  activity.    The  Albizzi  could  not  stem  this 
torrent ;  a  general  council  assembled  and  declared  the  cause  of 

*  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  75L 


380 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


lil^erty  paramount  to  everj^  other  consideration ;  the  war  wiis 
affirmed  to  he  rather  against  the  injustice  and  tyranny  of  foreign 
goveniors  than  the  church  itself ;  an  immediate  aUiance  \\'ith 
Bemaho  was  voted  ^^thout  opposition,  and  all  the  eeclesiustical 
cities  then  groaning  under  French  oppression  were  to  be  invited 
to  revolt  and  boldly  achieve  their  independence  *.  These  spiiited 
resolutions  were  instantly  executed,  and  on  the  eight  of  August 
1375  Alessandro  de' Bardi,  Giovanni  Dini,  Giovanni  Magalotti, 
Andrea  Salviati,  Tommaso  Strozzi,  Guiccio  Guicci,  Matteo 
Soldi,  and  Giovanni  de'  Moni :  names  justly  celebrated  ;  were 
formed  into  a  supreme  council  of  war  called  "  Gli  Otto  della 
Guerra;"  and  aftei*wards,  from  their  able  conduct,  ^Mili  Ono 
Santi  dell.\  Guerra"!  ;  armed  with  the  concentrated  power 
of  the  whole  Florentine  nation  in  wliat  regarded  war.  Tliese 
happened  to  be  all  inimical  to  the  Albizzi  and  Admonition,  and 
yet  by  their  combined  influence  the  latter  faction  under  Pieru 
Albizzi,  Carlo  Strozzi,  and  I.jipo  Castiglionchio  was  driven  to  a 
closer  union  in  self-defence,  and  therefore  to  a  more  determined 
and  severe  exercise  of  that  obnoxious  power,  accompanied  by 
great  public  injury  and  the  consolidation  of  its  own  pernicious 
authority  J. 

All  this  did  not  damp  the  energy  of  government,  wh.. 
conceiving  the  war  exclusively  ecclesiastical,  created  a  new 
board  of  finance  on  puq)ose  to  tax  church  property  for  its  sup- 
port :  90,000  florins  were  thus  raised  and  instantly  applied  to 
discharge  so  much  of  Hawk  wood  s  subsidy  ;  nor  did  their 
labours  end  here  ;  both  priests  and  monks  were  still  squeezed 
even  to  the  sale  of  their  possessions  and  moveables  with  a  sort 
of  poetical  justice  that  at  once  pletxsed  and  alarmed  the  people. 
Nor  was  their  apprehension  unfounded,  for  a  flash  of  papal 
indignation  almost  instantly  descended  on  the  gonfalonier  priors 


*  Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  36.  694.— Macchiavclli,  Lib.  iii. —  Mar, 
+  "  The  Eight  Saints  of  the  Warr  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Istor.  Fior.,  Lib.  ix. 
i  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  pp.  693,     Rub.  732,  755. 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


351 


and  council  of  war;  the  whole  government  was  thus  struck 
along  with  many  other  citizens  who  held  no  official  employment; 
and  while  the  nation  still  trembled  from  this  shock  another 
volley  withered  its  branches  throughout  all  Europe.  Monarchs 
were  forbidden  to  harltour  them ;  their  goods  were  outlawed  ; 
from  Germany,  England,  France,  Hungaiy,  and  Naples  they 
were  banished,  despoiled,  and  treated  more  or  less  severely 
according  to  the  degree  of  pap;il  influence  and  the  existing 
policy  of  governments  ;  but  the  public  and  private  loss  was 
fearful :  yet  in  the  midst  of  this  persecution  both  Venice  and 
Pisa  received  them,  traded  as  usual,  and  nobly  disregarded 
eyerj  ecclesiastical  censure  ■'-. 

Nothing  daunted,  the  govennnent  forbid  any  citizen  either 
to  ask  for  or  accept  the  bishoprics  of  Florence  or  Fiesole,  on 
the  pretext  that  their  friends  and  relations  were  apt  to  assume 
too  much  pride  and  often  oppressed  the  people  :  severe  pe- 
nalties attended  this  law  which  even  the  seignoiy  was  bound 
both  in  letter  and  in  spirit  to  respect ;  for  the  mere  asser- 
tion of  its  being  "  contraiy  to  church  privileges  "'  was  made 
punishable  by  the  penalty  of  1000  floruis.  This  was  closely 
followed  by  an  edict  which  deprived  ecclesiastics  of  the  right  to 
carr}^  arms  or  maintain  armed  followers  and  also  of  the  power 
of  licensing  others  to  do  so,  which  was  thenceforth  reseiTed  to 
the  govennnent  alone  ;  and  thus  new  fire  was  heaped  on  this 
fiercely  blazing  flame.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  July  1375 
a  short  time  before  the  creation  of  the  "  Otto  della  Guerra," 
the  league  witli  Bernabo,  although  perseveringly  thwarted  by 
Albizzi  and  the  cliurch  party  and  even  delayed  by  Galeazzo 
Visconte  in  his  anxiety  to  avoid  a  new  rupture  with  Avignon, 
was  concluded  for  five  years  f . 

To  Bernabo  the  depression  of  the  church  or  Florence  was 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  696.—  f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  693.— 
M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  Cionichctto  d'  lucerto,  p.  204.  Dom. 
754.  Munni's  collection. 


382 


FLORENTIKE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


equally  acceptaLle ;  they  were  obstacles  to  his  ambition,  and 
their  disunion  his  best  policy  ;  he  therefore  rejoiced  at  so  fair 
an  opportunity  of  weakening  both  by  supporting  either ;  and 
although  he   engaged   to  maintain  eleven  hundred  and  fifty 
lances  besides  heaNT-armed  mfantry,  archers,  and  crossbow- 
men,  more  real  service  was  hoped  from  his  reputation  than 
assistance  for  the  Milanese  forces  were  bound  not  to  enter  the 
pope's  territory  which  would  have  infringed  the  truce ;  but  the 
potent  name  of  Visconte  was  likely  to  produce  greater  con- 
sequences  in  the   forthcoming  negotiations   with   disaffected 
cities.     The  general  detestation  of  French  tyranny  was  too 
notorious,  and  the  lever  it  offered  much  too  powerful  to  be 
neglected  by  statesmen  so  able  and  spirited  as  the  "  Otto  della 
GueiTa,"who  were  moreover  determined  to  let  no  superstitious 
scruples  impede  their  public  labours.    They  had  money  at  com- 
mand, and  acting  independent  of  all  control  began  quietly  to  sap 
the  tottering    foundations  of  papal  authority  throughout  the 
ecclesiastical  states  while  at  home  there  appeared  no  outward 
symptom  of  aggression  :    they  made  no  warlike  prepai'ations 
except  for  defence ;  appomted  no  celebrated  capUiin,  not  even  an 
Italian  ;  and  contented  themselves  with  promoting  Conrad  of 
Suabia,  an  officer  already  m  their  service,  to  command  the 
troops  ;  but  at  the  same  time  Montefeltrino  was  purchased  from 
the  Belforti,  and  Pozzo  in  the  Mugello  from  the  Bardi  family 
as  positions  necessary  to  national  protection  *. 

Notwithstanding  this  apparent  calm  treaties  were  also  formed 
or  on  foot  with  Siena,  Lucca,  Cortona,  and  Arezzo,  all  suffer- 
ing from  or  feaiM  of  the  church ;  Pisa  joined  in  the  followuig 
January  and  the  army  was  notably  increased,  organised,  and 
made  ready  for  action.  On  the  ninth  of  December  Conrad 
received  two  standards  :  one  the  usual  Florentine  Lily,  the 
other  red,  with  the  word  Libertas  written  diagonally  across 


*  Chronichetto   d'  Incerto,  p.   204.    Col".   Dom«.    Manni. 
Lib.  xiii.,  p.  G94. 


S.    Ammii-ato, 


CHAP,  xxvr.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


383 


it  in  silver  letters  ;  and  at  the  head  of  nine  hundred  lances  and 
crossbows  marched  to  assist  Perugia.  Florence  now  declared 
herself  ready  to  support  imconditionally  any  ecclesiastical  city 
that  desired  its  freedom ;  but  thus  undemiined,  the  whole  tem- 
poral edifice  of  papal  authority  began  to  crumble,  according  to 
the  emphatic  expression  of  a  Florentine,  like  a  dr}^  wall  from 
which  the  supporting  stones  had  been  abstracted  *.  In  an 
instant  Citta  di  Castello,  Viterbo,  Montefiascone,  Perugia, 
Foligno,  Spoleto,  Todi,  Ascoli,  Orvieto,  Toscanella,  Orti,  Narni, 
Camerino,  Urbino,  Ptadicofani  and  Sarteano  successively  fell  off; 
and  after  a  short  time  no  less  than  eighty  cities  and  walled 
towns  cast  off  the  high-priest  s  burden  and  achieved  then-  free- 
dom. Several  would  have  given  themselves  to  Florence,  but 
her  only  answer  was  Libertas;  militaiy  aid,  and  a  recommend- 
ation to  lose  no  time  in  securing  their  independence  \. 

The  order  of  these  rebellions  varies  in  cUfferent  authors ; 
the  citadel  of  Ascoli,  under  Gomez  Alboraoz  nephew  of  the 
cardinal  held  out  long  ;  several  cities  reestablished  their  former 
seignors  ;  Forii  for  histance  recalled  Sinibaldo  degli  Ordilaffi 
son  of  the  heroic  Marzia ;  and  Galeotto  Malatesta  of  Rimini 
alone  remained  fciitliful  to  the  church  which  with  the  exception 
of  that  fief  and  its  dependencies  lost  in  one  year  no  less  than 
sixty-four  cities  and  fifteen  hundred  and  seventy-seven  castelli 
or  fortified'  towns  by  this  well-conducted  enteqnise.  And 
because  Florence  would  put  forth  all  her  strength  without 
incuml»rance  a  Milanese  army  occupied  and  guarded  her  terri- 
tory while  Hawkwood,  yet  in  the  papal  service,  was  hurried 
from  place  to  place  as  revolts  broke  forth,  and  still  as  he  moved 
the  town  just  quitted  rose  in  arms  and  achieved  its  liberty,  while 
that  he  marched  on  was  already  free  |. 

*  M.  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  t  Sismondi,  vol  v.,  cap.  xlix.— Croni- 

753.— CronichettodMncerto.— Bon-  chetto   d'    Incerto,  p.  205.  — Leon, 

insegnie.  Lib.  iv.,  p.  565.-Sisniondi,  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.— Dom.  Bonmsegni, 

,  "       '  ,.        *^  T  ;k    ;,r      «     eifji c    Amniirato.  Lib. 


vol.  v.,  cap.  xlix 


VUi.     v.,    LilU.    AllA.  -      -7      I 

t  M.  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Lib.  ix.,  R.  753.     xiu,,  p.  095. 


Lib.  iv.,  p.  564.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib. 


38  i 


FLORENHNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


The  thunder  of  this  avalanche  vibrated  through  the  Alpine 
solitudes  and  to  the  halls  of  Avignon  ^vith  such  a  din  as  to  startle 
the  lascivious  slumbers  of  its  priestly  inmates :  Pope  Gregory 
was  aroused  in  fear  and  anger;  and  alarmed  for  Bologna  suddenly 
enlisted  the  last  of  those  free  companies  that  remained  hi 
Fmnce,  under  John  of  Malestroit  and  Silvester  of  Buda.  This 
band  exceeded  all  others  hi  boasting  and  ferocity  though  not  in 
valour ;  it  was  ten  thousand  strong,  and  when  its  commanders 
were  asked  if  they  thought  they  could  enter  Floron.e,  "  Yes,  if 
the  sun  can  enter  there'  was  their  vain  audacious  answer;  yet 
they  not  only  did  not  penetrate  into  that  city  but  never  even 
set  foot  on  the  Florentine  territorv\ 

The  pope  at  the  commencement  of  l:)TC,  feeling  perhaps 
some  touch  of  conscience  at  the  prospect  of  letting  such  a  band 
of  miscreants  loose  on  Italy,  sent  Niccola  Spinrllo,  seneschal 
of  Provence,  and  Bartolommeo  Giacoppi,  a  Genoese  doctor  of 
laws,  to  treat  of  peace  with  offers  to  set  Perugia  and  Citta  di 
Castello  at  liberty  if  the  Florentmes  would  only  leave 
A.D.  1376.  j3^i^gj^^  mnuolested  and  discontinue  tlie  war.  Many 
councils  of  Richiesti  were  held  on  these  proposals  and  much 
inclination  for  peace  prevailed  in  Florence  ;  but  under  cover  of 
all  these  the  eight  saints,  still  stem  and  determined,  completed 
their  negotiation  with  Bologna  and  that  city  at  length  asserted 
its  mdependence.  Nevertheless  it  would  probably  have  remained 
faitliful  if  the  legate,  unable  to  pay  Hawkwood  to  whom  he  was 
deeply  indebted,  had  not  given  the  two  small  towns  of  Castro 
Caro  and  Bagno  Cavallo  in  pledge  for  payment;  these  were  of 
course  most  cruelly  plundered,  and  a  report  becoming  rife,  at  the 
moment  when  Hawkwood  was  mvesting  the  rebellious  town  of 
Grananiolo.  that  Bologna  was  sold  to  the  Manpis  of  Este, 
deteiTained  the  citizens  to  revolt. 

The  Florenthie  troops,  who  always  kept  the  field,  in- 
stantly marched  in  considerable  force  with  the  stondard  of 
liberty  to  their  aid :  when  this  news  reached  Florence,  where 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


3S5 


negotiations  for  peace  were  in  progress  founded  principally  on 
a  belief  in  that  city's  fidelity,  the  papal  ambassadors  took  fright 
and  departed  in  high  auger  to  Avignon.     The  Florentines  were 
blamed,  even  by  many  of  their  own  citizens,  not  only  for  urging 
the  pope's  subjects  to  rebellion  duiing  such  negotiations,  but  also 
for  losing  so  fair  an  occasion  of  honourably  ternnnatmg  the  war  ; 
and  perhaps  for  tlieir  own  exclusive  benefit  peace  would  have 
been  preferable  because  the  church  formed  a  strong  bulwark 
against  IMilanese  ambition ;  but  their  views  were  far  higher, 
their  aspirations  more  generous,  it  was  the  cause  of  all  Italy, 
not  Florence  alone ;  they  had  excited  city  after  city  to  revolt ; 
exposed  an  enormous  mass  of  Italian  people  to  foreign  ven- 
geance and  papal  indignation  and  were  drawing  down  on  that 
couiitr}^  new  hordes  of  cruel  and  relentless  freebooters :  they 
were  the  chiefs  and  leadins  of  tliis  wide-spread  insurrection  and 
had  advanced  too  far  to  retreat  either  with  honour  to  themselves 
or  safety  to  their  confederates.     Moreover  though  Bologna  did 
not  revolt  until  the  nineteenth  of  Marcli,  spiritual  proceedings 
had  been  long  in  progi-ess  against  the  Florentines  and  they  were 
even  cited  to  appear  before  the  consistory  at  Avignon  as  eariy 
as  the  third  of  Februaiy.     This  and  the  descent  of  the  Bretons 
were  meant  to  intimidate,  but  only  exasperated;  and  conse- 
(juently  sealed  the  fate  of  Bologna. 

Hostilities  therefore  continued  ;  but  there  were  nevertheless 
loud  cries  against  this  resolution  not  only  by  the  church  ]iarty 
but  many  honest  citizens  who  saw  more  real  good  in  honour- 
able peace  than  successful  war,  independent  of  all  religious 
scruples.  To  depress  the  church  appeared  impolitic  in  the 
eyes  of  some  ;  the  independence  of  Bologna  an  object  of  great 
magnitude  to  others  ;  religious  scmples  had  their  full  weight 
with  the  devout ;  and  private  views  and  indi\idual  interests 
intluenced  many,  as  may  well  be  believed  in  a  commercial 
state  ruled  exclusively  by  commercial  men  :  but  the  triumphs 
and  dictatorial  power  of  the  eight,  backed  by  almost  universal 

VOL.   II.  t  c 


386 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[nooK  I. 


indiguation,  and  the  belief  that  whatever  course  were  taken  the 
city  was  still  doomed  to  suffer  under  papal  censures,  carried 
the  war  party  over  e\  ery  obstacle  and  bore  them  right  onward 
in  their  course  of  victory.  Xor  was  their  ardour  lessened  at 
hearing  of  the  sack  of  Faenza  which  the  count  of  Romagna  on 
the  news  of  Bologna  s  rebellion  had  delivered  in  charge  to 
Hawkwood  and  eight  hundred  English  lances.  This  chief 
expelled  as  it  were  from  Bologna  and  shut  out  from  Grananuolo 
with  long  aiTears  of  pay  due  by  the  church  whose  affairs  were 
in  ruin,  determined  to  shift  for  himself :  he  therefore  without 
scniple  gave  up  Faenza  to  his  troops  who  driving  out  the  elder 
women  and  children  put  many  citizens  to  death,  retained  the 
young  women  and  even  the  nuns  amongst  themselves  and  then 
sold  this  desolate  city  to  the  marquis  of  Ferrara,  from  whom  it 
was  taken  a  short  time  after  by  means  of  the  Florentmes,  and 
restored  to  the  Manfredi  its  ancient  lords -:=. 

Notwithstanding  their  profound  and  even  superstitious  reve- 
rence for  the  church,  the  Florentines  were  not  so  much  scared 
by  its  spiritual  censures,  as  alarmed  for  the  financial  injun 
likely  to  follow  from  a  disturbance  of  their  commercial  relations. 
Depending  entirely  on  trade  and  maiuifactures,  their  merchants 
were  thicldy  planted  in  every  region  of  the  world  ;  and  as  the 
high-priest's  mysterious  influence  was  more  awful  in  proportion 
to  his  distance  and  obscurity,  they  felt  that  papal  anathemas. 
still  formidable,  though  weakened  by  abuse,  would  be  as  abso- 
lutely obeyed  by  remoter  nations  as  even  in  Avignon  itself, 
where  they  were  sure  to  be  executed  with  the  utmost  rigour,  and 
where  no  less  than  five  hundred  Florentine  merchants  already 
trembled  for  their  property.  Such  considerations  made  it  im- 
perative on  Florence  to  defend  her  cause  with  all  the  legal 
boldness  and  talents  of  the  commonwealth :  the  Pope  s  attorney- 
general  had  accused  her  in  public  consistory  of  failure  in  her 


♦  M.  di  Coppo  Steflmi,  Lib.  ix..  Rub.  758.— Cronichctto  d'  Incerto,  p.  207.— 
Poggio  Bncciolini,  Lib.  ii,,  p.  xli. 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


387 


duty,  and  injuries  inflicted  on  the  holy  see,  and  demanded  a 
sentence  against  the  republic  after  an  impartial  heaiing  by 
judges  expressly  appointed  :  the  whole  Florentine  magistracy 
was  then  cited  to  appear,  as  well  as  every  unofficial  citizen  who 
was  suspected  of  having  in  any  way  favoured  an  appeal  to  arms 
against  the  church. 

To  answer  this  summons  Messer  Donato  Barbadori  a  Doctor 
of  Laws  and  exceedingly  eloquent,  Alessandro  delF  Antella, 
and  Domenico  di  Silvestro,  both  eminent  lawyers,  were  after 
much  consultation  despatched  to  Avignon.  Barbadori  in  an 
eloquent  discourse  which  drew  tears  from  the  Italian  cardinals, 
who  were  all  in  favour  of  Florence,  insisted  that  the  tyrannical 
government  of  the  French  legates  was  the  true  and  only  occa- 
sion of  the  war.  He  dwelt  on  the  long  and  continued  attach- 
ment of  Florence  to  the  Holy  See,  recapitulated  in  historical 
order  the  various  wars,  persecutions  and  insults  she  had  sus- 
tained in  its  defence,  from  the  time  of  Barbarossa  downwards  ; 
he  asserted  that  misgovemment  was  always  the  primary  cause 
of  rebellion  and  therefore  the  crime  of  resistance,  if  crime  it 
were,  should  be  laid  to  the  governors  not  the  governed,  and 
still  less  to  the  Florentines  who  took  up  arms  to  preserve  their 
lives  and  liberty.  He  then  exposed  the  Bologuese  legate's 
wickedness  in  first  making  hypocritical  professions  of  friendship, 
then  cruelly  refusing  food  to  a  starving  people,  and  afterwards 
treacherously  loosing  a  band  of  rapacious  soldiers  on  their 
plains  to  plunder  and  destroy  the  very  harvest  to  which  a 
famishing  nation  were  eagerly  looldng  for  their  sustenance  ; 
and  this  on  purpose  to  bow  their  spirit  and  facilitate  then-  sub- 
jugation. If  these  things  were  done  by  the  Pope's  command, 
then  had  Florence  just  reason  to  complain  of  injury  and  ingra- 
titude from  the  pontiff ;  but  if  without,  then  it  was  the  legates 
that  merited  his  supreme  displeasure,  not  the  Florentine  people, 
who  only  repelled  their  insufferable  tjTanny. 

"  Cast  thine  eyes   0   holy  father,"   he    passionately  ex- 

c  c  2 


w 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


3SS 

claimed.  "  Cast  thine  eyes  on  those  miserable  cities  that  under 
••  the  rule  of  these  governors  have  been  treated  as  the  vlest 
"  slaves  •  let  the  dreadful  fate  of  Faenza  move  thy  pity,  a  prey 
'■  as  it  has  become  to  thine  own  legates  relentless  myi-nudons . 

•  , .  mihappy  city !  0  wicked  deed !  Who  will  not  weep  when 
••  I  tell  him  of  citizens,  matrons,  and  innocent  virgn.s ;  nay 

•  even  the  holy  sisterhood  themselves,  being  dragged  h-om  their 
■•  paternal  roofs  and  sacred  dwellings,  and  forced  to  submit  to 
■•  Ihe  brutal  passions  of  a  licentious  soldiery !     When  I  tell  o 
■'  multitudes  of  aged  women  and  young  children  dnvcn  naked 

•  from  their  homes  and  sent  to  beg  their  bread  about  the 
••  world '     These  arc  the  works  of  thy  legates :  this  is  their 

-  sanctitv,   their  piety,   their  justice !      And   these   wrongs 
.  it   thou  dost  not  remedy  but   instead  thereof  persecutes 
■•  those  who  have  boldly  resisted  them;  remember  that  Gocl 
••  will  one  dav  judge  thee,  and  then,  what  will  be  lus  consuhni- 
•■  tion  of  such  acts  in  the  awfid  condemnation  of  the  ^^o  Id . 

-  Was  it  not  thy  office  as  pastor  of  all  the  Cl-stum  Hock  on 
•'  seeing  us  oppressed  in  a  way  that  even  to  mfadels  vu,u  d 
..  lie  "been  shameful ;  was  it  not  I  say,  thy  duty  to  rebuke 
•■  thv  hifamous  ministers  rather  than  drive  us  to  the  neces- 
•■  sitv  of  armmg  in  our  own  defence  ?     Was  ,t  no   thy  duty  to 
..    u  b  thy  rapacious  and  ambitious   legate  ^     Thou  siou    s 
.-  tove  quenclled  the  fire  that  began  to  bum ;  thou  shou  ds 
.'  have  defended  the  liberty  of  thy  children ;   thou  should.t 
■■  have  remembered  the  benefits  conferred  by  our  nation  on  the 
-  Koman  priesthood,  and  liaTC  gratefully  defended  their  cause 
>•  a-ainst  the  world.     Either  we ;   only  for  havmg  dared  to 
..  defend  our  county'  our  wives  our  children  and  om'  Ul-erty; 
•■  are  to  be  branded  as  the  authors  of  this  war ;  or  else  thy  lega  e 
"  the  spring  and  source  of  every  evil ;   the  mdustrious  and 
.  '^,i  lit^disturber  of  our  national  tranquillity !    Certes  ho ly 
..  tather  if  thou  .-ishest  to  judge  upnghtly  and  to  jrp«ss 
"  every  wayward  passion  as  becomes  the  vicar  of  Chn.t  thou 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


369 


'•  wilt  not  detect  in  our  conduct  a  cause  for  this  war,  nor  tind 
**  that  we  have  failed  in  any  point  of  duty ;  we  have  only 
"  yielded  to  necessity ;  we  have  never  committed  a  single  act 
"  against  thy  dignity  or  authority,  or  against  the  church  of 
"  Rome  ;  but  we  have  endeavoured  to  bridle  those  whose 
"  frantic  and  impetuous  ambition  so  foully  attempted  to  deprive 
"  us  of  life  and  liberty.  For  these  reasons,  most  holy  ftither, 
"  vouchsafe  to  sliield  us  thy  children  from  a  stranger's  violence ; 
"  recal  thy  wonted  commiseration,  and  the  mercy,  and  the 
"  charity  that  so  well  become  a  pontiff;  and  let  the  arms  that 
**  we  have  so  often  wielded  against  tyrants,  kings,  and  emperors, 
*'  to  defend  the  church  of  God  and  the  states  of  thy  predeces- 
'*  sors,  now  plead  with  thee  to  take  us  under  thy  holy  protec- 
"  tion.  Remember  that  necessity  alone  has  constrained  us  to 
"  a  course  where  we  seek  for  nothing  but  safety,  the  defence  of 
*'  our  country,  and  the  preservation  of  our  liberty.  If  notwith- 
*'  standing  this  thou  deemest  fit  to  condemn  and  brand  us  with 
"  some  henTy  ecclesiastical  censure,  as  our  enemies  wish  and 
*'  pul)licly  declare  to  be  thy  resolve,  w^e  will  endeavour  to  bear 
"  it  meekly  by  imploring  the  assistance  of  Him  who  never 
"  abandoned  those  that  put  their  trust  in  him;  the  unernng 
"  advocate  and  defender  of  the  innocent." 

Murmurs  both  of  applause  and  dissatisfaction  ran  confusedly 
through  the  court  and  its  numerous  auditors,  amongst  whom 
the  general  feeling  was  in  favour  of  Florence  but  the  sentence 
was  deferred  until  a  future  day ;  yet  not  to  leave  the  ambas- 
sadors unanswered  the  pontiff  repUed  in  substance  as  follows. 

**  We  have  listened,  0  Florentines,  to  everything,  both  rele- 
"  vant  and  irrelevant,  that  you  have  with  the  greatest  industiy 
"  been  able  to  collect  in  your  defence,  and  we,  as  you  have 
"  advised  us  will  endeavour  to  bear  ourselves  justly,  and 
"  neither  allow  ourselves  to  be  moved  by  anger  nor  blinded 
"  by  prejudice  in  the  formation  of  our  judgment ;  neither 
"  will  we  listen  to  calumny,  but  give  ear  only  to  the  sacred 


390 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXYl.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


391 


(( 


(< 


a 


n 


n 


it 


truth.     But  on  the  other  hand  we  advise  you  also  to  drop  all 
this  commiserating  and  piteous  language  as  well  as  every 
other  artifice  and  seductive  form  of  speech,  which  are  merely 
fitted  to  mislead  and  deceive  the  judge,  and  frankly  join  us 
in  seeking  for  the  simple  truth.     I  now  ask  you,  seeing  that 
Florence  aided,  or  rather  was  the  cause  of  liberatmg  the 
ecclesiastical  cities,  (for  you  know  this  to  be  truth,  and  what 
is  generally  notorious  can  scarcely  be  denied :)  what  reason 
can  you  give  for  having  done  so  ?     Certes  the  reason  you 
allege,  the  assumption  of  arms  in  self-defence  at  first  seems 
good  and  rational  because  all  have  a  right  to  defend  them- 
selves from  mjury.     But  if  a  man  use  his  arms,  not  to  stave 
off  external  violence,  but  to  murder  him  whom  he  only  sus- 
pects and  fears,  this  is  homicide  and  wortliy  of  present  con- 
demnation.    You  Florentines  marched  your  armies  to  Citta 
di  Castello,  to  Pemgia,  to  Bologna,  to  besiege  the  citadels  of 
the  church  and  expel  her  governors  ;  this,  be  it  said  with  all 
deference,  is  not  defending  yourselves  against  aggi'ession  but 
domg violence  to  others;  not  driving  danger  from  your  own 
doors  but  carrj^ing  it  to  your  neighbours'  dweUings.     But 
why  speak  of  fear  and  suspicion  when  it  is  well  known  you 
were  not  moved   by  these  reasons,  but   by  mere   hatred : 
nevertheless  let  us  for  the  present  leave  Bologna  Perugia 
and  Citta  di  Castello,  which  you  have  excited  to  revolt  and 
laid  siege  to  their  citadels  ;  let  us  conclude  that  their  near 
neighbourhood  did  give  you  some  reasonable  cause  of  suspi- 
cion and  of  fear ;  but  what  shall  we  say  of  AscoH  in  La 
Marca,  and  the  other  towns  and  cities  of  that  province  so 
distant  from  you  ?     Surely  neither  fear  nor  suspicion  but  a 
determined  hatred  of  the  church  could  move  you  to  make  them 
revolt !     It  was  not  only  to  diminish  the  ecclesiastical  autho- 
rity in  Italy  but  to  destroy  it  altogether  that  you  thus  acted, 
and  yet  you  call  yourselves  children  of  the  lloman  church  ! 
Not  perceiving  that  your  conduct  is   that  of  a  son  laying 


"  violent  hands  on  his  own  parent  rather  than  on  a  stmnger 
•■  You  try  to  cast  odium  upon  the  legates ;  you  accuse  them  ol 
--  Serected  fortresses  in  every  city  like  ve^  tyrants  -d 
"  you  lav  the  whole  crime  of  rebellion  to  their  chaige.     Of  the 
.-    i  we  ourselves  do  not  approve  if  the  cozens  c^  be 
.'  reasonably  governed  without  them  ;  but  as  h,gh-fed  hor.es 
..  becom    restive  for  lack  of  exercise,  so  do  0- subjects  wax 
..  proud  and  insubordinate  by  times  if  the  rams  of  government 
"  be  held  too  lightly,  and  often  require  more  powerful  bndlmg. 
'.  We  are  right  willing  to  confess  that  every  legitimate  govem- 
"  men     s  designed  for  the  people's  benefit  in  order  that  they 
"  ma^  live  secLly  and  peaceably,  and  that  those  troublesome 
"  audacious  citizens  who  swarm  in  every  state  shall  not  dare 
"  to  disturb  society  against  the  will  of  better  men. 

..  But  as  to  the  offence  with  which  you  charge  these  mmis- 
"  tars,  it  is  plain  that  not  a  single  city  revolted  untd  urged  on 
"  by  your  promises  and  persuasions  ;  so  that  to  you  only  must 
..  be  imputed  the  crime,  and  not  to  our  lieutenants.     1  mally, 
"  you  lament  with  infinite  feeling  the  unhappy  fate  of  Faenza, 
"as  if  this  calamity  were  not  directly  occasioned  by  Bolognese 
"rebellion;  for  the  Englisli  never  would  have  occupied  that 
"  city  had  Bologna  only  remained  faithful ;  and  hence  it  fol- 
"  lows  that  whoever  occasioned  the  revolt  of  Bologna  caused 
"  also  the  miserable  extermination  of  Faenzas  ciUzens ;  and 
"  consequently  for  this,  in  common  with  every  other  injuo%  w^e 
"  may  justly  complain  of  you.     We  desired  thus  briefly    0 
"  answer  your  oration  without  affirming  anythmg,  but  only 
"  arguing  the  point  in  order  that  when  final  sentence  is  given, 
"  it  mav  also  be  given  justly"*.  .  ■        ^: 

Seve'ral  days  elapsed  in  going  through  the  forms  of  mvesti- 
gation,  during  which  the  Florentine  deputies  preserved  their 
bold  and  manly  dignity  both  in  word  and  action  until  the  day 

•  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  viii.-Poggio  Bracciolini  Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  42. 


Ji 


392 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


of  final  judgment  when  all  further  mockeiy  ended  by  a  wither- 
ing sentence  of  excommunication. 

Their  souls  were  solemnly  condemned  to  the  pains  of  hell ; 
fire  and  water  were  interdicted;  their  persons  and  property 
outlawed  in  eveiy  Christian  land,  and  they  were  finally  declared 
lawful  prey  for  all  who  chose  to  sell  plunder  or  kill  them  as 
though  they  were  mere  slaves  or  hifidels.  On  hearing  this, 
Barbadori,  a  bold  advocate  and  ardent  patriot,  threw  himself 
in  great  emotion  on  his  knees  before  a  crucifix  that  adonied 
the  hall,  and  bare-headed  in  a  grave  and  solemn  voice  so  loud 
and  clear  as  to  be  heard  by  pope  and  cardinals,  made  this  awful 
demand  for  justice. 

"  To  thee,  O  Lord  Jesus  Christ !  from  this  unholy  sentence 
*'  pronounced  by  thy  vicar  permit  me  to  appeal  in  that  tre- 
"  mendous  day  wherein  thou  shalt  appear  to  judge  the  world 
"  Avithout  distinction  of  persons  in  thy  sight !  Meanwhile,  O 
''  thou  most  just  and  incorniptiblo  judge,  vouchsafe  to  defend 
"  our  republic  from  the  cruel  blasphemy  even  now  fulminated 
"  against  it,  with  what  pretence  of  justice  to  thee  is  manifest," 
and  concluding  with  the  Psalmist  *'  Iie.y>ici((t  me  Dens  salutaris 
mens  adiutor  }neus  esto,''  &c. 

This  grave  scene  drew  the  eyes  of  eveiy  one  on  Barbadoii ; 
by  some  he  was  called  rash,  and  bold,  and  presumptuous; 
othei-s  ridiculed  him  as  a  madman ;  and  certain  of  the  higfli 
priest's  sen^ants  even  shouldered  him  roughly  in  the  throng. 
The  ambassador  stood  unmoved ;  but  even  here,  in  the  very 
vortex  of  passion  and  corruption  there  were  still  some  generous 
spirits  bold  and  honest  enough  to  admire  and  praise  liis  con- 
duct ;  to  hail  it  as  a  brilliant  spark  of  antique  virtue  and  to 
declare  that  such  a  voice  of  liberty  could  only  issue  from  an 
Italian  breast !  The  ambassadors  unable  to  do  more  for  their 
country',  with  difiicultv  found  a  Piedmontese  notary  darina 
enough  to  draw  up  a  fonnal  protestation  against  the  validity  of 
this    sentence,  for  which  he  was  afterwards  persecuted,  and 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


393 


# 


|\ 


finally  banished  from  Avignon  and  all  the  ecclesiastical  states ; 
but  taking  ultimate  refuge  in  Florence  was  there  honourably 
received  and  rewarded.  An  edict  soon  after  appeared  declaring 
it  criminal  for  all  public  officers  civil  or  ecclesiastical  to  molest 
any  individual  by  the  authority  of  this  anathema,  m  which  the 
"  Ei^htof  War"  and  other  citizens  were  especially  named, 
under  pain  of  death  and  confiscation  of  property  *. 

When  the  efi'ects  of  excommunication  were  beginning  to  be 
felt  foction  superstition  and  devotion   raised  their  threefold 
voice  against  the  eight  :  no  city  they  declared  could  prosper 
that  wc^s  deprived  of  the  Eucharist ;  and  many  that  perhaps 
made  light  of  this,  yet  finding  their  property  plundered  both 
by  sea  and  land,  united  in  the  cry ;  for  church  galleys  scoured 
the  seas  and  compelled  Florence  to  oppose  the  pontiff"  even  on 
that  element.      Bending  for  a  while   before   the   blast   the 
seignory  partly  soothed  the  public  agitation  by  despatching  a 
new  embassy  to  negotiate  peace ;  of  this  Barbadori  was  again 
a  member,  but  ere  it  reached  Avignon  tlie  Bretons  conducted 
by  Robert  Cardinal  of  Geneva,  afterwards  the  antipope  Clement 
VII.  were  already  arrived  at  Asti.     Little  hope  therefore  re- 
mained of  an  honourable  accommodation,  and  as  Barbadori 
declared  in  his  former  oration  that  the  "  Florentines  having 
enjoyed  liberty  for  four  hundred  years  it  had  become  a  part  of 
their  very  nature  and  all  were  ready  to  sacrifice  life  itself  in 
the  cause  '  they  now  proved  the  assertion  by  pushing  on  the  war 
with  double  vigour.   Ambassadors  were  sent  to  France  England 
and  Naples  to  justify  their  conduct  and  deprecate  the  rigorous 
execution  of  Pope  Gregory's  censure,  while  to  manifest  their 
own  firmness  the  seignoiy  on  the  thirtieth  of  April  declared  the 
Florentine  republic  to  be  content  with  the  conduct  of  its  war 
magistrates,  not  only  by  continuing  them  in  office  for  six  months 
longer,  but  also  by  sending  to  each  with  great  pomp  and  public 
ceremony,  besides  silver  urns  and  other  valuable  presents,  a 

*  Scip.  Ammirato,  Istoria  Fiorentina,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  697. 


391 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  j. 


CUAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


395 


shield  and  pennon  with  their  family  device,  and  over  it  in  aolden 
letters  the  word  Libertas.  About  this  period  too,  althouah 
excommunicated  expressly  by  name,  and  in  the  public  mindoV 
noxious  to  all  the  consequences  of  a  curse  so  deep  and  startlina 
as  that  lately  uttered,  these  magistrates  were  nevertheless  hailed 
by  public  acclamation  as  the  "Eight  Saints  of  thk  War'* 

At  once  foreseeing  that  Bologna  would  be  the  fii-st  and  prin- 
cipal object  of  attack  and  that  its  defence  would  necessarily 
devolve  on  Florence,  Kidolfo  da  Vamno  Lord  of  Camerino  a 
sagacious  and  expert  captain,  was  appointed  to  command  her 
annies  and  consequently  to  defend  Bologna,  where  dreadv 
under  two  resident  ambassadors  Florentine  influence  had  be- 
come paramount.    Two  thousand  lances  imder  this  general  were 
marched  in  July  to  that  city  while  all  the  mountain  passes  were 
strongly  guarded  and  the  peasantry'  ordered  to  retire  with  their 
cattle  into  fenced  towns,  the  protection  of  Florence  being  left 
pnncipally  to  Milanese  soldiers  f.      .Meanwhile  the  Breton, 
continued  their  march  through  Alexandria  Tortona  and  Pia- 
cenza  on  Ferrara,  without  any  opposition  from  either  Visconte  • 
for  Galeazzo  was  anxious  to  keep  on  good  terms  ^^th  Grecror>^ 
and  Bemabo  veiy  unwilling  to  come  to  an  open  rupture  with 
an  army  of  ten  thousand  ferocious  and  unscnq.ulous  veterans 
m  the  heart  of  his  country.     After  a  short  halt  in  the  friendly 
stat^  of  Ferrara  the  company  resumed  its  march,  and  bv  a 
pnest  s  treacheiy  gained  possession  of  Monte  Georgio  a  t Jwn 
only  twelve  miles  from  Bologna.     Here  the  cardinal  put  every 
man  woman  and  child  above  six  years  old  to  the  edge  of  the  sword 


♦  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix..  Rub. 
754.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  698. 
— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii. 
+  Sismomli,  on  the  authority  of  Chc- 
rubino  Ghirardacci  (Lib.  xxv.  p.  34J>), 
says,  that  five  hundred  lanres,  under 
Count  Lucius  Lando,  were  sent  to 
Bologna  by  Bemabo,  of  whose  faith 
Ridolfo  was   doubtful.      But  by  his 


treaty  with  Florence  Bemabo  stipu- 
lated not  to  violate  the  pope's  tem- 
tory,  and  no  other  writer  mentions  this 
force.  (Vide  .Sismomli,  vol.  v.,  p. 
166).  See  also  Mar.  di  Coppo  Stefani, 
(Lib.  ix..  Rub.  760),  who  positively 
denies,  for  the  above  reason,  that  any 
Milanese  troops  entered  Bologna. 


in  order  to  strike  terror  through  Bologna,  and  he  backed  it  by 
the  offer  of  a  general  amnesty  for  all  that  would  promptly 
return  to  their  allegiance  -. 

This  apparent  lenity  coupled  with  the  fearful  devastation  of 
their  country  caused  some  to  waver  and  occasioned  the  meeting 
of  a  general*^ council  where  the  Florentines  assisted:  the  result 
was  a  strong  resolution  to  defend  their  liberty  and  maintain 
the  alliance  of  Florence,  and  sooner  than  return  to  the  haughty 
and  insolent  tyranny  of  those  under  whom  tliey  had  so  long 
suffered,  to  undergo  the  heaviest  calamities  as  freemen.  The 
fury  of  Ftobert  was  unbounded  at  this  spirited  reply.  "  Tell 
them  then"  said  this  Christian  prelate,  "  that  I  will  not  stir  a 
step  from  this  city,  nor  take  rest  nor  pleasure  until  I  steep  my 
hands  and  feet  in  their  hearts  blood  " f . 

This  savage  burst  of  impetuosity  only  served  to  draw  more 
closely  the  alliance  of  Florence  and  Bologna,  and  Robert  failing 
to  gain  the  latter  by  lair  means  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with 
some  of  the  Fepoli  faction  to  have  it  by  treacheiy.     While 
thus  proceeding  his  army  continued  its  cmel  ravages  in  the 
hope  of  provoking  Ridolfo  to  battle  ;  but  this  wary  chief  mis- 
trustful  of  internal  treachery,  held  firm  to  the  ramparts  and 
equally  resisted  the  enemy's  taunts  and  his  own  people  s  impa- 
tience, for  he  felt  that  the  hie  of  Bologna  would  decide  the 
war.     Leonardo  Aretino  who  was  a  child  at  the  time  of  these 
events,  and  therefore  may  almost  be  considered  a  cotemporary 
historian,  tells  us  that  people  still  spoke  in  his  time  of  Ridolfo  s 
prudent  and  facetious  answer  to  the  cardinal,  who  failing  to 
provoke  him  to  a  battle  or  any  external  movement,  at  length 
sent  a  direct  message  to  know  why  he  would  not  march  out  and 
meet  him.    To  this  Ridolfo  coolly  replied,  "  My  reason  for  7iot 
going  otitis  just  because  I  do  not  wish  to  let  you  in:'     And  he 
was  confirmed  in  this  resolution  by  the  suspicion  of  a  secret 

*  Cron.  d'  Incerto,  p.  205,  &c.— Leon,     mirato.  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  698. 

Aretino,  Lib.  viii.,  folio  16.3.— Poggio     f  Poggio,  Lib.  n.,  p.  49.— Cronichetto 

Bracciolini,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  47.— S.  Am-     d'  lncorto,p.  208. 


W'Jim!^"  ■..»?  ■fTir«™*'^5f^f lll.liA"U  HI  if 


W^mF^w^^^^^WTW' 


396 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   I, 


lutercoui'se  between  the  cardinal  and  some  malcontents  whom 
he  afterwards  detected  and  executed.  This  preserved  order 
\nthni,  while  a  romantic  event  from  without  lowered  the  Bretons' 
reputation  and  increased  Florentine  confidence. 

The  Bretons  had  a  white  banner  with  the  following  distich 

Ahora  se  vedra  qui  pucda  mas, 
O  los  Bcrtoncs  o'  '*  Libfrtas  ;"' 

and  thus  trusting  to  the  imagined  terror  of  tlieir  ferocitv  tw,. 
1^  renchmen  of  the  pope's  ai'my.  with  permission  from  both  sides 
entered  the  city  where  they  boldly  charged  the  Florentines  with 
liavnig  excited  Bologna  to  rebel  against  its  liege  lord,  otlerin-  in 
a  haughty  blustering  tone  to  prove  their  words  with  tlieir  swonls 
aganist  any  who  dared  to  accept  the  challenge.     After  a  short 
pause  Betto  Biffuli  a  young  Florentine  gentleman  stepped  for- 
ward gave  them  the  lie,  and  accepted  the  deliaiice  :  his  friend 
(^uido  di  Asciano  a  Senese,  instantly  followed ;  all  four  throAnn- 
down  their  hats,  which  according  to  the  manners  of  the  a^re 
were  taken  up  by  their   respective   antagonists  while  (iuido 
exclaimed  we  will  presently  show  you  the  ditTerence  between 
meeting  armed  men  in  the  tield  and  beating  out  the  brains  of 
mlauts  against  the  walls  of  captured  cities. 

A  day  of  battle  was  appointed  ;   the  lists  inclosed ;  and  in 
presence  of  both  hosts  the  combatants  magnificentlv  armed  and 
mounted  sprang  forward  to  the  charge.   Bettos  antagonist  fell 
but  before  the  Florentine  could  turn  and  close  he  was  already 
remounted  and  ready  to  engage :  again  they  dashed  a^^amst 
each  other  and  again  the  Bret.3n  fell,  and  as  actively  remo^ted 
Lpon  tins  Betto  disdainfully  called  to  him  to  prepare  for  a  third 
tilt  pronnsmg  that  he  should  not  again  rise  aiid  vault  into  liis 
saddle  so  easily  as  he  had  done  :  at  the  third  encounter  ]3etto's 
lance  bore  the  Breton  from  his  seat  and  laid  him  prostrate  with 
a  ghastly  wound,  then  leaping  from  his  horse  and  plachi-  the 
lett  knee  on  his  antagonist's  breast  began  to  unbuckle  his  hel- 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTrNE    HISTORY. 


397 


met  for  the  death-blow,  and  would  soon  have  despatched  him 
had  not  the  cardinal  suddenly  called  out  "  Be  content  Betto 
and  spare  his  life  for  he  is  your  prisoner,"  "  If  he  confess  as 
much,"  answered  the  Florentine,  "I  will  witli  all  my  heart 
make' your  reverence  a  present  of  him."  The  Frenchman 
acknowledged  himself  conquered,  and  Betto  after  taking  his 
sword  and*"  dagger  delivered  him  into  the  prelate's  hands. 
During  this  encounter  the  other  champions  were  not  idle :  Guido 
di  Asciano  and  his  antagonist  tilted,  wounded,  and  unhorsed 
each  other ;  but  the  Senese  soon  recovered  himself  while  his 
enemy  lay  motionless  on  the  grass  and  became  his  prisoner. 
Thus  ended  the  combat  and  the  cardinal  immediately  presented 
both  horses  and  arms  with  a  silver  belt  of  great  value  to  the 

victors*. 

The  audacious  vaunting  of  these  Bretons  was  thenceforward 
a  little  subdued,  but  their  cruelty  augmented  eveiy  moment : 
having  no  chjmce  of  Bologna  they  si)read  liercely  over  the 
land:   towns  surrendered  on  conditions  that  were  instantly 
swept  away  like  cobwebs ;  houses  were  plundered  and  people 
massacred,  even  to  the  new-born  babes  that  clung  unconscious 
to  their  mothers'  breast :  at  length  satiated  as  it  were  with  mur- 
der blood  and  ruin  they  demanded  winter  quarters.    Galeotto 
]\Ialatesta  who  alone  remained  fcdthful,  was  recompensed  by 
receiving  a  pontifical  command  to  deliver  up  the  city  of  Cesina 
for  that  purpose  and  here,  tempted  by  an  unviolated  town,  their 
licentiousness  again  burst  forth  :    the  citizens  were  pillaged 
their  wives  and  daughters  dishonoured  ;  no  remorse  ;  no  shame  ; 
no  restraint  on  their  passions  ;  cupidity  avarice  and  sensuality 
were  their  only  law,  cruelty  their  guide  and  governor.     Every 
place,  private  or  public,  sacred  or  divine,  became  their  prey ; 
neither  age  nor  sex,  great  or  small,  masculine  or  feminine, 
escaped  their  guilty  passions ;  none  were  spared,  none  respected, 

*  Leon.  Arctino,  Lib.  viii.,  folio  163.— Poggio,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  xlviii.-S.  Am- 
miiato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  700. 


398 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


even  convents  were  violated  and  sacred  virgins  shared  the 
universal  destiny :  and  all  this  time,  neither  by  word  nor  deed, 
nor  by  the  slightest  show  of  displeasure  did'  the  Cardinal  of 
Geneva  attempt  for  a  single  instant  to  check  their  devilish 
course  *.     Complaints  multiplied,  lamentations  were  unheeded, 
shame  banished,  lust  and  cmelty  became  more  rampant,  and 
death  and  hell  seemed  to  stalk  through  the  devoted  city.     At 
A.D.1377.   ^^^*'  ^"  ^'^^'^1^0'  1377  the  maddened  citizens  rose  in 
*    '  "  a  body  and  killing  three  hundred  of  these  miscreants 
drove  the  rest  into  a  quarter  cdled  the  Murata  which  had  been 
assigned  to  them :  on  seeing  this  Cai'dinal  Robert  mstantly  sent 
Malatesta  to  the  insurgents  to  acknowledge  the  fault  of  his 
troops  and  their  well-merited  chastisement,  but  ^\ith  a  strange 
misuse  of  words  granting  an  amnesty  on  condition  of  the  city 
gates    being  re-opened   and   a  friendly  intercourse  resumed. 
Their  own  lord  being  the  bearer  of  this  message  the  offer  was 
accepted,  for  the  citizens  as  yet  knew  not  Robert  of  Geneva, 
and  even  Malatesta  was  deceived.     Silently  dooming  Cesina  to 
utter  destruction  and  determined  to  make  it  sure,  he  ordered 
Hawkwood  to  move  up  his  troops  from  Faenza  and  assist :  and 
seeing  the  latter  hesitate,  for  even  the  robber  Hawkwood  was  a 
moment  shocked!  added  impetuously  -/  xvant  blood— blood ''! 
Hawkwood  brought  up  his  men.     The  fears  of  the  inhabitants 
thus  lulled  and  the  troops  in  readiness,  this  band  of  hell-hounds 
were  all  at  once  cast  loose  on  their  victims,  and  from  three  to 
five  thousand  men,  women,  and  children  were  slaughtered,  not 
only  without  mercy  but  with  aggravated  cruelty  f:  children  after 
being  snatched  from  their  cradles  and  stabbed,  or  dashed  against 
the  walls,  were  suspended  like  hogs  at  their  parents'  doors. 

I  ^""^^  x^  ^?-  'i:'  P;  ^^*  Cronkhetto  rf'  Jncerto,  also  cotemno- 

t  Ser  Isaddo  di    Montecatini    (Me-     rary,  says  .3000.      Uon.  Arctino  the 

degh    Erudite   Toscani),    says   2500,     Ammirato,  who  is  verv  minute  .ind 
but  disagrees  with  all  other  authors,     careful  in  his  facts,  say  5000. 
He    was,    however,    a    cotemporary. 


CHAP.    XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


3G9 


these  again  were  dragged  forth  to  behold  the  bloody  sight,  and 
then  murdered,  the  Cardinal  all  this  while  screeching  for  blood: 
''KilU  ^^i^U  ^<''^^'^  ''^"^'  alive'-,''  was  his  exclamation  I    This  at 
least  was  mercy.    Few  did  escape  !  no  rank,  no  age,  no  sex,  no 
calling ;  none  were  delivered  from  the  homicide  :  some  were 
butchered  in  the  streets,  some  in  the  squares,  in  the  churches ; 
nay  on  the  veiy  altars  themselves  young  children  who  had  tied 
tliither  for  refuge  were  promptly  sacriliced.     Confusion  filled 
the  city;  shrieks,  wailings,  and  screams  of  horror  rang  thi'ough 
the  air,  mingled  with  ruffian  shouts  and  hellisli  execrations ;  while 
ever  and  anon  above  the  din  were  heard  the  shriller  accents  of 
the  furious  priest,  "  A7//,  kill  leair  not  a  soid  alive:'  and  he 
too  literally  was  obeyed!    From  the  softly  breathing  babe  to  the 
laughing  girl ;  from  the  blushing  maiden  and  pale-faced  nun 
to  the  decent  matron  and  the  bed-rid  man ;  the  priest  at  the 
altar ;  the  hooded  monk ;  servants,  masters,  fathers,  mothers, 
sons ;  all  were  murdered ;  save  those  the  English  suffered  to 
escape !     The  English  at  Faenza,  saith  Ammirato,  pillaged  to 
the  uttermost  but  spared  life  ;  and  even  here  they  allowed  all 
they  could  to  escape,  for  their  object  was  plunder  not  blood  ; 
wherefore  their  conduct  may  be  esteemed  perfect  mildness  in 
comparison   to  that  of  the  Bretons   at  Cesina.     The  whole 
population  would  have  thus  been  annihilated  if  Hawkwood's 
White  Company,  having  no  vengeance  to  satisfy,  had  not  only 
allowed  but  even  assisted  the  evasion  of  many  f. 

This  was  the  act  of  a  Christian  pastor  under  the  immediate 
auspices  of  a  Christian  pope !  the  apostle  s  successor,  the  self- 
denominated  representative  of  that  Being  who  brought  "  peace 
and  good-will  on  eartli,^'  whose  lofty  character  and  divine 
attributes  have  been  and  still  are  more  distorted  and  fashioned 
to  suit  the  nefarious  designs  of  civilised  man,  than  ever  was 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  p.  168.  Uh.  ii.,  pp.  50,  51.--S.  Ammirato, 

t  Boninsegni,  Istor.  Fior.,  Lib.  iv.,  pp.     Lib.  xiii.,  p.  704.  —  Sismondi,  vol  v., 
577,   578,   &c.— Poggio  Bracciolini,     p.  167. 


^'WX^ 


400 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bcck  I. 


the  hardest  iron  which  is  taken  from  tlie  earth  and  forcred  for 
its  most  deHcate  cuhivation.  The  eoiuhict  of  Sir  John  Hawk- 
wood  who  had  not  even  the  Bretons'  slender  provocation  would 
have  eternally  disgraced  his  country  if  he  could  ever  have  been 
considered  better  than  a  daring  robber  and  nitbless  homicide 
whose  only  admirable  qualities  were  high  mihtary  talent  and 
unconquerable  intrepidity,  and  ln"s  descendants,  if  any  exibt, 
would  do  well  not  to  boast  of  their  ancestor.  This  massacre 
caused  universal  indignation ;  funeral  service  was  performed 
in  all  the  churches  at  Perugia,  and  every  to^^^l  of  the  league 
followed  their  example,  for  it  was  far  beyond  the  b:irbaritvof 
l)Oth  age  and  country. 

When  the  siege  of  Bologna  was  raised  Florence  expc(>tod  an 
immediate  attack  on  her  own  territoiy;  but  the  kigiit  were 
indefatigable  :  all  the  mountain  passes  were  rapidly  occupied 
by  numerous   reenforcements  ;  Malestruit  and  John  of  Buda 
were  bribed  not  to  enter  the  I'lorentuic  state  even  at  the  i)on- 
tiff's  command,  and  the  army  was  augmented  by  fourteen  lim,. 
dred  lances  and  a  thousand  infantiy  which  wire  ke].t  conti- 
nually hovering  on  the  Hanks  of  the  r>retons^!^.     Gregoiy  after 
some  extravagant  demands  dismissed  the  Florentine^'ambassa- 
dors,  and  banished  all  others  of  that  nation  from  A\ignon 
except  Cardinal  Corsini ;  without  permitting  cv( n  a  liope  of 
reconcihation,  but  on  the  contraiy  resolving  to  proceed  in  person 
to  Italy  and  direct  the  war.     This  redoubled   the  ardour  of 
Florence  ;  the  league  was  more  firmly  cemented  ;   Perugia  and 
Assisi  were  reconciled  ;   towns  and   passes  were  reenforced ; 
rewards  and  honours  distributed  :  and  even  Ilawkwood  himself 
was  persuaded  by  a  salary-  of  :<>50,000  florins  a  year  to  join  the 
confederacy  with  five  hundred  lances  and  five  hundred  archers 
besides  his   Englishmen.     All   this  was   however  somewhat 
balanced  by  the  defection  of  Bidolfo  da  Varano  who  either  jea- 
lous of  Hawkwood  or  with  a  promise  of  being  confirmed  in  the 


*  Boninsc^i,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  577. 


CHAP.   XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


401 


lordship  of  Fabriano ;  or  perhaps  othemise  disgusted,  joined 
the  pope  and  carried  with  him  the  town  of  Fabriano  which  he 
then  held  for  Florence.  Public  indignation  burst  out  at  this 
intelligence ;  he  was  instantly  degraded  from  the  ranlv  of  citi- 
zen wiiich  had  been  conferred  on  him;  his  miage  painted, 
han^nng  by  the  feet  as  a  traitor,  on  the  most  conspicuous  build- 
ings^ of  tiic  town,  and  orders  issued  to  all  the  Florentine 
captains  and  allies  to  ravage  his  lands  and  do  him  every  pos- 
sible mischief -•'-.  The  i.ii.iii  were  eoiitirmed  in  ofTice  for  six 
months  longer  and  another  Itoard  of  equal  numbers  created 
expressly  to  take  a  strict  account  of  all  ecclesiastical  property, 
specifying  what  was  sufficient  for  the  possessors  to  live  in  com- 
fort and  respectability  ;  but  with  powers  to  sell  as  nuich  of  the 
remainder  as  would  realize  K »<),()( Ml  llorins  for  the  public  ser- 
vice, and  to  protect  the  purchasers  against  all  consequences  i. 

Long  before  Yarano's  defection  Gregory  had  left  Avignon 
and  after  having  been  coolly  received  at  Genoa  and  honoured 
at  Pisa  he  arrived  at  Coi-neto  in  November  where  he  was  soon 
welcomed  by  the  new>  of  Bolsena's  revolt  and  the  total  defeat 
of  a  dt  tachment  sent  by  him  against  Viterbo  witli  the  loss  of 
eif^hty  gentlemen  of  wliom  twenty  were  knights  of  the  higliest 
rank.  These  ivpeated  (hsastcrs  ratlier  inclined  him  towards  a 
peace,  mid  one  more  eniba>>y  arrived  from  Florence  to  attend 
on  him  in  Pome  by  his  own  re.iuest;.  The  Florentines  had 
vainly  endeavoured  to  stir  up  tliat  city  to  rebellion ;  but  the 
Koniuns  had  then  a  fiw  government  of  thirteen  bannerets  who 
carried  the  standards  and  reitresented  the  different  divisions  of 
Home  :  they  were  aUo  anxious  to  reestablish  the  papal  see  and 
conseipicntiy  le^s  eager  for  revolution  than  those  towns  which 
had  suffered  more  from  ecclesiastical  oppression.  Gregory  had 
been  also  promised  the  sovereignty  on  his  arrival  at  Ostia,  and 
they  even  consented  to  suppress  the  Ijannerets,  while  the  pop.' 


*  Puirj^io,  Ijil).  ii.,  ]>.  52.- 
rata,  lAh.  xiii.,  p.  705. 

VOL.    II. 


S    Annui-     t  S.  Amniirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  702. 
+  Ibii!.,  p.  703. 

1)  i> 


402 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[flOun 


I. 


t.igaged  to  confirm  certain  popularly  elected  judges  calle.l 
••  Executors  of  Justice  •  prondcd  they  ^uld  give  l.in,  th.„ 
oatl,  of  allegiance.  Florence  on  hearing  „f  this  negotiation 
winch  occurred  as  early  as  December  VMi\.  mado  one  m„r, 
attempt  to  enlist  Home  in  the  common  cau,c.  ui,.l  therefuie 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  that  city :  ,t  was  wriit,,, 
l.y  the  celebrated  Coluccio  Salutati,  and  urged  the  bannciv-K 
to  an  uncompromising  niaintinance  of  the  public  liberty. 

•'  To  the  illustrious  men  our  honoured  brethren   the  I5ii, 
nerets  of  Rome. 

'■Although   we  have  hitherto   vainly  iiu,ed  our  voice  in 

•  exhorting  you  to  defend  with  unshaken  courage  vour  own 
••  and  Italian  hberty  and  although  the  only  fruit  „f  our  en- 

■  deavours  has  been  some  few  letter  written  in  an  ek-'atii 

■  style  vamly  oniameiited  with  fine  sentences :  neverthdcs. 
-atthts  moment  when  we  behold  your  lil.orlv  i„  i„mn„c,M 

•  danger  we  fear  not  to  repeat  once  more  uur  .m,ero  and 

•  salutary  counsel. 

"We  cannot  doubt,  O  beloved  brethren,  and  if  vou  do  not 
vnllmgly  blind  yourselves,  you  also  must  easily  i.erceive  it  ■  that 

•  the  sovereign  poutilf  whom  you  attend  wit'h  so  benevolent  a 
••  (iisposition  bears  no  affection  towards  your  .itv  :   he  loves 

•  not  the  dwelling:  it  is  not  to  reside  in  his  own'  .,.,.  f„r  the 
^  consolation  of  your  devout  people  that  brings  hin,  baclt,  but 

•  to  change  your  freedom  into  servitude.      When  he  asks  for 
the  dismissal  of  yom'  magistracy  what  docs  lie  ,le  ire'  wliat 

"  does  he  hope,  if  not  to  pluck  down  the  column  of  lloman 

•  liberty?  what  check  will  remain  for  the  auda,-ious,  what 
••  refuge  for  the  feeble,  if  your  sacred  body  on  whom  depend 
•'  the  peace,  the  coumge,  and  tramjuillity  of  liome,  be  dissolved 
•_  at  the  pontiffs  arrival  ?  And  though  the  pope  should  reesta- 
•  blish  the  city  m  all  its  ancient  renown  and  beantv ;  tliou"h 
"  he  were  to  elevate  the  Romans  to  all  the  majesiv  of  their 
•'  ancient  empire;  though  he  were  to  gild  your  walls  ^ith  gold; 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


403 


"  yet  if  it  were  at  the  expense  of  freedom  it  would  Le  your 
"  duty  to  reject  it.     We  only  implore  you  to  conduct   ^^  ^^^ 
"  youi-selves  as  becomes  Romans  with  whom  virtue 
"  and  liberty  are  hereditary  property. 

"  While  you  still  are  able  and  that  there  yet  is  time ;  while 
"  the  oppressor  of  domestic  freedom  is  not  within  your  walls, 

-  provide  for  your  safety ;  pro\  ide  for  the  safety  of  the  Roman 
'•  people.  The  moment  you  require  it,  tlie  very  instant  we 
*'  receive  your  signal  we  will  aid  you  with  all  our  power  as 
"  if  it  were  in  defence  of  our  own  freedom,  our  own  individual 
"  safety  ;  for  we  well  know  that  from  the  hour  that  your  people 

-  bow  to  the  yoke,  light  as  it  may  at  tirst  appear,  we  shall  not 
"  be  strong  enough  to  deliver  you"*. 

This  was  immediately  followed  by  the  offer  of  three  thousand 
lances,  nor  was  the  exhiHiation  entirely  fruitless ;  fur  although 
militaiy  assistance  was  rejected  the  Romans  made  better  terms 
with  Gregory,  but  did  not  receive  him  tlie  less  joyfully  on  his 
arrival  in  January  l:^;.      The  baiuierets  indeed  laid  their 
official  ensigns  at  his  fert,  but  resumed  them  on  the  following 
dav,  and  conthmed  their  independent  government  as  if  he  were 
not  present.     Those  Florentine  ambassadors  who  still  followed 
his  court  could  do  nothing  with  the  angry  pontiff:  he  demanded 
peace  on  his  own  terms,  they  on  theirs.      While  yet  at  Avig- 
non he  had  listened  to  the  overtures  and  exhortations  of  Samt 
Catherine  of  Siena,  (then  called  the  Blessed  Catlierine)  whom 
the  Florentines,  to  show  their  anxiety  for  peace,  had  instructed 
to  bring  about  a  reconciliation,  and  he  dismissed  her  with  full 
powers  to  treat;  but  nothhig  followed.      The  papal  ambas- 
sadors arrived  at  Florence  in  August  and  insidiously  attempted 
to   stir  up  the   people   against  their  government,  especially 
against  the  eigjit  whom  they  denounced  as  ambitious  chiefs 
battening  on  public  miseiy  and  holding  office  long  beyond  the 
period  fixed  by  law ;  while  under  the  specious  name  of  hberty 

*  Sisinoudi,  vol.  v.,  p.  1(JD. 
D  1)  'Z 


^185T*W3flBS 


104 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[cook  I. 


they  were  attempting  to  subjugate  the  people.      All  that  Gre- 
gory required  they  declared  was  the  deposition  of  these  men 
and  then  Florence  might  have  peace  on  her  own  terms.     The 
gonMonier  justified  the  Florentines,  reasserted  their  ardent 
desire  for  peace  ;    and  defended  the   Saints'  conduct.      The 
pope  became  doubly  exasperated  at  this  proceeding  and  ren- 
dered his  anathema  still  more  stringent ;  but  he  was  ill  obeyed 
111  Italy  and  the  Florentines  threw  off  every  restraint :  hitherto 
they  had  respected  the  interdict  and  closed  every  place  of 
worsliip,  but  now  the  priests  were  compelled  to  resume  their 
functions  and  celebrate  eveiy  religious  rite  as  if  no  censure 
liad  ever  been  pronomiced  t^.    Previous  to  this  and  in  a  general 
council  open  to  eveiybody  where  more  than  a  thousand  citi- 
zens assembled,  the  Florentine  ambassadors  who  had  returned 
from  Avignon  proved  the  strenuous  exertions,  wliich  had  been 
made  to  restore  tranquillity  by  a  public  statement  that  700,000 
florins  had  been  offered  to  the  pope  for  peace,  .-md  all  to  be 
paid  in  six  years ;  but  that  he  demanded  more  than  a  million, 
with  other  concessions  so  extravagant  as  to  be  utterly  inad- 
missible.     Besides  this  he  declared  that  he  would  liave  no 
peace  ;  but  with  the  help  of  God  and  his  friends  he  would  one 
day  wreak  Ms  vengeance  upon  Florence :  war  therefore  con- 
tinued to  devastate  Italy;    the  cruelty  of  the   IJretons  aug- 
mented ;    and  with  the  exception  of  Bolsena's  haN  ing  been 
retaken  with  horrid    slaughter,  fortmie  everywhere  favom-ed 
the  Florentmes.      The  eight  were   again  elected   and   cou- 
firmed  in  their  office,  against  their  owii  ^vishes,  until  Februarv 
KiTOf. 

But  all  Italy  was  now  tired  and  the  war  began  to  languish  ; 
allies  were  sensibly  cooling  and  some  had  made  their  peace  : 
at  Bologna  faction  which  had  begun  to  work  in  March,  at  last 

•  Poggio,Lib.  ii.,p.^53.~-.S..\mini.  +  Po?gio,  Lib.  iL  p.  54.  -  Cron. 
mo,  Lib.  xin.,  p.  /07. -Sismondi,  «r  Incerto,  p.  2I2.-S.  Annmrnto, 
vol.  v.,  p.  ]r2.  Lib.  xiii.,p.  709. 


CHAP.  XXVI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


t05 


succeeded  in  restoring  that  city  to  the  church,  and  on  the 
t'^nty-first  of  August  a  treaty  was  signed  at  Anagm  stipulatn.g 
la  pontifical  .icar  alone  was  to  reside  there  and  the  city 
remain  in  all  other  respects  free.    The  Florentmes  hus  dese  ted 
bvAeir  most  powerful  ally  and  bending  under  the  weight  oi 
ir  became  generally  anxious  and  even  clamorous  for  peace 
and  the  Bishop  of  Urbino  a  new  papal  ambassador  artful^ 
proposed  their  ally  Benmbo  Visconte  as  arbitrator      This  at 
once  roused  their  suspicions,  for  Visconte  was  well  known  in 
Florence,    but   they   consented    and   a   congress   -^^^f-^^^ 
assembled  at  Sarzana  on  the  twelfth  of  March  IB. 8.     The 
Florentines  were  not  deceived  ;  for  by  a  secret  agree-  ^^^3.^^ 
ment   Grecrory   XL    and    Bernabo    had    engaged    to 
^l^iy^i^Lse^.e^  for  the  expenses  of  war  by  sacnficmg 
Z  republic  :  luckily  this  pontiff  died  in  March  an    ..v.d  tW 
800,000  florins  which  their  ally  had  kmdly  consented  that  the) 
shoidd  pay  to  recover  the  pope's  favour. 

After  a  stormy  conclave  mled  by  a  more  stormy  popula- 
tion eicrht  French  cardinals  were  overcome  by  four  Italians 
and'  a  ;ope  of  the  latter  nation  was  elected  on  the  eighth 
April  in  the  person  of  the  Bishop  of  Bari  under  the  name  of 
Urban  VI  War  then  ceased  rather  by  tacit  consent  than  any 
formd  treaty;  but  Urban  bearing  no  malice  against  Florence 
and  soon  having  enough  on  his  hands  by  the  election  of  an 
antipope,  for  a  certain  sum  removed  the  interdict  and  restoied 

her  to  the  church. 

Thus  ended  this  celebrated  and  aUy  managed  war  of  thiee 
years'  dm-ation  caused  by  the  ambition  tyranny  and  cupidity  o 
French  priests  who  had  appropriated  to  themselves  ^most  all 
the  great  church  dignities  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  natives 
and  who  were  moreover  bent  on  the  total  destruction  of  Italian 
liberty*. 

.  Leon.  Aretino.  Lib.  viii.-S.  A,nmira.o,  Lib.  .iii.,  p.   712.-Mun.tori, 

Anuali. 


'wmmm 


406 


FLORENTINE    HTSTOIiY. 


i 

( 


[book 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs.— EnglanA :   Edward  III.  to  1377-  then  Ri.l,     i 
II.-8<x.tland:  Robert   H.-Pmnre:  Charles   V    (The   Wise^         V^ 
Peter  IV^Casnlo  and  Leon  :  Henr,-  11.  of  Tr..^^.^^;^^'^r 
nand.-S:«ly:  Frederic  III.  to  1377;  then  Maria.  -  Naples    Tann;  I 
Popes:  Gregorj-XI.  to   1378;  then   Urban   VI.^The  Great  S-hism       A  7 
poiK.  :  Clement    VII. -Gregory   XI.    transfen-ed    the    p^^^^^^^^^^ 
Av^n^non  to   Rome.- En,>erors :  Charles  IV.  to   1 378  ;  d "      Wen      ,.    "' 

ZZ         ^"^""'^l   Louis  the  Great.-GreekEmperm-:  John  pXoW.;: 
— .Murad,  or  Amuimh  1.,  Ottoinau  Emperor.  'I'aoiogus. 


CHAP.   XXVU.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


407 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

FROM    A.D.    1378  TO    A.D.    1390. 


FioRENCE  who  for  three  years  had  been  the  life  ami  soul  ol 
Italy  by  whom  so  many  cities  great  aiul  small,  far  and  near, 
friends  or  foes  to  ea.h  other  and  to  her ;  were  com-    ^^  ^^^ 
Lined  in  one  detemined  mass  against  their  foreign 
tyrants ;  Florence  who  with  the  magic  of  a  single  word  and  tha 
word  LiBimTV.  had  roused  halt  the  Italian  remnsu  a  agamst 
,ts  oppressors  ;  this  same  Florence  could  not  secure  herself  i^.i 
a  moment  fr,.m  the  heartless  tyranny  and  struggles  of  domestic 
faction.     The  war  had  cost  between  two  and  three  milhons 
of  florins,  and  far  more  in  the  confiscation  and  destiniction  ot 
Florentine  property  by  foreign  nations:  from  this  spn.ted  sac  r- 
flce,  coupled  with  the  vigour,  unity,  and  successful  issue  of  Ik  , 
councils  in  its  prosecution,  one  might  well  suppose  them  to  have 
been  directed  by  the  head  and  heart  of  a  united  peop  e.     But 
tliis  was  not  so :  they  proceeded  almost  exclusively  from  the 
more  democratic  portion  of  the  commonwealth  under  great  dis- 
advmitages;  and  throughout  the  whole  contest  'f-'^l  ^™^ 
tion  disuu-bed  the  community.    Its  rulers  were  harassed  by  the 
continual  attacks  of  a  powerful  factious  and  relentless  oppo« 
against  which  they  struggled  with  a  resolution  only  equalled  1^ 
their  talents  and  patriotism.     The  magistracy  of  the  E  ght 
composed  exclusively  of  merchants  and  tradesmen,  ^ere  a    of 
the  democratic  and  popular  party,  therefore  thenr  original  elec- 
tion  and  unusually  extensive  powers  displeased  many  of  the 


w^f^^i^^mmmmm. . 


408 


FLOKENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


•nore  aristocratic  citizens,  while  a  repeated  prolongation  of 
Jmost  unhmited  power  in  the  same  hands  alarmed  others  and 
increased  then-  opponents"  jealousy.    The  awful  and  even  sacri- 
legious  nature  of  this  contest  the  subsequent  anathema,  and  the 
consequent  se.zm-e  of  Florentine  property  in  foreign  sextos,  wer 
so  ma.,y  addu.onal  causes  of  trouble,  and  so  many  convenient 
levers  for  fcction  :  wherefore  every  act  including  all  warlike 
opemtions  was  roughly  handled  and  defamed  by  the  most  bitte 
and  powerful  antagonists,  while  the  people  generally  were  steady 
m  then-  cause      The  former  led  by  the  Captains  k  Par.v, 
A Ihzz,  and  the  old  nobility,  urged  on  a  series  of  reckless  admo 
nifons  and  imhscriminately  denounced  both  Guelph  and  OhiLe- 
Ime  of  the  adverse  ranks,  without  measure  or  thought  of  justice 
and  to  such  an  extent  as  to  injure  the  whole  fabric  of  the  com' 
monwealth  *    As  early  as  1  :n4  a  relation  of  Giorgio  degli  Scali 
one  0    the  0  d  Guelphic  nobles  whose  family  had  become  pope' 
aiu  in  134.3    was  admonished  as  a  Ghibeline:  Ihi.  alarmed 
Oiorgio  for  himself  although  he  had  always  acted  with  that 
party  and  powerfully  influenced  it,  for  he  was  a  long-sighted 
bold,  and  able  statesman  ;  but  to  revenge  this  injury  he  soon 

should  be  allowed  to  hold  any  property  in  land,  or  retain  any 
I'M     or  vassals,   and  where   these  last   already  existed 

Sir^TK  r  ''^""^''♦^•l  fro-"  eveiy  obligation  of  feudal 
sen  ice.  This  law.  never  enforced,  was  ultimately  repealed ;  but 
Giorgio  ScaJi  became  a  marked  man,  and  only  one  year  elapsed 
ere  he  also  fell  a  victim  to  the  Guelphic  party f.  sJ  determined 
a  blow  shook  the  whole  community,  for  Giorgio  was  clever; 
powerful  generally  feared  and  respected,  and  a  thorough 
Guelph:  his  friends  were  astounded:  "Giorgio  is  admonished," 
said  they,   'my  turn  may  come  next  afterwards  thine  :  there  is 

now  no  safety:  the  law  was  against  Ghibelines  not  Guelphs  : 

*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ix.  7  <«      o  •      *        •         ,       , 

t  M.  di  Coppo  Sufani,  Lib.  ix.  R„b.     p.  69I     '"•     ""°"""''  '*'•'  ^■'^"■' 


CHAP.  XSVIl.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


409 


-  none  can  any  longer  hope  to  escape  but  those  who  join  their 
"  faction."     Such  was  the  general  feeling,  but  as  yet  ten-or 
predominated  for  intimidation  spread  far  and  wide  and  paralysed 
all  the  community-.  The  captains  became  more  bold,  arrogant, 
and  presumptuous ;  not  a  citizen,  however  Guelphic,  felt  secure ; 
and  so  deep  and  universal  was  the  dread,  says  Ammirato,  that 
110  tyrant  after  a  newly-suppressed  revolt  was  ever  so  terrible 
to  his  o^ni  subjects  as  these  magistrates  had  l)ecome  to  the  Flo- 
rentmes.     Wherever  they  appeared  the  people  rose  in  fearful 
reverence,  and  stood  bare-headed  until  they  passed,  meekly 
bowing  as  if  to  absolute  princes.     They  walked  the  streets  like 
monarchs :  to  speak  evil  of  them  was  more  dangerous  than 
blasphemy  and  visited  more  severely :  their  alliance  was  trem- 
bhngly  courted;  their  daughters  were  received  without  portions, 
those  of  others  were  offered  to  them  with  large  dowers,  but  all 
through  terror  and  intrigue  :  they  ordered  merchandise  to  be 
sent  them  on  credit  but  to  demand  payment  was  dangerous  : 
their  myrmidons  were  seen  hi  every  part  with  threats  of  exile 
and  hopes  of  fiivour ;  money  was  extracted  by  infamous  means; 
intrigue  and  apprehension  pervaded  every  class;  the  admonished 
were^'persecuted,  unfairly  taxed,  frequently  injured  in  the  most 
tender  points  of  domestic  affection ;  and  under  all  this  the  Flo- 
rentines still  believed  themselves  free  and  fought  bravely  for 
their  national  independence  f- 

So  artful  was  the  Tartv  Guelph  that  in  despite  of  every  law 
and  periodical  change  they  managed  that  the  office  of  Captain 
should  conUnually  circulate  within  a  certain  set  so  closely 
linked  that  nothing  could  penetrate  or  resist  them ;  and  m 
this  they  only  displaved  the  usual  ingenuity  of  Florentmes 
who  were  peculiarly  skilful  in  evading  or  paralysing  every  law 
directed  against  undue  power  for  the  preser^  ation  of  republican 

*  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.     Rub.  766,  767,  775.-S.  Ammirato, 
^.t  ^^  Lib.  xm.,  p.  1 09. 

t  M.  di  Coppo  Stefaui,  Ist.,  Lib.  ix., 


'ii8i*j»#it''iPiJiPiMnE' 


410 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


411 


equality.     Nor  was  the  grand  jury   of  twentv-four   citizens 
created  in  1366,  a  fomiidable  obstacle;  for  the  web  was  so 
woven  that  whenever  their  names  were  drawn,  if  that  of  an  ob- 
noxious person  appeared,  one  of  the  captains  would  immediately 
rise  and  say  that  "  He  had  seen  the  citizen  leave  Florence  that 
very  morning  for  his  villa  "  or  some  other  such  falsehood ; 
upon  which  the  name  was  replaced  in  the  election  purse,  and 
so  on  of  others  until  that  of  some  devoted  minion  or  stauncher 
partisan  appeared.     The  most  cruel  and  mischievous  of  these 
magistrates  was  most  applauded  by  his  colleagues  and  on  quit- 
ting office  frequently  received  the  honours  of  a  shield  and  pen- 
non, as  a  citizen  well  deserving  of  his  countiy  *.    They  lost  no 
opportunity  of  augmenting  a  power  already  preposterous  ;  and 
any  man,  even  the  most  notorious  Ghibeline,  who  either  pri- 
vately or  publicly  defended  them  was  certain  of  favour :  if  a 
prior  lie  was  immediately  lauded  as  a  genuine  Guelph,  and  the 
adverse  pai'ty  similarly  debased  and  persecuted.     They  even 
adopted  a   standard  emblazoned  ^vith  Charies  I.  of  Anjou's 
anns  and  named  Benghi  Buondelmonte  their  gonMonier  as 
if  they  were  proceeding  against  some  foreign  enemy ;  but  its 
drapery  only  appalled  their  trembling  comitiymen. 

So  feari-ul  was  this  power  that  in  1378  Alesso  Baldovinetti 
and  Lorenzo  di  Dino  were  condemned  to  the  block  merely  be- 
cause the  former  by  Dino  s  counsel  dared  to  present  a  petition 
against  this  new  and  fonnidable  gonfalonier  who  had  injured 
them  both.  They  were  only  saved  by  a  legal  objection  of  the 
podesta  who  refused  to  execute  the  sentence  but  nevertheless 
committed  them  to  a  dungeon,  whence  they  vainly  implored  an 
extension  of  mercy  from  their  angiy  tyrants  f . 

The  great  power  and  popularity  of  the  eight  was  wormwood 
to  this  faction,  and  in  1376  a  more  vigorous  attack  was  resolved 

*   ^%^''  ^^^^^  ^^f*"^"'-   ^^^-   i-^.»     t  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  735, 
Kub.   /b/.— b.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,     771,779. 
p.  70.9. 


h. 


on  •  first  bv  the  never-ending  admonition,  and  secondly  by  annul- 
linir  the  right  of  petition  established  in  1372  against  those  ^ho 
.eiHously  injured  their  weaker  neighbours.     This  prixilege  had 
in  fact  been  excessively  abused  and  became  a  mere  mstrument 
of  private  malice  or  knavery,  yet  on  that  very  accouiit  was 
nerhaps,  a  more  powerful  weapon  against  the  higher  orders  of 
citizens.     Creditors  made  use  of  it  U>  ruin  their  debtors  even 
for  insignificant  sums  :  imaginary  obhgations  of  a  centurj-  old 
«ere  claimed  on  the  strength  of  forged  documents  and  their 
fulfilment  audaciously  demanded  from  the  descendants  of  these 
visionaiy  defaulters,  who  unable  to  prove  the  fraud  were  forced 
either  to  compromise  or  be  placed   by  petition  amongst  the 
"  Grandi  "     The  facts  too  were  frequently  more  distorted  by 
the  plaintiff's  assertions  of  having  only  received  abuse  aiid 
threats  and  outrage  in  answer  to  his  just  and  legitimate  de- 
mands.    In  this  way  a  vexatious  power  of  persecution  was 
placed  in  plebeian  liands  and  used  by  them  as  heartlessly  as 
bv  their  more  powerful  neighboui-s  ;  for  although  (ss  we  are 
t;id   by   the    cotemporai7   historian    Marchionne   di   Coppo 
Stefani)  most  of  those  who  were  thus  punished  well  desen-ed 
it,  yet  not  for  the  crime  of  which  they  were  so  infamously 

"'we  have  seen  that  the  object  of  tliis  law  was  to  protect  the 
weak  from  oppression  by  the  powerful ;  but  its  «=tio-  '^^  ^e- 
came  in  a  maimer  reversed  and  its  reform,  as  a  cloak  to  future 
repeal,  was  the  first  object  of  the  Capitani :   a  gonfalomer 
and  three  priors  of  their  own  faction,  and  on  that  account  omni- 
potent in  the  seignorjs  carried  this  decree  which  would  have 
Ln  welcomed  from  any  other  quarter  but  these  men  w^re 
suspected  ;  ordinances  so  beneficial  were  not  usual   and  when 
a  threat  of  punishment  was  annexed  to  the  failure  of  any  cau  e 
instituted  by  petition,  thus  rendering  that  privilege  completely 
nugatory,  puUic  indignation  rose  high:   but  the   remaining 
prioi-s  were  fearful  of  opposing  any  of  the  party  Guelph  against 


^ 


412 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


wliicli  even  a  whisper  was  perilous.  The  fearful  expression 
"  Fa  contra  alia  Parte,'"  "  It  is  against  the  Party,"  waspregnant 
\\'ith  a  teiTor  that  may  be  more  easily  conceived  by  the  fact 
that  in  1373  Bartolo  Siminetti  amongst  other  oppressive  laws 
decreed,  that  even  if  a  citizen's  duties  were  to  keep  him  a  wliole 
day  without  food  and  that  when  he  at  last  sat  do^m  to  eat 
another  were  to  come  and  say,  "  This  bread  is  against  the 
Party  "  he  w^as  bound  to  refrain  from  eating  and  instantly  leave 
the  table !  ^^ 

After  the  fate  of  Dino  and  Baldovinetti  the  captains  deter- 
mined tliat  no  rank  or  station  should  escape  them,  and  in  April 
1378  they  had  the  audacity  to  admonish  Giovanni  Dini,  one  of 
the  EIGHT,  althoudi  in  the  full  execution  of  his  office  and  j 


a 


great  favourite  of  the  people.  This  stroke  above  all  others 
completed  the  public  disgust,  and  in  fear,  anger,  and  pity,  so 
audacious  a  piece  of  tyranny  was  contrasted  with  the  mildness, 
the  virtue,  and  known  justice  of  Dini  himself;  but  the  people 
became  still  more  exasperated  when  it  was  known  to  proceed 
from  the  private  malice  of  Simone  Peruzzi,  a  member  of  the 
EIGHT ;  the  unworthy  successor  of  Magalotti  who  had  died  the 
year  before  ;  and  this  only  because  Dini  liad  l)lessed  the  memory 
of  the  latter  as  a  more  discreet  statesman  ;  Peruzzi  had  m  fact 
divulged  some  of  their  secrets  but  his  son  happening  to  be 
then  one  of  the  captains  Dinji  was  sacrificed,  and  replaced  by 
a  creature  of  their  own.  The  enemy's  stronghold  now  became 
so  much  reduced  that  no  bounds  remained  to  the  captain's 
audacity:  ninety  citizens  had  been  disfranchised  in  eight  months, 
and  Salvestro  de'  Medici  would  also  have  graced  the  list  had  he 
not  as  yet  proved  too  powerful  and  besides  was  so  notorious  a 
Guelph  that  no  charge  of  Ghibelinism  could  stand  for  a  moment 
against  him  :  he  was  a  dangerous  antagonist  and  soon  proved  itf . 
The  vast  number  of  half-ruined  and  plundered  merchants 


•  M.  di  C.  Stefiini,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  766.     779,  781,  7B6.  —  S.  Amrairato,  Lib. 
f  M.  (11  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.,  Rub.  778,     xiii.,  pp.  712,  713,  &c\ 


CHIP.  XXTII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


413 


i 


that  from  various  cmintrios  unceasingly  poured  into  Florence, 
the  victims  of  papal  iniustice,  kept  augmenting  the  Guelphic 
forces ;  many  of  thciii  joined  in  tlie  cry  that  Florence  was  in 
danger  from  the  warlike  itropcnsities  of  the  eight  and  that 
nothing  but  thinning  their  ranks  by  successive  admonitions 
could  save  her:  the  captains  were  encouraged  by  these  mal- 
contents, and  even  Saint  Catherine  of  Sieiia  a  religious  enthu- 
siast of  some  talent,  tlamgli  held  by  many  to  be  a  hyj)oeritc  and 
somewhat  light  of  cliaracicr,  was  employed  as  mediatrix  but 
still  as  a  stanch  friend  of  admonition  ^=. 

The  accusers  thus  recn forced  redoubled  their  former  energy  : 
^hen  any  pereon  was  admonished  a  bevy  of  young  men  awaited 
his  return  from  the  ((Mnieil-room,  and  from  tbe  great  staircase 
of  the  captains'  palace  followed  him  home  with  hoothigs  shouts 
and  unseemly  noises  such  as,  "  Now  fjo  and  make  war  on  the 
church.''  So  that  the  insults  were  even  more  galling  than 
the  injur}' f.  Thus  did  tliis  poisonous  faction  envenom  the 
community  ;  but  the  evil  had  spread  so  widely  tliat  the  ancient 
proverb  "F/;t??cc  nnn  si  mmne  sc  tutto  non  si  duole,"  was  once 
more  on  the  pomt  of  being  verified.  The  better  disposed  now 
began  to  understand  each  other,  mutual  confidence  succeeded 
to  general  distiiist,  and  it  was  currently  whispered  that  if  there 
"were  but  one  resolute  man  in  the  seignory  to  stem  the  torrent 
by  a  vigorous  decree,  all  evils  would  soon  be  remedied  and 
Florence  saved,  for  there  were  more  in  oflice  disgusted  than 
pleased  with  the  cajttains  of  the  Party  Guelph.  These  mal- 
contents soon  united  with  the  f.ight,  and  because  in  J\Iay  KHB, 
Salvestro  de'  ^ledici  was  almost  sure  to  be  drawn  as  gonfalo- 
nier he  became  the  loadstar  of  the  discontented,  and  promised 
everything:  it  was  the  beginning  of  great  changes  and  furious 
contention,  of  Guelphic  downfall,  and  a  fierce  democratic 
revolution  which  soon  made  the  repubhc  tremble  J. 


.•^M.  di  C.  Stefani,    Lib.  ix.,  Rub.     f  Rtcfani,  Lib.  ix..  Rub.  70.5. 

;^^3.  X  M.  di  C.  ytcfuni,  Lib.  ijt.,  Rub.  787. 


414 


FLORENTINE    IIISTORV. 


[book  1. 


CtUP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


415 


Thij  logllim:ilc  mnsruutiouril  jr,,vrniiii'nt  i\w\  \ho  Captains 
of  Party  thus  i.Lirc-l  in  stoni  o].i)n>ition  wore  aotmnincd  on  a 
coullict;  but  llic  latter  failing  in  an  iii-.i.lious  ntt-inpt  to  ex- 
elude  Sidvcstro  do'  Medici  from  ollko  wor.^  uiUinj,'  to  couciliatfl 
him  bv  some  important  conrcssion  :   whih'  h.'.  cautious  even  in 
the  removal  nl  evil;  or  m..ro  prohahly  a\v:uv  that  what  was 
otYored    would    not    satisfy    the    p.-ph^    and    th-refore    must 
sirength.Mi  his  own  hands  as  ihrir  rliampi-.n,  tinally  consented 
to  he°apiH'ascd.     It  was  agreed  that  no  man  should  theuce- 
forth  he  admonislud  wlio  was  not  really  a  dhihtline  ;  that  tlie 
uame  of  any  person  should  n<.t  he  put  to  the  vote  for  admoni- 
tion more  than  tlnv.'  times  in  the  council  of  twryty-four;  and 
that  tho  ordinan.vs  of  justiro  sho.dd  h.^  enf-Mv.Ml  ag.dnst  the 
great-'-.     The  heads  of  the  (iudphir  p-.rty  at  this  tune  were 
Piero  de^li  Alhizzi,  Lapo  tbi  Castiglionchio.  Niccolo  Soderini, 
Bartolo  Siminetti  and  Carlo  Strozzi :  its  ho<ly  the  greater  part. j 
of  the  rich  and  powerful  popolani  and  the  old  nobility:  ontlie^ 
other  side  were  the  limit,  Cliorgio  Scali,  still  smarting  under^ 
admonition,  and  Tonnnaso  Strozzi,  hcidrs  tho  Medici,  Albertii, 
lUcci,  and  all  the  inferior  citizens.     The  force  of  then:  oppo- 
neiits' appeared  so  formidalde  to  the  (Juelphic  party  that  nothing  ; 
but  complete  destru.-tion  and  exile  could  po-<ihly  decide  tie 
contest  and  thev  resolved  to  drive  them  from  the  city  as  tbeu  . 
ancestors  had  tl'ie  Ghib.dines.      A  pbm  v.ns  arranged  for  seizing  .'^ 
the  puhlie  palare  nnd  etVci-ting  a  mmidete  revolution  in  the 
sUte:    Litpn   pres.rd   its   innm-diate   evr.iiH^n   assert mg  that  ;^ 
debiv  was  the  ruin  of  every  enterprise;  but  Piero  with  all  the   , 
caution  of  age  wished  it   postpmed  until  the   Baptist's  feast  8 
when  the  city  would  he  full  of  peasantiy,  and  their  own  adhe- 
rents more  easily  coiueab-d  in  the  en.wd. 

All  this  was  previous  to  Salve.tro  dr.'  .Aledieis  behig  drawn 
for  -onfdonier,  and  Lapo  was  the  more  amvious  on  thatverr  J 
account   because    the   electiou-pui'ses   were   empty  of  nam«| 

♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  714. 


except  for  one  renewal  of  office  which  was  known  to  be  almost 
exclusively  Ghibeline,  and  hence  a  certainty  of  their  arch- 
enemy's accession  to  power.  Piero  proposed  a  remedy  either 
by  boldly  admonishing  Salvestro  himself,  or  else  somebody 
belonging  to  the  colleges  of  his  quarter,  and  in  filling  up  the 
vacant  place  the  purses  were  so  em])ty  tliat  Salvestro  or  a  rela- 
tion was  sm-e  to  be  drawn  whieli  would  eflectually  disable  him 
from  becoming  gonfalonier  under  the  law  of  Dirieto.  Lapo  un- 
willingly consented,  and  with  the  remark,  that  he  who  wants 
all  things  to  concur  in  his  projects  will  never  make  the  attempt 
or  do  so  at  his  peril. 

The  moment  of  action  p^xssed ;  the  scheme  was  seen  throucrh  ; 
a  colleague  was  admonished,  but  the  vacancy  remained  unfiifed! 
Salvestro  became  gonlklonier  of  justice,  and  the  above-noticed 
attempt  at  reconciliation  was  the  result.  This  agreement  was 
soon  broken  by  the  Captains  of  Party  ;  violence  was  used  with 
the  twenty-four ;  the  names  of  Giraldo  di  Pagolo  and  Francesco 
Maitiui  only  six  weeks  after  were  put  to  the  ballot  for  admoni- 
tion no  less  than  two-and-twenty  times  instead  of  three,  and 
after  a  blasphemous  oath  on  the  occasi.jn  by  Bettino  Ricasoli ; 
through  sheer  weariness  they  were  condemned  *. 

Salvestro  di  Alamanno  de'  Medici  was  one  of  what  now  began 
to  be  called  the  *'  Nolile  Citizens,"  and  a  man  of  infinite  slu-ewd- 
ness,  talent,  and  resolution  :  he  was  the  first  of  his  family,  says 
the  historian  Michele  Bruto,  who  taught  his  posterity  how  by 
courtmg  the  rabble  and  oppressing  the  noble  citizens  they 
would  make  their  way  to  the  lordship  and  mastery  of  the  re- 
pubUef.  Salvestro  had  long  been  familiar  with  public  affairs, 
and  the  surrender  of  his  own  brother  to  public  justice  although 
with  the  promise  of  his  life  proved  at  least  that  self-dev^^o- 
tiou  was  not  tlie  uppermost  consideration  of  his  mind.  His 
strength  was  in  the  lower  orders  of  the  commonwealth,  of  whose 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  x.,  Rub.  789.     cntinc,  Volgari/ate  da  Stanislno  Oat- 
-b.  Amrainito,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  7 1 6.  teschi,  Lib.  i«,  p.  1 9.     Fireuze,  I  «38. 

t  Uiovanni  Michcle  Bruto,  1st.  Fior- 


416 


FLOKENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVII. J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


417 


riahts  he  ms  the  unfliuching  advocate,  and  hating  the  adverse 
V^ny  determined  to  curh  their  audacity  :  the  breach  of  compact 
appeared  to  embitter  his  enmity,  and  ^vith  Alberti,  Strozzi  and 
Scali  he  resolved  to  enforce  its  observance  by  a  law  that  should 
serve  as  the  first  step  towards  the  party's  downfall,  and  open  a 
way  for  all  admonished  persons  to  recover  their  rights.     Bemg 
in  his  turn  "  Propostor  (the  proposer  of  laws  or  president  of 
the  sei-norv)  an  office  lasting  only  three  days  at  a  tnne  but 
with  gi"eat\mthority;  Salvestro  detemined  to  carry  his  law 
throucrh  the  colleges  and  council  of  the  people  in  one  and  the 
same  dav  after  having  prepared  liis  fiiends  for  the  event ;  but 
he  met  with  such  a  storm  of  opposition  in  the  former  as  to 
convince  him  that  onlv  some  decided  step  could  meet  the  crisis. 
Slipping  awav  therefore  during  this  agitation  he  appeared  sud- 
denly in  the  popular  council  and  from  a  conspicuous  place 
appealed  to  its  judgment.     "  He  thought  that  lie  had  b^.i 
"  made  g..nfalonier,  not  to  hear  private  causes,  but  to  look  alter 

-  the  public  safety,  correct  the  insolence  of  the  great    and 

-  modifv  those  laws  which  were  bringing  the  commonwealth  to  . 

-  destruction.  These  duties  had  continually  occupied  his  mmtl. 

-  and  he  believed  that  he  had  found  a  remedy ;  but  by  tlio 
"  raali^ant  spirit  of  certmn  men  he  was  prevented  from  doni<^ 
"any  puldic  good;    and    even   they    themselves,   who   w.n 

-  especially  the  people  s  council,  were  not  only  relused  th. 

-  rictht  of  deliberation  but  even  of  hearing  it  proposed  ;  where- 

-  fore  seeing  himself  thus  hindered  from  carrying  any  measures 

-  for  the  public  welfare  he  saw  no  reason  for  longer  holding  an 

-  office  which  he  was  either  really  unworthy  of,  or  was  coiisi- 

-  dered   bv  others  to  be  so.     He  would  therefore  instantly 

-  retire,  ami  resuming  the  conduct  of  his  domestic  affairs,  leave 

-  the  place  open  to  some  citizen  of  greater  virtue  or  better  lor- 

-  tune  than  himself  "  *.    He  then  (piitted  the  assembly.   Those 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Stor.  Fior.,  LiK  x.,  Rub.  789,  790.  -  MacclmvcUi,  LiL. 
iiio^ — i^.  Animirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  717. 


who  were  aware  of  the  scheme,  and  all  who  wished  for  a  change 
took  instant  advantage  of  this  discourse,  and  great  excitement 
prevailed ;  the  seignoiy  and  colleges  ran  from  their  apartment 
to  appease  this  new  tumult  and  meeting  Salvestro  on  his  way 
out  detained  and  reconducted  him  to  the  council  chamber. 
The  whole  assembly  was  in  commotion ;  many  of  the  noble 
citizens  were  insulted,  menaced,  and  even  outraged  :  Carlo 
Strozzi  was  collared  by  a  tradesman,  reminded  that  his  reign 
of  oppression  was  over,  and  would  have  been  killed  but  for  the 
assistance  of  his  friends.  But  the  agitation  was  completed  and 
all  Florence  roused  into  tumult  by  Benedetto  degli  Alberti 
who  placing  himself  at  the  palace  window,  witli  a  loud  voice 
called  on  the  people  to  arise  ;  and  shouts  of  '•  Viva  il  Popolo ; 
Vim  il  PopoW  were  immediately  echoed  through  every  street. 
This  cry  was  well  understood  ;  the  tramp  of  men  was  soon  dis- 
tinguished ;  the  palace  square  bristled  with  lances,  helm  and 
cuirass  began  to  gleam,  crossbows  were  bent,  banners  fluttered 
in  the  air,  and  reiterated  cries  of  "  Viva  il  Popolo''  completed 
the  sthring  scene.  The  Guelphs  also  armed,  but  being  shghtly 
supported  soon  dispersed  in  alarm,  wherefore  no  weapon  was 
unsheathed ;  but  the  terror-stmck  colleges  hurried  on  the  bill, 
which  going  straight  to  the  "  Consiglio  del  Popolo"  was  at  once 
carried  by  acclamation*. 

There  is  nothing  easier  than  to  stir  up  revolutions  especially 
in  small  states,  if  men's  minds  be  previously  prepared  by  op- 
pression, and  nothing  more  difficult  than  to  arrest  them  after- 
wards ;  it  is  the  time  for  soothing  not  excitement :  one  man 
kicks  the  ball  and  thinks  he  can  govern  it ;  a  stronger  than  he 
takes  it  up ;  another  and  another,  until  the  first  player  is  left 
out  of  sight  and  forgotten  and  his  original  ball  shattered  to 
pieces.  Salvestro  de'  ]\Iedici  meant  to  cast  down  his  enemy 
and  enjoy  the  triumph ;  he  was  deceived ;  the  spell  was  too 

•  M.  di   C.  Stefani,  Lib.  x.,  Rub.  790.-Macdiiavclli,  Lib.   iii«.— S.  Am- 
nmato.  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  718. 

VOL.  II.  E  E 


418 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


potent :  a  spirit  was.  raised  that  he  could  not  master  and  he 
became  frightened  at  his  own  enchantment.  Men's  passions 
had  been  long  seetliing  under  a  high  pressure,  and  that  once 
removed  one  wide  burst  of  feeling  shook  the  entire  community! 
All  Florence  trembled ;  the  shops  closed  like  flowers  before  a 
storm ;  armed  citizens  were  seen  preparing  for  danger ;  goods 
were  removed  to  the  convents,  churches  were  tilled  with  private 
property,  other  valuables  consigned  to  secret  places  and  every- 
thing presaged  a  tempest.  The  trades  met  and  chose  a  syndic 
each,  priors  and  colleges  assembled  with  them  and  discussed 
the  means  of  peace;  opinions  differed  because  interests  differed 
and  numbers  had  no  wish  for  tranquillity :  there  were  also  many 
wrongs  to  revenge,  and  private  suffering  wiis  confounded  with 
public  good.     Nothing  therefoi'e  was  done. 

Next  day  but  one  the  trades  again  armed  and  united  under 
their  several  banners,  and  the  priors  in  consternation  assembled 
a  council :  it  had  scarcely  met  when  the  palace  square  was 
once  more  thronged  ^vith  moody  citizens  arrayed  under  their 
various  ensigns  and  followed  by  a  fierce  and  numerous  populace. 
The  government  hastily  created  a  Balia  which  being  composed 
.)f  the  Seignory,  colleges,  eight  of  war,  captains  of  |)arty,  and 
sj-ndics  of  trades,  besides  other  citizens,  it  was  hoped  would 
insure  confidence  and  ultimate  tranquillity.      But  outrage  had 
already  begmi,  the  house  of  Lapo  da  Castiglionchio  was  bunied 
and  plundered  while  he  escaped  in  the  disguise  of  a  monk 
to  the  Casentino,  bitterly  regi'etting  his  weakness  in  consenting 
to  Albizzi's  delay.      Piero  and  Strozzi  were  also  concealed  but 
their   property  suffered  for  evil  spreads   rapidly;  fires   mul- 
tiphed,  the  prisons  were  emptied,  convents  lost  their  sanctity, 
and  those  even  of  Santo   Spirito  and  the   Angioli  were  no 
protection  against  plunder.     Houses  and  palaces  fell  one  upon 
another  like  cards ;  those  of  the  Pazzi,  Strozzi,  Albizzi,  Mig- 
liori,  Guadagni  and  Buondelmonti  were  all  bunied  and  plun- 
dered and  the  storm  still  raged :  but  Piero  di  Fronte  the  prior 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


rode  out  at  the  head  of  an  armed  band  and  saved  the  public 
palace  Santo  Spirito  and  other  parts  by  his  prompt  intrepidity. 
Night  closed  in  and  was  tranquil.  When  morning  dawned 
the  Balia  hastily  met  and  restored  all  admonished  citizens 
to  their  rights  on  condition  of  not  exercising  any  public  functions 
for  three  years ;  they  then  annulled  the  oppressive  laws  of 
Siminetti  and  declared  Lapo  di  Castiglionchio  and  his  col- 
leagues rebels.  A  new  Seignory  of  peaceable  citizens  was 
drawn  and  Luigi  Guicciardini  made  gonfalonier  of  justice;  but 
without  any  immediate  eftect :  the  tempest  was  not  over ;  the 
shops  opened  not ;  arms  were  not  laid  by ;  and  watch  and  ward 
were  kept  throughout  the  city. 

The  new  magistracy  deemed  it  imprudent  to  enter  office 
with  the  usual  processions  and  public  ceremony  and  all  was 
performed  in  the  palace ;  this  was  blamed  as  vile  and  timid, 
but  they  laboured  hard  for  peace  and  partly  succeeded :  arms 
were  now  forbidden,  the  shops  slowly  reopened,  and  the  pea- 
santry already  assembled  to  aid  their  lords,  were  forcibly  dis- 
missed; patrols  then  traversed  the  still  unquiet  streets  and  a 
hollow  calm  succeeded-'.  J 

All  might  now  have  gradually  subsided  into  peace  had  not 
the  provocation  been  so  deep ;  but  great  injustice  had  been 
committed,  mucli  crime  perpetrated,  many  injuries  remained 
unexpiated ;  the  admonished  were  naturally  vindictive,  not  over 
scrupulous,  and  far  from  satisfied  to  wait  three  years  for  office  : 
they  were  bold  numerous,  and  oppressed,  and  had  fiery  mate- 
rials under  them  wherewith  to  operate  ;  they  had  also  justice. 
The  trades  again  met  elected  new  syndics  and  demanded  that 
no  citizen  who  had  held  public  office  since  1310  should  be 
admonislied  even  on  suspicion  of  Ghibelinism,  unless  his  case 
had  been  first  examined  by  the  Seignory  and  colleges,  the  ten 
of  liberty,  and  a  consul  from  each  art ;  also  that  new  election 
pm'ses  should  be  made  for  the  captains  of  party  and  the  old 

*  Ammii-ato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  721. 
E  E  2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


[book  I. 


ones  destroyed.     These  demands  were  discussed,  thought  pre- 
sumptuous  and  rejected  :  the  trades  once  more  armed,  the  col- 
leges were  agam  intimidated,  and  the  petition  then  passed  with- 
out amendment.    Thus  half  measures,  as  is  usual,  crept  timidly 
on  to  whole  ones  when  too  late ;  what  would  have  been  at  first 
received  as  a  boon  was  now  extorted  as  a  right ;  success  in 
all  cases  begets  confidence,  confidence  audacity,  and  new  de- 
mands start  up  :  first  justice,  afterwards  vengeance ;  then  oppres- 
sion changes  sides,  and  power,  ambition,  tyranny,  all  are  again 
seated  and  in  full  action  under  difierent  colours.     The  middle 
classes,  still  led  by  Salvestro  and  his  party,  almost  deified  him ; 
people  rushed  to  see  him  as  a  wonderful  thing,  he  w:is  fullowed 
by  crowds  and  pointed  out  to  the  children  as  the  ^'Liberator  of 
his  country  and  the  hreaher  of  all  ties  and  bonds  of  servitude'' •^^. 
By  this  party  the  people  were  told,  and  perhaps  truly,  that 
no  security  could  be  expected  until  many  of  their  ant^igonists 
were  either  expelled  the  city  or  destroyed ;  wherefore  commo- 
tion augmented,  and  the  Seignory  sending  for  all  syndics  and 
magistrates  of  trades  convinced  them  by  a  sensible  speech  of  their 
error  in  demanding  more  for  the  mere  sake  of  vengeance,  when 
enough  had  been  already  done  to  satisfy  ever>^  claim  of  justice. 
"  Tell  us  honestly,"  said  Guicciardini,  "what  more  can  you 
"  fairly  demand  ?     You  wished  to  humble  the  captidns  of  party ; 
"  it  is  done :  you  desired  that  their  lists  shoidd  be  destroyeil 
"  and  the  office  reformed  :  we  have  consented.     You  demanded 
-  that  the  admonished  should  be  restored  ;  and  we  have  per- 
"  mitted  it :  we  have  at  your  intercession  pardoned  those  who 
•'  have  burned  houses  and  plundered  churches,  and  multitudes 
"  of  honoured  and  powerful  citizens  have  been  banished  to 
"  please  you.     The  great  at  your  bidding  have  been  restrained 
"  with  new  ties  ;  what  will  be  the  end  of  your  demands  ?  How 
"  long  will  you  continue  to -make  an  evil  use  of  our  liberality? 
••  Do  you  not  perceive  that  we  can  bear  defeat  better  than  you 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  721,  &e. 


CHAP.  XXVII 


.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


421 


"  can  victory  ?"  This  speech  was  received  with  respect,  the 
deputation  retired,  and  two  magistrates  were  appointed  in  con- 
junction with  the  syndics  to  examine  what  remained  of  griev- 
ances and  report  on  the  subject*. 

But  the  fire  had  now  descended ;  the  lowest  class  of  work- 
men were  also  aggrieved  :  then  never  possessed  a  voice  in  the 
commonwealth  but  suffered  much  from  bad   administration, 
and  therefore  joined  the  general  movement:    they  too  had 
committed  crimes ;  had  burned  and  plundered,  infringed  the 
law  in  many  ways,  and  now  feared  with  reason  that  those  who 
before  hounded  them    on,  having  gained  what   they   wanted 
would  leave  their  followers  to  that  punishment  which  many 
felt  conscious  of  deserving.     They  moreover  generally  hated 
their  masters  and  were  discontented  with  the  low  wages  and 
injustice  they  received.     In  Charles  of  Anjou's  day  when  the 
citizens  were  divided  into  twelve  trades,  afterwards  increased  to 
twenty-one,  there  were  certain  officers  called  consuls  who  go- 
verned each,  and  the  republic  being  essentially  mercantile  their 
power  became  paramount.     This  double  class  of  "  Arts  ;"  the 
former  comprised  principally  of  liberal  professions  and  mer- 
chants, the  latter   of  meaner  trades;    combined  with   other 
causes  generated  two  parties,  because  the  ancient  Guelphic 
citizens  under  whose  auspices  the  Party  Guelph  had  been  esta- 
blished, belonged  to  and  were  supported  by  the  fonner  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  latter,  and  the  gonfjdonier  of  justice  had  invariably 
been  chosen  from  the  higher  class.  They  were  in  fact  and  conse- 
quences though  not  in  name,  an  aristocracy  and  democracy  with 
opposing  tastes  \'iews  and  sentiments  under  the  appellative, 
"  Citizen ; "  and  hence  the  continual  bickerings  heart.-burnings 
and  tumults  already  related  :  but  as  many  of  the  lowest  callings 
did  not  enter  into  these  distinct  divisions  of  trades,  they  were 
placed  in  masses  under  that  particular  art  with  which  their 
business  was  most  nearly  connected. 


*  Maccliiavelli,  Lib.  iii°. 


422 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


The  "  Arte  delta  Lana'  or  wool  and  cloth  trade  rose  fiir 
alK)ve  the  rest  in  extent  opulence  and  authority,  and  in  its 
various  branches  employed  a  greater  number  and  variety  of 
workmen,  especially  of  the  lowest  classes,  than  any  other. 
On  feeling  themselves  oppressed  these  poor  people  had  no 
other  tribunal  of  justice  than  that  composed  of  their  oppres- 
sors, and  therefore  did  not  always  receive  it,  the  former  being 
judges  in  their  own  cause,  and  the  latter  without  appeal ;  where- 
fore the  conflict  of  masters  and  workmen  was  often  in  full 
activity,  although  on  veiT  unequal  terms,  in  the  workshops  of 
Florence. 

All  this  engendered  a  constant  feeling  of  asperity  between 
these  classes,  aggravated  by  a  degrading  and  painful  conscious- 
ness of  complete  dependence  even  for  daily  bread.  These 
enmities  continually  broke  forth ;  and  being  now  coupled  ^vith 
riots,  arson,  plunder,  and  other  illegal  acts  rendered  them  almost 
desperate,  wherefore  they  assembled  to  take  measures  for  their 
own  protection. 

These  lower  classes  of  Florentines  had,  during  Walter 
de  Brienne's  tyranny,  acquired  the  name  of  "  Ciompr  a 
corrupt  Italian  pronunciation  of  the  French  tenn  Compere 
with  which  the  Duke  of  Athens'  soldiers  were  wont  in  famili- 
arity to  address  their  Florentine  companions ;  and  hence  this 
name  had  long  become  a  general  appellation  of  the  populace. 
Perceiving  the  turn  of  affairs,  and  that  Nuto  da  Citta  di  Cas- 
tello,  a  new  and  severe  Bargello,  had  arrived  to  punish  them, 
they  all  assembled  at  a  place  called  Eorwo,  then  outside  of 
the  Porta  Romana  and  were  addressed  substantially  as 
follows  by  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  experienced  of  theii' 
ringleaders. 

'*  If  our  purpose  were  now  to  deliberate  on  the  propriety  of 
*'  arming  ourselves  to  bm*n  and  plunder  the  dwellings  of  citi- 
*'  zens  and  despoil  churches,  I  am  one  of  those  who  would 
*'  deem  it  wiser  to  pause,  and  it  may  be  would  rather  continue 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


423 


t( 


i( 


n 


u 


li 


i( 


in  quiet  poverty  than  run  the  risk  of  so  dangerous  a  game. 
But  as  arms  have  already  been  used  and  much  mischief 
done,  we  should  now  reason  as  men  who  would  not  leave 
their  work  incomplete  or  themselves  in  danger  for  what  has 
already  been  committed.  Had  we  not  before  this  time  learned 
our  lesson  from  others,  necessity  would  now  teach  us  what 
we  ought  to  do :  you  see  the  whole  city  bursting  with  hatred 
against  us,  the  citizens  are  all  reconciled  and  the  Seignory  is 
ever  sure  to  favour  our  employers.  Are  they  not  spreading 
fresh  nets  for  us  ?  preparing  new  forces  against  us  ?  we 
must  think  of  two  things  in  our  meetings  ;  security  for  past 
crimes  and  more  liberty  for  tlie  future.  Now  the  surest 
way  to  obtain  pardon  for  old  faults  is  in  my  opinion  to  com- 
mit new  ones :  let  us  therefore  redouble  our  offences,  om- 
conflacfrations  and  our  robberies  ;  but  let  us  have  numerous 
accomplices,  for  where  many  sin  none  are  punished :  petty 
offences  are  chastised,  but  the  great  and  heavy  are  rewarded ; 
and  when  many  suffer  few  attempt  revenge,  because  general 
injuiy  is  easier  home  than  individual  wrong.  In  the  multi- 
plication of  evil  therefore  will  forgiveness  be  more  easily 
found  and  a  way  opened  to  secure  those  things  we  deem 
essential  to  our  own  liberty.  It  appears  to  me  also  that  we 
go  to  certain  triumph,  because  those  who  have  the  power  to 
oppose  us  are  both  disunited  and  rich ;  their  disunion  will 
give  us  the  victory  and  their  riches  in  our  hands  will  after- 
wards enable  us  to  maintain  it.  Be  not  abashed  at  their 
ancient  blood  with  which  we  shall  be  taunted ;  for  all  men 
having  spnmg  from  the  same  stock  are  equally  ancient  and 
fashioned  in  the  same  mould.  Strip  us  all  naked  and  you 
will  see  our  similaritv.     Let  us  dress  in  their  clothes  and 

t. 

they  in  ours;  we  shall  then  seem  noble  and  theij  ignoble 
because  riches  and  poverty  is  the  sole  distinction  between  us. 
It  grieves  me  to  hear  that  many  amongst  you  repent  of  what 
has  been  done  and  would  abstain  from  more ;  now  if  this  be 


424 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


"  tnie  you  are  not  the  men  I  took  you  for,  because  neither  con- 
"  science  nor  infamy  should  alarm  you :  those  who  win,  uo 
"  matter  how,  are  never  disgraced ;  and  of  conscience  we 
'•  should  hold  no  account  because  where  the  fear  of  stanation 
"  and  imprisonment  prevails,  as  it  does  with  us,  that  of  liell 
"  neither  can  nor  ought  to  be  considered.  Look  around  you 
"  and  observe  how  all  those  that  attain  great  power  or  riches, 
"  do  so  by  force  or  fraud  and  then  varnish  over  the  profits  of 
*•  deceit  and  violence  with  some  respectable  name ;  while  on 
*'  the  contrary  they  who  through  folly  or  prudence  shun  such 
"  means  remain  for  ever  in  poverty  and  ser^'itude.  Faithful 
"  servants  are  always  ser\'ants,  and  honest  men  are  everiast- 
*'  ingly  poor.  None  ever  emancipate  themselves  from  slaveiy 
"  and  niiseiy  but  the  audacious  and  unfaithful,  unless  it  be  the 
"  fraudulent  and  rapacious.  God  and  nature  have  placed  every 
"  man's  fortune  in  his  own  hands  and  have  thus  inclined  him 
"  more  to  rapine  than  industry ;  rather  to  the  wicked  than  tlic 
'*  good  arts  of  mankind.  Hence  men  devour  each  other  and 
"  the  weakest  suffers.  We  should  therefore  use  force  while  wo 
"  can,  and  fortune  now  favours  us  beyond  our  expectations. 
"  The  citizens  are  still  disunited,  the  Seignoiy  irresolute,  the 
"  magistrates  intimidated,  and  ere  they  recover  themselves  we 
"  shall  easily  overj^ower  them :  we  shall  then  rule  absolutely 
"  in  this  city,  or  at  least  so  nearly  as  to  command  indemnity 
"  for  the  past  and  threaten  our  enemies  for  the  future.  I 
"  acknowledge  the  danger,  the  rashness  of  this  enterprise ; 
"  but  where  necessity  prompts  temerity  becomes  prudence, 
"  and  in  great  undertakings  men  of  spirit  take  no  account  of 
**  danger.  What  commences  with  peril  finishes  with  reward, 
*'  and  it  is  ever  dangerous  even  to  fly  fmm  danger.  But 
"  where  death  torture  and  fettei-s  are  prepared  it  is  more 
"  terrible  to  remain  where  we  are  than  seek  for  security, 
"  because  in  the  first  our  calamities  are  certain,  in  the  second 
*'  doubtful.     How  many  times  have  I  heard  you  complain  of 


CHAP.  XX vn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


425 


•'  the  avarice  of  your  superiors,  of  the  injustice  of  your  magis- 
"  trates  ?  Now  is  the  time  not  only  to  liberate  yourselves, 
"  but  to  become  so  much  their  superiors  that  they  will  com- 
"  plain  of  and  fear  you  more  than  you  do  them.  Opportunity 
"  now  flutters  before  you  but  when  once  on  the  wing  you  shall 
"  ever  after  seek  for  it  in  vain !  You  see  the  preparations  of  your 
"  enemies  !  Let  us  be  before  them,  and  whichever  first  arms 
"  will  surely  have  the  victory,  will  ruin  his  enemy  and  certainly 
"  e.xalt  himself;  honour  will  then  be  the  reward  of  many  and 
*•  security  of  all  "  *. 

This  discourse  inflamed  the  unquiet  spirit  of  his  hearers 
who  instantly  resolved  on  sedition  as  soon  as  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  conspirators  were  enlisted  in  the  cause;  whereupon 
Simoncino  Buggigatti,  Pagolo  della  Bodda,  and  Lorenzo  Hicco- 
manni  swore  in  all  the  others  to  be  true  to  themselves  and  their 
party  and  act  unitedly.  The  twenty-first  of  July  1378  was  fixed 
on  for  revolt ;  but  magisterial  suspicions  were  awake  ;  the  first 
ringleader  was  suddenly  arrested,  fettered,  tortured,  and  the 
whole  plot  discovered:  he  had  already  given  full  information, 
but  the  question  was  applied  for  more  details,  and  during  these 
torments  he  accused  Giovanni  Dini  and  several  of  the  admo- 
nished citizens  as  chiefs,  and  Salvestro  de'  Medici  as  the  prin- 
cipal mover  of  all  f.  It  so  happened  that  while  Simoncino 
suffered,  one  of  his  accomplices  was  regulating  the  jmlace 
clock  and  therefore  able  to  see  and  hear  enough  to  convince 
him  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost;  instantly  descending  he 
ran  ofl^  to  San  Friano  roused  up  the  conspirators,  assembled 
all  the  malcontents,  and  at  daylight  on  the  twenty-first,  a 
part  for  sedition,  a  part  for  defence  :  the  whole  population  was 
in  arms. 

Eveiy  company  remained  to  protect  its  own  quarter  except 
two  who  obeyed  the  general  summons  and  repaired  to  the 
public  palace  ;  but  the  Seignory  had  only  eighty  lances  of  the 

*  Macchiavelli,  Lib,  iii«.  f  Gino  Capponi,  Tumulto  de'  Ciompi,  p.  230 


426 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


regular  troops  assembled  in  the  square,  so  that  seeing  ihein- 
selves  unsupported  even  these  two  companies  returned  to  pro- 
tect their  families  -.  The  Ciompi  of  Santo  Spirito,  San  Piero 
Maggiore  and  San  Lorenzo  were  in  amis  and  fierrely  demanded 
their  prisoners ;  these  being  refused  they  burned  the  gonftUo- 
nier  s  house  and  forced  the  Seij^norv  to  submission :  then 
seizing  the  standard  of  justice,  under  its  broad  shadow  they  pur- 
sued the  work  of  conflagration;  where  that  ltd  they  followed, 
and  it  fluttered  to  the  cry  of  any  who  had  a  wrong  to  revenge 
or  an  enemy  to  injure.  But  there  was  some  high  spirit  at 
that  time  amongst  them,  no  robbery  was  coniniitted ;  punish- 
ment and  vengeance  occupied  them  more  than  avarice  ;  they 
were  resolved  not  to  be  taunted  with  the  name  of  plunderers ; 
and  cloth,  beds,  pearls,  and  silver ;  valuabUs  of  overy  kind, 
were  committed  indiscriminately  to  the  flames,  nay  the  histo- 
rian Stefani  says  he  saw  a  man  stabbed  in  tlie  back  with  a 
lance  for  attempting  to  keep  a  fowl  and  a  piece  of  salted 
meat  +. 

Salvestro  de'  ^Medici,  on  the  confession  of  Simoncino,  was 
examhied  by  the  Seignor}'and  acknowledged  that  projwsals  had 
been  made  to  him  by  the  Ciomi)i  which  he  treated  with  that 
contempt  he  thought  they  deserved  but  owned  his  fault  in  not 
ffivinji  timelv  information  :  he  was  dismissed,  but  with  difficulty, 
and  more  throufrh  fear  than  anv  conviction  of  liis  innocence. 
Salvestro  was  still  the  popular  citizen,  and  in  this  day  of  mad- 
ness was  knighted  \\ith  upwards  of  sixty  more,  by  the  victorious 
Ciompi ;.  Amongst  the  favourites  so  honoured  were  Benedetto 
and  Antonio  degli  Alberti,  Tommaso  Strozzi,  and  even  Luigi 
Guicciardini  whose  house  had  been  bunied  that  voiy  morning! 
But  friends  and  foes,  all  were  indiscriminately  honoured  or 
injm-ed  by  a  wild  mixture  of  hate  justice  and  gratitude  in 
this  unregulated   crowd  §.     The  Seignoiy   were  left  to   their 


*  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii**. —  S.  Ammi- 

rato.  Lit),  xiv.,  p.  724. 

t  M.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  x.,  Rub. 


795. 

X  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  724. 
§  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  x.  Rub.  795. 


CHAP.  XXVII.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


427 


own  resources  ;  all  those  citizens  not  in  the  plot  kept  near  their 
family  mansions,  the  insurgents  had  augmented  to  six  thousand, 
the  government  was  null ;  and  thus  passed  the  night.  Before 
daylight  the  gonfaloniers  of  cornjianies  were  menaced  by  the 
populace  and  compelled  to  unfurl  their  flags,  which  many  well 
disposed  citizens  joined  from  pure  apprehension :  but  these 
banners  and  the  standard  of  justice  carried  an  appearance  of 
legitimate  authority  that  emboldened  them  to  summon  the 
Podesta  s  palace,  and  on  his  refusal  to  surrender  they  attacked 
and  earned  it :  this  liecame  their  head  quarters,  and  a  deputa- 
tion from  the  government  soon  after  arrived  to  hear  their 
demands  ■•''. 

They  insisted  that  the  wool  trade  should  no  longer  have  a 
foreign  judge  ;   tliat  its  inferior  branches,   such  as   combers, 
carders,  washers,  and  others,  should  have  consuls  of  their  own 
and  be  no  longer  subject  to  the  corporation  ;  that  the  dyers, 
tailors,  barbers,  and  many  otliers  should  idso  have  consuls  and 
priors;   that  no   more  interest  should  be  paid  on  the  public 
debt  but  the  whole  principal  be  honestly  discharged  in  twelve 
yeai's ;  that  all  the  banished,  except  rebels  and  traitors,  should 
be  recalled;  that  the  penalty  of  loss  of  lind)  should  be  abolished 
and  a  fine  substituted  :  and  that  none  of  themselves  should  be 
hable  to  imprisonment  for  any  dol.t  under  50  florins  during  two 
years,  with  various  other  financial  regulations :  amongst  them  was 
a  stipulation  that  Guido  Jiandiera  a  wool-carder  and  one  of  the 
new  knights,  because  he  was  the  lirst  to  revolt  and  behaved  well 
in  the  subsequent  transactions  should  have  ^000  golden  florins 
from  confiscated  property  ;  and  that  Salvestro  de'  Medici  to 
support  his  new  honour  sliould  be  endowed  with  the  rent  of 
all  the  houses  on  Ponte  Veechio  amounting  to  000  florins  an- 
nually ;  that  a  general  pardon  should  be  issued  for  all  oflences 
committed  since  the  eighteenth  of  June  ;  that  the  admonished 
should  be  completely  emancipated ;  and  that  three  priors  instead 

*  GinoCapponi,  Turaulto  de'  Ciompi,  p.  237.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  728. 


428 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


of  two,  ami  one-third  of  the  other  puhlic  officers  should  he  chosen 
from  the  fourteen  minor  trades.  Besides  this  many  fevourite  and 
ohnoxious  citizens  were  named  hoth  for  rewards  and  puiiisli- 
ments,  hut  there  was  no  demand  for  hlood  ;  and  finally  that  (iio- 
vanni  Dini  should  he  reinstated  amongst  the  eight  councillors  of 
war.-'=  These  demands  were  far  from  wild  or  unreasonahle,  most 
of  them  were  salutary,  and  moreover  showed  a  consideration  for 
those  ahove  them  little  to  he  expected  from  a  vexed  and  angiy 
multitude  smarting  under  oppression  :  neither  could  they  well 
be  resisted  and  therefore  passed  the  colleges;  hut  to  give  them 
the  force  of  law  it  was  necessary  that  they  sliould  also  pass  the 
various  councils,  until  which  time  the  people  promised  to  he 
quiet.  On  the  twenty-second  of  July  the  latter  hecame  sus- 
picious and  impatient ;  assemhling  hefore  the  j^^'il^^ce  they 
alarmed  the  members,  and  the  petition  soon  became  law  witli 
only  ten  negative  votes  out  of  a  hundred  and  eighty-four.  Sus- 
picion was  now  augmented  amongst  the  insurgents,  and  seeing 
their  mood  change  the  Seignory  felt  so  nuich  alarm,  that  one 
after  another  they  all  escaped  to  their  own  houses  except  Ala- 
manno  Acciaiuoli  and  Xiccolo  del  Bene  who  findin<^  that  thev 
could  not  retain  tlieir  colleagues,  (not  to  appear,  Sfdth  the  his- 
torian, more  bmve  than  wise),  also  departed  and  thus  left  the 
public  palace  in  the  hands  of  the  Eight  of  War  and  the 
populace  f. 

The  former  who  appear  to  have  acted  in  concert  with  Salves- 
tro  and  the  admonished  citizens,  had  encouraged  the  Seignory 
to  retire  and  leave  them  in  possession  of  the  government ;  they 
therefore  lost  no  time  m  attempting  to  secure  a  new  administra- 
tion of  more  congenial  politics  but  were  disappointed;.  When 
the  palace  was  taken  ]\Iichele  di  Lando,  an  unsliod,  half-naked 
wool-comber  bearing  the  standard  of  justice,  instantly  ascended 

*  Gino  Capponi,  Tumulto  de'  Ciompi,  multo  de'  Ciompi,  p.  243.  —  M.   di 

p.  241.  C.  Stcfani,  Lib.   x.,  Ruh.   795.— S. 

+  Mem.    Storiche    di    Ser  Nad  do  di  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  729. 

Montecatiui,  p.  13. — G.  Capponi,  Tu-  ;J:Tumultodc'Ciompi,pp.246,247,&c*. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


429 


the  stairs  and  entered  the  council  chamber :  there  stopping 
and  turning  to  the  people  he  said,  ''  This  palace  is  now  yours 
and  the  city  entirely  in  your  power !     What  do  you  mean  to 
do  ?  "    He  was  ordered  himself  to  assume  the  government  and 
rule  as  best  pleased  him :  IMicliele  had  been  a  soldier ;  was  an 
able  prudent  and  sagacious  man,  more  indebted  to  nature  than 
fortune,  and  a  real  lover  of  his  country :  poor  and  ra^^ged  as  he 
was,  he  had  inspired  his  fellow-labourers  with  unusual  respect, 
juid  such  conlidenee  as  soon  raised  him  to  a  conspicuous  place 
in  the  insurrection-:-.     Fearlessly  accepting  the   char^re   he 
at  once  took   measures  for  i-estoiing  public    tranquillity:   a 
gallows  was  erected  in  tlie  palace  S(|uare  to  check  plunder  and 
conflagration,  and  its  first  victim  was  the  new  BaF^ello  who 
being  suspended  by  the  leg  was  in  a  few  moments  literally 
pulled  to  pieces  ;  so  intense  was  puhlic  hatred  against  him  ! 
All  robbery  and  burnings  were  forbidden  on  pain  of  death  ; 
the  syndics  of  trades  were  dismissed  and  new  ones  chosen : 
the  Seignoiy  and  colleges  were  deprived  of  power;  the  election- 
purses  were  all  committed  to  the  flames,  and  the  Eight  of 
War  commanded  to  quit  the  palace  in  order  to  show  the  world 
that  Florence  could  do  well  without  them.    Lando  then  assem- 
hled  the  new  syndics ;  elected  four  priors,  two  from  each  class 
of  trades,  and  four  more  from  the  lowest  classes  of  the  people  : 
he  made  new  election-purses  ;  divided  the  community  into  three 
I'arts  ;  namely  the  major  and  minor  arts,  and  those  so  recently 
created.     This  made  Florence  a  real  republic,  as  the  whole 
body  of  people  had  now  for  the  first  time  a  voice  in  the  com- 
monwealth.    He  conflrmed  to  Salvestro  de'  ^Medici  the  rents 
of  the  Ponte  Vecchio ;  appointed  himself  Podesta  of  Phnpoli  ; 
and   to  many  other   citizens  of  known   popularity   he    <>ave 
places  to  secure  their  friendship :  for  either  the  influerjce  of 
sudden  power,  or  a  long-sighted   sagacity  which   led  him   to 
nnitate  the  unjust  steward ;  but  more  probably  a  strong  convic- 


*  Leon.  Arctino,  Lib.  ix.,  folio  167. 


430 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CIUF.  XXVJI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


431 


tion  of  the  necessity  of  supporting  the  higher  orders ;  seems 
early  to  have  affected  Michele  di  Lando^-. 

The  people  too  thought  that  tliese  measures  leaned  manily 
towards  the  rich  ;    thev  hecanie  discontented  and  turbulent, 
assembled  under  the  palace,  ordered  the  Seignoiy  to  descend 
on  the  lUnghiera  and  confer  with  them  about  matters  tluit 
recrarded  public  safety :  they  were  armed  and  numerous ;  had 
elected  a   -Council  of  Khjht''    with  sovereign   authority  ni 
Florence  ;  issued  their  connnands  with  liaughtmess  trom  the 
church  of  Santa  :\Iaiia  Novella,  and  were  not  miaccompamed 
by  some  of  the  higher  classes  of  citizens! .    At  the  palace  they 
were  tumultuous  and  insolent ;  ordered  the  fonnation  of  a  now 
Sei^^norv  to  take  place  in  their  presence,  rejected  multitudes  ot 
names  from  pure  caprice  or  at  the  cry  of  some  obscure  mdi- 
vidual,  and  spent  the  day  in  violence.     More  demands  were 
made  next  morning ;  Salvestro  de'  Medici  wa.  to  lose  his  rents ; 
the  other  dignities  so  lately  given  were  to  be  cancel  ed,  and 
amonc^st  them  the  podestaship  of  Michele  di  Lando  himselt- 
He  had  spent  100  tlorins  on  a  horse,  and  had  assumed  or 
received  the  high  distinction  of  shield  and  pennon  ;  this  raised 
suspicions  against  him  in  which  Salvestro  de'  Medici  and  Bene- 
detto de^-li  Albeiti  were  included:    the   government  became 
alarmed  \nd  wavermg   but    negotiations   .-ontinued  and  the 
insurgents,  according  to  Stefani,  would  have  gained  their  euJs 
if  Landos  honours  had  remained  inviolate :    but  the  people 
would  not  suffer  even  the  distinctive  pennon,  and  tlius  lashed 

him  into  fury  \.  .     ^  f  } 

The  city  had  now  two  rival  governments ;  both  powertiU, 

both  usurped,  and  lx)th  composed  of  the  lowest  orders  of  society : 

that  of  Santa  :\Iaria  Novella  decreed  that  eight  deputies  from 

their  body  should  reside  in  the  palace  and  contirm  or  reject  -aW 


*  Marchiavelli,  Lib.  iii^ 

t  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ix.,  folio  IG/. 

— S.  Auimirato,  Lib.  xiv.  p.  73-2. 


t  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii".— M.  di  <-'. 
Stefani,  Lib.  X.,  Rub.  803.— Mcmonc 
Storiche  di  Ser  NaJdo,  p.  10. 


acts  of  the  Seignory,  besides  other  strong  resolutions  which 
were  notified  to  the  latter  by  two  insurgent  members  with  tlie 
alternative  of  imoiediate  approval  or  subsequent  coercion.   This 
mission  was  accompanied  by  all  that  vulgar  insolence  which  is 
so  often  mistaken  for  liberty,  and  the  gonfalonier  was  reproached 
with  his  conduct  to  those  wlio  had  exalted  him  :  what  truth  and 
justice  was  mingled  up  in  these  reproofs  can  now  be  only  con- 
jectured;  for  the  Florentine  historians  were  all  citizens  of  the 
upper  class,  and  more  or  less  tinctured  willi  such  a  spirit  of 
hatred  and  contempt  for  the  poinilacc  as  in  such  matters  clouds 
their  veracity.     Their  high  praise  of  ]\Iichele  Lando  was  per- 
haps merited;  but  we  lUiiy  Ijelieve  that  something  more  than 
simple  justice  on  his  part  was  required  to  draw  it  forth  in 
unmeasured  terms  from  an  jintagonist  faction  ;  and  his  subse- 
quent exile  proves  that  with  many  of  them  fear  was  more  pre- 
dominant than  affection  or  esteem.     However  this  may  be, 
Lando  was  not  a  man  to  be;ir  tamely  the  insolence  of  otliers  or 
allow  the  dignity  of  g()nf;ilonier  to  be  menaced,  or  even  slighted 
in  his  person  with  impunity  :    exasperated   by  the  deputies' 
behaviour  he  started  up,  divvv  his  weapon,  wounded  both,  and 
then  imprisoned  them.     Tliis  rendered  the  multitude  furious 
and  Lando  at  once  prepared  for  opposition  :  he  had  the  citizens 
with  him,  for  they  hated  the  Ciompi  and  felt  his  importance 
as  the  friend  of  order ;   but  he  had  also  spread  a  politic  rumour 
to  which  cireumstaiuTs  gave  ji  plausible  colouring,  that  the 
msurgents  wanted  to  call  in  a  foreign  master  to  their  aid,  and 
thus  by  enlisting  public  feeling  united  his  party  more  firmly  =:^ 
The  Eight  of  Sant;i  :\Iaria  Novella  sounded  to  arms ;  the 
bells  of  San  Paulo  rang  a  stormy  i)c:il,  luid  those  of  San  Friano 
answered  them  ;   San  (.lorgio,  San  Niccolo,  Beletri,  and  Sant' 
Ambrogio,  all  chimed  in  with  jruTing  tones  ;  and  the  insurgents 
were  soon  united  at  San  Friano.     Lando  on  the  other  side 
rapidly  assembled  the  companies  ;  the  great  campana  sounded  a 

•  Boninscgni,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  628.— :\Lir.  di  Coppo  Stcfeni,  Lib.  x.,  Rub.  804. 


432 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[fiooK  r. 


CHAP.  XXVIl.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


433 


storm,  and  the  palace  square  soon  echoed  to  the  clash  of  arms  : 
Giorgio  Scali  conmmnded  within  the  palace,  and  while  Lando 
marched  to  Santa  ^laria  Novella  where  he  expected  to  find  the 
insurgents,  they  arrived  hy  another  road  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. Both  sides  were  loth  to  commeiire,  and  even  after 
Lando  returned  and  secured  all  the  surrounding  streets  an 
attempt  was  made  to  reconcile  them  :  chance,  as  often  happens, 
finally  hegan  the  contlict,  and  fortune  ended  it  by  a  complete 
rout  of  the  Ciomin  :  tlying  from  the  city  in  all  direction^  they 
left  Michele  absolute  master  of  Florence  and  on  the  following 
day  he  resigned  his  office  in  honourable  triumph-. 

This  victoiy  gave  spirit  to  the  citizens  who  resolved  to  have 
none  of  the  Ciompi  as  priors  in  the  new  guvernment :  Lando 
too  was  of  this   mind,  and    gave  a  hint  at  parting  that  they 
were  weakest  in  the   Seignory  and   might   be  easily  i]vv{A: 
no  sooner  was  he  g(nie  than  tumults  recommenced  and  shouts 
of  "  To  arms,  to  arms,  doun  with  the  Ciomja^'  tilled  the  palace 
square.     A  meetuig  of  the  consuls  of  trades  was  innneai;itely 
convoked  by  the  priors  and  a  resolution  pi— *  d  that  no  Ciompo 
should  be  eligible  to  that  dignity  but  that    the   two  new  cor- 
porations of  inferior  trades  might  remain  :    that  live  of  tlir 
priors  were  to  be  chosen  from  the  sixteen  nnnor  trades  and  f*»iir 
from   the  others  but  the  gonfalonier  alternately  from   either 
section;  and  thus  in  proportion  the  colbges.     In  consequence 
of  this  a  Ciompo  called  Baroccio  who  \^a>  gonfalonier  of  jus- 
tice, with  a  prior  of  that  class  were  immediately  expelled  and 
replaced  by  Giorgio  Scali  and  Francesco  di  Michele  f. 

Thus  was  tran(|uillity  for  a  while  restored  with  considerable 
increase  of  political  power  to  the  lower  classes :  but  the  rein^ 
of  government  again  fell  into  the  hands  of  those  citizens  who 
had  commenced  the  revolution :  so  sure  it  is,  that  unless  sui'- 


*  M.  diC.  Stefani,Lib.  x..  Rub.  n04. 

— Boninscgiii,  Lib.  iv.  p.  630. 

+    Historie    di    Giovanni    Cumbi,    p. 


12i;,  voL  XX.— Delizie  degli  Eru.liti 
Tostani. — Mar.  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Lib. 
.\.,  Uub.  805,  80G. 


[»orted  by  extraneous  riches  and  unusual  intelligence,  the  poor 
alone  ^\ill  never  be  able  to  accomplish  any  pemianent  political 
changes  in  a  state.   Almost  all  the  Ciompi  s  acts  were  annulled 
by  the  new  government,  and  a  modification  of  the  two  principal 
councils  was  established.     The  lirst,  called  the  Captain  of  the 
People  s  Council,  was  composed  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  citi- 
zens ;  that  is  forty  from  each  <juarter,  and  twenty  from  each 
class  of  trades.      The  second  lalled  the  Council  of  the  Podesta 
or  Community,  was  similarly  chosen  and  equally  numerous  as 
regarded  popular  riti/ens  ;  but  with  an  addition  of  forty  mem- 
bers from  the  aristocratic  ranks,  divided  equally  anion<^st  the 
four  quarters  of  the  town.     They  could  be  assembled  by  the 
functionaries  wlio^e  names  tliey  liore  and  by  the  Seignory,  yec 
could   discuss   nothing   but   what  had   previously  passed  the 
executive  govornment.     A  "  Petition"  or  Ihll  ili(^refore  went, 
the  day  after  it  lia.d  been  appnjvod  of  by  the  Seignory  and  two 
colleges,  to  the  Caj)tain  of  the  Peo^des  Council ;  and  the  next 
day  to  that  of  the  Podesta,  wliicdi  gave  it  as  much  the  force  of 
law  as  if  it  had  been  iicrsonally  decreed  by  the  whole  Floren- 
tine nation  :  the  Consuls  of  Trades  and  other  magistrates  had 
aright  of  assisting-  at  botli,  and  the  community  was  thus  repre- 
sented by  about  lour  hundred  citizens  popularly  chosen.     A 
new  ])oli<;e  magistracy  wa>  ci-eate.l  to  protect  the  city  and  con- 
tado  from  plots  robl,ery  and  contlagratiou  ;  and  lastly  a  great 
coimed  oUiichusti  was  ealled  together  in  which  all  were  invited 
to  propose  measures  for  the  public  good,  as  mucli  dissatisfaction 
>till  prevailed  and  men's  minds  were  far  from  trampiil.     The 
two  Ciompi  wounded  In- Lando  were  put  to  death  after  con- 
leasing  to  seditious  practices  which  involved  thirty-six  other 
ciiiz.  ns.  wlio  not  a}q)earing  were  condemned  in  goods  and  person. 
Those  citizens  knighted  by  the  Cii.mjti  were  invited  to  have 
themselves  dubbed  afresh  by  the  republic  and  Guelphic  party, 
and  their  installation  was  accompanied  by  a  great  festival  and 
niagniticent  ceremonies  to  wash  out  the  stain  of  origmal  shi. 

VOL.  11.  p  y 


434 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


435 


During  the  July  revolutions  peace  had  been  concluded  with 
the  pope  for  a  payment  of  -250,000  florins  in  four  years  ;  and 
in   October   the    interdict,    which    Florence   had   voluntaiily 
returned  to  after  the  death  of  Gregor}',  was  altogether  removed. 
The  gonfaloniership  of  Andrea  Salviati   for   November  and 
December  passed  quietly,  and  an  important  law  for  the  pre- 
servation of  peace  and  public  economy  was  during  that  time 
renewed.     It  ordained  that  no  wiu-  should  be  made  ;  no  troops 
cross  the   frontier ;  no   new  league  be  formed ;  no  military 
assistance  promised ;  no   old   allitmce   dissolved  ;  no   castles, 
towns,  or  fortresses  be  received  or  taken  ;  unless  by  a  general 
vote  of  the  nation  through  its  representatives  the  Seignor}^  and 
(yoUeges,  the  popular  Captains  of  the  Party  Guelph,  the  Ten 
of  Libertv,  the  nme  Consen'ators  of  Commerce,  and  two  Con- 
suls  of  each  trade  ;  besides  other  salutaiy  provisions.      But 
good  laws  seldom  remained  long  inviolate  amongst  Florentines ; 
discontent  was  ever  floating  in  the  air  like  Macbeth  s  dagger  as 
an  object  for  ambition  to  clutch  at,  and  even  the  last  days  of 
this  eventful  year  were  darkened  by  a  fresh  conspiracy  against 
the  state.     It  was  detected  and  seasonably  suppressed  but  with 
the  condemnation  more  or  less  severely  of  seventy-six  citizens 
of  whom  some  were  executed  ;  nay  so  widely  extended  was  the 
plot  that  it  was  found  dangerous  to  proceed  and  all  further 
hiquir}'  necessarily  ceased.  The  government  itself  was  un})opu- 
lar ;  the  genei-al   discontent  still  great ;   and  exiled  Ciompi, 
noble  Popolani,  and  old  aristocracy,  filled  all  the  Italian  cities 
with  exiles  and  weakened  the  commonwealth  *. 

The  terrific  power  of  the  Party  Guelph  was  certairdy  anni- 
hilated but  their  antagonists  soared  high  and  haughtily : 
Giovanni  Scali,  Salvestro  de"  Medici,  Benedetto  Alberti,  and 
Tommaso  Strozzi  were  omnipotent ;  and  though  tlie  republic 
had  been  snatched  by  them  from  the  mere  populace,  the  lower 


class  of  citizens  still  remained  more  powerful  than  that  of 
noble  Popolani.  The  latter  were  therefore  compelled  to  cede, 
and  by  contenting  the  fonner  endeavour  to  dissolve  their  con> 
nection  with  the  Ciompi ;  this  policy  was  also  favoured  by  all 
those  who  wished  to  bruise  those  citizens  that  under  the  re- 
verenced name  of  Guelph  had  ruined  so  many  of  the  community, 
wherefore  1000  florins  were  publicly  offered  for  the  head  of 
Lapo  da  Castiglionchio. 

The  great  distinction  between  noble  popolani  and  minor 
tradesmen  which  if  not  generated  was  widened  by  the  struggles 
of  the  Ricci  and  Albizzi  thus  became  enlarged  and  proved  the 
source  of  future  evil,  so  that  following  Macchiavelli,  the  two 
parties  may  henceforth  be  distinguished  by  the  appellations  of 
Popular  and  Plebeian  *. 

The  first  months  of  1379  passed  quietly  in  exertions  for  the 
restoration  of  order :  a  new  scrutiny  refilled  the  elec- 
tion purses  witli  greater  naiiibers  of  more  equally 
chosen. citizens  for  the  lists  had  before  only  contained  the 
names  of  inferior  uneducated  trades-people,  even  those  of  fore- 
men and  apprentices,  to  the  exclusion  of  more  enlightened 
men.  A  commission  was  given  to  thirty-one  citizens  ;  one 
from  each  trade  and  eight  promiscuously  chosen;  to  reunite 
the  city  and  divide  all  public  offices  equally  between  the  major 
and  minor  arts  except  that  of  the  Mercanzia  or  tribmial  of 
commerce,  which  being  a  court  of  admiralty  and  international 
law,  required  peculiar  legal  knowledge  and  acquirements  and 
therefore  was  principally  formed  out  of  the  superior  trades  f. 
The  ordinaiices  of  justice  were  also  relaxed  and  nobles  partially 
admitted  to  power  in  every  department,  so  that  this  seignory 
was  generally  known  as  the  "  Union  Priorate.'' 

It  was  but  a  name  !     Dissatisfaction,  too  widely  spread  too 
deeply  rooted,  soon  began  to  sprout,  and  a  plot  devised  by 


A.D.  1379. 


♦  Mem.   Storiche   di   Ser  Naddo,  p.     Rub.  810.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv. 
27. — M.  di  Coppo  Stcfani,  Lib.   x.,     p.  738. 


♦  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii^.  f  M.  di  C.  Stcfani,  Rub.  812,  Lib.  x. 

F  F  ?i 


436 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Pa^uo  Strozzi  prior  of  San  Lorenzo  to  overthrow  the  existing 
government,  cost  seven  citizens  their  heads  and  (h-ove  eighteen 
othei*s  to  condemnation  and  voluntaiT  exile.  A  new  estimate 
of  real  property  with  a  view  to  taxation  was  decreed,  and  along 
with  it  a  census  which  unluckily  has  but  imperfectly  reached 
ns ;  yet  it  appears  from  otlier  sources  that  in  IJJSO  there  were 
54,747  taxable  mouths,  wliich  enjoying  all  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship would  include  hut  few  if  any  of  the  mere  populace, 
and  vielded  about  30,000  Horins  of  revenue"-. 

But  such  measures  did  not  produce  tranquillity,  the  water> 
were  yet  agitated  and  no  real  calm  followed  tlie  late  tempests ; 
the  Ciompi  continued  formidable,  tlieir  anger  was  still  dangerous. 
and  faction  ran  high  and  confusedly  like  the  sea  after  a  storm  : 
above  and  below,  outwardly  and  inwardly,  society  w:!s  C(pially 
moved,  and  a  vicious  system  of  criminal  justice  gave  full  scope 
to  its  humours.  Life,  honour  and  property,  all  depended  on 
three  foreign  magistrates ;  the  Poihsta,  the  Ctqitdhi  of  the 
Peojfh',  and  the  Edrcutor  of  the  OriUnauce,^  of  Justlre.  .  Even- 
trial  was  secret:  examination,  torture,  jmigment,  death  all 
proceeded  from  one  powerful  hand,  from  one  dreaded  place,  tuid 
almost  at  the  discretion  of  a  single  head  | . 

It  was  then  illegal  to  put  any  man  to  death  unless  convicted 
by  his  own  confession ;  a  law  just  and  even  humane  in  motive 
but  involving  fearful  consequences  because  few  made  this 
confession  willin«dv;  hence  the  necessity  of  torture  and  its 
Procrustian  bed  of  hoiTors.  These  foreign  officers  were 
seldom  so  honest  and  firm  as  to  withstand  the  iniluence  of 
"ovemment  and  its  faction  and  when  moved  bv  this  bias  for- 
bade  all  hope  to  their  antagonists.  There  was  no  publicity  of 
trial,  no  idea  of  modem  justice ;  heads  fell  from  the  palac 
wall  and  dropped  into  the  street  without  creathig  surprise  or 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Rub.  815,  Lib.  x.     Eruditi  Tosrani. 

—  Ristretto    di   una    Gravezza    posta     t    Ricordi    di    Giovanni    Moiolli,  p. 

I'anno   1380,  vol,  xvi.,  Delizic  dcgli      144. 


CHAP.  XXVII. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


inquiry:  it  was  enough  that  the  Seignoiy  ordered,  that  the 
podesta  did  it ;  and  he  was  often  (diosen  for  his  known  character 
and  qualities  ;  not  those  of  an  upright  judge  but  as  the  ready 
instrument  of  faction  and  less  the  distributer  of  justice  than 
revenge.  According  as  passions  worked  or  calm  prevailed,  so 
varied  the  administrative  character  of  Florentine  justice  :  not 
but  what  many  men  of  a  higher  stamp,  of  sterner  virtue  and 
more  generous  feelings,  were  occasionally  chosen ;  but  these 
were  the  exceptions.  Individuals  were  perhaps  not  more  bar- 
barous than  the  times ;  it  was  the  dismal  system  of  an  unen- 
lightened age,  not  the  individual  men  that  perpetuated  evil, 
and  the  everlasting  contlict  of  ungovernable  passions  within 
her  walls  aggravated  it  beyond  endurance  at  Florence.  The 
hand  tires  and  the  heart  sickens  at  the  records  of  these  cease- 
less acts  of  violence  and  blood ;  yet  the  misery  must  have  been 
sharp,  the  wi'ong  deep  that  so  rankly  nourished  them.  Ven- 
geance ever  outlived  injury  and  was  never  sated  except  by 
the  total  destniction  of  an  enemy,  for  fear  and  danger  were 
awfully  yoked  to  the  existence  of  an  antagonist  faction. 

A  strong  party  of  the  admonished  in  concert  with  many 
Ghibelines  had  now  become  jealous  of  plebeian  influence  and 
its  great  supporters,  Scali,  Strozzi,  Albizzi,  and  Medici : 
others  displeased  at  having  no  share  of  political  power  formed  a 
party  under  the  name  of  "  Disconteiitcd  Guelphs."  Conthmally 
plotting  against  the  government  they  were  jealously  watched 
and  oppressed  ;  but  from  their  connexion  with  exiles,  princes, 
and  disbanded  soldiers  (now  rapidly  condensing  into  disciplined 
companies)  they  were  feared  also.  It  was  therefore  deemed 
prudent  to  retain  Ilawkwood  along  with  Lucius  and  Everard 
Lando  who  severally  commanded  the  English  and  German 
companies ;  and  to  conclude  a  defensive  league  for  five  years 
with  Bologna  and  Perugia  by  which  a  joint  force  of  sixteen 
hundred  lances,  each  bavin i^^  two  armed  horses  and  a  Ron- 
zino,  including  two  hundred  mounted  Hungarian  archers,  was 


438 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


to  be  maintained  in  readiness.  Scarcely  was  this  accomplished 
when  a  new  conspiracy  came  to  light,  the  work  of  a  hypocritical 
devotee  called  Gianozzo  Sacchetti :  this  man  by  an  affected 
piety  had  delivered  himself  from  prison  and  at  the  same  time 
swindled  a  fellow -prisoner  out  of  some  valuable  jewels ;  with 
these  he  repaired  to  Lombardy  and  there  became  intimate 
with  Benedetto  Peruzzi  a  bosom  friend  of  Lapo  da  Castiglion- 
chio,  who  resided  at  Padua.  About  the  same  time  Charles  of 
Durazzo  supported  by  Louis  of  Hungary  and  Pope  Urban  VI. 
was  on  his  march  from  Germany  to  dethrone  Giovanna,  and 
this  was  deemed  by  the  exiles  a  fair  occasion  to  promote  revo- 
lution in  Florence.  Sacchetti  became  tbeir  agent  and  carried 
written  assurances  of  support,  whether  false  or  genuine,  in  the 
name  of  Charles  of  Durazzo  to  the  discontented  Guelphs  of 
that  city.  Meetings  were  secretly  held,  but  Thomas  Strozzi 
and  Donato  Barbadori  then  on  a  mission  to  Charles,  being 
suspicious  of  the  close  intimacy  of  Sacchetti  with  Lapo's  friend, 
gave  timely  notice  ;  wherefore  Sacchetti  was  arrested  and  be- 
headed, the  plot  laid  open,  and  many  more  citizens  severely 
punished.  This  hypocrite  was  scarcely  cold  when  another 
conspiracy  with  more  extended  roots  began  simultaneously  to 
show  itself  at  Volterra,  Siena,  Bologna,  and  other  places ;  the 
result  was  an  attack  on  Fegghini  by  the  "  Fnorusciti"  or  exiles 
and  its  narrow  escape  from  capture  ;  besides  which  a  close  cor- 
respondence between  them  and  Dm-azzo  was  detected  and  again 
Florence  fell  into  confusion  and  perplexity.  Twenty  citizens 
were  condemned,  but  loud  clamoui-s  against  partiality  to  the 
great  and  severity  to  the  small  gave  more  vigour  to  this  excite- 
ment which  augmented  when  Strozzi  and  Barbadori  returned, 
the  former  strenuously  affirming  the  existence,  the  latter  deny- 
ing any  knowledge  of  this  last  conspiracy.  Barbadori  himself 
had  recently  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the  exiles  and  there- 
fore was  strongly  suspected  notwithstanding  his  high  reputation 
and   former   service ;    and  Hawkwood  almost  simultaneously 


CHAP.  XXTII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


439 


sending  notice  of  another  plot,  for  the  particulars  of  which  he 
demanded  50,000  florins,  completed  the  public  alarm.  Besides 
this,  lettei's  arrived  from  Arezzo,  Pisa,  and  Bologna,  saying 
that  a  large  body  of  Ciompi,  exiles,  and  others  were  uniting 
and  concentrating  with  Durazzo's  troops  at  Imola ;  and  that 
banners  had  been  made  at  Bologna  emblazoned  with  the 
Guelphic  arms  and  a  naked  hand  grasping  a  broken  sword ;  all 
which  portended  evil. 

At  length  on  the  seventeenth  of  December  Strozzi  and 
Giovanni  Dini  suddenly  alarmed  the  priors  by  producing  lettei's 
from  Count  Antonio  di  Bruscolo  giving  notice  of  an  outbreak 
which  was  to  take  place  on  the  twentieth  and  naming  a  cer- 
tain Bmno  di  Giovanni  as  an  accomplice.  Torture  soon 
extracted  the  secret  from  Bruno,  and  Charles  of  Durazzo  was 
again  detected  as  an  accessory.  Florence  was  instantly  sur- 
rounded with  troops  ;  the  palace  armed  and  victualled ;  Piero 
Albizzi,  Filippo  Strozzi,  Donato  and  Bartolommeo  Barbadori, 
with  other  gentlemen  of  rank  were  arrested  ;  the  whole  popu- 
lation in  high  excitement  clamoured  for  instant  execution  : 
they  soon  armed ;  the  shops  closed,  and  every  symptom  ap- 
peared of  a  new  and  terril)le  hurricane.  The  magistrates  in 
vain  declared  that  they  could  detect  no  guilt  in  the  prisoners  ; 
they  were  silenced  by  wild,  but  not  imfounded  cries  that  the 
great  escaped  while  the  small  were  punished.  A  commission 
of  fifty-six  individuals  chosen  from  the  various  magistracies  was 
immediately  formed  for  further  investigation ;  but  this  was  too 
slow  a  process ;  the  shouts  for  blood  redoubled,  and  threats  of 
fire  and  sword  enforced  the  imperious  mandate. 

The  Podesta  and  Messer  Canti  di  Gabrielli  Captain  of  the 
People  were  steady  to  law,  and  refused  to  condemn  without  the 
personal  confession  of  the  prisoners :  torture  was  therefore 
applied  and  the  weaker  confessed  their  guilt ;  upon  which  Carlo 
Mangione,  Filippo  Strozzi,  and  three  others  were  decapitated. 
When  the  hungry  crowd  saw  no  more  heads  drop,  their  fury 


440 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


became  boundless;  they  threatened  to  I'uni  tlie  liouses,  the 
wives,  and  the  children  of  the  prisoners  witli  the  pdace  and 
Captain  of  the  People  himself,  if  execution  were  longer  de- 
layed:  hut  he  held  out  nohly;  and  when  even  his  own  guard 
caught  up  the  general  frenzy  they  were  (huxd  hy  him  in  a  strain 
of  honest  indignation  to  join  the  rest  and  takf  his  life  and  that 
of  the  prisoners  too  if  they  chose  ;  hut  resolutely  dt-clareil  that  if 
the  axe  were  on  his  neck  he  would  not  put  a  sinj^le  man  of  them 
to  death  except  on  a  self-acknowledgment  of  guilt.  When  the 
stonii  was  at  its  height  the  wild  scream  of  a  female  maniac  rau'^ 
shrilly  through  the  air  at  the  fall  of  a  bloody  head,  and  struck 
such  a  panic  as  suddenly  dispersed  them,  nor  was  it  for  some 
time  that  they  agahi  had  spirits  to  assemble. 

At  last  the  prisoners'  friends  represented  to  them  the  dangcr 
incurred  by  their  families,  the  impossibility  of  escape,  and  the 
glor}'  of  a  brave  self-devotion  for  the  sake  of  all  they  loved  :  Pioro 
Albizzi  at  once  took  the  lead  and  urged  his  companions  not  to 
let  their  last  hours  obscure  a  whole  life  of  honourabh'  conduct. 
and  as  no  hope  remained  it  was  better  to  die  calmly  like  brave 
men  and  save  their  families  from  ruin.  Tht  saiiv^  spirit  soon 
moved  them  all  and  sending  straightway  for  tho  taptain  tliry 
asked  what  they  were  retpiired  to  confess :  with  the  same  un- 
sliaken  principle  that  had  hitherto  supported  him  Messer  Canti 
replied  that  he  could  tell  them  nothing:  if  guilty  they  were  t'l 
own  it;  and  if  he  after  due  investigation  should  Ite  convinced 
of  the  fact  then  his  duty  would  be  to  condenm  and  execute  them. 

A  real  or  fictitious  confession  was  made  to  the  apparetit  satis- 
faction of  this  magistrate,  for  their  guilt  or  imiocence  were 
never  certainly  known  to  the  }»ul)lic,  and  Albizzi,  Cipriani 
Mangioni,  Siminetti,  Giacopo  Sacchetti  and  l)onati  liarbadori 
w^ere  all  decapitated  :  Barbadori  was  sentenced  by  anotlier 
judge  nor  was  his  former  reputation  at  Avignon,  nor  his  dying 
eloquence  of  any  avail  against  popular  fur\'.  Yet  all  were  be- 
lieved innocent,  and  deemed  to  have  fallen  a  sacritice  to  tlu* 


CHAP,  xxvn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


441 


malignant  arts  of  Strozzi  and  even  of  Benedetto  Alberti,  who 
naturally  dreaded  the  re-ascension  of  this  bold  and  tyramiical 
fat'tioiL  Other  proofs  were  indeed  alleged  of  tlieir  guilt,  but 
as  nothing  was  tlien  too  base  or  violent  for  party  spirit,  and 
success  or  defeat  a  matter  of  death  or  ruin  ;  any  excess  even  in 
such  a  man  as  Alberti  may  be  credited,  but  scarcely  justified 
even  on  the  right  of  self-preservatioiL 

Thus  died  the  once  powerful  Piero  degli  Albizzi,  so  long  the 
dictator  of  Florence  aiul  author  of  so  much  misery  to  his 
country!  One  day  while  entertaining  some  friends  at  a  mag- 
nificent banquet  and  in  the  height  of  his  prosperity,  an  unknown 
hand  laid  before  him  a  silver  cup  tilled  with  sweetmeats,  and 
at  the  bottom  of  all  a  large  iron  nail ;  ;is  a  memento  it  was 
said  that  the  wheel  of  b^ortune  had  gained  its  height  and  should 
be  nailed  fast,  for  if  it  continued  turning  he  would  sink  with  it 
to  the  depths  of  adversity -:=. 

After  these  executions  the  madness  gradually  subsided,  and 
Florence  sank  once  more  into  a  sort  of  disturbed  repose,  but 
not  for  lon^' :  victors  and  vanquished  were  filled  with  terror, 
and  every  accident,  no  matter  how  trilling,  caused  a  new  perse- 
cution :  fines  exiles,  admonitions,  now  laws,  more  rigorous 
orders,  were  continually  pouring  down  on  the  heads  of  suspected 
enemies. 

Forty-six  magistrates  in  conjunction  with  the  Seignory  were 
as  a  Balia  to  purge  Florence  of  all  suspicious  persons :  thirty- 
nine  citizens  were  in  consequence  admonished  and  numerous 
families  placed  amongst  the  "(ireat"  while  as  many  more  of 
the  old  nobility  w^ere  relieved  from  this  injurious  distinction. 
By  the  members  of  this  Balia  the  names  of  twenty 
citizens  were  secretly  |)resented,  with  an  understand- 
ing that  if  written  twice  over  by  each  individual  they  would 


A. D.  1380. 


♦Giovanni  Cambi,  Storia,  p.   127.—     812  to  8;i().— S.  Ammi-ato,  Lib.  xiv., 
Dchzic  doirli  Enul.  Toscuni,  vol.  xx.     p.  739  to  748. 
— M.  di  C.  Stefimi,  Lib.  x.,  Rub.  from 


442 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


443 


be  reduced  to  the  rank  of  nobility ;  that  forty  more,  if  only 
once  written,  should  have  the  '*  Divieto ''  for  three  years;  that 
a  certain  number  of  those  who  suffered  condemnation  in  1378 
if  again  condemned  by  two- thirds  of  the  Balia  should  be 
declared  rebels  for  ever  and  the  remainder  banished  for  two 
years ;  citizens  at  the  distance  of  a  hundred,  and  Ciompi  fifty 
miles  from  Florence.  The  city  had  now  some  respite,  but 
more  from  extenial  fears  than  internal  satisfaction :  the  great 
schism  between  Urban  VI.  and  the  anti-pope  Clement  VII. 
who  held  his  court  at  Avignon  and  was  supported  by  queen 
Giovanna,  unsettled  men's  minds  and  caused  long  enduring 
troubles.  That  queen  was  now  in  years  and  had  taken  Otlio 
Duke  of  Bninswick  for  her  fourth  husband  mthout  giving  him 
the  title  of  king  or  much  part  in  the  government ;  her  sup- 
port of  Clement  drew  down  the  anger  of  Urban  and  Charles 
of  Durazzo  called  "  Carlo  della  Pace,"  was  invited  to  dethrone 
her ;  but  his  fc'.dvent  led  as  we  have  seen  to  new  levies,  new 
plots,  new  companies,  and  new  devastations-''. 

Alberigo  di  Barbiano  who  about  this  epoch  fonned  the 
Italian  company  of  "  Saint  George  "  was  the  father  of  native 
condottieri  and  a  better  system  of  militaiy  tactics,  which  pro- 
duced some  of  the  greatest  captains  of  the  succeeding  age.  He 
and  Count  Lucius  Lando  suddenly  spread  over  Siena  like  a 
torrent,  crossed  the  border,  advanced  within  eight  miles  of 
Florence  and  levied  contributions  on  all  the  Tuscan  states; 
but  Alberigo  was  finally  defeated  at  ]\Ialmantile  by  Count 
Everard  Lando  the  Florentine  general,  and  on  this  occasion  many 
exiled  citizens  who  had  joined  the  plunderers  were  condemned 
as  rebels  and  their  property  confiscated.  Hawkwood  was  once 
more  engaged  and  remonstrances  were  made  to  the  king  of 
Hungary  against  Durazzo  s  open  countenance  of  the  exiles  and 
free  companies  in  their  plots  and  attacks  on  Florence.  When 
this  prince  arrived  at  Verona  liis  ambassadors  requested  the 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  860. 


aid  of  Florence  against  Giovanna;  but  the  Florentines  still 
revered  the  memory  of  Charles  and  Robert,  and  refused  to 
injure  their  descendant  by  offensive  leagues  or  military  assist- 
ance*. Durazzo's  anger  kindled  against  them ;  he  refused  their 
presents  and  dismissed  their  ambassadors :  this  was  felt,  but 
did  not  then  weigh  so  heavily  on  the  public  mind  as  the  crime 
of  having  seized  church  property  during  the  late  unholy  war. 
Whether  from  a  sudden  fit  of  repentance  or  the  cunning  work- 
ing of  priestcraft  does  not  exactly  appear,  but  it  was  now  resolved 
to  restore  the  "  accursed  thing."     Those  who  had  purchased 
ecclesiastical  possessions  could  not  enjoy  them;    many  had 
been  almost  compelled  to   purchase,   many  more  were   per- 
suaded, but  it  went  against  the  conscience  of  all ;  especially 
as  the  clerg>'  frequently  refused  their  religious  succours,  even 
in  extremity,  to  those  that  still  held  them.     A  decree  there- 
fore passed  for  their  restoration  at  the  public  expense,  and  thus 
one  source  of  uneasiness  was  removed,  for  the  priesthood  was 
not  to  be  despoiled  with  impunity  f.     Durazzo  at  the  invitation 
of  the  Boscoli  and  Albergotti  of  Arezzo  occupied  both  Agubbio 
and  that  city  in  August  and  September,  and  the  Florentine 
ambassadors  at  the  former  place  were  ordered  to  honour  him 
in  the  name  of  their  country  :  one  of  them,  Giovanni  di  Moni, 
a  man  of  low  birth  but  high  reputation,  was  nmrdered  by  three 
Florentine  exiles  as  he  mounted  his  horse  to  meet  the  prince : 
the  whole  community  was  indignant  at  this,  not  only  from 
Moni  s  high  rank  and  office  and  his  general  popularity,  but 
also  from  the  conviction  that  such  an  act  could  not  have  been 
committed  without  Durazzo's  connivance,  and  that  the  exiles 
would  finally  induce  him  to  attack  Florence  itself.     The  assas- 
sins were  outlawed,  their  houses  and  property  destroyed,  and 
two  new  magistracies,  "  The  Eight  of  Peace  "  and  "  The 
Eight  of  War  "  were  created  for  public  safety.     The  latter 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  xi..  Rub.  851,852,  861,  862. 
t  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  857. 


444 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bouk  I. 


CHAP,  xxvn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


443 


despatched  Hawkwood  with  twelve  hundred  lances  to  occuj)y 
Montevarchi  as  a  coi^is  of  obseiTation  ;  the  former  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  Charles,  but  he  had  suddenly  (luitted  Arezzo  and 
luarcliing  through  the  Senese  territory  violated  tliat  uf  Florence 
near  Staggio.  Peace  was  however  concluded  about  the  middle 
of  October  for  a  loan  of  40,000  tlorins,  and  Charles  marched 
on  to  Naples*. 

Florence  was  again  quiet ;  but  many  illustrious  citizens  dis- 
gusted at  the  new  system  of  etjuality,  (the  election-puises  beini^ 
now  tilled  with  at  least  a  thousand  names  instead  of  three  him- 
dred)  and  not  liking  to  be  shouldered  in  the  public  councils  by 
men  of  the  lowest  class  and  manners,  had  taken  refuge  in  their 
villas  to  enjoy  a  cheap  but  mournful  tranquillity!.  As  there  was 
a  great  difference  in  the  expense  of  living  witliin  and  without 
the  gates;  the  tolls  diminished  in  coiisecpienee  of  this  seec^- 
sion  and  the  revenue  sutlered  accordingly  :  this  being  dis- 
tasteful to  the  dominant  faction  these  seced<:rs  were  all  ordered 
to  reside  in  the  city  or  be  taxed  in  their  villas,  a  prtMeedini" 
never  before  heard  of  in  this  free  comuumitv.  Nor  was  thi> 
all ;  the  overwhelming  iniluence  of  the  minor  trades  ;  particu- 
larly the  two  lowest ;  produced  cruel,  idtsurd,  and  extremely 
mischievous  laws:  an  exorbitant  price  was  affixed  to  tliosi 
goods  exclusively  manufactured  by  t]i«'in^el\<  >,  with  sever: 
penalties  against  taking  a  lower  sum :  this  was  fairly  blamed 
as  audacious  and  unjust ;  but  existing  laws  made  by  their  for- 
mer masters  had  already  restricted  the  |)riL'es  of  all  manufac- 
tured goods  to  a  certain  specified  profit  (ind  md  more:  these 
minor  arts,  in  a  similar  sjnrit,  conhned  their  own  to  a  certain 
price  a)}d  not  less:  the  rich  were  praised,  the  poor  abused: 
the  former  complained  that  the  new  law  absorlied  all  jirolits  on 
their  merchandise ;  the  latter  had  often  fruitlessly  lament*  d 
that  in  order  to  keep  down  prices  they  were  abridged  in  wagt  > 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.   xiv.,  p.  7ol. — M.     — T.ron.  Arerino,  Lib.  ix. 
di  C.  Stefiiiii,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  873,  «74.     f  Stefaui,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  »«'2. 


and  comforts,  and  scarcely  left  a  living  profit :  but  the  consuls  of 
trades  were  now  mostly  disci j)les,  not  master  manufacturers,  and 
this  bye-law  was  carried  triumphantly  agahist  the  hijdierarts*. 
Another  of  their  laws  was  to  give  10,000  lloiins  of  rebels' 
property  in  the  public  funds  to  the  Eight  of  War  to  persecute 
and  cause  to  be  secretly  assassinated  any  rebel  citizen  in  any 
form  or  mode  that  the  latter  miglit  deem  expedient :  and  this, 
besides  its  innate  villany,  in  the  teeth  of  an  edict  for  the  security 
(if  puldic  creditors,  which  rendered  funded  pr(q)erty  inviolable 
whatever  might  be  their  political  crimes !     Nor  was  this  an 
insulated  breach  of  national  faith  ;  the  historian  Stelani,  an 
actor  in  tliese  scenes  s;iys  like  Dante  that  tliere  was  no  per- 
manence in  Florentine  reforms  or  legislation  ;  but  every  dav 
brought  new  orders  and  counter-orders  which  secured  nothing 
earthly  but   confusion.      Amongst   other  proceedings  of  the 
democratic  faction  at  this  perioil,  one  of  the  most  interesting  is 
a  law  for  national  bankruptcy:    it  was  death  to  propose  any 
alteratiuH  of  the  public  interest  on  national  loans,  wdiich  ha«l 
<'xisted  since  the  days  of  Charles  Duke  of  CaLibria  in  lo'^l 
and  even  two  years  earlier,  at  the  rate  of  iive  per  cent,  per 
anmun  ;  and  it  was  also  made  illege.l  under  the  same  penalty 
for  any  higher  rate  of  interest  to  be  receivedf.     ]Jut  in  the 
Pisan  war  of  IriCc-i  none  were  found  \nlling  to  lend  at  that 
l»rice,  and  those  who  were  eom|.e]led  to  do  so,  (for  such  tilings 
it  seems  are  consistent  witli  republican  institutions)  complained 
loudly  of  injustice.  Wherefore  the  government  unalde  to  obtam 
liioney  at  this  interest,  consulted  Messer  l*iero  di   Ser  Griffi) 
notaiT  of  the  reformations  and  a  man  of  great  fnianeial  ex- 
I'erience  about  the  maimer  in  which  the  law  could  be  most 

*,-'^^\. '-/'"'•'"'  ^^^^-"'^  I^i^>-  xi"  l^ul>.  l---t.  f'or  whicli  tvcnty-fivc  per  cent. 

'''"''  '''  '•  Pi'i"  amniin  were  c:iveii  until  the  unnle 

t  A(iot<l!ntrt.)  Varchi  (Storia  Fioren-  loan  wa.s  repaid  in  fortv  ve.irs.     Tl.o 

t'n-i,   \"1.  \.,    Lib.   xiii.,   p.   ;]7),  tlic  re-ister  of  this  stock  ^v:;s  railed  "  // 

ti:-^t    mounts    or   public    storks    v.ere  Libra  dt    Sdtl  Mkiourr 
'icated  from  loans  made  in  1222  and 


446 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.WII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


447 


easily  evaded,  and  he  at  once  suggested  that  those  who  lent 
100  florins  in  cash  should  be  credited  in  the  national  books  for 
300  at  five  per  cent.  This  ver}'  simple  expedient  was  adopted, 
and  the  new  stock  or  "  Monte  "  thus  formed  was  called  the 
*'  Mount  of  Three  for  One.''  Then  came  the  revolt  and  war 
of  San  Miniato  with  its  attendant  charges,  which  led  to  the 
formation  of  another  Mount  called  the  "  Two  for  One,''  and 
thus  money  was  borrowed  rapidly  at  the  ruinous  interest  of 
ten  and  fifteen  per  cent,  besides  the  great  expense  of  war. 
This  system  continued  until  the  republic  became  insolvent  but 
from  terror  of  the  penalties  none  dared  to  propose  a  remedy : 
the  evil  becoming  mtense  it  was  at  last  resolved  by  two-thirds 
of  the  Seignor}^  and  colleges  to  suspend  the  law  itself  for  a 
whole  month  and  a  decree  to  that  effect  was  carried  on  the 
seventh  of  December  13H0.  On  the  twelfth  a  law  passed 
which  really  reduced  the  public  interest  to  five  per  cent,  by 
placing  every  creditor  on, the  national  register  for  the  exact 
sum  lent  in  specie,  and  then  cancelling  the  two  mounts. 
60,000  florins  of  annual  interest  were  saved  by  this  fraud, 
making  a  virtual  difference  of  120,000  in  the  public  resources: 
but  the  distress  and  mischief  were  frightful  because  numbers 
of  people  allured  by  a  great  return  sold  land  and  houses 
and  even  quitted  tmde  to  invest  their  money  in  the  pubhc 
funds ;  besides  which,  this  property  had  changed  hands  over 
and  over,  so  that  some  made  profits  of  twenty-five  per  cent., 
some  even  more,  and  about  five  thousand  persons  were  sud- 
denly involved  in  great  distress  and  difficulty,  no  financial 
operation  having  for  a  hundred  years  created  so  much  dis- 
turbance *. 

At  the  same  time  an  alteration,  apparently  to  encourage  the 
payment  of  arrears,  was  made  in  tlie  "  Estimo  "  or  tax  on  real 
property,  which  gave  five  per  cent,  retrospectively  on  present 
payment  in  direct  violation  of  a  law  relating  to  this  tax  which 

♦  M.  tii  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  883,  885. 


prohibited  interest ;  and  to  this  was  added  more  unjust  decrees 
which  confiscated  exiles'  funded  property ;  all  showing  to  what 
a  low  state  of  moral  and  financial  poverty  wars  and  civil  dis- 
sension had  reduced  the  commonwealth  *. 

The  government  was  now  in  fact  a  mixture  of  every  sort 
of  person:    admonished   citizens;    restored   exiles; 
merchants ;  low  traders ;  common  foremen  ;  and  un-    ^'^'  ^^^' 
occupied  gentlemen ;    all  confusedly  mingled  and  clashing  at 
every  turn ;   the  whole  fabric  tottered  and  vacillated,  nothinc. 
seemed  steady  or  secure ;  each  individual  for  self-preservation 
attached  himself  to  some  more  potent  citizen,    and  society 
.   became  divided  into  a  succession  of  small  knots,  foes  to  each 
other  and  fearful  of  all  around  them.     Scali,   Strozzi,  and 
Alberti  backed  by  their  own  party  still  maintained  the  ascend- 
ant;  for  Salvestro  de'  Medici  probably  disgusted  with  the  con- 
clusion of  his  own  efforts  appears  no  longer  on  the  scene, 
bcah,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  ruthless  demagogue,  althoucrh 
spoiled  by  power  was  still  unsated  with  revenge ;  and  Strozzi 
m  addition,  was  daily  exasperated  with  the  taunts  and  morti' 
fications  which  his  official  conduct  as  one  of  the  "  Ei«ht  Saints  " 
of  the  war,  now  so  unholy,  exposed  him  to  when  all  national 
danger  had  disappeared :   both  therefore  gave  themselves  up 
to   vengeance ;  and  any  man  except  their   own,   who   might 
be  elected  to  office  was  sure  to  fall  either  by  their  aits  or 
tyranny ;  so  that  to  them  were  attributed  almost  all  the  ex- 
ecutions,  e.xiles,   and    admonitions   that  had   convulsed   the 
city  since  they  came  into  power.     Benedetto  degli  Alberti  a 
man  ol  far  milder  character  disapproved  of  this  conduct;  and 
as  he  fai-st  opposed  the   Guelphs  and  then  the  Ciompi,  so  did 
he  now  recede  from  those  who  not  only  equalled  either  of  the 
others  m  atrocity,  but  employed  spies  in  eveiy  corner  of  the 
town  to  preserve  their  authority  f. 

88^-  886^''^'  ^''''"'  ^'^'  "•'  ^"^-     fl.-I-on.  Aretino,  Lib.  ix.^Scip. 
t  AJ.   di   C.  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.     *'"""^^°'  ""''  "^^'^  ^'  '''' 


I  *  a 


FLOllENTlNi:   HiSTony. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX VH.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


449 


liigour  and  suspicion  daily  augmented,  and  tlie  violence  of  these 
two  demagomies  caused  universal  terror,  so  that  a  spark 
only  was  required  to  inflame  the  eomnmnity :  just  at  this 
moment  a  citizen  called  (liovanni  Camhi  was  unjustly  accused 
by  one  of  Scalis  creatures  of  practices  tij^^aiust  tlie  state,  audtlie 
judge  was  determined  to  make  his  accuser  sutler  that  punish- 
ment to  which  the  accused  if  guilty  would  have  been  con- 
demned. "Finding  that  neither  prayers  nor  power  could  save 
him  Scali  and  Strozzi  rescued  the  miscreant  hy  force  <>f  arms 
and  the  captain  of  the  peoples  palace  was  plundered  hi  the  fray. 
This  magistrate  instanllv  declared  to  the  Seignorv  that  if  mi 
supporte<l  he  would  throw  up  his  otiice  hut  was  iiually  i»er- 
suaded  to  remain  bv  the  assurance  of  redress.  A  consultation 
was  then  held  with  several  influential  citizens  jtarticularly 
Alherti,  for  they  knew  if  his  concurrence  were  not  previously 
obtained  Giorgio  Scali  would  prove  too  powerful  an  adversaiy; 
but  disgusted  with  the  latter,  Alherti  consented  to  his  ruin. 
as  anv  man  in  those  davs  who  wished  for  ])ul»lic  t>rdcr  and  the 
free  administration  of  justice  must  have  done.  A  writ  wa> 
accordingly  issued  for  Scali  s  arrest  yet  trust  in<L,'  to  his  pupu- 
laritv  with  the  lower  classes  he  disdained  to  lly  :  tlii.-^  popular 
favour  however  had  ceased,  and  while  the  more  sagaciou.-i 
Strozzi  effected  his  escape  Scali  was  taken,  condennied,  and 
instantly  beheaded.  On  the  scaiibld  he  lamented  tlie  jjeople's 
ingratitude,  unconscious  that  it  was  he  liini>eU"  who  had  chan^jed 
not  them;  and  then  seeing  Alherti  amongst  tlie  spectators,  ex- 
claimed, "  And  thou  Messer  lienedetto,  liast  thou  also  cmi- 
"  sented  that  1  should  receive  an  injur^^  which  had  1  been  iii 
"  thy  place  1  never  would  have  consented  to  have  done  to 
•*thee?  But  I  here  announce  to  thee  that  this  day  whidi 
*'  ends  mv  sorrows  is  onlv  the  beginning  of  thine "-. 

His  words  were  prophetic,  and  his  death  left  tlie  connnon- 
wealth  in  a  ferment :  injury,  mortiflcation,  vengeance,  power. 

*  Maccliiuvtlli,  liib.  iii". 


and  the  h\\  of  enemies,  had  made  Scali  a  tyrant,  and  he  died 
unlamented :  four  of  his  chief  minions  were  soon  discovered 
and  sent  after  their  master :  one  was  torn  to  pieces  even  by  the 
Florentine  boys,  who  cutting  off  his  hand,  urchins  as  they 
were,  trailed  it  in  puerile  but  disgusting  triumph  and  tossed  it 
into  the  Arno !     Such  was  in  those  days  the  reckless  breeding 
of  children  to  scenes  of  blood  hatred  and  cruelty !     A  areat 
body  of  citizens  were  necessarily  in  arms  at  the  capture  and 
death  of  Scali ;  many  from  precaution,  others  from  their  own 
private  views,  but  all  the  city  was  full  of  sects  and  factions  and 
none  liked  to  disarm  until  their  objects  were  accomplished. 
The  nobles  were  indignant  at  exclusion  from  power  and  still 
mourned  the  capitani  s  downfall ;  the  noble  Popolani  could  not 
brook  any  political  equality  with  the  minor  trades  and  more 
detested  Ciompi ;    the  minor  trades  were  not  satisfied  with 
what  they  had  acquired,  and  the  Ciompi  fearful  of  losing  the 
little  they  had  already  gained  were  eager  for  more  extended 
liberty. 

Thus  Florence  i-emained  full  of  humours ;  the  government 
fluctuated  in  anxious  vicissitude ;  parliament  succeeded  parlia- 
ment; Baha,  Balia  ;  injury  was  heaped  on  injuiy;  danger  on 
danger ;  each  sect  striving  for  its  particuhir  ends,  none  for  the 
public;   all  struggling  for  command,  all  scorning  to   obey; 
uidulgent  to  themselves,  severe  to  their  adversaries  society 
was  overwhelmed  in  the  uproar  and  the  whole  state  in  unutter- 
able confusion.    Yet  this  was  almost  the  only  period  of  genuine 
republicanism  in  Florence !     Nevertheless  the  noble  Popolani 
hegan  once  more  to  respire,  for  Scali  was  dead  Strozzi  banished 
and  their  minions  executed;  Alherti  had  changed,   Salvestro 
withdrawn,  and  the  whole   Action  was  humbled;    wherefore 
hopes  were  now  revived  of  driving  the  plebeians  from  power 
and  once  more  assuming  their  ancient  dignity. 

The  cry  of  "Long  live  the  Guelphs"   had  already  been 
loudly  vociferated  at  the  recent  executions  and  gave  singular 

VOL.  II.  GG 


450 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fnooK  I. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


451 


force  to,  if  it  were  not  the  cause  of  Giorgio  Scali  s  prophecy. 
The  rich  and  powerful  wool-trade  uniting  with  other  friends, 
assemhled  in  arms  to  demand  a  reform  of  the  constitution; 
this  appeal  was  irresistible ;   parliament  innnediately  assem- 
bled and  created  a  Baha  composed  of  the  seignoiT  and  colleges 
with  two  members  from  the  Capitani,  the  Ten  of  Liberty,  the 
Mercanzia,  and  two  from  each  civic  company,  with  dictatorial 
powers :  tumult  was  simultaneously  prevented  and  pubUe  feel- 
ing ascertained  by  sending  Giovanni  Cambi,  the  captain  of  the 
people,  twenty  new-created  knights,  and  a  band  of  soldiers 
with   the  Guelphic   standard,  besides   many  noble  Popolani. 
to  scour  the  streets  with  cries  of  "  Lo«//  livt'  the  Guelphs.'' 
As  no  signs  of  discontent  were  manifest  the  wool-trade,  now 
become  chiefs  of  this  party,  waxed  bolder  and  again  meeting 
in  arms  demanded  that  the  two  new  arts  shoidd  be  dissolved 
and  every  rebel  and  exile  recalled  from  banishment :  there 
was  no  demur  to  this  for  the  sword  is  an  impatient  listener, 
wherefore   after  short   debates   the   decree    was   passed  and 
executed.  But  there  was  yet  another  voice ;  the  minor  trader 
had  also  armed  in  self-defence;  they  dreaded  the  advent  of  a  soil 
of  Venetian  aristocracy  and  sensibly  felt  how  much  their  o^^^l 
strength  would  be  diminished  by  the  proposed   amputation 
Both  parties  met ;   one  prepared  and  united,  the  other  loose 
and   mirefmlated ;   the  latter  advanced  in  disorder  and  wa> 
repulsed :  yet  so  general  was  the  fear  of  a  Venetian  govern- 
ment at  this  moment  that  both  extremes  of  society,  the  nobles 
and  democracy,  now  began  to  draw  closer  together  and  a  strug- 
gle would  have  ensued  if  external  danger  had  not  an*ested  it 

Of  the  free  companies  which  still  tonnented  Italy,  that  of 
the  "  Uncino,'  then  at  Arezzo  in  great  force,  began  to  threaten 
Florence  :  this  for  a  moment  hushed  the  cries  of  faction,  and 
Hawkwood  after  a  few  days  of  manffiuvriug  and  one  shai-p  en- 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  902,     Mactliiavclli,  Lib.  iii".— Scip.  Animi- 
904,  905. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  ix. —     nUo,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  758. 


counter  repulsed  the  invaders  ;  but  during  this  lull  the  Balia, 
now  increased  to  a  hundred  and  eighty-four  members,  destroyed 
the  existing  scrutiny  list  and  commenced  a  fresh  one  of  a  more 
limited  and  select  character  than  that  of  the  pre\dous  year  in 
which  we  find  the  names  of  nearly  five  thousand  citizens 
ehgible  to  the  highest  offices  of  state  ^K  A  general  amnesty 
for  political  crimes  was  at  the  same  time  published  whicii 
included  all  those  who  had  been  declared  rebels  or  exiles,  or 
who  had  been  disfranchised  since  187.S;  and  a  decree  passed 
authorising  one-third  of  the  priors  and  consequently  every 
inferior  office  to  be  drawn  from  minor  trades  but  the  gon- 
falonier of  justice  from  the  major  arts  alone  f. 

Affairs  were  still  misettled  :  in  February  fresh  disturbances 
caused  by  the  old  nobility  and  newly  returned  exiles  produced 
anotlier  Balia,  more  refonns,  more  rebels,  and  more  exiles  : 
amongst  the  latter,  to  the  shame  of  his  country,  Michele  di 
Lando  now  fell  a  sacrifice  in  despite  of  his  services,  a  victim 
of  popular  malice  or  cU'istocratic  jealousy ;  the  noble  Popolani 
could  never  pardon  even  the  virtues  of  a  plebeian,  altliough 
exerted  m  their  own  defence,  and  condemned  him  to  banishment. 
Only  a  short  time  elapsed  ere  a  fresli  tumult  was  prevented 
merely  by  the  rank  and  personal  character  of  liinaldo  Gian- 
figlazzi  one  of  the  recently  dubbed  knights  who  just  then  became 
gonfalonier,  for  many,  both  nobles  and  citizens,  were  weaiT 
of  mob  government  and  hailed  the  advent  of  a  man  of  rank 
and  good  reputation  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  common- 
wealth.    It  was  not  long  however  before  another  sedition  of 
the  Ciompi  followed  with  such  boldness  and  success  as  not  onl v 
to  force  their  grievances  on  the  consideration  of  a  new  paiiia- 
ment  but  even  against  the  opinion  of  the  Seignory  to  command 
tiieir  redress.     This  yielding  only  augmented   the  Ciompis 

Itn'  *^\  ^V  ^^^^^"^   Lib.   xi.,   Rub.     t  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub   906 -Gio- 
^^a^  Monu.ento,  N^.  2,  per  la     v.„    Ca.bi,  StoH^  .otl.!^:^. 

O  G  2 


452 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


audacity ;  their  increased  demands  were  now  met  with  greater 
vit^our  V  the  moral  resolution  of  government  backed  by  an 
armed  force  which  awed  the  insurgents  into  present  submission 
wliile  it  gained  time  for  a  new  Balia  of  eighty-two  citizens  to 
cancel  every  act  passed  by  the  late  parliament  in  tbeir  favour. 
Once  more  aroused,  the  Ciompi  again  broke  forth,  but  were  as 
speedily  quelled  by  the  vigoiu-  of  a  detennined  administration, 
within  and  without  beset  by  enemies,  and  who  with  an  in- 
dif^nant  spirit  were  constrained  to  pay  fresh  cuntributious  to 
the  companies  of  Saint  George  and  the  "  llamphio*'  which 
still  infested  the  frontier  and  proved  too  powerful  for  Hawk- 
wood  *. 

Quiet  was  scarcely  restored  when  an  embassy  from  Charles 
of  Durazzo,  who  had  conquered  and  murdered  Giovanna,  came 
to  offer  Arezzo  for  sale  provided  that  Florence  would  join  him; 
but  this  tempt;ition  was  stifled  by  the  intelligence  that  Louis 
of  Anjou  was  already  on  his  march  with  a  large  force  to  dispute 
the  crown  of  Naples  as  the  adopted  son  of  that  queen.    A  pause 
thus  occurred,  during  which  intenial  disorders  fully  occupied 
the  people  while  some  trifling  acquisitions  of  territory  by  the 
submission  of  a  variety  of  feudal  chieftains  were  continually 
augmenting  and  rounding   the  republican   dominions.     The 
arrival  of  Louis  in  Italy  again  drew  their  attention  to  Neapoli- 
tan affdrs  and  compelled  them  to  steer  cautiously  between  him 
and  Carlo  who  were  at  that  moment  the  Scylla  and  Chaiybdis 
of  Italian  politics :    Chai'les  was  really  the  political  favourite 
at  Florence,  wherefore  Hawkwood  was  purpostly  dismissed  uud 
engaged  by  Urban  VI.  who  conjointly  satisfied  his  pecuniary 
demands ;  so  that  in  this  way  she  afforded  indirect  assistance 
to  the  lung  of  Naples  f. 

*  M.  di   C.  Stefani,  Lib.   xi.,    Rub.  Lib.  iii",  cap.  iii«,  p.  550,  MS.—Cos- 

916  to  9-21.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  tanzo,  Ist.  di  Nap.,  vol.  u",  Lib.  vin., 

p  96 1  p.  (Jl .— M.  di  Coppo  Stcfimi,  Lib.  xn., 

tCronica  et  Historia  della  Citta  e  Rub.   941.— Storia  di  Goro  Dati,  p. 

Regno  di  Napoli,  di  Fra  Luigi  Vulcani,  24. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


433 


Hawkwood's  absence  gave  new  hopes  to  the  Ciompi  who 
exasperated  by  their  late  failures  determined  to  rise  once  more 
and  spare  no  living  creature  in  the  fury  of  their  revenge :   a 
father  however  suspected  his  son's  movements  and  had  influ- 
ence enough  to  gain  his  secret  which  straightway  was  revealed 
to  government :  then  came  a  new  IkiUk,  that  clumsy  resem- 
blance of  the  Koman  dictators  ;  but  did  little  to  remedy  the 
evil  for  it  was  itself  an  epitome  of  the  general  confusion  :  the 
fault  lay  in  a  system  inherently  vicious  and  deceptive,  and 
still  more  corrupt  than  vicious  ;  a  real  aristocracy  or  oligarchy 
with,  the  alluring  name  of  republic  could  no  longer  deceive  the 
sufferers  :  sedition  in  this  instance  was  quelled,  Init  public  dis- 
content remained   unabated.      The   two  great  councils  were 
again  altered ;  that  of  the  podesta  was  augmented  to  a  hundred 
and  two  popolani  of  which  sixty-fom-  were  from  the  minor 
trades  and  the  addition  of  forty  nobles  :  that  of  the  "  Capitano 
del  Popolo  "  including  the  consuls  of  trades,  consisted  of  two 
hundred   and  eighty-five  popolani,  ninety-six  of  whom  were 
taken  from  the  minor  arts ;    so  tliat  between  four  and  five 
hundred  deputies  now  represented  the  republic  *. 

In  addition  to  the  miserable  consequences  of  man's  crimes 
Nature  herself  sent  new  calamities  to  Florence  :  sud- 
den and  repeated  floods  overflowed  a  great  part  of 
the  city  and  surrounding  country,  conflagrations  followed  as 
they  were  wont,  and  a  wide-spreading  pestilence  finished  the 
account :  population  began  to  dwindle  away,  for  multitudes  fled 
from  this  combination  of  moral  and  physical  calamity,  revenues 
diminished,  imposts  increased,  citizens  were  forbidden  but  in 
vain  to  leave  the  city  without  a  pass  ;  and  finally  a  sharp  tax 
was  imposed  on  all  that  infringed  this  law,  a  tax  which  the  rich 
evaded  and  the  poor  were  compelled  to  pay.  Besides  this  the 
exiles  menaced  Florence ;  troops  were  drawn  from  the  Casen- 
tino  to  garrison  it  and  there  was  universal  vacillation,  when  in 


A.D.  1383. 


S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  764. 


454 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


455 


the  midst  of  all  sprang  up  another  tumult  of  the  Ciompi  to 
complete  the  general  disorder  *.  Thus  for  a  whole  year  was 
Florence  languishing  under  the  mfluence  of  natural  misfor- 
tunes, or  working  in  suppressed  or  open  ferment ;  and  all  for 
jx)wer,  ofi&oe,  and  selfish  acquisitions.  To  ac(iuire  these,  no 
conscientious  scruples,  no  ties  of  companionship,  no  social  duty 
i?ere  obstacles ;  and  to  accomplish  tliis  says  JStefani  were  in- 
vented the  Admonition,  the  Divieto,  the  Sedere  f ,  and  other 
dishonest  artiiices  for  disfranchising  and  persecuting  citizens. 
Perhaps  hardly  one  in  a  hundred  was  successful,  and  even 
then  what  were  his  gains?  Envy,  hatred,  jealousy,  vengeance, 
and  danger;  a  fleeting  power,  and  almost  inevitable  disgrace! 
The  political  eiffects  of  these  last  fom'  yeai*s  were  to  lessen  the 
strength  and  reputation  of  Florence  m  the  eyes  of  foreignei-s 
and  the  opinion  of  Italy ;  and  though  still  powerful  these  dis- 
sensions exposed  her  to  the  hisolent  rapacity  of  every  condot- 
tiere  that  chose  to  cross  her  borders  % 

Louis  Duke  of  Anjou  had  already  reached  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  and  rendered  its  possessor  uneasy:  he  was  followed 
in  1384  by  the  Sieur  de  Coucy  an  officer  of  great 
reputation,  who  marching  by  Lucca  and  Siena  with 
some  damage  to  Florence,  gained  possession  of  Arezzo  which 
was  then  occupied  by  one  of  Durazzo's  lieutenants  ;  but  a  report 
of  Anjou's  death  and  an  ineffectual  attack  on  the  citadel  pre- 
vented his  immediate  advance  §.  The  fate  of  this  city  alarmed 
Florence,  more  especially  as  Anjou  was  enraged  at  Hawkwood's 
dismissal  the  motives  for  which  he  saw  through,  and  had 
already  requested  the  French  king  to  make  reprisals  on  Floren- 
tine property.  This  produced  a  new  league  of  the  Tuscan 
states  but  his  death  in  October  relieved  them  from  apprehen- 

*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Lib.  xii.,  Rub.  be  more  fully  explained. 

9.54,  95.5,  956. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  t  Stefani,  Lib.  xi.,  Rub.  923. 

xiv.,  p.  764.  §  Ibid.,  Lib.  xii.,    Rub.    933,    961, 

+  Tbe  Sedere  was  suspension  for  a  962. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  768. 
time   from  office,  and  hereafter  will 


A.D.  1384. 


I 


sion  and  emboldened  Florence  rather  to  lay  siege  to  Arezzo 
at  once  than  be  kept  in  continual  alarm  by  the  troops  that 
held  it. 

On  this  occasion  the  republic  displayed  its  natural  strength 
and  admirable  military  organisation  for  defensive  and  even 
offensive  war  in  its  own  immediate  neighbourhood.  De  Coucy 
was  willing  to  sell  Arezzo,  but  to  save  liis  own  honom'  wished 
to  be  apimrently  compelled  to  do  so  by  a  great  display  of 
military  force,  and  in  three  days  Florence  had  an  army  of  sixty 
thousand  foot  and  twenty  thousand  horse  encamped  about  the 
place!  Some  of  these  w^ero  regular  troops,  but  the  greater 
part  militia  from  the  contado  and  district  which  were  so 
skilfully  organised  that  one  day  was  sufficient  to  prepare  them 
and  two  more  to  assemble  the  whole  mass  in  arms  on  any 
given  point.  Each  district  sent  its  contingent  under  a  regular 
gradation  of  official  rank  ;  such  as  captains  of  tens,  of  hundreds, 
and  of  thousands,  so  that  one  hundred  thousand  militia  could 
be  at  any  time  assembled  and  almost  all  being  rural  labourers 
were  in  those  unquiet  times,  well  acquainted  with  the  use  of 
arras  as  irregular  troops,  and  admirably  adapted  to  defend  the 
strong  mountain  passes  of  their  comitrj^  as  will  hereafter  be. 
noticed. 

During  tlieir  period  of  service  government  not  only  supplied 
them  with  provisions,  but  also  with  daily  pay  equal  to  the 
current  price  of  manual  labour,  but  when  this  organisation  first 
took  place  does  not  appear,  probably  about  the  present  period 
as  with  such  a  force  and  its  power  of  rapid  concentration  there 
could  be  no  necessity  for  that  continual  bribing  of  the  condot- 
tieri  which  so  strongly  marked  the  foregone  times  :  it  may  be 
tliat  this  establishment  had  been  allowed  to  fall  into  disuse  but 
on  this  occasion  was  revived,  and  that  Goro  Dati,  gives  us 
these  particulars  with  his  usual  enthusiasm  about  everything 
Florentine,   in  all  the  brilliancy  of  theoretical  perfection*. 

*  Goro  Dati,  Istoria  di  Firenzi,  pp.  26  and  37. 


456 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


The  siege  of  Arezzo  was  pushed  on  with  some  vigour  and  the 
bargain  concluded,  by  which  40,000,  or  according  to  others 
100,000  florins  were  to  be  given  for  that  city,  the  citadel  being 
purchased  at  the  same  time  from  Durazzo's  lieutenant  for  the 
amount  of  wages  due  to  him  and  his  soldiers  :  so  that  including 
every  expense  this  acquisition  is  admitted  to  have  cost  the 
republic  '200,000  florins  *. 

Thus  on  the  twentieth  of  November  13*^1  Florence  for  the 
second  time  became  mistress  of  Arezzo  after  forty-one  years' 
exclusion  ;  while  the  latter  after  an  equal  period  of  troubles 
and  suffering  under  the  ever-var}ing  blast  of  political  tempests, 
was  rejoiced  to  find  herself  once  more  in  the  comparatively 
quiet  haven  of  regular  govenunent  alike  free  from  tlie  rapacity 
of  foreigners  and  the  ambition  of  her  own  turbulent  citizens. 
The  still  potent  Tarlati  who  had  opposed  tliis  transfer  were 
soon  besieged  in  their  castles  and  reduced  along  with  every 
other  dependence  of  Arezzo  to  Florentine  subjection :  there 
were  great  public  rejoicings  on  this  important  ♦vent,  for  Arezzo 
once  the  rival  and  even  more  i>owerful  tliau  Florence  had  ever 
been  the  rendezvous  of  her  enemies,  the  source  of  plots, 
machinations,  and  vexatious  inroads.  All  the  public  and  private 
splendour  of  the  community  was  exhibited  at  these  festivals, 
but  no  citizen  could  vie  in  magniticence  with  Jknedetto  Alberti 
whose  brilliant  entertainments  were  more  like  those  of  a  sove- 
reign prince  than  a  simple  gentleman,  and  served  not  a  httle 
to  augment  the  jealousy  and  hatred  of  his  enemies  f. 

This  was  succeeded  by  a  new  and  more  liberal  re-filling 
of  the  election  purses,  called  the  "  Untoti  Scruturi/'^ 
because  it  admitted  all  to  the  priorate  who  had  ever 
before  enjoyed  that  dignity  whether  admonished  or  ( irhibeline, 
and  the  periodical  renewal  was  ordered  to  be  every  four  years  ;. 

*  M.  di  C.   Stefani,  Lib.   xii..   Rub.  Atnmirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  769. 

963,  965.     We  here   take  leave  of  f  Macrhiavelli,  Lib.  iii '.— S.  Auinii- 

this    cotemporary    author.  —  Leon,  rato,  lab.  xv.,  p.  770. 

Arctino,    Lib.    ix.,    folio    177. —  S.  ij:  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  772. 


A.D.  1385. 


CHAP,  xxvn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


457 


Ten  condottieri  at  the  least  and  all  their  rough  companions  now 
continued  those  ravages  to  which  Italy  had  been  exposed  for 
forty  years  without  cessation  p^ty  or  remorse  !  Lord  and  vassal, 
principality  or  republic  were  alike  to  them  if  weak  enough 
to  be  plundered  with  impunity ;  their  vast  increase  now  made 
it  expedient  for  Bologna,  Florence,  and  even  Gian-Galeazzo 
Visconte,  potent  as  he  was,  to  unite  against  them  on  one  side, 
while  Florence,  Bologna,  Siena,  Pisa,  Lucca,  and  Perugia 
formed  a  defensive  league  on  the  other  -. 

The  intelligence  of  Charies  of  Durazzo's  return  to  Hungary 
and  subsequent  accession  to  that  throne  was  gladly 
received  at  Florence  as  a  pledge  of  Neapolitan  tran-   ^'^'  ^^' 
quillity,  for  as  a  purely  conniierrial  state  peace  was  ever  her 
object  abroad  whatever  miglit  be  the  intensity  of  her  troubles 
at  home ;  but  messengers  followed  in  February  with  an  account 
of  his  assassination,  and  considerably  depressed  the  public  mind 
by  placing  the  destiny  of  Naples  again  in  jeopardy.     She  now 
exerted  her  influence  with  both  Urban  and  France  in  favour 
of  Durazzo's  son  the  young  king  Ladislaus  who  with  his  own 
sister  Giovanna,  both  influits,  remained  at  Naples  under  the 
guardianship  of  their  mother  Queen  Margaret  while  she  mth 
a  feeble  hand  endeavoured  to  hold  out  against  Otho  of  Bruns- 
wick and  the  Anjou  faction.     Ikit  Urban  had  quar- 
relled with  and  excommunicated  Charles,  and  deaf 
to  all  entreaties  either  from  his  widow  or  any  other  quarter, 
entertcxined  the  design  of  conquering  Naples  for  the  church : 
nor  were  they  more   successful  with  France   in    eflecting  a 
marriage  between    the   young   Duke  of  Anjou  and  Princess 
Giovanna  to  unite  the  opposing  interests ;  so  that  peace  was 
yet  far  from  Italy  and  internal  danger  again  beset  the  Flo- 
rentines f. 

Benedetto  degli  Alberti  had  been  too  active  in  humbling  the 

*  Ammirato  Lib.  xv.,  p.  772,  775.         morio  Storiche  di  Ser  Naddo,  vol.  xviii. 
t  Muraton,  Anno  1386,  1387.^Me-     -Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Toscani,  p.  87. 


A.D.  1387. 


458 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXVII.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


45g 


Guelpbic   pai'ty  and   noble   popolani   to   escape   malice;   bis 
magnificence   and  popularity  at  tbe   late  festival   augmented 
tbeir  jealousy  as  it  probably  temjited  tbeir  rapacity,  for  tbougli 
his  power  was  gi'eat  tbeir  batred  exceeded  it,  and  be  was 
marked  for  a  victim.     It  happened  tliat  in  tbe  same  Seignory 
Albeiti  and  bis  son-in-law  Filippo  ^lagidotti  were  drawn  for 
office,  tbe  latter  as  gonfalonier  of  justice  tlie  former  as  gon- 
falonier of  a  company  :  tliis  alarmed  bis  enemies  ;  tbe  union  of 
two  sucb  offices  in  one  family  was  considered  dangerous ;  not 
to  tbe  state,   but  to  faction.     Filippo  s  kinsman  and  enemy 
Beso  Magalotti,  undertook  to  prove  bis  ineligibility  and  demand 
his  dismission  as  being  under  age  but  through  Benedetto's 
influence  he  was  received  by  tbe  Seignory  as  gonfalonier  elect*. 
Filippo  was  one  of  those  knights  created  by  tbe  Ciompi,  and 
though  young  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  for  wisdom  and  talent 
so  that  when  liis  reception  became  known  bis  opponents  were 
astounded,  tbey  suddenly  armed,  and  stenily  demanded  bis 
rejection  with  the  alternative  of  tumult  and  general  disorder. 
Tbe  Seignory  through  error  or  intimidation,  but  more  probably 
both,  at  once  acquiesced ;  bis  name  was  accordingly  replaced 
in  tbe  purse  and  that  of  Bardo  Mancini  a  deadly  foe  of  all  tbe 
Alberti  drawn  in  its  place :  thus  supported,  the  whole  family  of 
Alberti  was  denoimced  by  their  opponents,  eveiy  past  act  was 
dragged  forward  as  a  present  crime  and  even  tbeir  bouses  and 
property  were  threatened  with   inst^mt  conflagration.      Tliis 
poison  worked,  anned  men  began  to  congregate,  (for  tbe  ricb. 
in  self-defence,  bad  guards  of  foreign  soldiers  in  their  bouses) 
and  another  civil  contest  was  eveiy  moment  expected.    On  tbe 
first  of  May  tbe  new  Seignor}'  entered  office  and  created  a  Baliu 
of  eighty  citizens  whose  fii'st  resolution  decreed  that  no  man 
under  twenty-five  years  old  should  fill  any  office  either  within  or 
without  the  city,  and  that  none  mider  thirty  could  thenceforth  be 

*  Memorie  Storiche  di  Ser  Naddo,  in  vol.  xviii.,  Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Toscani, 
p.  i)'2. 


gonfalonier  of  justice.    Seeing  this  Benedetto  asked  permission, 
on  account  of  age  and  long  service,  to  be  excused  from  public 
duties  and  was  answered  that  both  he  and  his  kinsman  Cipri- 
ano  were  not  only  relieved  from  service  but  as  a  further  favour 
were  forbidden  to  enter  any  of  tbe  tbree  palaces  under  penalty 
of  1000  florins.     This  sarcastic  answer  was  followed  up  next 
morning  by  a  Divieto  to  nearly  all  tbe  family  for  five  years,  so 
that  Benedetto  thought  it  better  at  once  to  withdraw  and  im- 
mediately  asked  leave  of  absence  on  private  business,  leaving 
its  duration  to  the  Balia.     Two  years  of  exile  mider  this  title 
were  named,  Benedetto  was  ordered  to  depart  within  eight 
days,  and  in  eighteen  to  be  at  least  a  hundred  miles  from 
Florence;   he  was   moreover  forbidden   to  remain   in  Lom- 
bardy,  and  finally  commanded  to  report  bis  progress  every 
fortnight  ■•-. 

Alberti  retired  with  all  the  calmness  of  a  man  conscious 
of  self-integrity  and  bis  enemies'  injustice.     *'You  see"  said 
ho  to  his  sorrowing  friends  "  how  fortune  has  ruined  me  and 
"  menaced  you,  and  yet  none  of  us  sliould  marvel,  for  so  it 
"  happens  to  all  those  who  amongst  a  multitude  of  tbe  wicked 
"  would  strive  to  act  with  integrity  and  endeavour  to  support 
"that  which  tbe  many  are  trying  to  destroy."    After  some 
further  discourse  he  departed,  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem 
and  died  at  Fdiodes  on  his  homeward  jouniey;  but  his  remains 
were  brought  to  Florence  and,  as  often  happens,  interred  with 
public  honours  by  the  very  persons  who  had  most  persecuted  him 
when  living.    Allowing  for  the  notions  and  character  of  his  age 
and  country,  Benedetto  Alberto  seems  to  have  been  an  honest 
patriot ;  for  even  at  tbe  moment  of  his  exile  a  single  sign 
would  have  drawn  many  a  sword  from  its  scabbard  in  his 
cause  :  according  to  native  customs  be  bad  followed  trade  from 
his  youth  and  accumulated  both  riches  and  an  honest  reputa- 
tion ;  he  is  described  as  a  man  of  strong  natural  sense,  con- 

*  Mem.  Storiche  di  Ser  Naddo,  p.  94.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  781. 


460 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


461 


versaut  ])eyond  all  cotemporaries  in  public  business,  and  more 
devoted  to  his  country's  good  than  any  other  citizen  of  that 
day :  the  Capitani's  tyranny  disgusted  him  and  he  sided  against 
them:  offended  with  the  adverse  party  for  their  no  less  tyran- 
nical exercise  of  power,  he  quitted  thrui  in  tuni  and  was 
partly  the  niin  of  both,  but  more  feared  on  tliis  account  by  the 
third  and  finally  paramount  faction,  wlio  altliough  he  l)elonged 
to  the  class  of  noble  popolani  at  last  destroyed  him.  He  was, 
says  Ammirato,  modest  in  dress,  i>leasing  and  cheerful  in 
society,  and  rjenerous  of  his  means,  with  which  he  often  admi- 
nistered  most  liberally  to  the  wants  of  that  country  so  disgraced 
by  his  persecution  *;=. 

More  admonitions,  exiles,  and  disfriuichisements,  followed 
Alberto's  banishment,  and  still  the  faction  remained  nnsated ; 
another  prior  was  wrested  from  the  minor  arts  and  never  ai'ter- 
wards  restored ;  exile  upon  exile  were  yet  loudly  demanded, 
and  the  clash  of  anns  gave  vigour  to  the  call:  but  the  Ualia 
had  done  enough,  even  IMancini  softened,  and  being  prepared 
for  resistance  refused  all  compromise.  I'lution  was  for  a 
moment  abashed ;  the  election  pui-ses  were  still  further  aug- 
mented, but  by  children  so  young  that  twenty  years  were 
requisite  to  render  them  eligible.  What  caused  m«)st  scandal 
was  the  formation  of  a  new  purse,  afterwards  called  in  derision 
the  BorseUino  or  little  pet  purse,  which  being  tilled  with  the 
names  of  chosen  adherents  fui-nished  two  stanch  votes  in  every 
public  deliberation  of  the  Seignoiy;  lience  all  the  priors  of 
that  fjiction  were  nick-named  ''  Priors  of  the  Borsvllinoy  It 
even  became  a  proverb,  and  any  selected  nice  thing  was  after- 
wards said  in  common  parlance  to  be  of  the  "  liorselUno  H. 
After  taking  this  favourable  occasion  to  reduce  the  right  of 
the  plebeian  party  to  a  fourth  instead  of  a  third  part  of  the 
government,  which  was  submitted  to  without  a  struggle,  the 

♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  7H3.  xx.,  Dclizie,  &c*.— S.  Amminvto,  Lib. 

t  Giov.  Cambi,   Storia,  p.  128,  voL     xv.,  p.  784. 


A.D.  1388. 


Bahii  dissolved  itself  and  the  ordinary  authorities  resumed 
their  usual  functions. 

War  in  any  shape  or  jdace  was  always  more  or  less  injmious 
to  Florentine  commerce,  wherefore  we  constiintly  find 
that  nation  however  tierce  at  home,  striving  in  the 
amiable  character  of  j)eace-makers  to  restore  Italian  tranquillity 
even  in  the  most  distant  states  and  between  the  bitterest  of 
their  enemies.  At  this  period  their  endeavours  were  strenu- 
ously exerted  to  pacify  Lombardy,  especially  Venice  and  Padua 
who  were  tearing  each  other  to  [)ieces  as  a  future  repast  for 
Milan;  and  also  in  aiding  Bologna  against  tlie  condottieri 
whom  no  ties  could  bind,  no  contributions  secure ;  but  parti- 
cularly in  watcliing  the  tierce  and  restless  Urban  whose  efforts 
to  recover  what  had  fallen  away  from  the  church  coupled  with 
that  church's  schism,  and  his  own  designs  on  Naples,  were  all 
interrupting  public  tranquillity.  Their  attention  was  now  how- 
ever most  engaged  by  the  growing  ambition  and  rapid  conquests 
of  Gian  (ialeazzo  to  whicli  the  waning  friendship  of  Siena  and 
her  increasing  intimacy  with  Milan  gave  a  more  alarming 
character ;  nor  could  all  the  soft  language  or  deceptive  arts  of 
Viscoute  lull  their  well-grounded  suspicions  =:=. 

Mihtaiy  preparations  therefore  became  expedient,  and  though 
still  low  ui  revenue  and  av(  rse  to  expenditure  Vieri  Cavicciuli 
was  despatched  on  an  embassy  lo  John  Belcott  or  Beltot,  the 
leader  of  an  English  company,  (for  these  robbers  were  treated 
like  princes)  to  engage  him  in  the  Florentine  service.  Being 
arrived  at  Perugia  where  i;rban  then  resided,  this  ambassador 
was  ordered  to  court,  and  refusing  to  divulge  his  mission  had  his 
papers  seized  and  examined  while  he  himself  was  committed 
to  prison;  after  which  the  pontiff  dismissed  hi  in  with  insult. 
The  pope's  l>eing  allowed  to  enter  Perugia  against  the  earnest 
remonstrances  and  warnings  of  Florence  had  already  given 
great  uneasiness ;    and  thus  tamely  suffering  the  violation  of 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  789. 


462 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


interaational  law  within  her  own  juristliction  was  a  proof  of 
lost  independence  with  which  Florence  failed  not  to  reproach 
her.  There  was  however  no  redress  against  I'rhan,  and  the 
incursions  of  condottieri,  who  laughed  at  all  compacts,  pre- 
vented ulterior  proceedings,  for  so  little  shame  did  this  rohber 
life  now  inspire  that  even  Pandolfo  ^lalatesta  of  llimini  a  man 
in  the  first  rank  of  Italian  princes,  thought  it  no  disgrace 
to  lead  a  small  band  uf  miscreants  t(»  the  }dunder  of  liis 
native  country.  The  increasing  disconteui  of  Siena  also  kept 
Florence  on  the  alert :  after  a  long  and  close  alliance  she  had 
become,  perhaps  justly  jealous  of  the  hitter,  especially  since 
the  acquisition  of  Arezzo  which  had  inv(»lved  them  in  disputes 
about  Lucignana  one  of  its  dependant  towns  claimed  by  Siena ; 
and  also  at  Cortona's  falUng  oft'  from  its  suicient  alliance  and 
choosing  Florentine  protection.  While  in  this  state  of  excite- 
ment Montepulciano  after  many  years  of  sul)mission  now  pre- 
tended to  its  liberty  by  virtue  of  former  treaties  ;  Siena 
denied  this,  and  the  dispute  was  referred  to  Florence  who 
under  ceiliiin  conditions  gave  judgment  in  favour  of  the  latter. 
She  however  refused  to  abide  bv  the  decision  and  continued 
vexing  Montepulciano  wliich  loshig  all  jnilieiK  e  at  last  revolted 
and  oft'ered  itself  to  Florence  by  whom  Siena  believed  the 
whole  business  to  have  been  covertly  niiuiaged.  This  offer  was 
lonjT  and  variously  debated  and  by  manv  altogether  refused: 
but  during  these  discussions  the  ambassadors  of  Montepul- 
ciano being  determmed  to  cany  their  point,  inserted  that  city's 
name  in  the  great  register  of  the  commonwealth,  which  made 
the  act  irrevocable  except  l)y  a  general  piuliamtnt.  Thirty 
lances  were  sent  to  protect  the  town,  and  Siena  still  dis- 
believing in  Florentine  sincerity  drew  tinker  lier  ties  of  friend- 
ship with  Visconte  by  offers  of  almost  unlimited  authority  in 
order  to  break  the  pride  and  power  of  her  rival  -'•'-. 

*  O.  Malavolti,  Lib.  ix..  Part  ii",  p.  103.  —  Leou.   Arctino,  Lib.  ix.  —  S. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  791* 


CHAP,  xxvn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


463 


War  was  on  the  point  of  bursting  when  ambassadors  from 
Milan  arrived  nominally  as  mediators  but  really  with  other 
designs,  yet  disclaiming  any  hostile  intentions  on  Visconte  s 
part  towards  the  Florentine  republic.  The  citizens  were  not 
deceived,  but  on  the  contrary  made  a  new  league  with  Bo- 
logna Kavenna  Faenza  and  Imola,  while  their  efforts  for  peace 
were  renewed.  Padua  was  now  closely  besieged  by  Venice  in 
concert  with  Visconte  who  having  conquered  Verona  was  rapidly 
extending  his  power  both  by  arms  and  money ;  half  Venice  was 
in  his  pay  and  even  the  gonfalonier  of  Florence  received  a  bribe 
during  the  late  negotiations  there.  Padua  fell,  and  the  Car- 
rara princes  dispersed  or  imprisoned,  yet  after  some  adversity 
were  resen-ed  for  better  fortune,  but  only  to  be  agjiin  cast  down 
and  become  a  prey  to  Venetian  aggrandisement  -. 

Florence  perceiving  tlie  impossibility  of  convincing  Siena  of 
her  sincerity  advised  Montepulciano  to  submit,  and  to  remove 
one  cause  of  jealousy  recalled  her  troops  while  she  engaged 
Piero  Gambacorta  and  Bologna  to  reconcile  these  two  cities : 
this  was  finally  effected,  but  the  Senese  jealousy  of  Florence 
remained,  and  a  subsequent  reception  of  two  lumdred  Milanese 
lances  at  Siena  filled  the  former  with  alarm  :  the  designs  of 
Visconte  were  evident ;  his  deceit  palpable,  and  war  almost 
inevitable :  Naples  was  distracted ;  the  pontiff  detested  Flo- 
rence; the  Venetians  and  Lombiirds  followed  Milan;  Padua 
and  Yqyowh  had  lallen,  and  the  Tuscan  republics  were  dis- 
united;  so  that  J5(d(.gua  was  the  only  stay.  Extraordinaiy 
cu'cumstances  needed  extraordintiry  measures,  and  these  two  re- 
pubhcs  had  recourse  to  France :  this  was  perilous ;  foreign  aid  in 
domestic  war  is  ever  so  ;  but  the  introduction  of  an  ambitious, 
powerful  and  military  nation  into  Italy,  thus  sanctioning  as 
It  were  their  interference  in  national  quarrels,  was  particularly 
dangerous  and  the  ultimate  consequences  of  this  example 
proved  disastrous  to  Italian  liberty.      Two  ambassadors  pro- 

*  Mem.  Storichc  diSer  Naddo,  p.  104.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  793. 


464 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVII. J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


465 


ceeded  to  France  by  sea  and  two  by  land ;  the  latter  were 
arrested  through  Viseonte's  influence  in  the  Genoese  territoiy, 
and  he  thus  became  possessed  of  the  secret*.  Florence  and 
Bologna  offered  by  this  treaty  to  acknowledge  the  right  of  France 
to  all  conquests  that  should  be  made  from  \'isconte  between 
the  Po  and  Genoese  shores  :  those  made  between  Pavia  and 
the  Apennines,  Pavia  itself,  JMilan,  and  Como  as  far  as  the 
Count  of  Savoy's  frontier  were  to  be  retained  by  him  provided 
he  jomed  the  league  ;  but  if  not,  then  to  be  at  the  disposal  of 
France.  The  other  states  of  Visconte.  unless  restored  to  the 
ri<Thtfid  lords  or  their  descendants,  were  to  be  formed  into 
republics.  If  Fmnce  refused,  permi-^siuu  was  to  l)e  asked  to 
treat  with  her  vassals  and  to  disjday  the  French  standard  in 
the  combined  armiesf. 

It  is  difficult  to  know  which  to  admire  most  in  this  strange 
transaction,  the  rashness  of  Florence  in  wishing  to  ^substi- 
tute the  tiger  for  the  wolf  and  thus  rivetting  both  ends  of 
Italy  with  French  shackles;  or  the  folly  of  France  in  not 
being  content  with  such  an  opening !  Visconte  aw:ire  of  these 
machmations,  angry  at  the  friendly  reception  of  the  deposed 
fugitive  Francesco  da  Carrara,  who  had  arrived  at  Florence 
after  numerous  adventures ;  and  displeased  at  P>ernab6"s  son 
and  Antonio  della  Scala  being  both  iavoured  ly  that  rcpuMic. 
drove  all  the  Florentine  and  Bolognese  merchants  from  his 
dominions ;  and  Florence  about  the  same  period  invited  Stephen 
Duke  of  Bavaria  an  enemy  of  Visct)nte  to  hivade  Fonihurdy 
while  she  answered  the  Milanese  ducier-  by  an  assurance  of 
safety  to  all  Lombards  who  chose  to  trade  in  her  dominions. 
To  disperse  the  gathering  storm  Piero  (.ani])acorta  strenuously 
exerted  himself,  and  in  Octuber  l:^s'.)  a  league  fur 
three  years  was  signed  at  Pisa  between  that  republic, 
Florence,  :Milan,  Ferrara,  Mantua,  lUmini,  Forli,  Bologna, 
Perugia,  Siena,  Lucc'a,  and  other  places  of  inferior  note,  for 


A.D.  1389. 


mutual  defence  and  assistance  especially  against  the  condot- 
tieri  which  was  in  fact  the  pivot  of  the  confederacy.  Visconte 
bound  himself  not  to  meddle  with  Bolognese  or  Tuscan  affairs, 
those  of  Ptomagna,  or  of  any  part  south  of  Modena :  other 
conditions  for  the  security  of  general  peace  wliich  was  Gamba- 
corta's  main  object  were  added  and  so  Italy  appeared  for  the 
moment  to  be  tranquillised*. 

On  the  tenth  of  October  l:]sO  Urban  VI.  died  at  Piome,  not 
without  suspicions  of  poison,  and  the  cardinal  of  Naples  suc- 
ceeded him  under  the  name  of  Boniface  the  Ninth.     He  was 
l)ut  thirty-four  years  old  and  had  the  character  of  being  un- 
learned and  not  averse  to  simony,  but  otherwise  amiable.    The 
Florentines  satisfied  Avitli  his  friendly  disposition  were  so  far 
relieved  of  one  source  of  anxiety;  but  jealousy  of  Giovan  Ga- 
leazzo  augmented,  and  notwithstandhig  tlie  late  confederacy 
everjlhing  presaged  inevitable  warf.     It  was  a  gloomy  period, 
and  the  age  itself  seemed  marked  for  misfortune  by  the  uti- 
govemable  passions  of  men.     The  apostolic  see,  saith  Ammi- 
rato,  was  contaminated  by  schism  ;  the  time  pope,  stained  with 
cruelty,  strewed  the  Genoese  shores  with  the  bodies  of  mur- 
dered cardinals  ;  the  empire  languishing  under  a  despicable 
monarch  who  was  afterwards  justly  detlironed ;  France  long 
governed  by  a  child,  oppressed  with  intolerable  burdens,  ra- 
vaged by  licentious  armies,  and  the  royal  infants  in  danger  from 
their  aunt  Valentina  Visconte  the  curse  of  that  kingdom.,    An 
aged  queen  the  descendant  of  a  Charles  and  a  Robert,  first 
dethroned  and  then  strangled  at  Naples  :  her  murderer  and 
successor  himself  poniarded  and  then  poisoned  m  Hmigaiy, 
two  queens,  mother  and  daughter  being  accessory,  of  whom 
one  was  imprisoned  and  the  other  sufiered  death  soon  after;. 

*  Ser  Naddo,  p.  112.— Leon.  Aretino,  f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  799.— 

-Q-   ^^^^'  ^™°^'''^^*^  I-i^-  XV.,   p.  Muratori,  Anno  1389. 

'  VT^^'^Sio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  iii",  p.  ^  Muratori,  Anno  1386. 
o'J,  dec*. 


•   Mem.  Storichc  di  Ser  Naddo,  p.  11 3.  f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p 


.  I  'J^J- 


VOL    II. 


H  H 


466 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


467 


In  Castile  yet  reigned  the  progeny  of  Heniy,  the  murderer  of 
his  fratricide  brother  Pedro  who  is  said  to  have  justly  desened 
the  appellation  of  cruel :  nor  was  it  better  in  Aragon  or  Por- 
tugal, where  two  Pedros  simultaneously  ruled  under  the  same 
odious  character  which  they  relieved  by  rapes,  adulteries,  and 
other  horrible  excesses  unmitigated  by  a  single  virtue :  n 
monarch  in  Navarre  stained  with  eveiy  filthy  crime  that  dis- 
honours human  nature  :  England  unquiet ;  ScotLmd  in  trouble, 
and  every  member  of  the  Christian  republic  tainted  and  infirm. 
In  such  a  state  of  the  world  is  it  wonderful  that  i'loreiice 
also  should  have  bowed  under  the  blast  of  tempests  so  great 
and  various?  Whether  from  Capitaui,  Ciompi,  or  restored 
exiles,  she  found  no  repose ;  and  if  we  look  at  her  Italian 
neighboui*s,  what  one  of  them  was  sound  ?  At  Milan  a  hypo- 
critical nephew  dethrones  and  imprisons  liis  uncle  and  then 
poisons  him ;  he  aftenNards  kills  his  own  sister  to  stop  her  impor- 
tunity for  the  life  of  a  husband  whom  ho  also  murders.  Again 
at  Forli  the  good  Senibaldi  degli  Ordilaffi  is  similarly  treated 
by  a  kinsman  as  nearly  related  :  the  Count  of  San  Severino  the 
same  :  cruel  wars  between  two  intimate  friends,  the  lords  of 
Verona  and  Padua  ;  the  former  a  fratricide  and  of  a  fratricidal 
house,  and  both  despoiled  and  e.\iled  by  the  viper  of  Milan  *. 
Bloody  revolutions  at  Ferrara,  and  no  less  bloody  retribution : 
the  Prefect  of  Piome  murdered  by  his  own  subjects  at  Viterbo : 
Count  Orsino  driven  from  his  dominion  of  Nanii  by  a  priestly 
cousin  and  cardinal :  the  general  convei-sion  of  the  powers  ot 
literature  and  military  virtue  into  instruments  of  deceit  and 
plunder  :  the  noble  arts  buried  :  no  hopes  of  coming  good,  and 
dismal  prospects  of  infinite  miseiy  f .  Such  was  the  character 
of  that  unhappy  age,  and  the  men  that  lived  in  it  must  be 
judged  by  it  mther  than  by  the  standard  of  modem  excellence. 

*  Muratori,  Anno  1387.  —  Mariana     +  Scip.  AmmiiutOj  Lib.  xv.,  pp 
Hist,  de  P>paiia,  Lib.  xvii.,  cap.  xiii. ;     790. 
and  Lib.  xviii.,cap.  xi. 


-0'> 

I).  /'>•'• 


The  genuine  forms  of  vice  and  virtue  are  now  more  clearly 
defined,  more  generally  acknowledged,  and  certainly  better 
appreciated ;  we  are  startled  at  great  crimes,  yet  fill  up  the 
measure  with  our  small  ones  ;  for  these  fall  lightly  like  snow- 
flakes,  unregarded  and  almost  unperceived.  Our  great  security 
against  great  crimes,  is  that  comparatively  well-balanced  state 
of  society  where  power  and  temptation  are  both  removed  from 
the  daring  and  ambitious.  Destroy  this,  and  men's  passions 
will  again  burst  forth  with  all  the  reckless  fury  of  our 
ancestor. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHS.— England  :  Richard  IT.— Scotland  :  Robert  II 
—France  :  Charles  V.  (The  Wise),  to  1 380  ;  then  Charles  VI.  (The  Maniac) 
—Aragon:  Peter  IV.  until  1387;  then  John  I.— Castile  and  Leon  :  Henry 
II.  of  Trastamare  until    1379;  then  John   I.— Portugal  :   Ferdinand  until 
1383;    then  John,  (natural  son  of  Peter  I.),  Regent  to  1385  ;  then  John  I 
—Sicily:  Maria  and  Martin  of  Aragon.  —  Naples  :  Joanna  to  1382;  then 
Charles  of  Durazzo  until   1385;  then  his  son  Ladislaus.— Pope  :   Urban  VI. 
until  1389  ;  then  Boniface  IX.— Emperor  of  Germany  :  Wenceslas.— Hun- 
gary and  Poland:   Louis  the  Great  to   1382;  then  Maria;  and  troubles  in 
Hungary  until  1385,  when  Charles  of  Durazzo  succeeds,  and  is  almost  imme- 
diately murdered;  troubles    until   1387;  then  Sidsmund  of  Luxemburg.— 
Poland:  Hedwig,   1383;  and   Vladislas,  of  the  House  of  Jagellos,  1386!— 
Greek  Emperor:    John    Palaeologus.  —  Ottoman    Emperor:    Murad    L    or 
Amurath  to  1389  ;  then  Bayezid,  (or  Bajazet) ;  Timour  the  Tartar.  ' 


nil  '2 


fT^^tF^': 


468 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


469 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 


A.D.  1390. 


FROM    A.D.  13  90    TO    A.D.  1402. 

Twelve  years  of  peace  coupled  with  the  general  rehet 
afforded  by  a  reduction  of  both  principal  and  interest  of  the 
national  debt  worked  their  usual  effects  on  Florence, 
and  in  despite  of  domestic  troubles  she  is  described 
by  cotemporary  authors  as  at  this  period  abounding  in  wealth 
and  population,  full  of  high  spirit  and  ready  for  enterprise  ;. 

The  many  fearful  and  repeated  tempests  recorded  by  her 
writers  seem  only  to  have  buffeted  those  greater  ships  that 
launched  out  into  the  storm  and  exposed  themselves  to  its 
fury ;  the  mass  of  vessels  felt  it  as  if  m  port,  and  thougli  far 
from  being  uninfluenced,  were  yet  beyond  the  reach  of  shipwreck 
and  pui-sued  their  course  in  comparative  safety.     Commerce 
therefore  and  manufactures  still  held  on  their  way  whenever 
her  foreign  relations  were  not  affected  by  external  war,  and 
even  then  the  channels  of  communication  were  not  entirely 
unnavigable.    Florence  was  in  fact  a  lake  of  commercial  industiy 
whose  feeders  when  unimpeded  were   too  numerous  for  its 
capachy  and  required  an  outlet  for  the  riches  they  brought 
down  :*if  therefore  self-defence  had  not  occupied  her,  Florence 
herself  would  have  become  as  dangerous  a  neighbour  as  her 
own  internal  discord  might  have  allowed,  and  by  war  or  pur- 
chase have  been  mistress  of  Tuscany.     Amidst  the  most  tnr 

*  Leon.  Aretiuo,  Lib.  x.— Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  iii",  p.  GO. 


bulent  periods  of  domestic  history  multitudes  of  her  citizens, 
either  abroad  or  at  home,  were  successfully  trading  in  security, 
and  weaving  her  web  of  commerce  over  half  the  world --i^. 
The  reasons  of  this  prosperity  may  be  discoverable  in  the 
physical  state  of  her  territory,  the  superiority  of  Italian 
civilisation  generally,  and  the  active  intelligence  and  restless 
nature  of  the  Florentine  people  in  particular.  Pent  up  in  a 
small,  mountainous,  and  comparatively  unfmitful  district,  Flo- 
rence could  rarely  draw  from  its  own  temtory  sufficient  sub- 
sistence for  an  increasing  population  in  an  air  and  cUmate 
considered  particularly  favourable  to  the  multiplication  of  the 
human  species :  and  though  some  harvests  were  sufficiently 
abundant  for  two  years'  consumption,  the  numerous  famines 
and  vast  sums  spent  in  importing  foreign  com,  as  well  as  the 
powerful  influence  of  Pisa  over  her  supplies,  all  prove  the 
general  tmth  of  the  proposition  f .  This  led  to  manufacturing 
industry,  domestic  trade,  and  foreign  commerce ;  and  Floren- 
tines like  bees  were  seen  in  exerj  field,  following  each  other 
home  laden  with  the  riches  of  distiint  nations,  and  mingled  with 
such  a  mass  of  political  and  statistical  knowledge  as  proved  at 
all  times  of  infinite  use  to  their  country. 

The  war  about  to  be  described  was  the  greatest  enterprise 
ever  undertaken  by  Florence,  and  which  including  the  armed 
tmees  may  almost  be  said  to  have  lasted  twelve  years  against 
an  able  powerful  sovereign  whose  dominions  approached 
nearer  to  a  rich  and  potent  kingdom  than  a  mere  principality. 
Pioused  by  a  clear  perception  of  coming  events,  the  result 
as  well  of  their  natural  sagacity  as  an  intimate  acquaintance 
with  foreign  policy  character  and  resources,  this  band  of 
traders  with  a  civic  population  of  perhaps  ninety  thousand 
souls  placed  in  the  centre  of  northern  Italy,  boldly  stepped 
forward  as  the  safeguard  of  general  liberty ;  they  stood  like  a 
rock,  braved  the  coming  storm,  and  finally  saw  the  waves  break 

*  Cronica  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  passim.  f  Goro  Dati,  Storia,  p.  42. 


470 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


do\Mi  in  ripples  at  their  feet.  Florence  thus  acted  when 
almost  every  other  state  either  shrank  from  the  encounter  or 
Avas  blind  to  the  consequences :  that  she  through  this  spirited 
conduct  preserved  Italian  liberty  is  a  fact  asserted  by  all  her 
historians,  and  the  events  of  that  period  tend  to  confirm  the 
tale.  It  is  for  the  tactician  alone  to  pursue  the  varied  course 
of  military  actions  through  all  its  windings ;  us  a  matter  of 
common  history  the  leading  march  and  features  of  the  conflict 
with  their  bearing  on  national  character  are  sufl&cient ;  for  it 
is  the  high  political  and  moral  consequences,  the  causes  and 
effects  of  war,  that  belong  to  the  general  historian,  not  its 
details. 

The  objects  of  Florence  in  her  contest  with  Gian-Galeazzo 
Visconte  were  the  preservation  of  her  own  and  Italian  liberty, 
both  in  danger  from  his  ambition  :  her  views  were  broad  and 
determined  ;  her  means  concentmted  but  powerful  and  elastic 
beyond  conception  ;  like  the  tiger's  claw,  soft  and  harmless 
when  at  rest,  but  capable  of  sudden  quick  and  fearful  exten- 
sion when  roused  from  its  repose.  The  annihilation  of  Vis- 
conte was  her  fixed  resolve,  and  to  carry  this  she  scrupled 
not  to  stir  up  both  France  and  Germany  in  her  cause ;  from 
these  two  states  she  simultaneously  drew  forth  their  warlike 
legions  and  in  one  united  surge  attempted  to  overwhelm  the 
dreaded  tyrant  of  Lombardy.  Had  her  allies  been  more  faith- 
ful on  one  side,  and  more  temperate  on  the  other,  her  policy 
according  to  all  human  calculation  would  have  succeeded  :  by 
Hawkwood's  advice  a  powerful  French  army  was  to  descend 
from  the  mountains  but  attempt  nothing  until  it  united  with 
his  forces  under  the  walls  of  ^Milan  while  a  similar  cloud  from 
the  German  Alps  spread  over  the  eastern  frontier  and  hastened 
on  the  storm.  Had  all  held  tme  to  calculation,  above 
thirty  thousand  horse  besides  a  numerous  infantiy  would  have 
ovei-powered  Milan  and  crushed  the  Visconti ;  but  war  and 
chance  are  synonymous  and  the  event  was  different,   luckily 


CHAP,  xxviir.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


471 


A.D.  1390. 


perhaps,  for  the  very  liberty  it  was  meant  to  preserve ;  for 
what  could  Florence,  what  could  Italy  have  achieved  against  the 
fierce  ambition  of  a  double  French  dynasty  at  each 
extremity  of  her  disordered  and  disunited  peninsula? 

It  is  now  time  to  narrate  as  briefly  as  possible  the  transac- 
tions in  Lombardy  that  led  to  this  important  war,  and  then  its 
principal  details  along  with  the  more  brilliant  exploits  of  the 
belligerents. — Galeazzo  Visconte  died  in  1378  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Giovanni  or  Gian-Galeazzo  Count  of  Vertu 
in  France :  the  uncle  and  nephew  therefore  became  co-equal 
seignors  of  Lombardy  and  almost  of  necessity  fearful  and  jea- 
lous of  each  other,  for  they  were  both  Visconti.  Gian-Galeazzo 
either  affecting  to  be,  or  really  alarmed  for  his  personal  safety 
in  consequence  of  the  envy  of  Bernabo  and  his  numerous  pro- 
geny (wliich  at  one  time  amounted  to  thirty-six  children  legiti- 
mate and  illegitimate,  with  the  promise  of  eighteen  more  from 
various  sources)  avoided  Milan  and  settled  himself  at  Pavia 
where  affecting  an  utter  contempt  for  all  mundane  pleasures 
he  dressed  in  humble  attire,  fed  simply  and  sparingly,  sought 
the  converse  of  holy  men,  quoted  his  uncle,  whom  he  called 
father,  on  all  occasions,  and  in  their  conjoint  affairs  left  everj^- 
thing  with  reverence  to  his  superior  judgment.  For  seven 
long  years  did  he  thus  remain  buried  in  the  depths  of  worldly 
simulation  and  hypocritical  deceit,  but  never  moving  without 
an  armed  retinue  and  exhibiting  every  symptom  of  timidity 
and  even  cowardice :  this  even  excited  the  ridicule  of  his  kins- 
men who  with  the  worldly-minded  and  ambitious,  regarded 
him  as  a  poor-spirited  creature  unworthy  of  the  princely  dignity, 
but  by  the  devout  he  was  esteemed  as  a  saint. 

To  secure  his  life  he  married  Bernabo 's  daughter,  the  more 
willingly  bestowed  upon  him,  according  to  some  writers,  be- 
cause she  was  chosen  as  the  surest  instrument  of  his  destiiic- 
tion,  yet  she  disappointed  all  expectations  by  revealing  every 
attempt   to  her  husband.      Thus    finding  or    feigning  that 


472 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXVUI 


.1 


his  life  was  insecure;   for  the  fact  thou^rli  probable  remains 
improved ;  he  resolved  to  bring  the  event  to  a  crisis  and  l,v 
one  bold  movement  simultiineously  throw  off  the  mask  and 
seize  the  states  of  Lorabardy.     He  accordingly  published  Jii. 
intention  of  visiting  the  shrine  of  La  Madonna  di  Varese  which 
would  lead  him  under  the  walls  of  :Mihin  tind  a  letter  was 
written  to  Bemabo  with  an  excuse  for  liis  not  entering  tlir 
town  although  anxious  to  embrace  so  near  and  dear  a  kinsman 
therefore  prayed  for  an  interview  without  the  gates.     Leaviua 
Pavia  with  about  fifteen   hundred  well-armed   but  discmised 
horsemen  he  slept  the  same  night  at  Binasco  and  the  next  day 
was  met  by  Bernabo  s  sons  Lodo\ico  and  llidolfo  about  two 
nnles  from  MUan  :  thus  attended  he  proceeded  to  the  Hospital 
of  Saint  Ambrogio  outside  the  Veroellina  gate  where  Bcniabo. 
mounted  on  a  mule,  with  a  slender  retinue  attended  him.     Ga" 
leazzo's  immediate  foUowei-s  crowned  with  olives  and  disguised 
in  festive  attire  instantly  curied  round  the  smaller  group  in 
playful  triumph,  but  the  scene  soon  changed  ;  for  one^'of  them 
wrenching  off  the  bridle  of  Beniabos  mule  exclaimed,  'M/t'.s- 
"  sere  yon  are  prisoner  to  the  Count  of  Vvrtn."     "  Whf  niy  son: 
said  Beniabo,  turning  in  agitation  to  Galeazzo,  -  Win/  han 
"  you  done  this'     I  love  you;  what  I  hare  is  i/ours,  'do  not 
"  betray  your  own  blood  ! '     -  It  needs  mu^t  /v^,"  Vetunied  Ga 
leazzo,^  "  ^^^'^"^<'  ^*'  ^"'^''*«  seasons  you  have  plotted  nrjaiuM  my 
*'  ii/er     During  this  short  interval  a  numerous  reentoreement 
came  up  and  secured  all  the  prisonei-s  except  one  of  BeniaboV 
sons  who  escaped  in  the  confusion :  tlie  rest  entered  Milan  bv 
the  Zobbia   gate,   which  belonged   to   Galeazzo,   amidst  tlic 
shouting  of  a  joyful  nmltitude  who  saluted  bini  vN-ith  loud  crie^ 
of  ''  Lony  live  the  Count  and  down  with  tnlU  and  taxesrSo 
man  held  up  a  hand  for  the  two  prisoners  :  their  dwellings  wen 
mstantly  delivered  over  to  the  multitude  and  many  .finding 
miposts  were  instantly  al>olished  by  proclamation.     Thus  quiet 
possession  of  Milan  was  at  once  obtained ;  all  the  strongholds  sui- 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


473 


rendered  on  the  following  morning,  and  a  treasure  of  1,700,000 
florins  with  six  cart-loads  of  wrought  silver  besides  other  pre- 
cious furniture  fell  quietly  into  Gian-Galeazzo's  hands.     The 
citizens  rejoiced,  for  Bernabo  was  a  tyrant  of  the  most  odious  and 
disgusting  class  :  one  who  if  he  occasionally  dealt  out  a  sort  of 
poetical  justice  did  it  from  whim,  or  impulse  and  ever  with  the 
hand  of  cruelty,  and  soul  of  despotism.     G ian-Galeazzo  at  least 
knew  men  and  how  to  govern  them  ;  he  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  public  feeling  and  general  disgust  at  the  fierce  brutality  and 
extortion  of  his  uncle,  and  like  all  usurpers  sought  by  just 
administration  to  support  an  unjust  title.     Taxes  and  gate-tolls 
were  universdly  diminished,  the  people   listened  to,   abuses 
removed,  and  laws  justly  administered :  in  the  citv  of  Recrcrio 
the  monthly  impost  of  \m)  ilorins  was  reduced  to  four,  and 
others  m  proportion ;  so  that  the  places  recently  governed  by 
Bernabo  seemed,  says  a  cotemporary  writer,  to  have  been  just 
delivered  from  hell  and  placed  in  paradise*.     Amongst  the 
especial  grievances  of  Milan  was  the  plague  of  dogs  which  Ber- 
nabo let  loose  on  its  inhabitants  :  to  gratify  liis  passion  for  the 
chase  every  man  according  to  his  means  was  compelled  to 
mamtain  one  or  more  of  these  animals  :  officers  were  appointed 
for  a  monthly  inspection  of  them  in  separate  packs  according  to 
then-  various  breeds  and  woe  to  him  whose  charge  was  not  in 
good  condition.     So  fearful  were  the  people  of  this  periodical 
scrutiny  that  the  poorer  sort  procured  the  finest  wheaten  bread 
for  these  unconscious  creatures   while   they  themselves  sup- 
ported a  WTetched  existence  on  the  coarsest  food  and  trembled 
at  every  muster.     As  there  were  forty  thousand  hearths  or 
famdies  at  this  time  in  Milan  each  supporting  at  least  one  dog 
and  many  a  greater  nund.er,  the  hurden  of  canine  population 
became  mtolerable  and  the  relief  co-equal  f. 

—  Corio., 


^■^Gazata,  Chronicle  Apud   Murat.,ri,     Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  iii",  p.  60.  — 
+'Gorn  TV.f;   «.       x?-  o         Stor.  Milan,  Parte  iii%  folio  257.— Mu- 

i>.uiao,  Mem.  Stor.  p.   ,7.-Poggio,     MHano,  p.  20.-Wc  have  here  an  evil 


Mu- 


^S^re*»Ti 


474 


FLORENTINE    TTTSTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTTNE    HISTORY. 


475 


Under  such  auspices  Benial»u's  subjects  gladly  ackuowleib^ed 
the  dominion  of  Galeazzo,  and  within  six  months  both  father 
and  son  were  poisoned  by  his  command.  Ihit  another  more 
amiable  and  innocent  victim  was  first  sacrificed :  this  was  his 
own  sister  Violante  the  widow  of  Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence  aud 
the  Marqius  of  Monfen*ato,  a  lady  of  extreme  beauty  and  excel- 
lence afterwards  mamed  to  Lodovico  the  imprisoned  son  of 
Beniabo  :  her  only  crime  was  unceasing  prayei's,  tears,  and  peti- 
tions for  her  husband "s  liberty,  until  the  implacable  Galeazzo 
got  rid  of  these  importunities  by  a  fatal  dose  of  poison  ! 

Danger  being  so  tar  removed  aud  all  the  ancient  domiiiiis 
of  his  family  reunited,  Visconte  cast  about  for  new  acquisi- 
tions and  resolved  to  extend  his  dominion  to  the  Adriatic  by 
conquering  Verona  and  Padua.  Open  aggression  was  deemed 
imj^olitic,  art  more  certain,  and  he  therefore  contrived  to 
foment  an  already  existing  quarrel  which  had  recently  burst 
into  open  war  between  old  Francesco  da  Carrara  and  Antonio 
della  Scala  hitherto  on  the  most  intimate  terms  of  friendship 
with  each  other.  Pope  Urban  VI.  about  this  time  gave  the 
rich  and  powerful  patriarchate  of  Aquileja  in  common  dam  to 
Cardinal  Philip  d'  Alencon  of  France  with  which  act  the 
citizens  of  Udine,  the  capital,  were  outrageous ;  taking  it  as 


presented  to  the  eye  in  one  concen- 
trated mass,  and  arc  disgusted.  But,  ex- 
cept the  tyranny  and  moral  effect  of  its 
direct  pecuniary  action,  it  could  have 
only  slightly  injured  many  of  the  richer 
classes.  Not  so  the  poor,  amongst 
whom  we  may  divine  the  extent  of 
suffering  from  their  stinting  them- 
selves and  children  to  pamper  these 
favourites  ;  for  what  the  dog  eats  of 
human  sustenance  man  is  in  seme 
way  deprived.  Yet  Bernaho  only 
centralised  the  wide-spread  taste  of  our 
own  age  and  country  :  it  is  often  pain- 
ful to  see  quantities  of  the  finest  food 
wantonly  cast  to  the  dogs  under  a 
rich  man's  table,  and  at  the  very  moment 


when  numlters  of  his  poorest  neigh- 
bours are  strug^'lin;:  to  !«uj)port  even  a 
wretched  existence.  No  dislike  of  dogs 
or  disbelief  in  the  ridi  man's  humanity 
dictates  this  note,  but  a  wish  to  ex- 
hibit the  siniihirity  of  results  between  a 
concentrated  tyrannical  oppression  and 
the  more  scattered  inconsiderate  acts 
of  luxury.  I  have  heard  of  a  lady  who 
fed  her  lap-dog  on  cream  and  Naples 
biscuits  !  yet  there  are  always  frag- 
ments enough  in  almost  every  family 
above  want,  to  feed  dogs  when  dogs 
are  necessary  amusing  or  useful ;  the 
over  feeding  them  with  superior  viands 
is  a  mischievous  abuse. 


an  insult  that  their  ancient  patriarchate  should  be  dealt  with 
as  a  petty  benefice  and  exposed  to  the  rapacity  of  covetous 
priests  without  any  regard  to  public  welfare.      Under  these 
feelings  d'  Alencon  was  refused  admittance,  and  the  example 
of    Udine    was    generally    followed    throughout    the    state. 
AIen9on  had  recoui-se  to  Francesco  da  Carrara  whose  domi- 
nions joined  and  expecting  to  gain  something  in  the  squab- 
ble cheerfully  promised  his  assistance.      The  Venetians  ever 
jealous  of  Carrara's  movements  gave  secret  aid  to  Udine  and 
simultaneously   induced  Antonio    della    Scala   by   large    sub- 
sidies to  succour  that  city  :   proud  of  this    alliance  Antonio 
assembled   troops   and  demanded   a   free   passage   for   them 
through  the  Paduan  dominions  ;  this  was  of  course  refused, 
it  became  a  source  of  dissension  and  a  bitter  war  broke  out 
between  these  lords  in  l;)S5.     Gian-Galeazzo  looked  quietly 
on,  watching  his  opportunity  and  secretly  assisting  both  parties 
until  Verona  was  nearly  exhausted  :  he  then  joined  Padua  and 
made  himself  master  of  the  former  state  by  the  treacherous 
breach  of  a  treaty  Avith  the  latter ;  this  he  believed  would 
exasperate  Francesco  so  much  as  to  occasion  war  and  the  ulti- 
mate  conquest  of  his  dominions  also^;=. 

Nor  was  the  Count  of  Vertii  less  anxious  than  his  fother  to 
draw  closer  his  ties  of  kindred  with  France  and  therefore  gave 
his  only  daughter  Valentina  in  marriage  to  the  king's  brother 
Louis  Duke  of  Turenne  and  Count  of  Valois,  with  Asti, 
various  towns  of  Piedmont,  and  other  wealth  as  her  portion  ; 
a  marriage  that  requires  some  notice  as  it  occasioned,  or  at 
least  hastened  the  downfall  of  Florence  and  ultimate  subju^ra- 
tion  of  Itiilj  f .  "^ 

Francesco  da  Carrara  smarting  under  the  feeling  of  being 
so  duped  by  Visconte  published  a  violent  manifesto  against 
liim,  and  the  latter  immediately  uniting  with  Venice  and  other 
states  laid  siege  to  his  capital ;  but  unpopular  with  the  people  old 

Poggio,  Storia,  Lib.  iii",  p.  61 .— Muratori,  Anno  1 385.       f  Muratori,  1 387. 


47G 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


Fraiicesco  abdicated  the  lordship  of  Padua  in  favour  of  his 
son  Francesco  Novello  as  he  was  then  called,  and  retired  to 
Treves ;  yet  nothing  could  withstand  Visconte ;  tumults 
occurred  in  Treves  and  Padua,  and  l)oth  became  his  own  ere 
the  end  of  138s  when  the  Carrara  like  the  Scala  family  were 
driven  into  exile  and  imprisonment  *. 

These  rapid  accessions  of  power  alarmed  all  Italy,  for  the 
dominions  of  Visconte  extended  from  Ceneda,  Belluno.  and 
Feltre,  on  the  confines  of  the  patriarchate,  tu  Asti  in  the  west : 
he  was  still  young,  full  of  talents,  of  immeasurable  ambition 
and  profound  deceit.  A  son  and  heir  lately  bom  afforded  an 
opportunity  of  exercising  this  last  quality  hj  requesting  tlie 
Florentine  republic  to  be  its  sponsor,  an  act  at  that  time 
considered  as  tantamount  to  perpetual  amity,  peace,  and  inti- 
mate vmion  of  all  the  parties  f . 

The  quarrel  between  Florence  and  Siena  has  already  been 
mentioned :  the  Senese  still  believed,  and  according  to  Corio 
and  Malavolti  with  good  reason,  that  the  Florentines  elated 
by  having  acquired  Arezzo  began  to  extend  their  views  of 
aggrandisement  over  Tuscany  and  even  beyond,  and  therefore 
drew  closer  to  Gian-Galeazzo  who  saw  in  this  breach  a  j](oodh 
opening  for  his  own  ambition.  He  had  in  contravention  of  the 
treaty  of  Pisa  interfered  in  Tuscan  politics ;  he  had  acquired 
by  his  hitrigues  a  sovereign  intluence  if  not  authority  over 
Siena  and  Perugia,  and  had  seduced  many  other  Tuscan 
powers  to  his  standard.  The  Florentines  convinced  of  his  dupli- 
city assembled  a  great  council  of  "  llichiesti  "  where  Giovanni 
de'  Piicci  a  citizen  of  high  repute  puldicly  exposed  (ialeazzos 
long-continued  hypocrisy,  his  usurpation,  his  murders,  lii^ 
treachery  in  the  conquests  of  Verona  and  Padua,  and  that  in- 
satiable appetite  for  power  which  seemed  to  increase  with  lii^ 
increasing  dominions  ;  and  now,  having  no  more  Lombard 
neighbours  whom  he  deemed  it  expedient  to  conquer,  he  turned 


•  Muratori,  1388. 


t  Poggio,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  62. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


ITLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


477 


his  eyes  on  the  volatile  Senese  as  convenient  instruments  of 
his  ambition.  "  What,"  continued  Ricci,  "  has  he  to  do  in 
•'  Tuscany?  To  defend  Siena,  which  has  received  no  wrong, 
"  against  his  confederated  allies  ?  Neither  he  nor  the  Senese 
"  have  endured  the  slightest  injury  from  us.  An  unbounded 
•'  thirst  of  dominion  destroys  his  reason ;  he  holds  to  no 
"  compact,  or  law,  or  oath,  or  promise,  provided  he  can  only 
"  augment  his  territory  and  acquire  by  force  that  which  is 
"  denied  to  reason.      If  you  value  liberty  I  implore  you  to 

-  consider  the  arts  and  cunning  which  up  to  this  moment  he 
"  he  has  made  use  of  to  take  us  unawares.  He  first  inflamed 
•'  the  mind  of  Siena  and  nourished  her  dissatisfaction  with 
"  large  promises  of  military^  aid  and  various  other  temptations 
'•  if  she  would  only  declare  war  against  you;  he  made  a  treaty 
"  in  which  this  was  the  governing  condition,  and  then  to  lull 
•'  our  suspicions  offered  his  services  to  effect  that  reconciliation 
"  of  which  he  knew  we  were  so  desirous  ;  but  sent  ambassadors 
•'  who  mstead  of  peace  sowed  seeds  of  war  and  persuaded  t]ie 

-  Senese  to  give  themselves  over  to  his  dominion.  And  when 
"  you  remonstrated  agauist  this  treachery  he  denied  with  his 
''  usual  earnestness  the  truth  of  such  reports  which  as  he 
'■  asserted,  were  only  propagated  to  injure  him,  for  even  if  the 
"  Senese  had  offered  him  the  lordship  of  their  republic  he 
"  never  would  have  accepted  it !  Yet  tliis  was  scarcely  uttered 
"  when  six  hundred  caxixhy  were  already  on  their  march  to 
"  protect  a  people  whom  no  one  was  otieuding,  and  therefore 
•only  proved  how  determined  he  was  to  earn- his  own  am- 

"  bitious  designs  into  execution  !  When  through  the  exertions 
"  of  Gambacorta  peace  was  afterwards  made  at  Pisa  and  con- 
"  firmed  with  the  most  sacred  oaths,  you  know  how  well  he 
'•  kein  them  by  despatching  Giovanni  Ubaldini  with  a  thousand 
"  horse  to  seduce  our  ancient  allies  the  Perugians,  and  with 
^'  deceitful  promises  persuade  them  to  join  his  standard :  and 
"  even  after  this,  were  not  his  troops  continually  harassincr 


473 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAF.  X.WIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


479 


Montepulciano  from  the  Senese  frontier  wliile  be  kept  un- 
blushingly  asserting  that  these  things  were  done  entirely 
against  his  inclination?  All  this  proves,  0  most  prudent 
citizens,  that  neither  his  comieils  nor  protestations  can  be 
regarded  in  any  other  light  than  to  deceive,  as  you  may 
daily  observe ;  and  why  are  we  to  remain  any  longer  mere 
spectators  ?  What  other  proof  do  we  expect  of  that  honesty 
which  he,  his  letters,  and  his  aml»assadors,  are  entirely 
devoid  of;  seeing  that  deceit  and  secret  treachery,  not  arms, 
are  his  most  effective  weapons  ?  It  is  not  only  natural,  but 
an  amusing  occupation  for  him  to  dupe  everybody  without 
any  regard  to  previous  promises,  wherctore  it  becomes  neces- 
sary to  cut  short  all  delay  as  utterly  uselcbs,  and  dismissing 
eveV  expectation  of  peace  oppose  the  designs  of  Visconte  by 
preparing  troops,  money,  and  every  other  offensive  and 
defensive  material  of  war.  We  have  genius,  pnideuce. 
activity,  and  abundance  of  eveiything  if  you  will  only  unite 
hand   and  heart   in  the  glorious  defence  of  our   common 

country"-'. 

This  speech  decided  the  question  and  exasperated  Gian- 
Galeazzo  :  a  military  board  called  the  "  Ten  of  the  BalUr  was 
created  to  direct  hostilities,  war  was  unanimously  voted,  and 
Visconte's  answer  bitterly  replied  to  by  the  Florentines  :  after 
which  he  sent  a  formal  \lefiance  and  both  sides  prepared  for 
the  contest  f.  One  division  of  the  Florentine  army  under 
Luigi  di  Capua  was  immediately  opposed  to  Giovanni  degh 
Ubaldini  the  Milanese  general  at  Siena  ;  the  other  under  Sir 
John  Hawkwood  marched  to  Bologna  the  advanced  post  of  Flo- 
rence on  the  side  of  Lombardy  :  her  allies  were  Bologna,  Cor- 
tona,  lUvenna,  Faenza,  and  Imola  ;  the  three  last  more  to 
facilitate  commerce  than  hostilities ;  but  along  with  Bologna 
she  bore  almost  the  whole  burden  of  the  war.     Galeazzo  was 

♦  Poggio,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  65.  Lib.  iii",  P-   '^S.-S.  Ammii-ato,  Lib. 

t  Leon.  Aretiuo,   Lib.  ix.  —  Poggio,     x.,  p.  UOO. 


in  league  with  Siena,  Perugia,  Rimini,  Ferrara,  Mantua,  the 
Count  of  Poppi  and  many  others ;  besides  a  secret  intrigue 
commenced  at  Pisa  when  Gambacorta  refused  to  break  with  the 
Florentines. 

On  hearing  of  Hawkwood's  departure  he  ordered  Ubaldini 
to  begin  operations  :  this  immediately  forced  Montepulciano  into 
the  arms  of  Florence,  and  with  her  assistance  incursions  were 
made  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Siena.  G  ian-Galeazzo  with  the  ex- 
ception  of  Hawkwood  had  enlisted  almost  all  the  ablest  captains 
of  the  day ;  but  his  scale  of  warfare,  too  gigantic  for  his  num- 
bers, weakened  their  powers  and  general  effect  ^^  On  the  fourth 
of  May  Giacomo  del  Verme  with  the  Milanese  anny  invaded 
Bologna  but  having  been  repulsed  at  Primalcuore  by  Giovanni 
Barbiano  with  great  vigour  and  the  loss  of  twenty  '^Bomharde' 
or  cannon,  (which  according  to  Ammirato  were  now  first  used  in 
Italian  warlare)  and  hearing  of  Hawkwood  s  arrival  at  Bologna 
he  decamped  during  the  night  and  retreated  to  Modena.    Tliis 
auspicious  beginning  was  fcdlowed  in  June  by  the  capture  of 
Padua  which  Francesco  Xovello  da  Carrara  witli  a  small  Ger- 
inan  force  his  own  spirit  and  the  good  will  of  his  subjects, 
had  successfidly  accomplished.     The  whole  country  was  up  in 
arms  to  assist  him  :  for  though  his  fother  had  been  unpopular 
from  the  heavy  burdens  which  his  war  with  Verona  had  occa- 
sioned Francesco  was  not,  and  the  Paduan  citizens  had  not 
lound  the  paradise  they  expected  under  Galeazzo  s  dominion  • 
neither  could  they  tamely  brook  their  degradation  from  the 
rank  of  a  metropolis  to  that  of  a  mere  provincial  town,  nor  the 
rapacious  tyranny  of  a  deputed  government  in  the  hereditaiy 
seat  ol  their  native  princes.    The  whole  Paduan  territory  there- 
tore  soon  returned  to  its  allegiance  and  even  Venice  herself, 
now  ahve  to  the  general  danger,  looked  on  with  satisfaction  at 
ms  progress.     This  blow  disconcerted  Visconte  who  was  sud- 
denly forced  again  to  recall  Del  Vermo  from  Bologna;  but 

♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  804. 


4S0 


FLORENTINE    UlSTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHAP,  xxvin.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


431 


Mantua  and  Ferrara,  his  allies  from  fear  not  friendship,  were 
secretly  pleased  at  the  event  and  only  required  a  plausible 
excuse  to  withdraw. 

Verona  followed  the  example  of  Padua  l)ut  having  no  adult 
native  prince  to  lead  and  unite  the  people,  bad  measures  of  de- 
fence were  adopted  ;  quarrels  ensued  ;  a  strong  ^lilanese  faction 
existed  in  the  town,  and  the  citadel  being  still  in  Galeazzus 
hands,  a  commander  who  happened  to  pass  on  his  way  to  re- 
lieve that  of  Padua  taking  advantage  of  this  crisis  recovered 
the  place  with  terrible  and  universal  slaughter.  Cruelty,  out- 
rage, and  devastation  raged  uncontrolled,  and  the  far-famed 
and  ancient  capital  of  the  house  of  La  Scala  remained  for  some 
time  desolate.  The  Milanese  genend  Hushed  willi  success 
passed  on  to  Padua,  but  finding  skill,  and  order,  and  spirit  in 
the  place,  contented  himself  with  reenforcing  the  fortress  and 
retired  to  Vicenza.  Stephen  Did^e  of  Bavaria  BeniabiVs  son- 
in-law,  roused  by  Francesco  da  Carrara  and  the  persuasions  of 
Florentine  gold,  soon  after  arrived  from  Germany  with  but 
half  his  promised  force,  yet  served  to  protect  Padua  where  he 
remained  almost  in  idleness  :  the  citadel  surrendered  in  August  to 
Francesco,  who  simultaneously  defeated  a  ]\Iilanese  detachment 
sent  to  relieve  it.  Thus  lightened,  Carrara  turned  his  arms  on 
the  ^larquis  of  Este  ;  occupied  severtd  towns  in  the  Polesine, 
and  laid  siege  to  Rovigo.  Albert  of  Feniira  only  wanting  sucli 
a  pretext,  by  means  of  Venice  and  Stei)hen  of  Bavaria  recon- 
ciled himself  with  Padua,  Bologna  and  Florence  in  October. 
but  still  preserving  his  friendship  with  Milan  ■■'-. 

The  Duke  of  Bavaria's  fidlure  in  not  bringing  the  force 
which  he  had  been  paid  for;  his  subsequent  inactivity  in 
despite  of  every  remonstrance;  and  his  unblushing  demand 
for  further  supplies,  disturbed  the  cMiuanimity  of  Florence; 
more  especially  when  her  cool  and  somewhat  haughty  refusal 

♦  Leon.    Arctino,    Lib.  x.—  S.  Ammirato,    Lib.    xv.,    p.  805.  —  Muratori. 
Anno  1300. 


produced  the  avowal  of  his  intention  not  to  move  from  Padua 
except  to  return  into  Germany,  unless  liis  wishes  were  granted. 
Tliis  disconcerted  all  the  allied  movements  for  a  while,  and 
gave  a  fair  opening  for  the  mixture  of  Milanese  ducats  in  the 
transaction,  so  that  disgusted  with  Florence  and   bribed  by 
Visconte,   Stephen  retired  with   great  loss   of  honour  even 
amongst  his  own  followers,  one  of  whom,  Henry  de 
Montfort,   with    six     hundred    lances     indignantly  ^•^- ^^^• 
remained  in  the  service  of  that  republic*.  "^ Meanwhile  the 
Tuscan  campaign  was  actively  maintained  without  any  decided 
result ;  for  Visconte  dared  not  send  reenforcements  with  the 
Lombard  army  on  his  flank,  and  the  sudden  death  of  Giovanni 
degli  Ubaldini,  not  without  some  unfounded  suspicions  of  Flo- 
rentine poison,  greatly  weakened  the  moral  force  of  liis  aims, 
for  in  Hawkwood  s  opinion  Giovanni  wa?  the  first  captain  of 
the  age. 

The  Duke  of  Bavaria's  defection  made  Florence  send  Hawk- 
wood  to  Padua,  not  so  much  to  defend  that  city  as  to  keep  the 
war  out  of  Tuscany  ;  and  the  King  of  France  s  tenns  being  a 
recognition  of  Clement  VIL  as  tnie  pope,  and  his  own  supre- 
macy m  Florence  with  an  annual  tribute,  they  were  disdainfullv 
rejected  and  the  Count  d'  Armagnac  was  engaged  with  a  large 
torce  to  mvade  Lombardy.   An  attack  by  Florence  on  the  Man- 
tuan  terntoi^^  detached  Gonzaga  from  the  Milanese  league  and 
secured  his  neutraUty;  but  the  campaign  w^as  cut  short  through 
the  discovery  of  a  plot  to  murder  Hawkwood  and  Francesco  da 
CaiTara,  m  which  Astorre  Manfredi  of  Faenza  was  the  principal 
agent  of  Galeazzo.  ^        ^ 

When  this  disturbance  subsided  the  original  plan  of  cam- 
paign was  resumed,  namely,  that  while  Armagnac  advanced  by 
He  Alexandria  road  south  of  the  Po,  Hawkwood  with  the  com- 
bined ai-my  was  to  march  from  Padua  into  the  heart  of  the 

^  oia,  btoiu  di  Miluno,  Lib.  ii",     defrauded  Stephen  of  his  subsidy. 


I  I 


48-2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[nouK  1. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


483 


Milanese,  unite  with  the  Frenchman  and  carry  eveiTthing 
before  him.  It  was  a  formidable  arrangement  even  ^vithollt 
the  Bavaritm  army,  and  after  beating  Taddeo  del  Veniie,  Hawk- 
wood  entered  the  Brescian  districts  on  the  tenth  of  May  with 
a  force  of  near  twenty  thousand  men  of  all  arms,  wliile  another 
division  from  Bologna  attacked  the  Reggio  and  Parmesan  ter- 
ritories to  distract  the  enemy's  attention -i^ 

But  Ai-magnac  showed  no  signs  of  life  all  that  month  or  the 
next ;  so  that  Hawkwood  beginning  to  feel  a  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions occasioned  by  the  gradually  increasing  forces  of  ]\Iilan 
under  Jacopo  del  Verme  and  Ugolotto  Bianeardo,  the  devastator 
of  Verona,  was  at  last  compelled  to  retire.    The  details  of  this 
retreat  are  variously  related,  and  miless  two  distinct  move- 
ments are  supposed,  veiy  contradictory,  at  least  on  the  main 
fact  of  its  ha\dug  occurred  before,  or  having  been  earned  by 
Armagnac  s  defeat  and  death  at  Alexandria.     Hawkwood  hud 
hitherto  supported  his  army  with  ease  in  that  abundant  couu- 
tiy,  had  advanced  to  within  a  few  miles  of  Milan  itself,  and 
insulted  Gian-G;Jeazzo  by  celebrating  the  festival  of  San  Gio- 
vanni on  the  banks  of  the  Adda.    Now  however  the  augmented 
army  of  Jacopo  del  Verme  amounting  as  Corio  says  to  thre. 
thousand  lances  and  ten  thousand  foot  of  idl  arms,  intercepted 
his  supplies  and  with  the  aid  of  the  inhabitants  kept  compktr 
command  of  that  country  :  it  was  starvation  to  remain ;  ami 
retreat  in  foce  of  such  an  enemy  with  the  rivers  Oglio,  Miucio. 
and  Adige  in  his  rear,  became  a  difficult  and  veiy  diuigerous 
operation.     In  these  circumstances  Hawkwood  determined  it 
possible  to  bring  del  Verme  to  battle  and  therefore  sent  hnn 
a  challenge,  the  refusal  of  wliich  by  a  superior  force  was  m 
those  chivalrous  days  counted  disgraceful  if  not  cowardly.    Bui 
Jacopo  del  Venne  was  too  sagacious  a  genend  to^  be  really 
moved  by  the  fear  of  such  consequences  when  sure  of  his  game. 
yet  had  no  hesitation  in  accepting  the  deliuncc  :  Hawkwood 

♦  Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  816.— Poggio,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  74. 


accordingly  marched  next  morning  to  within  a  mile  of  his  anta- 
gonist's entrenchments  in  expectation  of  battle,   but  Jacopo 
was  too  wise  to  forego  a  certain  advantage  for  a  doubtful  victory 
and  consequently  remained  in  camp.    Hawkwood  then  address- 
ing his  troops,  said  that  as  a  battle  was  so  distasteful  to  their 
enemy  they  had  now  only  to  rely  on  along  and  perilous  retreat, 
which  if  they  would  presence  their  wonted  discipline,  and  trust 
to  him  he  had  no  doubt  of  accompHshing.     The  Englishman's 
courage,  talents,  and  prudence  were  so  well  known  that  he 
inspired  universal  confidence  and  was  answered  by  acclama- 
tions ;  wherefore  after  hiding  five  hundred  lances  under  Count 
Conrad  in  a  thick  wood  on  his  Ime  of  man-li  near  the  ford  of  a 
stream,  the  retreat  was  purposely  begun  in  haste  and  apparent 
confusion.     Del  Verme  hung  on  his  rear  with  a  strong  body 
of  cavalry  intending  to  attack   in   full    force  dming  Hawk- 
woods  passage  of  the  river,  but  when  they  were  well  passed 
the  ambush,  Conrad  issued  out  and  the  army  suddenly  lacing 
about  at  the  same  moment  attacked  and  destroyed  the  whole 
detachment :  after  this  Hawkwood  resumed  his  march ;  with 
equal  caution  and  celerity  he  crossed  the  Oglio,  Minci'o,  and 
Adige,  and  after  infinite  peril  arrived  witli  some  loss  on  the 
friendly  soil  of  Padua  *.  Intelligence  was  subsequently  received 
that  Annagnac,  having  resisted  all  the  persuasions  of  Clement 
VII.  at  Avignon  seconded  l)y  the  Dukes  of  Berri  and  Bur- 
gundy and  more  powerfully  by  Milanese  ducats,  had  crushed  a 
mutmous  division  of  his  army  and  was  resolved  to  be  faithful. 
Havmg  crossed  the  Alps  he  at  last  appeared  in  Italy,  where- 
upon Hawkwood  instantly  wrote  to  urge  his  immediate  junction, 
wammg  liim  not  to  be  tempted  by  any  lesser  object ;  and  agmn 


Cronica  Estcnsc,  torn,  xiv.,  Ror. 
ItalSmp.  Muratori,  Annalcs  KWl. 
--^>ono,  Parte  iii^  tblio  270.— 
b.  Aminirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  817.- 
^narea  Gatari,    tomo  xvii.,  Reruni. 


Ital.  Scrip,  and  Apiul  Muratori,  Ann., 
Anno  13;)L  — Mem.  Stor.  di  8er 
Nuddo,  p.  125.-  -Mecatti  Storia  Cro- 
nologica  di  Firenzc,  vol.  i«,  p.  312. 


J  I  2 


4S4 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


advanced  into  the  territor}'  of  Cremona  hoping  to  give  him  his 
left  band  near  that  city.    Armagnae  marched  forward  in  all  the 
confidence  of  youth  and  early  reputation,  at  the  head  of  from 
ten  to  fifteen  thousand  cavalry,  despising  the  Lomhards  and 
speaking  of  them  everj^where  with  contempt.     He  had  beaten 
and  destroved  a  detachment  of  Gascons  on  their  march  to  Ga- 
leazzo's  amy  and  unmindful  of  Hawkwood's  entreaties  be  not 
only  delayed  before  Castellaccio  where  del  Verme  bad  placed 
a  strong  garrison,  but  on  the  '25th  July  defied  that  general  in 
his  head-qmirtei-s  at  Alexandria  and  not  even  with  his  whole 
force,  but  only  a  chosen  company  of  five,  or  according  to  Am- 
mirato  fifteen  hundred  French  gentlemen  as  young  and  fieiy 
as  himself.    Dismomiting  in  mockery  at  the  gates  they  uTitated 
the  garrison  by  loud  cries  of  ''  Come  out  you  vile  LombanUr 
several  skirmishes  ensued  until  Jacopo  convmced  that  his  an- 
tagonists were  unsupported,  engaged  them  in  front  with  one 
detachment  while  he  sent  another  out  by  a  circuitous  route  to 
take  them  in  dank  and  rear.     Tli.'  French  and  their  horses 
were  fatigued  with  previous  fighting  and  excessive  heat ;  but  dis- 
mounting they  fought  gallantly  on  foot  for  several  hours  until 
all  were  killed  or  made  prisoners.      D'Armagnac  exhausted, 
wounded,  and  humbled,  was  taken  into  Alexandiia,  and  either 
from  incautiously  drinking,  the  effects  of  his  wound,  or  us 
some  sav,  from  poison,  died  in  a  few  hours.     His  amy  panic- 
struck,  mised  the  siege  of  Castellaccio  and  retreated  m  con- 
fusion.   Having  been  purposely  misled  by  their  guides  amongst 
the  Alphie  passes  of  Nizza  della  Pagha  and  Incisa,  the  moun- 
tidneers  destroyed  them  hi  thousands  and  Jacopo  del  \eme 
following  closely,  completed  the  disaster. 

Thus  ended  the  hopes  of  Florence  in  this  quarter  iifter  n 
almost  incredible  expense,  amounting  according  to  Leoiiarao 
Aretino  secretary  of  the  republic,  who  quotes  the  treasury  book. 
to  1  -200,000  florins :  but  even  this  m-toiy  is  differently  state. 
bvsome  authors,  who  assert  that  a  pitched  battle  took  rlaa 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


483 


with  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  French  army.  Amongst 
multitudes  of  prisoners  the  two  Florentine  ambassadors 
Rinaldo  Ganfigliazzi,  and  Giovanni  de'  Ricci  fell  into  Ga- 
leazzo's  hands  :  the  former  was  soon  ransomed  for  2500  florins ; 
but  the  latter  i>aid  for  his  bold  philippic  against  Visconte 
by  many  months'  imprisonment,  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life, 
and  a  final  ransom  of  7000  florins;  which  however  was  paid  by 
the  government  'i^. 

Relieved  from  this  danger  Gian-Galeazzo's  forces  were  im- 
mediately directed  against  Hawkwood  and  subsequently  on 
Florence  itself.  The  retreat  wliicli  the  English  general  made 
on  this  occasion  is  celebrated  by  all  Italian  writers  as  the  most 
able  of  his  exploits  and  in  their  opinion  gives  him  a  place 
amongst  the  greatest  captains  of  antiquity.  The  details  are 
however  obscure  and  the  relative  force  of  the  combatants 
extremely  uncertain  ;  we  only  know  from  the  same  authorities 
that  he  was  far  outnumbered  by  his  enemies  but  greatly  over- 
matched them  in  professional  ability. 

Rumours  of  d  Armagnae  s  fate  had  already  reached  him,  but 
uncertain  of  their  truth  he  still  held  his  ground  in  the  expec- 
tation of  better  tidings,  until  the  appearance  of  Jacopo  s  victo- 
rious aniiy  decided  his  backward  movement.  Hawkwood  was 
encamped  at  a  place  called  Patenio  in  the  Cremonese  territory 
when  the  enemy  pitched  his  tents  a  mile  and  a  half  distant  on 
the  opposite  bank  of  a  small  stream  which  flowed  between  the 
armies:  he  deemed  it  unsafe  to  retreat  in  foce  of  a  superior 
force  all  flushed  with  recent  victory,  until  he  had  tamed  their 
audacity  by  some  previous  castigation.  Keeping  timidly  within 
his  camp  for  four  successive  days  he  endured  with  apparent 

♦  Goro  Dati,  Stor.  Fior.  p.  xxxiii.—  foglio  270.— Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv., 

Mem.  Stor.  di  Scr  Naddo,  p.  125.  —  p.    820.  —  Muratori,    Annali,    Anno 

Leon.  Aretino,   Lib.  x.,  folio  188.—  1391.— Boninsegni,  StoriaFiorentina, 

l^oggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  lii",  p.  75.—  Lib.  iv.,  p.   706.— Cagnola,  Storia  di 

tono,  Stone   Milanese,    Parte    iii«,  Milano,  Lib.  ii°,  p.  21. 


436 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


487 


alarm  all  the  mocker}*,  insults,  and  repeated  defiance  of  the 
enemy  who  emboldened  by  this  conduct  detenuined  to  attack 
his  entrenchments.  There  was  a  broad  plain  between  the 
armies  bisected  by  the  stream  above  mentioned  and  inclosed  iii 
almost  ever}'  direction  by  hedges,  so  as  to  preclude  any  rapid 
movements  of  cavalr}\  Expecting  a  real  attsick  the  next  morn- 
ing Hawkwood  marshalled  his  troops  behind  their  tents  all 
ready  to  mount,  and  soon  saw  Del  Verme  cross  the  stream  \N'itb 
a  larger  force  than  usual  in  a  sort  of  confident  disorder  that 
assured  his  own  success :  when  well  up  to  the  entrenchments 
he  charged  them  from  the  right  and  left  with  liis  whole  force. 
broke  their  ranks,  followed  them  up  across  the  stream  to  their 
very  camp,  killed  and  wounded  a  great  numl)er  and  finally 
made  from  twelve  to  sixteen  hundred  horses  imd  several  con- 
dottieri  prisoners.  Notwithstanding  this  success  Hawkwood 
was  in  a  perilous  condition,  for  Jacopos  army,  originally  supe- 
rior, was  ever}'  day  increasing :  his  own  resources  were  cut  off; 
if  he  moved  it  was  a  battle  on  unequal  terms ;  if  he  stayed  still 
he  starved :  the  Oglio,  Mincio,  and  Adige  were  again  in  1il> 
rear,  and  the  only  chance  was  at  once  to  ford  the  first  and  gain 
a  night  march  on  the  enemy.  Del  Vemio  assured  of  his  piw 
sent  him  a  caged  fox  which  Hawkwood  received  good-humour- 
edly,  remarking  to  the  messenger  that  the  animal  seemed 
cheerful  enough  and  knew  very  well  l>y  what  door  he  intended 
to  escape.  He  instantly  cleared  the  ground  in  front  of  bis 
camp  as  if  determined  to  give  battle  ;  fixed  many  standards  and 
banners  on  the  trees  and  other  conspicuous  places  in  his  lodge- 
ments ;  left  divers  carts  chests  and  boxes  packed  with  rulddsli 
to  detiun  the  plunderers,  and  many  trumpeters  to  sound  an 
alarm  before  daylight  as  if  the  whole  anny  were  ready  for  action. 
Thus  prepared  the  retreat  commenced  at  midnight  in  profound 
silence ;  the  Oglio  was  reached  without  accident  and  most  ul 
the  army  safe  on  the  left  bank  ere  the  enemy  came  up  :  a  rear 
guard  of  picked  soldiers  and  four  hundred  Enghsh  archers 


on  horseback  covered  the  passage  of  the  rest,  who  rejoining 
their  comrades  on  the  Mincio  passed  that  river  unmolested, 
continuing  their  retreat  until  within  ten  miles  of  the 
Adi^e  where  they  halted  for  the  night.  About  midnight  the 
troops  were  startled  from  their  sleep  by  the  loud  rushmg  of 
distant  waters  and  a  swamping  of  the  whole  surrounding  coun- 
tr}' :  Galeazzo  had  ordered  the  dykes  of  the  Adige  to  be  cut ; 
and  as  all  the  rivers  in  this  neighbourhood  are  on  a  higher 
level  than  the  plain  this  dismal  inundation  struck  terror  into 
everv  breast  but  Hawkw^ood's.  When  day  dawned,  or  before 
it ;  leaving  his  colours  tlyhig  and  sacrificmg  all  the  baggage 
and  camp  equipage  ;  with  the  wave  up  to  his  horses'  girths, 
this  veteran  led  the  way  amidst  a  wide  waste  of  waters  :  moving 
parallel  to  the  Adige  some  miles  below  Legnago,  his  dreary 
course  was  continued  all  that  day  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
following  night  with  various  accidents  and  loss  of  life:  here 
l)Oth  horse  and  foot  w  ere  plunged  in  mud ;  there  submerged 
in  the  canals  and  ditches  which  spread  like  cobwebs  over 
the  plain,  crossing  their  line  of  march  at  every  step,  unseen, 
and  covered  by  one  broad  sheet  of  watery  desolation !  In 
this  way  the  valley  of  Verona  was  painfully  and  perilously 
traversed  with  the  loss  of  many  a  gallant  man  and  noble  steed 
until  the  lofty  dykes  of  the  Adige,  which  loomed  in  the  distance 
like  the  land  of  promise,  were  successfully  gained.  Here  the 
army  rested,  and  through  the  firmness  and  ability  of  one  man 
Wiis  providentially  saved ;  but  numbers  had  perished :  some  by 
fiitigue  ;  some  drowned ;  some  planted  irrecoverably  in  mud  ; 
others  were  rescued  by  clinging  to  the  horses'  tails ;  while  the 
enemy  seeing  only  one  wide  expanse  of  water  believed  that 
like  the  host  of  Egypt  all  had  perished  !  But  the  "  Fox"  was 
still  alive ;  and  after  a  day's  rest  he  passed  the  Adige  and  kept 
the  troops  in  readiness  for  further  service.  It  was  a  glorious 
feat ;  Hawkwood's  fame  resounded  through  Italy  and  public 
confidence  redoubled;  for  though  in  the  extreme  of  age  his 


488 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


indomitable  energ}^  and  dai-ing  equalled  those  of  the  youngest 
soldier  in  his  army  and  inspired  them  all-. 

Muratori  has  been  exclusively  followed  in  the  supposition 
and  relation  of  two  distinct  retreats  by  Hawkwood,  for  in  no 
other  way  can  the  discrepancies  of  Italian  authors  be  so  easily 
reconciled :  if  it  were  not  for  these  contradictions  the  obvious 
conclusion  would  be  that  he  made  one  bold  march  to  unite 
with  d'Armagnac  whose  defeat  rendered  it  useless  as  well  as 
dangerous.  But  according  to  Ser  Naddo;  a  cotemporary 
author ;  to  Corio,  Ammirato,  Mecatti ;  and  especially  Andrea 
Gatari's  History  of  Padua  as  cited  by  Muratori ;  Hawkwood 
retired  before  Jacopo  del  Verme  in  June,  or  veiy  early  in  July, 
and  consequently  long  l)efore  dArmaguac's  defeat  by  that 
general  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  the  latter  month.  Yet  Leonardo 
Aretino,  Poggio,  Giono  and  Platina  who  are  followed  by 
Sismondi,  make  his  retreat  a  consequence  of  that  disaster  : 
Aretino,  a  cotemporary,  and  Poggio  who  is  nearly  so ;  are  both 
sparing  of  dates,  which  by  the  latter  seem  not  unfrequently 
sacrificed  to  the  better  rounding  of  a  period.  From  such  con- 
tradictions it  is  not  easy  to  disentangle  the  truth ;  but  as  more 
than  a  month  elapsed  between  the  Alexandrian  disaster  and 
the  subsequent  mvasion  of  Tuscany  it  may  be  supposed  that 
Galeazzos  designs  on  Florence  were  not  retarded  by  a  slight 
obstacle,  that  neither  army  was  idle  ;  and  that  Jacopo  del 
Verme  was  probably  employed,  as  above  related,  in  forcing 
Hawkwood  back  on  Padua. 

The  Florentines  had  been  so  pleased  with  this  general's 
conduct  throughout  the  war  and  from  the  late  attempt  on  his 
life  so  connnced  of  his  fidelitv,  that  both  he  and  his  sons  were 
admitted  to  the  high  and  rarely-bestowed  honours  of  citizen- 
ship, with  an  additional  pension  of  '^000  florins  and  complete 


*PauloGiovio  Vito,  p.  139. — Platina,     x.,  foglio  188. — Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  ?• 
Vite  de'  Papi,  Bonifazio,ix. — Poggio,     323. 
Lib.  iii",  p.  77. — Leon.  Aretino,  Lib. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


489 


freedom  from  taxation.  And  as  he  w^as  now  in  years  and 
anxious  about  the  destiny  of  his  wife  and  children,  1000 
florins  of  pension  w^ere  assigned  to  her  at  his  decease  with  a 
promise  of  2000  more  in  marriage  2)ortions  to  each  of  his 
daughters  -:=. 

DArmagnac's    defeat   though    somewhat   compensated   by 
Hawkwood  s  unexpected  safety,  spread  consternation  at  Flo- 
rence :  from  the  high  pride  of  hope,  nay  the  certainty  of  cmsh- 
ing  Gian-Galeazzo,  she  was  suddenly  dashed  to  the  depths 
of  despair  and  alarmed  even  for  her  own  existence.      But  the 
Florentine  spirit  was  ever  buoyant,  her  resources  were  still  pro- 
ductive, and  no  time  was  lost  in  useless  lamentations.     It  was 
expected  that  Visconte  would  instantly  direct  his  whole  force 
upon  Bologna  overwhelm  that  republic,  and  then  with  aug- 
mented numbers  pour  down  on  Tuscany :  Hawkwood  therefore 
had  instant  orders  to  defend  that  city  leaving  six  hundred 
lances  and  crossbows  for  the  protection  of  Padua ;  but  Gale- 
azzo  was  more  intent  on  present  vengeance ;    the  fall  of  Flo- 
rence he  knew  woidd  bnng  down  Bologna,  he   dreaded  her 
success  and  aimed  at  her  sulyugation  but  complained   that 
with  generals  as  able,  and  more  numerous  legions,  no  perma- 
nent lodgement  had  been  yet  made  on  the  Florentine  territory 
while  liis  had  been  for  eighteen  months  the  constant  seat  of 
war.    Jacopo  del  Verme  was  therefore  ordered  to  enter  Tus- 
cany by  Sarzana  on  the  river  Magra  and  await  the   Senese 
army's  junction  in  the  Pisau  territory.     This  caused  Hawk- 
wood's  instant  recall  and  in  rapid  marches  by  the  Sambuca 
road  he  crossed  tlie  Apennhies,   reached  Pistoia,  and  esta- 
blislied  his  head  quarters  at  San  Miniato  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Arao.      Here  Luigi  di  Capua  joined  from  the   Senese 
border,  and  along  with  the  subsequent  reenforcements  from 
Bologna  under  Giovanni  da  Barbiano,  increased  the  forces  to 
about  twelve  thousand  men  of  all  arms,  which  placed  Hawk- 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  813. 


490 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


wood  on  somewhat  more  equal  terms  with  his  antagonist.  All 
these  arrangements  were  carried  on  by  the  "  Died della  BaJia' 
a  portion  of  whom  was  periodically  renewed,  so  that  this 
council  had  all  the  experience  and  permanence  of  the  former 
"  EIGHT  OF  war"  without  the  same  danger  of  embarrassment 
from  invidious  unpopularity  or  mere  factious  ojiposition.  Not- 
withstanding this  energy  neither  of  the  belligerents  were  averse 
from  peace  for  both  had  severely  smarted;  therefore  at  the 
earnest  desire  of  Boniface  IX.  Antonio  Adorno  Doge  of  Genoa, 
and  Riccardo  Caracciolo  Grand  Master  of  Khodes,  his  legate 
in  that  city,  invited  them  to  a  conference.  After  long  discus- 
sions at  Florence,  during  which  Adorno  was  accused  of  being 
a  partisan  of  Galeazzo  and  therefore  a  doubtful  mediator. 
Guido  del  Palagio,  Filippo  Adimari  and  Lodovico  degli  Alber- 
gotti  were  despatched  as  ambassadors,  yet  without  any  relaxation 
of  hostilities.  In  the  interim  Jacomo  del  Vernie  had  crossed  the 
border  and  towards  the  middle  of  September  jdaced  himself  in 
position  between  the  Era  river  and  Cascina  on  the  Pisan  road 
to  await  the  Senese  army  which  finding  it  diuigerous  to  pass 
Hawkwood,  the  junction  was  ultimately  effected  at  Casole,  about 
twelve  miles  westward  of  Siena. 

Three  thousand  lances  and  five  thousand  infantiy  or  about 
fourteen  thousimd  men  of  all  arms  there  passed  in  review  ac- 
cording to  some  authors,  but  Corio  the  Milanese  historian 
with  more  probability;  if  we  may  judge  from  Hawkwood's  after- 
caution  even  when  reenforced  by  ten  thousand  men ;  makes 
Visconte  s  army  with  a  detachment  from  Penigia  amount  to 
more  than  twenty  thousand  combatants,  a  prodigious  force,  as 
he  observes,  for  a  small  state  in  those  davs-=.  Hawkwood 
moving  parallel  to  his  antagonist  occupied  Poggibonzi  about 
ten  miles  north-eastward  of  Casole,  liis  riglit  wing,  for  the  con- 
venience of  quarters,  being  at  Colle  on  the  Elsa  about  four 
miles  off,  and  his  left  pushed  forward  as  far  as  Staggia,  at  a 

*   Corio,  Stor.  Milanese,  Parte  iii%  foglio  270. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


491 


nearly  equal  distance  on  the  Siena  road,  both  being  advanced  in 
different  directions  to  the  right  and  left,  and  the  two  roads 
uniting  in  an  angle  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Poggibonzi. 
Smaller  detachments  were  scattered  about  in  various  places, 
and  Jacopo  taking  advantage  of  this,  suddenly  appeared  with 
his  whole  force,  passed  Staggia  with  impunity,  defied  Hawk- 
wood under  the  walls  of  Poggibonzi,  and  marching  onward 
encamped  in  the  Florentine  tcrritoiy  between  Vico  and  Cer- 
tiildo,  which  he  ravaged  without  impediment.  The  English- 
man ashamed  of  this  surprise,  which  seems  to  have  arisen  from 
the  neglect  of  his  two  advanced  guards,  gathered  up  his  troops 
and  pursuing  Jacomo,  occupied  a  position  within  three  miles 
of  liim  the  same  evening.  Del  Venno  dislodged  that  night 
and  after  carrying  tlie  small  town  of  Canneto  encamped  at  the 
river  Elsa's  mouth  not  far  from  Hawkwood's  first  position  of 
San  ]\Iiniato.  The  latter  following  close,  halted  in  the  evening 
between  Empoli  and  IMonte  Lupo  while  del  Yemie  shackled 
probably  by  Visconte 's  timidity  in  warlike  operations,  and  there- 
fore more  desirous  of  devastiition  than  battle,  decamped  on  the 
twentieth  of  September,  passed  the  Arno,  and  on  the  following 
night  encamped  at  a  place  called  Casale,  (probably  Casal 
Guidi)  about  eighteen  miles  from  Florence.  Hawkwood  crossed 
the  river  at  Signa  and  marching  direct  on  Tizzano  halted 
within  three  miles  of  the  enemy  where  he  was  speedily  reen- 
forced by  ten  thousand  men  rapidly  collected  from  the  sur- 
rounding countr}\ 

Great  emulation  existed  between  the  two  commanders,  for 
though  Hawkwood  was  generally  held  superior,  Jacopo  had 
gained  considerable  renown  by  reducing  him  to  such  extremi- 
ties in  Lombardy,  as  well  as  for  his  victor}^  at  Alexandria  ;  and 
even  by  his  partial  suq)rise  and  devastation  of  the  Florentine 
territory  m  the  face  of  so  formidable  a  foe.  The  increas- 
ing force  of  his  rival  however  startled  liim ;  a  council  of  war 
resolved  on  retreat,  and  the  twenty-fourth  of  September,  a  few 


493 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


hours  before  dav,  the  army  decamped  in  silence  taking  the 
road  to  Uzzano,  Taddeo  del  Venue  with  five  hmidred  lances 
and  all  the  infantiy  forming  the  rear  guard.     Ilawkwood  had 
been  repeatedly  urged  to  fight  by  the  government,  and  as  con- 
stantly refused,  saying  that  a  retreating  army  was  a  beaten 
army ;  yet  fancying  that  Pistoia  would  be  their  line  of  march 
he   had   occupied   that    road,  but    now   finding   his   mistake 
despatched  a  thousand  lances  directly  after  them  and  all  tlie 
infantry  to  intercept  their  retreat  amongst  the  hills  and  employ 
them  until  the  main  body  came  up.     Del  Verme  was  already 
safe,  but  Taddeo  overtaken  by  double  his  own  numbers  gal- 
lantly accepted  the  combat,  ordering  his  fotjtmen,  as  was  then 
usual,  to  mingle  in  the  throng  and  rip  up  the  bellies  of  the 
enemy's  horses.     At  this  moment  the  Florentine  inf  uitry  ap- 
peared amongst  the  heights  and  gave  the  Milanese  full  occu- 
pation;    Taddeo  was   routed  with  the  loss  uf  two  thousand 
infautr}'  killed  and  a  thousand  prisonti^  while  two  hundred 
cavalry  fell  either  by  death  or  capture  into  the  Florentine 
hands.     Amongst  the  captives  were  Taddeo  del  Vemio  him- 
self. Gentile  di  Varano,  and  Jacopo  dAppiano  who  was  after- 
wards exchanged  for  Giovanni  Kicci  and  of  whose  family  we 
shall  again  have  occasion  to  speak,     llawkwood  still  followed 
cautiously  and  had  blame  for  his  sluwiit>s  ;  but  tliere  was  a 
skilful  and  dangerous  enemy  before  him,  whom  he  was  well 
pleased  to  see  in  full  retreat  after  having  thus  retidiated  for  the 
surprise  at  Poggibonzi.    Jacopo  continued  his  march  with  some 
fighting  and  the  repulse  of  an  attiick  made  against  Hawkwoods 
orders,  but  with  one  halt  at  Monte  Carlo  never  ceased  retreating 
until  the  army  passed  Lucca  and  occupied  a  strong  position  on 
the  Serchio  between  Pisa  and  that  city. 

Hawk  wood  now  resumed  his  central  quarters  at  San  Miuiato 
while  Jacopo  agjiin  advanced  to  Ciiscina ;  and  Galeazzo  cha- 
grined at  his  failure  insisted,  if  he  could  do  no  more,  on  his 
intercepting  the  Florentine  provision-trade  from  Pisa  which 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


493 


would  materially  influence  the  conditions  of  peace.  After  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  surprise  Santa  Maria-a-Monte  which 
Hawkwood  bafiled,  Jacopo  quitted  the  Florentines'  territory 
towards  the  middle  of  October  and  encamping  between  Sarzana 
and  La  Venza  forced  Piero  Gambacorta  to  save  his  own  state 
by  arresting  all  supplies  to  Florence  for  fifteen  days.  This  was 
compensated  by  the  revolt  of  Piero  da  Coreggio  in  Lombardy 
and  the  defeat  of  Ugolotto  Bianciardi  before  Castel  Baldo  by 
the  Paduans,  both  of  which  served  to  hasten  the  conclusion  of 
peace.  But  Antonio  Adomo  leaned  towards  Milan  and  even 
attempted  to  seduce  Ganil)acorta,  who  however  honestly  resisted 
not  only  these  entreaties  but  tlie  more  powerful  eftbrts  of  Ga- 
leazzo himself,  for  through  Jacopo  d'Appiano  the  dear  but  trea- 
cherous friend  of  Piero,  he  also  strove  to  detach  that  chief 
entirely  from  Florence,  or  at  least  induce  him  to  stop  her 
supplies  until  the  following  April.  On  Gambacorta  s  refusal 
Jacopo  del  Vemie  advanced  once  more  and  from  the  valleys  of 
the  Serchio  and  Calci  so  harassed  the  Florentine  commerce 
tliat  in  the  middle  of  December  a  large  and  numerously  escorted 
convoy  under  the  command  of  John  Belcott  an  English  con- 
dottiere,  either  by  his  cowardice  or  treachery,  was  captured 
despite  of  the  heroic  exertions  of  Hugo  de  Montfort  who  with 
a  large  detachment  advanced  from  Florence  to  meet  it.  This 
was  the  last  act  of  hostility  in  Tuscany,  and  Avith  the  exception 
of  some  mhior  aifairs  and  small  naval  successes  may 
be  said  to  have  finished  the  first  portion  of  this  ex- 
pensive war.  Florence  however  suspecting  the  good  faith  of 
Gian-Galeazzo  and  both  mediators  called  in  the  community 
of  Genoa  as  a  third  party  and  under  their  auspices  peace 
was  concluded  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  January  DiOji.  By 
tliis  treatv  Francesco  da  Carrara  and  Gian-Galeazzo  Maria  \is- 
coute  were  to  retain  all  the  dominions  they  actually  possessed 
except  those  in  Tuscany :  Francesco  was  to  pay  10,000  florins 
annually  to  Visconte  for  fifty  years ;   all  oflences  of  citizens 


A.D.  1392. 


494 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXV a  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


495 


serving  on  either  side  were  to  he  pardoned ;  all  captured  j)laees 
in  Tuscany  were  to  be  reciprocally  given  up  by  the  belligerents 
except  Valiano  ]Moute[)ulciaiio  and  Lucignano :  the  Cuunt  of 
Vertii  was  not  to  meddle  in  Tuscan  affiiirs  iKn-  the  Bologuese 
or  Florentines  in  those  of  Lombardy  except  to  protect  their 
alhes;  the  existmg  free  companies  were  tu  lie  prohibited  by 
all  parties ;  no  encouragement  given  to  others,  and  even-  pic- 
ture pauited  in  derision  of  either  side  was  to  be  destroyed. 
These  conditions  thus  arranged  occasioned  an  after-question 
amongst  the  deputies  about  sureties  for  their  observance 
''The  sword,''  exclaimed  the  Florentine,  Guido  del  Pidaj^io. 
with  animation,  ''the  sword  shall  he  our  ffioirautee  for  cvcnj- 
thunj  ;  for  ViseoHte  has  felt  our  power  and  wc  his  "*. 

Thus  ended  the  first  act  of  this  drama  with  the  usual  etferts 
of  war ;  debt,  suffering,  and  no  satis^ictory  result ;  for  neither 
the  ambition  of  Visconte  nor  the  appn  hensions  of  Florence 
were  diminished;  and  the  consequent  interlude  prolonged  its 
devastations;  for  on  the  cessation  of  w;ir  its  "  Tools," — the 
soldiers  of  that  afie  imd  countiT  reallv  tl(^(  rve  the  name, 
instantly  turned  on  their  employers  and  in  the  guise  of  free 
companies  still  distracted  Italy.  Az/o  da  (astello,  Broio  di 
Treolino,  Bandolino  da  Bagnacavallo,  and  liiordo  di  Michelutti, 
all  distinfmished  leadei's  who  had  served  in  Visconte's  armv. 
gave  well-fomuled  cause  not  only  of  general  fear,  but  of  the 
belief  that  they  were  still  secretly  retiuned  by  Galeazz(j  lUid  in- 
tended for  the  covert  annoyiuice  of  his  fomier  adversaries.  A 
league  Wiis  therefore  fonned  between  FLooikm  ,  Jiologna,  Ft  r- 
rara,  Padua,  Faenza,  Ptavenna,  Imola;  and  afterwards  Mantiui. 
against  these  bands,  with  an  indirect  reference  to  Visconte. 
and  the  amtated  condition  of  Tuscan v  of  wliich  he  knew  \vt  11 
how  to  take  advantage,  increased  the  necessity  for  sudi  - 
compact. 

•  Poggio,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  BO,  &:c\ — Leon.  823. —  Miinitori,  Anni  13!n-2. — 
Aretino,  lib.  x.,  folio  \H0. — Goro  Sisuunuli,  vol.  v.,  cap.  .^  t. —  Pa'ilo 
Dati,  p.  54. — S,  Amniirato,  Lib.  xv.,p.     Trouci,  Annali  Pisani,  vol.  iv.  p.  1^6. 


Lucca  was  in  a  state  of  anarchy  from  civil  contention ;  Laz- 
zero  Guinigi  murdered  Forteguerra  de'  Forteguerri,  the  gon- 
falonier of  justice  in  the  public  p^dace  ;  then  pitched  his  body 
from  a  window,  and  after  committing  many  more  homicides 
usuq^ed  the  sovereignty  of  the  republic  under  that  popular  title. 
At  Pisa  a  detected  plot  against  Gambacorta's  life  was  only  the 
prelude  to  a  deeper  tragedy:  Genua  after  furious  conflicts, 
bloodshed  and  exile,  finally  chased  Adoriio  from  the  throne 
and  elected  Antonio  di  Mental  ti  in  his  [)lace,  while  Perugia 
was  incessantly  tormented  by  the  Guelph  and  Ghibeline 
factions,  and  at  last  gave  herself  in  despair  to  Boniface,  who 
although  he  immediately  occupied  that  city  was  soon  compelled 
to  remove  on  account  of  their  dissensions". 

In  Pisa  Gambacorta  had  always  proved  too  steady  a  friend 
of  Florence  to  escape  the  enmity  of  his  own  countrymen,  and 
from  his  inflexible  adherence  to  that  state  had  also  incurred 
the  hatred  of  Gian-Galeazzo  who  saw  in  the  possession  of  Pisa 
his  surest  instrument  of  Florentine  subjugation.  According 
to  most  writers  Gambacorta  had  pursued  a  ^vise  and  humane, 
though  perhaps  somewhat  despotic  sysuni  of  government ;  had 
mamtained  peace,  fostered  comrneree,  and  made  the  republic 
flourish.  Paulo  Tronci  howeven-  asserts  that  the  whole  family 
bad  now  become  hateful  to  the  citizens,  even  of  their  own  faction 
the  Bergolini ;  as  well  from  the  haughty  insolence  of  Gherardo 
and  Pietro,  Gambacorta's  sons ;  one  of  whom  was  archltishop ; 
as  from  the  extreme  power  and  vehemence  of  Pietro  himself, 
whose  riches  exactions  and  despotism  made  him  slight  every 
law  whether  imperial  or  municipal,  and  whose  pride  disdained 
the  admonitions  of  his  friends  ;  so  that  the  exiled  BaspanU  m 
conjunction  with  Galeazzo  began  to  spread  their  nets  for  his 
ruhi :  other  Pisan  authorities  sueh  as  Sardo,  lloncioni,  and  the 
unknown  author  of  the  '*  Cronaea  di  Pisa  "'  give  substantially 
the  same  account,  so  that  Gambacortas  patriotism  seems  in  a 

*  Muratori,  Aimo  1302. 


496 


FLOKENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  k 


•HAP.  XXVIII.] 


FI.ORENTINE   HISTORY. 


497 


great  measure  due  to  the  gratitude  of  Florentine  writers  for 
Ms  unflincliing  attachment  to  their  republic-.  He  had  lon^ 
given  all  his  confidence  to  Jacopo  d'Appiano,  a  man,  as  it 
"would  seem,  of  low  birth,  unscrupulous  conscience,  and  great 
sagacity ;  whose  father  had  been  a  follower  of  the  Ganibacorta 
family  and  had  lost  his  head  in  their  cause  and  for  which  reason 
Piero  had  made  Jacopo  share  his  subsequent  prosperity.  Ap- 
piano  was  Piero's  private  secretary,  had  by  him  been  made 
chancellor  of  the  republic,  was  privy  to  evei'}'  secret,  managed 
the  principal  affairs  of  Pisa  both  external  and  internal  with 
supreme  authority,  and  thus  giiined  great  riches  followers  and 
influence  independent  of  Gambacortd.  who  implicitly  trusted 
him.  His  son  Vanni  d'Appiano  had  been  exchanged  by  Gale- 
azzo  for  Giovanni  llicci,  and  was  treated  as  a  son  by  Visconte 
who  lost  no  opportunity  of  inciting  Jacopo  to  assume  the  sove- 
reignty of  Pisa,  nor  could  Piero  ever  be  pei-suaded  by  the 
warnings  of  Florence  and  other  well-wishers,  to  suspect  liis 
friend's  integrity  f .  This  old  servant,  for  he  had  seventy 
winters  on  his  head ;  secretly  assembled  a  band  of  followers  in 
Pisa  on  the  real  or  false  pretext  of  defending  himself  against 
his  deadly  foe  Jacopo  Rosso  de'  Lanfranchi  who  was  seeking 
his  and  his  son  Vanni  s  life,  and  Piero  still  deaf  to  friendly 
warning,  appointed  a  day  to  reconcile  them.  An  affray  mean- 
while took  place,  Lanfranco  and  his  son  were  killed  on  their 
way  to  the  place  of  arbitration  by  Jacopo's  followers  who 
ensconced  themselves  in  his  palace :  Piero  instantly  demanded 
the  homicides  and  was  refused ;  the  city  became  tumultuous ; 
he  had  plenty  of  support,  but  declared  that  the  ordiuar}^ 
course  of  justice  w^ould  be  sufficient  \Nithout  disturbing  the 
community.     The   city  guard  therefore  took  anus  but  were 

*  Paulo  Tronci,  Annali  Pisani,  vol.  iv.,  — Cronaca  di  Pisa. — Muratori,  S.  R.  !•> 

p.    158.  —  Ranieri  Sardo,    "Cronaca  torn,  x  v.,  p.  10H4. 

Pisana,"  cap.   from   ccv.   to    ccx.  —  +  Tronci,    Annali,  vol.   iv.,  p.  158, 

Ratfaello  Roncioui,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  949.  Anno  1392. 


beaten  by  Vanni  dAppiano :  Piero's  palace  was  simultane- 
ously attacked  by  Jacopo  as  is  said  at  the  instigation  of  the 
citizens;  the  son  soon  joined,  but  Gambacorta  would  allow 
no  weapon  to  be  aimed  at  his  ancient  fiiend ;  lie  was  alone 
and  armed,  in  the  "  Loggia  "  of  his  new  palace,  and  confidingly 
descended  at  the  treacherous  prayers  of  Jacopo  to  treat  for 
peace.  No  sooner  was  he  outside  and  had  retired  from  the 
throng  to  mount  his  horse,  than  Jacopo  extended  his  hand 
towards  him  as  if  in  friendship,  but  it  was  the  signal  for  murder, 
and  in  a  moment  old  Piero  Gambacorta  fell  dead  with  many 
wounds.  Some  writers  say  that  while  calling  on  Appiauo  not 
to  conmiit  so  much  evil  he  was  first  struck  by  a  missile  which 
felled  liim  without  penetrating  his  armour,  but  his  helmet 
tailing  oif  he  was  killed  by  a  lance  thrust:  be  this  as  it 
may.  the  Bergolini  were  shortly  dispersed;  Piero's  sons 
wounded,  imprisoned ;  and  poisoned  within  a  week :  the 
dwellings  of  Gambacorta,  and  his  faction  with  those  of 
many  Florentines  were  abandoned  to  plunder  and  the  city 
tilled  with  Appiano's  armed  followers.  On  the  twenty-fifth 
of  October  he  was  proclaimed,  apparently  by  the  public  will, 
Captain  and  Defender  of  Pisa  with  all  Gambacorta's  au- 
thority, and  after  a  few  days  assumed  the  honours  of  knight- 
hood. 

He  was  now  absolute  lord  of  the  republic,  and  to  secure 
himself  demanded  aid  of  Visconte,  the  original  mover  of  all, 
who  joyfully  despatched  two  hundred  lances  to  his  assistance 
with  the  secret  resolution  of  ultimately  commanding  Pisa. 
None  had  pity  on  the  mangled  remains  of  Piero  until  night 
<ame,  when  some  compassionate  friars  from  a  neighbouring 
convent  gave  an  humble  sepulchre  to  the  late  powerful  lord 
of  the  commonwealth.  *'  0  what  cruelty!  "  exclaims  Naddo  of 
I^Ionte  Catini  a  cotemporary  author,  "  0  what  cruelty  was  this ! 
0  what  an  example  for  this  wicked  world!  "  "  Such  a  man  as 
was  Messer  Piero,  first  to  be  so  murdered  and  then  for  his 

VOL.  ir.  K  K 


498 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I, 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


499 


lifeless  body  to  be  so  igiiominiously  treated  I  and  all  by  his 
Iwsom  friend  and  dearest  companion !  *  " 

There  was  now  apparent  peace  in  Italy  save  the  disturbauees 
from  disbanded  soldiers  and  pontifical  nepotism :  the 

1  n  1393 

latter  troubled  Lti  Marca ;  and  the  fonner  covertly 
moved  l>y  Visconte,  levied  rei>tnited  contributions  on  Tuscany 
in  detiance  of  everj'  league.  Lombardy  appeared  tranciuil  but 
mischief  lurked  beneath  ;  and  in  the  summer  of  this  yeai*  a 
Milanese  embassy  arrived  at  Florence  to  excuse  certain  trans- 
actions  in  that  quarter  which  alanned  IMjuitua  and  endangered 
peace.  No  sooner  were  they  departed  than  Francesco  di  Gon- 
zaga  himself  arrived,  nominally  on  a  pilgrima.^'e  to  Fvome  but 
really  to  form  a  secret  league  against  \'isconte  :  these  prince^^ 
had  been  friends,  if  such  a  name  may  be  so  prostituted  in  its 
application,  but  nnitual  hatred  and  vengeance  now  (tcca[»ied  the 
place  of  friendship.  Gonzaga's  wife  was  Jiemabo's  daughter 
and  therefore  cousin  and  sister-in-law  to  Gian-(ialeazzo  who 
feared  her  vindictive  influence  for  the  doulde  murder  of  a 
father  and  a  brother,  wherefore  it  was  settled  to  destroy  her 
by  means  of  her  own  husband  whose  gratitude  he  counted  on 
for  opening  his  eyes  to  her  supposed  inlidelity.  His  ambas- 
sador accordingly  concealed  some  forged  lettei-s  in  her  cabinet 
and  m  Gian-Oaleazzo's  name  gave  Francesco  notice  of  then- 
existence  :  the  papers  were  detected  and  the  lady's  secretaiy 
immediately  tortured  :  subdued  by  pain  he  confessed  all  that 
was  asked  of  him  and  lost  his  head:  but  Gonznga  distracted  by 
jealousy,  ordered  his  onnti  wife's  immediate  rxccution  although 
the  mother  of  four  children !  The  truth  came  subsequently  to 
light,  when  struck  with  hon'or  and  remorse  the  unhappy  man 
vowed   eternal  vengeance    against    Giaii-Galeazzo  Visconte: 

*  Roncioni,  Stor.  Pisa,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  tino,  Lib.  xi.,  foglio  194.— S.  Anuni 

.049,  &c.— Siirdo  Cronaca  Pisaiia,  cap.  rato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  H35.  —  Tronci,  An- 

cv.  to  ex. — Goro  Dati,  Storia  Fior.,  p.  nali  Pisa,  voL  iv.,  p.  160. —  SisinoiKl', 

40. — Mem.  Stor.    <li    8cr   Naddo  di  vol.  v.,  p.  332. 
Monte  Cautini,  p.  133.  —  Leon.  Are- 


and  the  latter  had  sufficient  audacity  to  denounce  Gonzaga  for 
the  murder  of  his  kinswoman  I  Very  soon  after  this  partly  in 
retaliation  for  the  building  of  a  fortified  bridge  over  the  Po  which 
Gonzaga  had  allowed  the  allies  to  construct  at  Borgo  Forte 
he,  by  changing  the  Mineio's  course,  attempted  to  destroy  the 
capital  =■=. 

Mantua  is  nearly  encompassed  by  an  upper  and  lower  lake 
formed  by  the  Mincio  s  waters  after  their  issue  from  the  Lago 
di  Garda ;  and  by  turning  the  course  of  this  river  above  the 
town  Gian-Galeazzo  hoped  to  form  a  pestiferous  swamp  which 
would  have  ultimately  destroyed  the  whole  j)opulation,  or  if 
drained  by  their  subsequent  industry,  would  still  have  ruined 
the  natural  defences.  A  vast  dyke  had  alreadv  been  erected 
above  Borghetto  and  Valeggio,  and  a  mountain  was  half  tun- 
nelled into  the  plain  of  Verona  when  Gonzaga  came  to  implore 
the  aid  of  Florence  and  Bologna.  Neither  of  these  cities 
intended  to  desert  him,  yet  had  no  excuse  for  interference 
as  Gian-Galeazzo's  works  were  confined  entirely  to  his  own 
territoiy  :  engineers  were  however  sent  to  examine  them,  and 
on  their  report  the  ]\lantuan  envoys  were  told  that  neither 
arms  nor  allies  would  be  necessary  to  stave  off  this  danger, 
for  nature  was  not  to  lie  controlled  even  by  a  despot,  and 
would  soon  assert  her  independence.  The  mortified  em- 
bassy retired  in  silence  with  this  equivocal  answer  but  ere 
it  reached  Mantua  a  sudden  Hood  swept  every  work  away 
and  with  them  all  the  fears  of  Gonzaga  and  liis  trembling 
subjects  f. 

After  this  a  disputed  succession  in  Ferrara  between  Azzo 
d'  Este  the  nearest  legitimate  lieir,  and  the  deceased  Alberto's 
natural  son  Xiccolo  HI.  brought  the  Florentine  and  Milanese 
forces  in  oj^position,  but  without  any  breach  of  peace  and  merely 


*  Amminito,  Lib.    xv.,  p.    81  ;J. 
Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  p.  32i> 


t  Sismondi,  vol.  v.,  p.  336.— Muru- 

K  K  3 


tori.  Anno   1393. — Corio,  Parte  iii", 
Ibfilio  272. 


I 


500 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


oCl 


A.D.  Ui)-i. 


from  espousing  the  conflicting  pretensions  of  different  candi- 
dates, the  former  of  whom  was  uUimately  made  prisoner.  Nor 
was  Genoa  less  convulsed  hy  Antonio  AdiU'no's  continual  efforts 
to  recover  the  ducal  throne  :  the  Doge  jNlonaldo  ceding  to  events 
resitrned,  and  was  succeeded  hy  Pietro  da  Campo  Fregoso,  who 
in  his  tuni  gave  way  to  Clemente  di  Promontorio,  and  he 
a^'ain  with  hetter  prospects  to  Francesco  Giustiniiuio,  who, 
after  baffling  all  the  efforts  of  Adonio,  finally  succumbed  to 
the  Monaldo  faction  which  again  placed  Antonio  de'  Monaldi 
on  the  ducal  throne,  and  thus  restored  present  traniiuillity  to 

that  ever  vexed  city  -•=. 

War  seemed  again  threatening  and  made  Florence  more 
keenlv  feel  the  loss  of  her  favourite  general  Sir 
John  Hawkwood  who  died  suddenly  at  his  villa  on 
the  seventeenth  of  March  1394.  He  was  honourably  buried 
in  the  cathedral  church  at  the  public  expense  and  an  eques- 
trian portrait  by  Paulo  Ucello,  a  celebrated  painter  of  the  day, 
placed  over  his  tomb  where  it  still  remains,  the  marble  monu- 
ment once  intended  as  a  record  of  liis  exploits  never  having 

been  erected. 

Hawkwood  was  decidedly  one  of  the  ablest  captains  of  the 
fourteenth  centuiy,  but  like  many  others  of  his  day,  disho- 
noured the  military  character  by  making  war  a  mere  sordid 
trade  of  skilful  butcherv^  adopted  only  for  the  accumulation  of 
riches  without  any  scruple  about  the  means.  Wide-spreading 
plunder,  violence,  and  bloodshed  marked  his  reckless  coui-se 
whenever  the  command  of  his  employers  or  his  soldiers'  neces- 
sities reijuired  them  ;  but  his  military  discipline  was  perfect : 
pmdent,  cool,  and  daring ;  the  army's  confidence  in  him  was 
unbounded,  and  from  his  school  issued,  according  to  Giovio. 
the  ablest  captains  of  that  and  the  following  century,  such  :i> 
Alberigo  da  Barbiano,  Sforza,  Braccio,  Carlo  Malatesta,  Paulo 

♦  Animirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  846.  — Muiatori,  Anno  \oi)o. 


Orsino,  and  Mostarda,  who  revived  the  military  spirit  of  Italy 
without  the  high  moral  qualities  of  the  modem  soldier-. 

Civil  war  between  Guelpli  and  Ghibeline  continued  to  rage 
in  Genoa :  Montaldo  again  abdicated ;  two  more  dukes  followed 
in  quick  succession  ;  Adorno  attacked  the  town,  was  beaten, 
made  prisoner,  escaped,  returned  with  fresh  strength,  and  on 
the  third  of  September  once  more  mounted  the  ducal  *^hrone  at 
the  moment  that  his  enemies  were  about  to  call  in  the  perilous 
aid  of  Frenchmen  f.  Soon  after  this  Gian-Galeazzo 
purchased  the  coveted  title  of  Duke  of  Milan  for 
100,000  florins  from  the  weak  and  needy  AVenceslas  and  cele- 
brated his  coronation  with  unconunon  magnificence.  This  was 
uo  empty  title  ;  save  Pavia  and  its  territor}"  which  were  made 
into  a  county,  it  consolidated  almost  all  the  ancient  league  of 
Lombardy  :  but  it  was  more  important  from  the  right  of  here- 
ditary succession  which  it  conferred  ;  and  more  so  still  from 
the  fatal  consequences  which  ultimately  attended  it.  The  Lom- 
bard cities  had  long  lost  their  freedom  in  fiict,  but  not  in  law : 
their  several  rulers  were  Tyrants,  not  natural  lords ;  the  em- 
peror alone  was  paramount,  and  he  had  never  sanctioned  their 
usui-pation  by  any  public  act.  The  people  therefore  were 
theoretically  supposed  to  be  still  masters  of  their  own  liberty 
and  form  of  govennnent ;  but  this  diploma  gave  stability  and 
legitimacy  to  the  Visconti  dynasty.  By  their  marriages  with 
France  and  the  ultimate  failure  of  male  heirs  the  duke  of 
Orleans  and  his  successors  when  kings  of  that  country  claimed 
the  inheritance  :  this  was  again  disputed  by  the  emperors 
as  a  devolved  fief  of  the  empire,  and  hence  the  Italian  wars 
of  Louis  XII.  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.  with  all  their  con- 
sequences :  but  Gian-Galeazzo  could  not  foresee  this  and  re- 
joiced in  present  honours  as  a  pledge  for  the  future  stability 
of  his  race  |. 

*  Paulo  Giovio  Vite  d'  Iluomini  II-     f  Miiratori,  Anno  1 394. 

l»^stri.  +  Muratori,  Anno  1395.— Corio,  Stor 


502 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bcok 


ClIAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


503 


A.D.  1396. 


Some  good  offices  performed  for  Lucca  by  Florence  against 
a  free  company  occasioned  a  closer  alliance  between  them; 
and  the  adoption  of  a  common  banner  for  nuitual  defence  in- 
-icribed  with  the  ^v()rd  Peace  had  more  sincerity  than  another 
league   concluded   in  the   following    May  with  the 
ambassadors  of  Milan,  Padua,  Fcrrara,  IMantua,  Bo- 
logna, Kimini,  Faenza,  Imola,  Pisa.  Sirna,   Perugia,  and  Citta 
di  Castello  for  reciprocal  defence  against  all  condottieri  and 
everj^  foreign    interference    in   Italian  atlairs.      It    produced 
nothmg  for  all  was  hollow  and  suspicion  lurked  under  even- 
smile  :  even  Florence,  alarmed  at  Yisconte's  secret  machina- 
tions, was  the  first  to  break  the  agreement  by  sending  j\Ia80 
degli   Albizzi    to    make  an  oHeusive  and   defensive  alliance 
with    France  just   as   the  (pieen,  sister   to  Lodovic  Duke  of 
Bavaria   had    commissioned     Jiuonaccorx.    Pitti    to    promote 
such  an   embassy.      Neither    had   this    any   tffect   in  conse- 
quence of  pecuniary  disputes  with  the  (ieneral  Count  Bernard 
d'Armignac,  the  king's  hifinnity,  the  Duku  of  Orleans'  strong 
opposition,  luul  the   shmghter  of  nearly  a   th.aisaud  French 
nobles  and  seven  thousand  followers  iit  tlie  battle  of  Nicopolis: 
for  the  enormous  ransoms  demanded  after  that  disaster  had 
drained  France  of  gold  and  rendered  her  less  eager  for  foreign 
expeditions.     Both  the  treaty  and  battle  of  Nict.polis  between 
Bajazet  Ilderim  and  Sigismoud  of  Hungary  occurred  in  Sep- 
tember; and  as  the  Genoese  soon  after  invested  Charles  M. 
of  France  with  the  supreme  dignity  of  their  commonwealth. 


Mil.,  Parte  iv",  folio  27:i.— Sismomli, 
vol.  v.,  p.  341. — The  principal  places 
comprised  in  the  new  «luketloni  were 
Brescia,    Bergaiuo,    Couio,    Novara, 
Vercelli,  Alessamlria,  Dertcna,  Bobbio, 
Piacenza,    Reggio,    Parma,    Cremona, 
Lodi  with  its  dfjK*n<lant  places,  Trento, 
Crema,  Sonzino,   Burmio,  Borgo  Sau 
Donino,    Pontremoli,    Massa    Nuova, 
Feli(i:nio,   Rocca  d'    Aratio,  with  all 


tliat  still  remained  in  the  territory  ot 

Asti ;  also  Sernivalle,  Verona,  Viceim. 

Feltri-,     Iklluno,    Bassano,    Sarzana. 

Laventina,  Carrara,  San  Stefan^,  and 

all    tlie  dioocss    of    I.uni,  with  tlitu 

territory  and  jiiri>iliction  as  a  fiet  "f 

the    eilipire.        (Vide      Coi-io    dili 

J/iiftoric   MikintH,  Parte  iv»,  fogli" 

274). 


and  that  Asti  now  belonged  to  that  kingdom  as  the  portion  of 
Valeutina  Visconte  Duchess  of  Turenne,  this  monarch  became 
more  nearly  interested  in  the  affairs  of  Italy  *. 

The  French  alliance  excited  Galeazzo  s  alarm  ;  and  as  he 
believed  that  Florence  was  secretly  assisting  the  Pisan 
exiles  against  d'Appiano  with  other  indications  of  a  hostile 
character,  he  detennined  to  stave  off  the  war  from  Lombardy 
by  quietly  sending  strong  reenforcements  to  assist  Jacopo 
d'Appiano  against  these  exiles,  and  still  be  ready  to  invade 
the  Florentines  at  a  moment's  notice.  The  new  tyrant  of 
Pisa  and  his  son,  who  seems  to  have  been  co-equal  in  authority, 
strongly  urged  this,  for  they  wanted  to  follow  Castruccio's 
steps  and  by  means  of  Visconte  acquire  the  lordship  of  Lucca, 
but  Florence  with  increased  intiuence  from  the  French 
alliance  kept  strengthening  her  relations  in  Lombardy  and 
liomagna. 

Ten  new  officers  of  the  Balia  were  elected,  of  whom  Maso 
degh  Albizzi  was  the  soul ;  but  they  soon  began  to  incur  blame 
about  the  approacliing  war  and  their  large  expensive  prepara- 
tions :  in  consequence  of  these  murmurs  an  embassy  was 
despatched  to  make  peace  Ijetween  Pisa  and  Lucca  as  well  as 
with  the  Pisan  exiles,  and  so  remove  all  pretext  for 
the  assembly  of  so  large  a  Milanese  force  m  that 
state :  this  was  speedily  accomi)lislied,  and  with  strong  profes- 
sions of  gratitude ;  but  being  thus  free,  Jacopo  d'  Appiano 
instantly  turned  his  whole  mind  against  Florence  and  deter- 
mined to  gain  possession  of  San  Miniato  as  a  place  of  arms 
commanding  the  road  about  half  way  between  the  two  capitals. 
To  this  end  Giovanni  da  Barbiano  was  sent  as  a  free  condot- 
tiere  towards  the  Lucchese  frontier  which  drew  the  Florentine 
army  into  the  Valdinievole  to  watch  his  motions  :  San  Miniato 


*  Cronaca  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  pp.     S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  853.- 
48,  49,  54.— Memorie  Stor.   di  Ser     niondi,  vol.  v.,  cap.  Iv. 
Naddo    da   Montecatini,  p.    158.  — 


-Sis- 


501 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


was  thus  left  exposed,  and  by  means  of  a  potent  citizen  named 
Benedetto  Mangiadori  an  enemy  to  Horence,  the  goveniur 
fell  by  treacheiy  and  the  people,  as  usual,  were  called  to 
arms  and  liberty  :  they  did  take  arms,  but  in  favour  of  the  Flo- 
rentines, and  San  Miniato  was  almost  iustitntaneouslv  recovered 
although  Mangiadori  escaped.  Tlie  tirsi  account  of  this 
treachery  gave  considerable  alarm  to  the  Florentines,  the 
second  urged  them  to  vengeance :  a  council  of  six  hundred 
Richiesti  was  instantly  assembled  ;  the  conduct  of  Galeazzo 
was  exposed  ;  the  incursions  of  Alberigo  da  Barbiano  from  the 
side  of  Siena,  of  Giovanni  da  Barbiano  on  that  of  Lucca,  this 
attempt  on  Saii  Miniato  by  Jacopo  d'Appiano  the  mere  tool  of 
Visconte,  and  the  Milanese  araiy  already  prepared  to  invade 
Mantua ;  all  were  laid  in  strong  relief  before  them  and  it  was 
then  asked  if  the  Florentines  were  still  to  remain  with  their 
hands  in  their  girdles  as  calm  spectators  of  events  .'  ( >pposition 
now  ceased,  war  was  declared  by  acclamation  and  the  BaHii 
charged  to  press  it  with  all  their  power  and  activity.  Mean- 
while Alberigo  da  Barbiano  acting  as  if  he  were  a  free  cou- 
dottiere  marched  from  Siena,  burned  Castellina.  passed  into 
Chianti,  and  devastated  all  that  countn%  then  crossed  the  Arao 
and  ravaged  the  plain  of  Florence  to  within  a  mile  of  the 
capital :  afterwards  moving  on  Lastra  and  Signa  he  attacked 
the  latter  which  was  finally  defended  by  the  women,  and  with 
some  loss,  returned  by  San  Casciano  to  Siena.  War  had  not 
yet  been  declared,  and  the  Florentine  army  under  Bernadone 
della  Sen-a  was  occupied  in  watching  Giovanni  da  Barbiano  on 
the  Lucchese  frontier,  so  that  Alberigo  made  this  sudden  and 
unexpected  inroad  without  opposition.  The  Florentines  how- 
ever in  a  short  time  found  means  to  seduce  Paulo  Orsino, 
Biordo  de'  ^lichelotti,  and  also  his  brother  with  a  large  body  of 
troops  from  Visconte 's  service,  and  Giovanni  da  Barbiano 
reengaged  himself  to  Bologna,  so  that  they  were  not  only 
easy  about  themselves  but  sent  assistance  to  Mantua  now  hard 


CHAP,  xxvm.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


505 


pressed  by  the  ducal  forces :  Alberigo  was  kept  in  check  by 
Bemardone  della  Serra  while  an  additional  recnforcement  of 
between  three  and  four  thousand  men-at-arms  was  despatched 
bv  the  leamie  under  Carlo  ^lahitesta  to  succour  Mantua-. 

This  city  was  in  extreme  peril,  for  all  tlie  Milanese  soldiers 
of  Lombardy  had  assembled  against  it  directed  by  the  best 
t^enerals  and  the  detennined  hatred  and  talents  of  Gian-Gale- 
azzo  himself.  He  ordered  two  armies  to  invest  it ;  one  under 
U'^olotto  Bianciardo  jrovenior  of  Verona  ;  the  other  commanded 
by  Jacorao  del  Verme  lay  south  of  the  Po,  intending  to  pass 
that  river  near  Borgo  b'orte  where  the  allies,  but  principally 
Florence,  had  built  a  strong  and  well-defeiulcd  bridge  four 
hundred  and  fifty  paces  in  length  at  the  enormous  cost  of 
100,000  florins  f.  Both  these  armies  were  ordered  to  pene- 
trate into  that  portion  of  Gonzaga's  dominions  called  the 
"  Serrar/Uo  "  of  Mantua  from  its  inclosure  l)y  the  Po,  Mincio, 
and  Oglio  rivers,  all  of  which  being  dilhcult  to  i)ass  had 
hitherto  preserved  it  from  the  ravages  of  war. 

For  upwards  of  three  months  the  Milanese  armies  had  been 
baffled  by  these  obsUicles  and  all  navigation  was  stopped  by  the 
bridge  of  Borgo  Forte  ;  at  length  on  the  fourteenth  of  July 
Jacopo  del  Verme  after  an  obstinate  conflict,  but  favoured  by  a 
strong  wind  and  current  succeeded  in  destroying  the  bridge  by 
fire-ships,  and  thus  opening  a  free  passage  into  the  Serraglio  of 
Mantua  reduced  Gonzaga  to  extremity  I.  This  misfortune  was 
soon  compensated  by  his  cousin  Charles  Malatesta's  arrival, 
who  with  the  allied  succours  brought  fresh  spirit,  confidence, 
and  immediate  victoiT ;  for  crossing  the  Po  at  Stellata  near 
Ferrara,  accompanied  by  a  powerful  squadron  amongst  which 
were  seven  Venetian  galleys  commanded  by  Francesco  Bembo, 


*  Memorie  Storiche  di  Scr  Naddo  da  f  Goio  Dati,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  46. 

Montecatini,  p.  159. — Leon.  Arctino,  X  S.  Amniirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  863. — 

Lib.  xi. — Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  iii",  Poggio,  Stor.   Lib.  iii.,  p.   88. — Sis- 

p.  87. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  pp.  moudi,  vol.  v.,  cap.  Iv.  —  Mui-atori, 

856  to  863.  Anno  1397. 


506 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bO(iK   I. 


he  attacked  the  Milanese  flotilla  near  Govemolo  at  the  Mincio's 
mouth,  sank  or  destroyed  them  all  and  passed  that  river  while 
Del  Vernie,  feart'ul  of  his  communications  liy  the  destmction  of 
a  pontoon  bridge  was  in  full  retreat  across  the  Po ;  and  by  a 
fintd  movement  cut  off  all  the  baggage  and  infantiy  along  with 
a  great  body  of  horse. 

Meanwhile  Gonzaga  in  concert  with  the  garrison  of  Gover- 
nola  had  attacked  and  defeated  liiancardo  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Mhicio  ;  and  thus  three  imi)orta!it  victories  were  gained  in 
one  day  and  the  count  ly  completely  cleared  of  the  enemy. 
Bembo  soon  destroyed  the  jNIilanese  bridge,  and  captured  a 
hundred  and  seventy  vessels  at  anclinr  nbove  it ;  there  were 
six  thousand  prisoners  and  two  thuUMind  liurses  taken  on  this 
memorable  occasion,  but  the  success  \va>  not  followed  up;  for 
the  condottieri  of  that  day  knew  well  how  to  impede  the  sudden 
termination  of  a  war  that  suj)ported  tlieni  in  credit  and  afflu- 
ence ;  nevertheless  peace  was  again  talked  (.1  : .  ( ialeazzo  how- 
ever was  not  so  easily  tamed;  Alberigo  da  liarbiano  and  almost 
all  his  troops  were  recalled  from  Tuscany  ;  new  levies  were 
made  ;  the  Milanese  flotilla  was  replaced  and  augmented  ;  and 
that  of  Padua  and  ^lantua  att;icked  and  destroyed  at  Borgoforte 
on  the  twenty-ninth  of  October  with  the  loss  of  three  galleys 
twenty-five  ffiiHeons,  and  all  the  crews  and  armament.  Alberigo 
then  entered  the  Serraglio,  ravaged  the  whole  country,  over- 
came every  obstacle,  and  carried  desolation  to  the  gates  of 
Mantua. 

The  condition  of  Gonzaga  was  now  worse  than  ever  and  the 
real's  of  Venice  and  Florence  so  augmented  as  to  make  the  former 
speak  openly  of  joining  the  league  while  the  latter  endeavoured 
to  engage  the  Duke  of  Austria  in  her  service.  The  prospect 
of  having  these  potent  antagonists  startled  (ialeazzo  and  in- 
clined him  to  negotiate,  while  Gonzaga  tired  of  such  destructive 
warfare  was  so  eager  for  its  termination  as  to  beghi  a  secret 


*  Ricordi  di  Gio.  Morelli,  p.  5.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  863. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


507 


A.D.  1.398. 


correspondence  with  his  most  hated  enemy.  But  Visconte  was 
in  no  haste ;  his  object  was  procrastination  not  peace,  and  he 
therefore  threw  so  many  obstacles  in  the  w^ay  that  it  was  not 
until  six  months  were  passed,  and  after  Venice  had  openly 
joined  the  league,  that  a  truce  for  ten  years  was  concluded 
principally  through  her  mediation,  and  published  on  the 
twenty-sixth  of  May  131)8-. 

Gian-Galeazzo  Visconte  inherited  the  family  disposition  to 
make  and  break  treaties  either  openly  or  covertly  as 
best  suited  his  own  purposes  ;  Pisa  therefore  as  a 
means  to  the  conquest  of  Florence  was  now  his  main  object ; 
and  while  negotiations  for  peace  were  still  in  progress  he  pre- 
tended to  dismiss  Paulo  Savello  and  other  condottieri  from  his 
service  and  covertly  despatched  them  to  join  the  Tuscan  army 
at  Siena,  of  which  reiaiblic  he  had  received  the  absolute 
lordship.  They  had  also  another  and  more  important  duty  to 
perform  on  their  way :  entering  Pisa  at  night  Paulo  imme- 
diately repaired  to  dacopo  d'  Appiaiio  and  in  the  duke's  name 
demanded  possession  of  the  citadel  with  the  fortresses  of  Cas- 
cina,  Leghorn,  and  Piombino,  as  the  only  means  of  protecting 
that  city  against  the  Florenthies.  Appiano  astonished,  but  too 
wary  to  be  thus  entrapped,  professed  his  devotion  to  Galeazzo 
and  begged  time  until  next  morning  to  consult  the  Anziani 
without  whose  concurrence  he  had  not  powder  to  comply.  Paulo 
knew  this  to  be  false  but  acquiesced,  and  quitted  him  with 
significant  threats  :  Jacopo  instantly  ordered  his  son  Gherardo 
whom  he  had  made  Caj)tain  of  Pisa  (f(»r  Vanni  was  dead,)  to  have 
all  his  troops  in  readiness  by  dawn  of  day  for  the  attack  of  an 
enemy.  These  commands  were  so  eflectually  executed  that 
Paido  was  beaten,  wounded,  and  made  prisoner,  and  his  people 
dispersed.  Florence  lioped  from  this  breach  to  draw  beneficial 
consequences,  and  Lucca  expected  the  same ;  ambassadors  from 
all  three  states  met  on  the  occasion  but  in  vain ;  for  Appiano  the 


*  Muratori,  Anno  1397-8. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  865. 


503 


FhORENTINi:    nisiOUY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  135^. 


bitter  enemy  of  Florence  was  either  persuaded  or  affected  to  be 
so,  by  Visconte's  ambassador,  that  all  liad  occurred  \vithout  his 
knowledge  and  their  alliance  remained  unbroken  *. 

Autumn  brought  new  troubles,  for  dacopo  d'Appiano  died  on 
the  fifth  of  September  his  son  Gherardo  quietly  succeediug; 
but  this  young  man  preferring  ease  and  tranquillity  to  the 
troubles  of  a  turbulent  dominion  and  fearful  alike  of  Florence 
Visconte  and  his  own  citizens,  sold  Pisa  to  that  duke  for 
200,000  florins  in  despite  of  all  the  offers  and  reinon- 
stmnces  of  the  other  two,  the  Pisans  offering  as  much 
as  Galeazzo  for  their  entire  emancipation.  Gherardo  retained 
the  independent  lordship  of  Piombino,  Elba,  Populonia,  Suve- 
reto,  and  Scarlino,  all  which  as  the  Principality  of  Piom- 
bino remained  two  centuries  in  his  familv,  but  is  now  annexed 
to  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Tuscany  f.  This  was  a  fearful  stroke 
of  Galeazzo's  policy,  and  coupled  v.ith  aW  his  other  iiitluence  in 
Tuscany  gave  ample  cause  of  alarm,  for  I'lorence  remained 
almost  alone  an  oasis  of  liberty  in  the  j:'reat  Italian  desert  I 
Genoa,  Siena,  Pisa  and  Peruma  were  all  ruled  l)v  tyrants, 
while  Bologna  and  Lucca  were  convulsed  by  civil  discord  which 
was  fast  bringing  them  to  ruin  :  Rome  languished  in  vice  and 
slaver}^ ;  Venice,  never  free,  took  little  interest  in  the  common 
fate  of  Italy ;  Naples  had  long  bid  adieu  to  peace  and  free- 
dom ;  Lombardy  was  one  great  swamp  of  despotism  threatening 
the  few  firm  islands  that  still  impeded  its  expansion ;  and 
even  Europe  itself  seemed  to  be  threatened  with  general  mis- 
fortune. 

Bajazet  menaced  all  Christendom  witli  his  arms  ;  Constanti- 
nople was  almost  in  his  grasp ;  Tamerlane  was  behind  him  in 
the  distance  meditating  the  conquest  of  the  world  ;  most  of  the 
European  sovereigns  were  weak,  mad,  or  foolish ;  a  schism  in 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  865.  —  +  S.  Anmiirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  870. — 
Tronci,  vol.  iv.,  p.  17-. — Muratori,  Muratori,  Anno  1399. — Tronci,  vol. 
Anno  1398.  iv.,  p.  178. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FI.Or.ENT]  NE    II 1  STORY. 


509 


the  church  still  shook  tlie  devotion  of  the  pious,  and  pestilence 
swept  fearfully  over  tlie  face  of  Italy  I 

At  this  uioment  a  Scotch,  Spanish,  or  Provencal  priest  began 
to  preach  repentance  in  the  y(  ^t :  his  auditors  clothed  and 
hooded  in  white,  and  carrying  a  crucitix  in  their  front  marched 
in  [)rocession  to  the  nearest  city  chanting  the  beautiful  hymn 
"  Stabiit  Mater  dolorosa  "  which  was  then  composed,  and  asking 
mercy  for  their  sins".  They  were  called  tlie  "  White  PenU 
tents  "  and  came  to  Italy  through  Piedmont,  then  proceeding 
to  the  coast,  were  joined  by  the  inliabitants  of  Polsevera 
who  entered  (ienoa  in  July  to  the  number  of  live  thousand  of 
every  rank  age  and  sex,  all  dressed  in  white  linen  and  chanting 
the  "Staltat  Mater"  and  other  hvmns :  the  Genoese  then  took 
up  the  pilgrimage  and  spent  nine  days  in  visiting  the  sacred 
jilaces  (if  their  city,  but  the  strongest  marched  onward  to  Lucca, 
ri^a,  and  tlieuce  to  Florence  where  true  to  their  wonted  enthu- 
siasm forty  thousand  Florentines  with  the  two  bishops  at  their 
head  assumed  the  garb  and  carried  tliis  mania  to  Arezzo.  There 
was  no  inebriety  or  ether  misconduct  known  amongst  them ; 
fasting,  abstinence,  prayers  and  |teacemaking  were  their  occupa- 
tions for  nine  davs  :  they  entered  no  house,  visited  no  convent, 
souglit  no  slielter ;  but  slept  on  the  bare  ground  in  the  open 
air,  and  passed  with  confidence  into  the  cities  of  their  greatest 
enemies.  What  food  was  given  to  them  they  received,  and 
distributed  the  overplus  anatngst  the  poor:  a  spirit  of  peace 
and  good-will  seemed  to  attend  their  steps  and  infuse  itself  into 
the  souls  of  those  they  visited:  this  enthusiasm  was  so  deep  and 
universal,  that  the  loudest  revilers  were  carried  off  hi  the  gene- 
ral feeling,  and  thus  a  gentle  zephyr  seemed  to  pass  over  the 
fiice  of  the  world  for  a  few  short  moments,  l)ut  was  felt  no  niore  ! 
The  btunn  of  human  passions  again  resumed  its  wonted  course -f. 

*  Boniiist'j,'ni,  Ilist.  Finr.,  I-ib.   iv.,  p,  CJio.  Morelli,  p.  G  — PogU'io,  Lib.  iii", 

752.— Munitoii,  Annali,  Anno  l;i'>!).  j).  !»'2. — Muratori,   Anno    13.').'). —  S. 

t  Leon.  Arctino,  Lib.  xii. — liuonac-  Ainuiirato,    Lib.    xvi.,   p.   872.— Sis- 

corso  Pitti,  Crouica,  p.  58. — Ricordi  di  niontli,  vol.  v.,  cap.  ivi. 


510 


FLORKNTIXK    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1400. 


The  new  year  mid  century  opened  inauspiciously  for  Flo- 
rence :  Galeazzos intrigues  were  ceaseless  ;  and  being 
secure  of  Siena,  in  the  absolute  ^.tvcreignty  of  which 
he  had  been  again  contirmed ;  of  Pisa  which  he  had  just  pur- 
chased ;  of  the  Counts  of  Poppi  and  other  mountain  barons : 
he  turned  his  mind  on  Perugia,  and  through  tlic  agency  of  its 
raercenaiT  tvrant  Ceccolino  de'  IMichelotti  reduced  that  citv 
also  under  his  dominion.  His  next  object  was  Lucca  where 
Lazzero  Guinigi  still  domineered  :  tliis  man  had  a  foolish  bro- 
ther, a  soldier,  who  being  about  this  time  at  Pisa  was  sent  for 
by  Visconte's  govenior  and  secretly  told  tliat  if  he  had  suffi- 
cient spirit  he  might  become  seignor  of  Lucca.  •  You  have 
"  only  to  demand  a  private  audience  of  your  brother  by  night. 
*'  which  will  not  be  refused,  and  when  alone  stab  him  to  the 
"  heart,  proclaim  yourself  lord  of  thr  rv])ublic  and  you  shall 
"  not  be  h)ng  without  assistance."  This  dett  >table  advice  was 
blindly  followed,  but  the  gonfalonier  ^lichclc  ( ruinigi  promptly 
arrested  the  culprit,  who  knew  not  how  to  proceed,  and  con- 
demned him  by  the  usual  course  of  law. 

This  obsUicle  behig  removed  from  Msconte  the  suspicious 
Florentines  who  never  lost  an  opportunity  of  interfering  in 
their  neighboui's'  concerns,  sent  an  otier  of  immediate  assist- 
ance which  was  coolly  declined ;  and  soon  after  Paulo  Guinigi, 
a  partisan  of  Galeazzo,  with  his  secret  aid  made  himself  lord 
of  the  connnon wealth  and  added  one  inoie  state  to  the  greatest 
enemy  of  Florence.  Nor  was  this  reitublic  better  pleased  at 
the  conduct  of  Venice  in  concluding  a  gen(U-al  peace  with  ^  i>- 
conte  on  the  twenty-first  of  ^larch  without  tlie  concurrence  or 
even  the  knowledge  of  the  Florentines  but  which  by  the  con- 
ditions of  her  league  she  had  a  right  to  do :  the  latter  thouglit 
with  some  reason,  that  their  interests  had  been  sacrificed  yet 
accepted  the  treaty  which  was  published  witliout  rejoicing  on 
the  eleventh  of  April  1400  after  >onie  strong  but  inetlectnal 
remonstrances*.    This  mortifying  event  was  [iggravated  by  tlK' 

•  Buonaccoi-so  Pitti,  Cron. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  876. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


511 


appearance  of  a  pestilence  which  now  began  to  rage  with 
extreme  violence  over  all  Italy  and  in  Florence  alone  daily 
carried  off  two  hundred  souls  ;  so  that  with  the  number  of  those 
who  had  tied  from  its  ravages  the  city  on  its  great  and  usually 
crowded  festival  of  San  (riovanni  seemed  like  a  silent  desert 
instead  of  its  wonted  dis[day  of  mirth,  and  joy,  and  j)roud  exult- 
ing magnificence.  The  shops  wei'e  mostly  closed ;  the  streets 
unthronged  and  silent ;  the  windows  and  balconies  unpeopled 
and  unadorned  ;  the  markets  deserted ;  the  churches  with  more 
priests  than  penitents ;  tlie  puldic  palace  desolate,  and  the 
government  alarmed  for  the  general  siifety.  Soldiers  were 
therefore  levied  to  protect  the  city  and  conttido  and  remained 
until  September  and  October,  wiien  the  country  was  relieved 
from  this  oft-repeated  and  dreadful  scourge  of  the  Italian 
peninsula '■'. 

Tliis  same  year,  Pio1)ert  elector  of  Bavaria  succeeded  the 
deposed  Wenceslas  in  the  imi>erifd  dignity  and  immediately 
despatched  ambassadors  to  assure  Florence  of  his  good  will, 
conlinning  her  privileges  and  making  that  state  his  vicar  over 
all  the  imperial  possessions  within  her  own  dominion. 
The  arrival  of  this  embassy  was  very  acceptable  to 
the  Florentines,  who  seeing  no  safety  but  in  war  were  again 
preparing  for  it :  ]  Juonaccorso  Pitti,  who  had  visited  all  countries 
and  spoke  all  languages,  and  Ser  Pero  da  Saumiiuato,  were 
therefore  despatched  to  Pobert,  nominally  as  a  mere  cere- 
mony on  his  election  but  really  to  invite  him  into  Italy,  as 
well  for  his  coronation  as  to  assert  the  imperial  rights  against 
Milan  which  if  he  consented  to  attack  with  a  large  force, 
100,000  florins  were  to  be  his  reward  f.  This  was  subse- 
quently doubled  ;  and  after  nuich  unnecessary  delay  and 
^"oo^i"^'  impolitic  negotiations,  all  minutely  related  by  Buonac- 
corso  Pitti  in  his  interesthig  Chronicle,  Robert  appeared  at 
Trent  in  the  middle  of  October  with  an  army  of  fifteen  thou- 


A.D.  1401. 


S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  877.         f  Buonacoorso  Pitti,  Croiiica,  p.  60,  &c». 


12 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


513 


sand  horse,  where  he  was  soon  joined  by  Francesco  da  Carrara 
and  a  large  reenforcenient  of  all  arms.  The  hopes  of  Florence, 
although  niised  by  this  movement,  had  already  received  a  check 
from  the  stiite  of  factions  and  recent  revolution  at  Bologiia, 
where  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  a  young  nobleman  of  great  influ- 
ence  and  popularity,  had  with  the  assistance  of  (ialeazzo  and 
public  favour  made  himself  lord  of  that  city  ;  yet  not  for  this 
was  he  inclined  to  favour  the  duke  of  INIilan  but  on  thecontnuy 
drew  closer  the  ancient  ties  of  amity  with  Florence  *. 

All  these  things  could  not  escape  the  lynx-eyed  Gjdeazzo 
whose  first  means  of  defence  were  an  attempt  to  poison  the 
emperor  by  bribing  his  physician  with  15,000  ducats  to 
commit  the  crime;  his  next  was  an  extraordinary  tax  of 
600,000  florins  by  which  he  levied  an  army  of  thirteen  thou- 
sand five  hundred  men-at-arms  and  twelve  thousand  infantry' 
under  the  most  renowned  captains  of  tli«^  age,  ever}'  one  of 
them  having  separately  commanded  armies.  Alberigo 
da  Barbiano,  Facino  Cane,  Otto  Buonterzo  of  Parma. 
Galeazzo  of  Mantua,  Taddeo  del  Venue,  Galeazzo  and  Antonio 
Pon-o  of  Milan,  T'golotto  Bianciardo,  the  ^Marquis  of  Monte- 
ferrato,  and  Carlo  ]\lalatesta  of  Rimini,  all  were  commanded  by 
Jacopo  del  Venne  but  each  leading  a  separate  division.  Besides 
this  he  had  garrisoned  and  supplied  his  frontier  to^Mis, 
strengthened  his  other  cities,  augmented  his  generals"  pay. 
seduced  both  Mantua  and  Ferrara  from  the  league;  and 
attempted,  but  unsuccessfully,  an  alliance  with  the  sovereign 

pontitl\ 

On  the  side  of  Florence  it  was  settled  that  the  Dukes  of 
Saxony  and  Austna  were  to  command  the  two  divisons  of  high 
and  low  Gei-many ;  and  Francesco  da  Carrara  all  the  1  talma 
troops  with  whom  he  led  the  general  march  towards  the 
Brescian  hills,  Robert  intending  to  follow  with  his  personal 
escort.     The  whole  army  reassembled  within  a  few  miles  oi 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  883. 


A.D.  HOI. 


Brescia  and  while  debating  on  the  plan  of  operations  a  sldrmish 
commenced  between  Milanese  Italians  and  the  German  impe- 
rialists, which  ended  in  a  more  extensive  and  general  combat  : 
the  Germans  confiding   in   their  ancient   superiority  fought 
boldly  but  disorderly ;  they  were  generally  w^oi^e  armed  than 
the  Italians ;  many  with  only  a  helmet  and  light  cuirass  which 
did  not  allow  of  a  regular  course  with  the  lance  in  rest ;  so  that 
they  cast  their  spears  with  a  thong  like  javelins ;  and  their 
bridles  were  so  light  as  to  be  only  good  for  speed  and  common 
management.     The    Italian  on    the  contrary  was   one  mass 
of  iron  with  a  heavy  tilting-lance  and  a  powerful  bit  that 
stopped  or  turned  his  horse  at  speed,  and  now  proved  himself 
to  the  world's  surprise  in  every  way  superior  to   his  Ger- 
man adversary.     The  military  spirit  and  discipline  of  Italy 
was  revived  and  active  ;  Hawkwood  had  trained  her  in  the  art 
of  war  and  she  no  longer  depended  exclusively  on  foreigners 
for  her  intenial  battles  =:=.     The  Germans  were  defeated  and 
driven  to  their  entrenchments  with  disgrace  and  death,  and  so 
great  was  the  panic  that  within  three  days,  either  from  this 
or  other  causes,  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  and  the  Duke  of 
Austria  left  the  army  on  some  slight  excuse  and  retired  to  Ger- 
many.    Thus  vanished  all  hope  of  this  grand  armament,  and 
^ith  it  the  expectations  of  Padua,  Florence,  and  others  who 
were  promised  riches  from  Visconte  s  spoils  :  Robert  retired  to 
Trent  and  was  on  the  point  of  repassing  the  Alps  when  the 
earnest  entreaties  of  Carrara  and  the  Florenrine  ambassadors, 
with  some  sense  of  his  own  honour,  recalled  him  and  four  thou- 
sand horse  to  Padua  f. 

The  intelligence  of  this  unexpected  calamity  spread  conster- 
nation through  Florence,  for  the  present  disappointment  was 
equal  to  the  previous  animation  of  the  citizens  when  in  one 
single  night  200,000  florins  were  voluntarily  raised  and  sent 
off  to  Venice  in  readiness  for  the  emperor ;.     Now  all  was 

*  Leon.  Aretino,  Lib.  xii.,p,  209.  f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  885. 

t  Toggio,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  94. 
VOL.  II.  L  L 


514 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


changed ;  the  last  days  of  Florentine  liberty  were  believed  to 
be  near  and  the  state  all  but  trampled  under  the  footsteps  of 
Visconte's  legions  !  The  citizens  sUired  in  silence  on  each  other 
and  all  was  gloom  until  the  emperor's  return  to  Padua  became 
known,  when  courage  again  revived  and  ambassadors  were  once 
more  sent  to  treat  with  him :  but  Florence  re<pured  service  for 
her  money,  wliile  Robert  insisted  that  the  latter  was  necessary 
first,  and  in  large  quantities  to  produce  the  fonner ;  thus  tlie 
dispute  continued  until  A])ril  I  loo,  ^Yhen  with  con- 

A.D.  1402.  -, 

siderable  payments  the  emperor  returned  to  Ger- 
many. Meanwhile  Visconte  proud  of  his  success  immediately 
attacked  Bologna,  almost  the  only  outlet  now  left  for  Floren- 
tine commerce  except  Motrone  near  Pietra  Santa,  knowing 
that  once  in  possession  of  that  bulwark  Florence  would  soon 
fall  an  easy  prey.  Beniardone  della  Serra  with  the  whole  dis- 
posable force  of  the  republic  was  immediately  despatched  to 
Bentivoglio's  assistance  and  would  probably  have  preserved 
the  town  mitil  Visconte's  resources,  which  the  Florentines  well 
knew  were  exhausted,  but  the  rash  spirit  of  the  latter  lost 
evervtliinj:'.  Forcinj?  Beniardone  out  aj^ainst  his  will  to  fight 
a  superior  force,  a  bloody  battle  ensued,  the  Florentines  were 
completely  defeated,  their  general  made  prisoner,  Bologna  was 
taken  bv  force  and  treachery,  and  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  fell 
in  its  defence.  Florence  deprived  of  her  general  and  army  was 
now  open  to  the  enemy  :  her  last  hour  was  come  if  Visconte  had 
only  pushed  on  his  conquests  ;  but  he  otTered  peace  as  was  his 
wont  after  any  great  success ;  and  ambassadoi*s  met  at  Venice 
from  both  sides  to  settle  the  conditions.  It  was  on  unequal 
terms  for  Florence  who  with  her  army  destroyed,  her  general 
prisoner,  her  resources  exhausted ;  no  hope,  no  chance  of  a 
defender ;  no  means  of  foreign  aid ;  the  Cancellieri  in  open 
revolt  at  Pistoia  and  the  Ubaldini  in  the  Apennines,  had  great 
difficulties.  Yet  three  friendly  states  offered  themselves  to 
her  consideration,  Venice,  Naples,  and  the  Church:  but  the 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


515 


terms  of  Venice  were  too  hard,  too  mercenary,  and  too  degrading 
to  Florence ;  and  her  iidelity  was  not  to  be  trusted :  Ladislaus 
was  young,  warlike,  and  eager  for  glory  but  faithless  and  un- 
scrupulous and  therefore  a  dangerous  auxiliary :  the  pope 
alone  remained  ;  and  as  it  was  thought  his  own  interest  would 
lead  liiin  to  right  conclusions  every  endeavour  was  exerted  to 
secure  his  assistance. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  terror,  intelligence  arrived  that 
Gian-("Talc:iz/o  \''isconte  was  dead  of  the  plague  at  his  villa  of 
Marignano  on  the  Aml)ro  !  Instantly  the  psalm,  "  Our  bonds 
are  broken  and  ire  ore  nou-  free"  resounded  through  the  streets, 
and  an  indescribable  delight  hllcdthe  hearts  of  the  community: 
Florence  was  saved  and  the  people  felt  it  and  rejoiced !  Gio- 
vanni (iideazzo  Visconte  died  on  the  tliird  of  September  at  the 
age  of  lifty-live,  after  having  for  twelve  years  of  mingled  peace 
and  war  tormented  the  Florentines  who  however  are  not  quite 
free  from  the  imputation  of  having  poisoned  him. 

He  loved  retirement,  was  liberal  to  clever  men,  jm  encourager 
of  the  arts,  and  was  says  Poggio  and  ^Iimiton  of  a  great  and 
sagacious  mind ;  magnanimous,  clement :  and  glorious  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world  from  his  success.  His  ability  and  sagacity 
were  palpable,  but  his  magnaniinity  and  clemency  arose  rather 
from  his  being  unsuseeptil»le  to  anger  or  resentment  than  any 
nobler  feeling  :  all  with  liim  was  calculation,  and  neither  blood, 
friendship,  gratitude,  religion,  justice,  or  conscience^  ever  im- 
peded his  designs.  Ambition  was  his  all-absorbing  passion  and 
the  conquest  of  Italy  his  ultimate  object.  Like  Mastino  della 
Scala  it  is  said  that  he  caused  a  royal  crown  to  be  made  for  his 
future  dignity  ;  and  wlien  he  heard  of  a  comet  appearing  wliile 
he  was  ill,  it  was  received  by  him  as  the  sign  of  his  dissolution 
and  he  thanked  God  for  making  the  symbol  of  his  recall  an 
object  in  the  heavens  to  be  seen  by  all  the  world-. 

*  CagnolaStor.  :Mil.,  Lib.  ii",  p.  '22.  Auimirato,  Lib.  \vi.,  p.  881,  &€". — 
—  Corio.  Stor.  Mil.,  Parte  iv^  — S.     I'oiru'io,  S.oria,  Lib.  iii''.— Leon.  Are- 

L  L  :2 


516 


FLORENTINE   HISTOTIT. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


517 


This  prepondcmtiiig  weight  being  removed  Italy  righted  of 
her  own  accord  and  a  new  series  of  events  commenced  with  the 
century :  similar  passions  exciting  similar  effects,  names  only 
are  changed,  and  this  is  the  burden  of  historical  song:  a  thou- 
sand variations  to  the  same  tune  but  the  cadence  moving  with 

unaltered  beat*. 

Although  the  course  of  militaiy  transactions  has  been  miin- 
terniptedly  followed  for  twelve  years  it  must  not  be  supposed 
that  the  domestic  affaii-s  of  b'lorence  worked  in  perfect  hannony. 
or  were  even  less  stonny  than  usual  :  on  the  contrar}',  dissen- 
sions, plots,  exiles,  admonitions,  and  confiscation  of  property 
tilled  up  the  hitervals  of  extenial  war  vriih.  all  their  wonted 

activity. 

We  must  take  up  the  thread  of  our  liistory  from  November 
\:\\)\  when  the  Alberti  and  llinucini  families  were  l>y 
the  removal  of  the  Divieto  restored  to  the  rights  of 
itizenship  and  Florence  remained  free  from  ciril  broils  until 
September  l:>l):i  when  :\Iaso  degli  Albizzi  became 
gonfalonier  of  justice  :  he  was  the  son  uf  Luca  degli 
Albizzi  and  nephew  of  that  Piero  who  lost  his  head  in  1:37 U. 
Besides  the  destmction  of  his  property  IMaso  had  suffered  all 
the  hardships  and  miser}-  of  banishment  fur  a  ]>lot  of  which 
Piero  was  generally  believed  innocent :  in  any  circumstances 
such  injustice  would  not  have  been  easily  forgiven  or  forgotten: 
but  in  that  frowning  age  of  passion  and  revenge  the  injury 
was  treasured  up  with  accumulated  interest  and  a  fresh  and 
ardent  recollection  was  presened  (tf  his  ovm  and  his  family  > 
sufferings.  Piero  s  death  alone  had  made  Maso  a  determiuca 
enemy  of  the  Alberti,  nor  did  the  fate  of  its  principal  author 
lienedetto  in  the  least  mitigate  his  thirst  of  vengeance.    An 

lino,  Lib.  xii.,  and  last  of  his  history.  Sisinondi,  vol.  v.,  rap.  Ivi. 

— Goror)atiStoria,Lihv.— Cronicatli  *  We   bore    take   leave  of  Leonardo 

Jacopo  Salviati.—Ricordi  di  CJio.  Mo-  Aretino,  whose  account  of  all  nnlitan 

relli. — Cronaca  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti.  transietions   is  always  clear  and  iro- 

— Muratori,    Annali,  Anno.     140*2 —  hablc. 


A.D.  131)L 


(* 


A.D.  1,'©3. 


opportunity  was  only  wanting,  and  his  accession  to  the  chief 
matnstracv  furnished  it :  by  means  of  two  exiles  a  plot  to  over- 
turn  the  government  was  revealed  with  all  its  particulars  to 
the  Seignory,  which  resulted  in  the  arrest  of  Cipriano,  Alberto 
and  Nerozzo  degli  Alberti,  with  several  others  of  that  family 
who  were  said  to  be  implicated.     Benedetto  was  dead,  but  the 
vindictive  spirit  of  faction  never  died,  and  Maso  resolved  to 
rrratify  it  ere  his  term  of  office  expired  :  by  liis  influence  a 
decree  was  immediately  passed  to  place  all  the  Alberti  except 
the  sons  of  Niccolaio  amongst  the  "  Grandi"'  and  thus  deprive 
them  for  ever  of  their  privileges  as  Florentine  citizens.     This 
arbitrary  proceeding   convulsed  the  city  ;    a   parliament  was 
instantly  called  and  as  usual  a  numerous  Balia  of  the  ascendant 
faction  appointed  with  ample  powers  to  tranquillise  the  state. 
The  task  was  rough  and  arduous,  and  on  the  twentieth  of  Oc- 
tober this  board  of  dictators  prepared  for  work  by  appohiting 
Francesco  Gabrielli  d' Agubbio  as  captain  of  the  guard  with  more 
than  the  usual  authority  and  retfuners,  hi  order  to  a  prompt 
and  decided  execution  of  their  decrees.    The  troops  were  simul- 
taneously augmented,  and  additional  power  given  to  the  Seignoiy 
to  raise  money  by  forced  loans  for  their  support.     The  names 
in  the  priors' election  purse  of  1387  were  destroyed  and  replaced 
by  sm-er  partisans  ;  the  Seignory  for  November  and  December 
was  ordered  to  be  selected,  not  legally  drawn  by  lot ;  and  if  m 
the  gonfalonier's  election  purse  any  suspicious  names,  appeared 
they  were  to  be  immediately  cancelled  and  replaced  by  those  of 
more  devoted  citizens.     Xo  less  than  three  priors  were  to  be 
drawn  from  the  Borsellino  ;  many  payments  due  to  public  cre- 
ditors were  suspended  for  three  years  and  the  money  appro- 
priated to  military  expenses,  and  the  podesta,  who  had  refused 
to  summon  the  Alberti  before  his  tribunal  for  examination,  was 
dismissed  \sith  all  his  court  and  followers. 

The  people  alarmed  at  such  despotism  and  uncertain  of  the 
end,  at  once  took  to  their  arms  ;  one  faction  to  preserve  what 


51$ 


ILORENHNE    IITSTOIIY. 


[book 


they  bad  already  acquired ;  the  other  to  repel  worse  treat- 
ment :  the  fn-st  humed  to  the  great  Sijuare  with  loud  shouts  of 
**  Lotiff  lire  the  pcojAe  and  the  Parttj  (/Kclj'h  :  "  the  second 
after  seizing  a  pennon  with  the  people's  arms  at  the  captain's 
palace  also  thronged  to  the  same  spot  with  the  antagonist 
war-en'  of  **  Louff  live  the  people  a  ml  the  Tnahs.''  ]?ut  the 
former  were  strongest  and  after  some  hloodsh* d  compelled  all 
the  latter  who  remained  in  the  place  to  join  their  cry.  The 
Seignoiy  fearful  of  the  result  if  a  leader  were  found  t*)  direct 
the  storm,  immediately  delivered  the  Gueli>hic  standard  to 
liinaldo  Gianfiglazzi  and  that  of  the  ]K?ople  to  Donate 
Acciaiuoli,  both  of  them  well  beloved  of  the  coiiimunitv.  with 
orders  to  tranquillise  the  to^vn.  But  the  malcontents  remem- 
bered the  olden  time  and  the  davs  of  Salvestro  who  holdlv 
espoused  their  party  when  oppressed  by  powerful  citizens ; 
wherefore  the  weaker  faction  immediately  repaired  to  the 
houses  of  Vieri  and  Michele  de'  Medici,  theeousin  and  brother 
of  Salvestro,  the  former  since  his  deatli  being  considered  cliief 
of  the  family.  These  citizens  were  implured  with  all  the  energy 
of  distressed  supplicants  to  deliver  them  from  Maso  degli  Alhizzi 
and  their  present  oppressions,  as  Salvestro  had  formerly  deli- 
vered them  from  the  tyranny  of  his  uncle,  unless  they  them- 
selves wished  to  be  ruined  and  persecuted  like  the  x\lheru. 
"  Take,"  said  they,  *'  take  boldly  the  people's  banner;  and  those 
••  who  now  follow  Donato  and  liinaldo  will  soon  join  I  lie  Medici 
•'  their  present  and  ancient  deliverers."  lUu  Vieri,  to  whom 
their  supplications  were  tdmost  wholly  addressed,  had  Salves- 
tro's  example  before  him  and  all  its  melancholy  c«»nNe(|uences: 
and  whether  from  this,  a  want  of  all  and>ition,  or  absence  of 
generosity  in  taking  the  part  of  the  oppressed  ;  or  from  an 
honest  and  patriotic  spirit  that  perceived  more  evil  in  the  re- 
medv  than  the  disease,  was  deaf  to  all  their  entreaties.  It 
seems  to  have  been  the  general  opinion  at  the  time  tliat  if  he 
had  been  more  ambitious  than  honest  he  might  at  that  moment 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLOKENTINE    HISTORY. 


519 


have  easily  made  himself  sovereign  ruler  of  Florence,  so  bent 
were  the  minds  of  the  people  on  havhig  a  chief,  no  matter  at 
what  sacrifice,  who  would  deliver  them  from  oppression  and  lead 


on  to  vengeance. 


The  lower  classes,  who  had  never  forgotten  and  still  felt  the 
lawless  hand  of  power,  eagerly  searched  for  a  vindicator;  and 
whoever  miglit  be  found,  provided  he  were  only  able  to  control 
their  actual  oppressors  no  matter  how  wicked  he  should  prove, 
they  were  ready  to  salute  as  their  deliverer  even  at  the  expense 
of  iil>erty,  that  fruitful  tield  for  ilie  hd.ours  of  seditious  men. 
Thus  the  road  was  p:ned  for  usurpation  with  a  gradual  and  ni- 
M'usible  reluKiuishment  of  all  lait  the  outward  form  of  constitu- 
tional freedom.     Nor  did  Vieri  lack  advisers  and  prompters  to 
the  work  ;  amongst  others  Antonio  de'  Medici,  who  from  having 
been  his  enemy  had  becNnne  most  intimate,  urged  him  strongly 
to  assume  the  goveniment,  but  received  tins  spirited  reply. 
"  When  you  were  my  enemy  Antonio,  your  thrcdt^^  insjnrcd 
"  no  Jhu\  and  mnr  yon  ore  my  friend  your  council  shall  do 
-  me  no  eriir     Then  addresshig  the  nmltitude  he  promised 
to  be  their  advocate  if  they  would  listen  to  his  advice,  but 
not  their  leader;    and  proceeding   along  with  them   to   the 
palace   he  spoke  earnestly  for  them,   cleared  himself  of  all 
suspicion,  and  persuaded  the  crowd   to  retire  quietly.     De- 
termined to  secure  themseh  es  from  future  danger  the  priors 
lost  no  time  in  fortifying  the  great  s.pare  and  guarding  it  with 
six  hundred  infantry  and  two  hundred  Genoese  crossbow-men  ; 
besides  these  two  thousand  chosen  citizens  of  their  own  party 
were  armed  and  clothed  alike  to  be  ready  on  any  emergency ; 
a  regidar  guard-house  was  appointed  for  the  rendezvous  of 
every  civic  company  in  case  of  need,  and  several  other  regula- 
tions all  tending  to  keep  down  sedition  and  preserve  power 
were  promidgated.     To  all  save  these,  the  use  of  arms  was  for- 
bidden.    The  Balia  was  then  augmented  with  the  addition  of 
many  more  citizens  in  order  to  increase  its  force  and  stability  by 


520 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


Lbook 


extending  its  base  ;  and  thus  strengthened  a  decree  was  passed 
on  the  twenty-fourth  of  October  for  the  banishment  of  Cipriano, 
Alberto,  Xerozzo,  Piero,  and  Giovanni  degli  Albert]  besides  seve- 
ral others;  respectively  to  Pthodes,  Brussels,  Barcelona,  and  Sar- 
dinia :  many  of  inferior  note  who  had  been  most  jictive  in  the 
sedition  were  executed;  others  exiled,  fined,  or  imprisoned  ;  and 
A.D.1394.  "^""^'^l^y  ^^  gi^'e  more  dignity  to  the  chief  magistrate, 
but  really  to  get  rid  of  many  obnoxious  persons  for 
whose  dismissal  there  was  no  legal  cause,  none  under  forty-five 
years  old  coidd  thenceforth  be  gonfalonier  of  justice.  Other 
severe  laws  were  promulgated  to  secure  the  ascendant  faction 
under  the  name  of  public  govennnent,  odious  even  to  many 
good  citizens  of  their  own  party  who  deemed  that  state  inse- 
cure which  required  such  violence  to  uphold  it. 

Those  of  the  Albert!  who  remained  were  indignant;  the 
Medici,  and  especially  Vieri  who  felt  that  his  honour  had  suf- 
fered in  the  opinion  of  a  people  whom  he  had  induced  to  submit 
were  no  less  angr}^;  and  one  of  the  tirst  who  had  spirit  to  step 
foi-ward  was  Donato  Acciaioli  a  man  rather  superior  to  than  a 
companion  of  Maso's,  who  nevertheless  from  having  carried  even  • 
thing  with  so  high  a  hand  and  so  successfullv  while  in  otfice. 
was  become  chief  of  the  republic  *.  Many  of  the  ancient  noble> 
were  now  placed  among  the  popolani  to  iiureiise  their  ranks 
and  dimmish  the  number  of  malcontents  of  which  the  old  aris- 
tocracy always  fonned  a  considerable  portion  ;  and  to  show  the 
extreme  jealousy  of  faction  Rinaldo  Oianfiglazzi  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  and  popular  of  citizens  who  had  joined  in  the 
banishment  of  the  Alberti,  now  nearly  lost  himself  by  promising 
his  son  and  daughter  in  marriage  to  two  members  of  that 
devoted  race. 

Great  murmurs  ran  througli  the  juscendant  fliction  at  this 
apparent  desertion,  and  Rinaldo  was  finally  summoned  before 

•  Gio.   Morclli,  Ricordi,  p.   4.—  N.     Bru*o,  Stor.  Flor.,  Lib.  i«.— S.  Ammi- 
Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iii". — Gio.  Michele     rato.  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  840. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE   mSTORY. 


521 


A.D.  1390. 


the  public  tribunal  of  the  Otto  della  Guardia,  severely  repri- 
manded for  his  conduct  and  threatened  to  be  inscribed  on  the 
public  books  as  a  disaffected  man  if  these  marriages  were  allowed 
to  proceed.  He  with  the  utmost  reverence  and  humility  ex- 
cused himself  by  declaring  that  he  had  no  intention  of  quittmg 
his  party ;  that  he  never  contemplated  any  harm  in  marrying 
his  children  to  citizens  who  had  committed  no  crime  against 
the  stiite  ;  whom  the  state  had  not  exiled,  or  deprived  of  office, 
or  placed  amongst  the  great,  or  in  any  way  punished ;  but  that 
the  marriages  should  be  broken  otf.  In  consequence  of  this  he 
was  released,  and  after  a  few  years  his  daughter  s  marriage  took 
place  owing  principally  to  her  own  iidelity.  Such  was  the 
boasted  liberty  of  the  Florentine  republic  I  *. 

Donato  Acciaioli  perhaps  the  most  powerful  and  generally 
esteemed  citizen  of  Florence,  is  described  as  one  of 
tliose  who  could  not  sit  down  in  the  tranquil  enjoyment 
of  his  own  prosperity  while  his  fellow-citizens  were  wailing  in 
hopeless  misery.  Indignant  at  tlie  rigorous  administration  of 
his  party  and  its  abuse  of  power,  he  had  been  long  contemplating 
a  change,  and  only  waited  for  his  chance  of  office  to  restore  the 
numerous  exiles,  or  at  least  re -enfranchise  the  less  culpable 
admonished  citizens  who  still  resided  in  the  capital.  He  there- 
fore began  whispering  his  intentions  about  amongst  the  people 
as  the  only  certain  means  of  restoring  public  tranqiullity  :  but 
tired  of  waiting  for  the  chance  of  official  power  he  chose  the  more 
dangerous  way ;  and  relying  on  the  support  of  those  numerous 
friends  to  whom  his  opinions  were  already  known,  seized  the 
moment  when  his  kinsman  Michele  Acciaiolo  and  his  friend 
Niccolo  Ricoveri  were  priors,  to  cany  his  thoughts  into  execu- 
tion. They  accordingly  at  his  request  proposed  a  law  for  the 
restoration  of  the  exiled  and  admonished ;  but  the  Seignoiy 
decided  that  where  good  was  doubtful  and  danger  certain  new 
schemes  ought  never  to  be  attempted,  and  certainly  should  not 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  843. 


522 


FLORENTINE    TTIf^TOKY, 


[book  I. 


dui'ing  the  continuance  of  their  magistmcy.  Failing  in  this 
and  other  attempts  Donato  became  angry  and  sent  them  a 
haughty  message  for  he  ^vas  a  veiy  powerful  chief  of  their  own 
faction  ;  that  what  they  refused  to  do  witli  the  gown  should 
be  accomjdished  by  the  sword.  Tliis  l)old  deliance  was  answered 
by  a  citation  to  appear  before  their  tribunal,  find  after  a  mimite 
examination  by  a  committee  expressly  appointed  and  com- 
posed  of  almost  all  the  leaders  of  this  faction  including  Donato 
himself,  he  was  convicted  of  a  secret  attempt  at  revolution 
and  banished  for  twentv  veal's.     He  did  not  fall  alone ;  for 

«       *■' 

his  cause  was  so  closely  comiected  with  a  multitude  of  inferior 
citizens,  but  still  men  of  power  and  intluciice,  that  in  ordt  r  to 
punish  them  with  more  security  it  became  necessary  to  make  a 
previous  example  of  a  man  whose  high  rank  and  authority 
might  othenvise  have  exempted  him  from  danger.  His  ruin 
therefore,  to  which  he  submitted  without  a  nnu'mur,  pulled 
down  Alamanno  the  son  of  Salvestro  de"  ^Medici ;  two  Antonios 
of  the  same  family;  all  the  descendants  of  Alamanno,  Salves- 
tro's  father,  with  many  plebeians  besidc>  two  of  the  devoted 
Alberti  who  were  severely  lined-'--.  Maso  def:fli  Albizzi  had  now 
ruled  the  commonwealth  for  nearly  two  vears  and  a  half,  and 
had  filled  the  city  with  malcontents,  while  tlic  rest  of  Italy  was 
swanning  with  angry  exiles  ready  for  any  entequ'ise  that  pro- 
mised to  restore  them  to  their  country.  His  government  was 
an  oligarchy  comprised,  now  that  Acciaioli  was  in  c\ih\  of  ihp 
following  citizens  who  managed  to  sliar*'  all  the  great  oliico 
of  state  and  foreign  embassies  amongst  themselves  and 
their  friends.  The  leader  was  Maso  ;  tlicn  c:mie  Filippo 
Corsini,  Andrea  Vettori,  Gianozzo  lUHotti,  Xofri  Arnolii,  Ki- 
nieri  Peruzzi,  Lionardo  dell'  Antella,  Kinaldo  ( i  iaidlglazzi, 
Francesco  Kucellai,  Bartolommeo  Valori,  Francesco  l'i( aavanti, 
Andrea  Minerbetti,  Guido  del  Palngio,  Forese  Salviati,  Lorenzo 


♦  is: cm.  Storiche  <li  Ser  Naddo,  p.  153.— Maccliiavdli,  Lib.  iii".— S.  Aiiimi- 
rato,  Lib.  xvi.,p.  850. 


CHAP.  XXVIII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


523 


A.D. 1397 


Ridolfi,  and  Michele  and  Lotto  Castellani.  Power  so  con- 
densed and  concealed  behind  the  wide-spreading  forms  of 
liberty  was  formidable,  but  so  completely  was  it  deemed  to  be 
in  Maso  s  hands  tliat  his  death  like  Ciesar's,  as  was  as  vainly 
believed,  would  set  the  countiy  free. 

About  this  time  amongst  the  exdes  at  Bologna  were  Picchio 
Cavicciulli,  Tommaso  de'  Pdcci,  Antonio  de"  Medici 
and  five  others  fdl  high-spirited  young  men  ready  to 
face  any  danger  that  involved  a  hope  of  ultimate  victory.  These 
desperadoes  were  invited  to  Llorence  by  Piggiello  and  Baroccio 
Cavicciuli  with  other  kinsmen ;  aW  of  them  admonished  and 
therefore  discontented  citizens  ;  and  otYered  secure  concealment 
whence  they  might  issue  at  the  proper  moment,  assassinate 
Maso  degli  Albizzi,  call  the  people  to  arms  and  rouse  the  whole 
city  to  revolt.  Success  was  c»>ntidently  predicted  from  the  uni- 
versal dissatisliietion,  and  tliey  would  be  seconded  as  was  affirmed 
by  the  Ricci,  Adimari,  :\Iedici,  Manelli,  and  mtiny  others  who 
were  disgusted  with  the  existing  government.  Tempted  by  such 
representations  which  were  partially  correct,  the  eight  conspi- 
rators entered  Florence  on  the  fourth  of  August,  safely  reached 
their  concealment  and  set  a  watch  on  Albizzi  s  motions,  intend- 
ing to  make  his  death  the  signtd  of  revolt.  Ere  long  they 
heard  that  he  had  gone  into  an  apothecary's  shop  near  San 
Piero  MajTrriore  :  thev  instantly  sallied  forth  but  arrived  too 
late ;  he  had  already  dej^arted  :  nothing  daunted  they  hurried 
on  towards  i\Iercato  Vecchio,  where  meeting  G  iovanni  di  Piero 
one  of  the  adverse  party,  immediately  killed  him  and  at  the 
same  time  attempted  to  excite  the  citizens  by  loud  and  re- 
peated cries  of  "  JVop/c,  People,  Arms;  Liberty;  Death  to  the 
Tyrants:'  Turning  towards  Mercato  Xuovo  a  second  adversary 
was  stricken  down  at  the  tennination  of  that  street  called  the 
Calamala ;  but  no  man  joined  them  :  finally  stopping  in  the 
Corso  degli  AdimaA  at  a  Loggia  or  Portico  called  the  Nig- 
hittosa,  now  no  longer  in  existence  ;  they  harangued  the  mul- 


i24 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXVllI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


525 


4 

\ 


titude  which  had  collected  more  from  curiosity  than  any  notion 
of  sudden  insurrection  :  endeavouring'  hv  a  vehement  oration  to 
rouse  theur  dormant  spirit  and  free  themselves  by  one  bold 
etfort  from  a  debasinj^  servitude.  Thev  declared  that  the  cries 
and  suffering  of  their  fellow-citizens  far  mortj  than  any  personal 
wrong,  liad  moved  them  to  the  entei*prise  :  that  the  [)eople  had 
often  prayed  for  chiefs  to  lead  them  on  to  freedom,  and  had 
vainly  implored  Vieri  de'  Medici  to  espouse  their  cause ;  but 
that  now  they  had  no  less  than  eiglit  resolute  leadei's.  and 
amongst  them  two  of  that  very  family,  all  ready  and  willing  io 
show  them  the  way  to  victoiT ;  and  still  thov  stood  unmoved, 
staring  in  stupid  silence  at  each  other  and  cUdaying,  until  their 
liberators  should  be  overcome  and  their  own  slaver}^  still  more 
firmly  rivetted  !  They  who  were  ever  wont  to  fly  to  arms  on 
the  slightest  injuiy,  were  now  stiff  and  motionless  under  an 
accumulation  of  the  heaviest  wrongs  that  a  tic* -l^orn  people 
could  possibly  endui*e  !  Would  they  still  suffer  so  many  fellow- 
citizens  to  lan<niisli  in  exile,  so  manv  to  be  admonished  ;  when 
it  was  in  their  power  to  restore  the  one  aiul  the  other  to  their 
rijjhts  and  countrv  ?  The  tnith  of  this  address  was  felt,  but 
not  sufficiently  to  create  an  instantaneous  revolt  against  so 
powerful  a  government,  and  the  unnecessary  murder  of  two 
unoffending  citizens  told  badly  fur  the  cause. 

Perceiving  the  hopelessness  of  their  eflbr-ts  the  conspirators 
took  shelter  hi  the  cathedral  rather  t«>  <bfrr  ilian  eseai)e  from 
a  death  that  was  now  inevitable,  as  the  p(M»ple  seemed  bent  on 
meekly  suffering  their  disgracefid  servitude.  I\lean while  the 
priors  uncertain  of  what  was  doing  armed  th<?  palaee,  but  on 
learning  the  truth  surrounded  and  forced  ^^'^en  the  ehurcli 
where  most  if  not  all  were  tidven  alive  and  others  are  said  to 
have  died  bravelv  defendinc;  themselves.  There  were  no  acconi- 
plices  but  those  who  had  given  them  slielter,  and  they  were 
executed  along  with  the  survivors  of  thiS  daiing,  rash,  and 
inconsiderate  entei'prise. 


This  incident,  individually  trifling,  serves  at  least  to  show 
the  violence,  the  oppression,  the  destructive  character  of  the 
time,  when  constitutions  vibrated  between  licence  and  slavery, 
crossing  real  liberty  as  a  useless  mark ;  and  when  on  so  slender 
a  foundation  men  of  high  rank  and  family  were  easily  and  un- 
hesitatingly led  to  attempt  so  desperate  a  game  against  so 
powerful  an  administration-. 

A  comparative  tranquillity  of  three  years  under  the  energetic 
ride  of  Albizzi  was  finally  interrupted  by  another  ^  _  .  ._^ 
conspiracy  of  a  graver  character  ni  its  objects  and 
consequences,  because  it  was  contrived  and  pursued  under  the 
auspices  of  Visconte  and  implicated  a  number  of  the  most 
illustrious  families.  For  this  enterprise  Galeazzo  employed  the 
multitude  of  Florentine  exiles  then  in  Lombardy  as  his  most 
willing  and  effectual  instruments  to  work  on  a  large  and  power- 
ful Itody  of  malcontents  within  the  city  who  were  engaged  to 
second  their  attempts.  On  a  given  day  from  certain  places  in 
the  neigh])Ourhood  a  numerous  band  of  well-armed  exiles  w^ere  to 
enter  Florence  by  the  Arno  and  joining  their  friends  within  kill 
all  the  chiefs  of  the  predominant  faction  and  reform  the  state  at 
their  pleasure.  But  conspiracies  says  jMacchiaveUi,  are  generally 
composed  of  too  few  or  too  many :  if  too  few  they  are  insuffi- 
cient ;  if  too  many  they  are  betrayed.  Amongst  the  internal 
plotters  was  Samminiato  de'  llicci  who  in  seeking  additional 
support,  incautiously  stumbled  on  an  accuser  in  the  person  of 
Salvestro  Cavicciuli  degli  Alainanneschi  whose  owii  wrongs 
and  those  of  his  kinsmen  naturally  indicated  as  a  sure  and 
faithful  coadjutor,  liut  whether  conscientiously,  according  to 
Ammirato,  or  from  the  greater  force  of  present  terror  over 
distant  and  uncertain  hope  as  IMacchiavelli  asserts,  he  revealed 
the  plot :  Samminiato  was  arrested  and  the  whole  combination 
unfolded.     Salvestro  made  no  stipulation  for  his  fiiend's  life, 

•  Mem.  Stor.  di  Ser  Naddo,  p.  167.— N.  Maccliiavclli,  Lib.  iii".— S.  Ammi- 
rato, Lib.  xvi.,  p.  8G0. 


526 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


A.D.  1401. 


and  afterwards  received  a  reward  for  his  ])atnotism  ;  but  all  the 
other  conspirators  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  except  one, 
who  was  executed  along  with  Samniiniato  dt'  ilicci. 

A  Balia  of  nhietv  citizens  was  immediatelv  (  rrated  and  the 
suspected  pei'sons  were  punished  hycondenniation  to  banishment 
and  admonition  :  six  of  the  Ricci,  six  of  tlit*  Alherti,  two  of  the 
^ledici,  two  of  the  Strozzi,  three  of  the  Scali,  I  Undo  Alioviti.  Ber- 
nardo Adimari.  with  nundjcrsof  the  lown*  .l.is-cs.  were  declared 
rebels  and  the  whole  families  of  Alberti,  Kicfi,  and  Medici  were 
admonished  for  ten  years-.  lUit  the  doomed  Alberti  were  still 
considered  too  formidable  for  the  dominant  faction,  and  a  decree 
soon  after  passed  to  banish  all  the  males  of  that  flmiily 
above  sixteen  vears  of  age  lest  tlie  state  should  be 
endangered  by  their  presence  in  the  capital  f.  In  the  year 
141*2  they  broke  their  con  lines;  a  new  Balia  was  crtattd  against 
them,  which  in  j>ei*secuting  this  unlucky  race  Avith  all  the  in- 
fluence of  government  and  vimlence  of  faction,  did  not  neglect 
by  new  and  stringent  laws  to  strengthen  and  consolidate  its 
already  despotic  authority. 

With  the  Alberti's  ruin  we  may  virtually  bid  adieu  to  Flo- 
rentine liberty,  circumscribed  as  it  was  and  dressed  in  the  delu- 
sive and  flattering  garb  of  a  republic:  it  \\a^  at  bt^t  never  or 
rarelv  more  than  the  freedom,  or  rather  the  lit^iise  of  a  class ; 
a  large  class;  l)ut  still  only  a  portion  of  the  comnion  family. 
The  nobles,  the  lower  orders,  and  the  powerless  citizens,  were 
ever  discontented  but  never  united  and  thcrcfoie  always  more 
or  less  oppressed,  the  faction  in  power  alone  being  free.  It 
was  mortH)ver  a  liberty  of  governing,  an  eligibility  to  place. 
power,  emolument;  not  that  of  living  in  the  unnntlested  enjoy- 
ment and  security  of  goods  and  person ;  not  civil  lil)erty  as 
now  understood ;  but  still  in  unison  with  the  opinions  of  that 
age  and  countiT.      Yet  it  must  not  be  despised,  for  the  theory 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib  xvi.,  p.  87f>. — Macrhiavelli,  Lib.  iii". 
f  Mufchiuvelli,  Lib.  iii". 


CHAP.  XXVI 


u.] 


BXORENTINE   HISTORY. 


527 


though  infantile,  was  still  good ;  it  was  the  day-spring  of 
modern  freedom,  and  like  the  star  of  Bethlehem  proclaimed 
the  coming  of  a  milder  age.  Henceforth  we  shall  see  under 
various  phases  only  a  well-concealed  despotism ;  first  of  the 
Albizzi  and  then  of  the  Medici ;  but  perhaps  if  impartially 
examined,  attended  until  tlie  linal  ruin  of  the  republic,  with  a 
less  brilliant  exterior,  but  a  more  widely-spread  mass  of  indi- 
vidual hai)piness  and  general  comfort  because  it  was 

.  ,  A.D.  1402. 

necessaiy  to  work  in  the  name  and  forms  of  freedom 
long  after  the  substance  was  decayed.  There  w^as  moreover  a 
strong  belief  in  existing  liberty  on  one  side;  and  a  certain 
reverence  for  ancient  institutions  on  both  that  concealed  the 
pliant  fingers  of  the  sceptred  citizens,  who  also  had  the  sense 
to  hide  their  state  beneath  the  civic  gown  and  a  social  equality 
of  comnmnion  with  their  countrymen. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHS. — Kiijifhiml :  Richard  IL  UTitiH 3.99  ;  then  Henry 
IV.  of  Lancaster. — Scotland:  K()i)ert  IIL,  Stuart,  from  \'M)0  to  1405. — 
France  :  Charles  VL  (The  Maniac). — Castile  and  Leon  :  John  L  to  1390; 
then  Henry  HL — Arag.»n  :  John  L  to  L'»9.) ;  then  Martin  V. — Portugal: 
John  I. — Naples :  Ladi>lans  of  Dura/./o. — Sicily  :  Martin  the  Younger  and 
Maria. — True  Pctpe  :  Boniface  IX.— Antipope  :  Clement  VU.  until  1394  ; 
then  Benedict  XI H. —  (Jcnnany  :  Wcnceslas  to  1400,  then  deposed  and 
reigns  in  Bohemia  till  1419;  then  Robert  Count  Palatine  elected  Emperor. 
— ILuigary  :  Sigismond  of  Luxemburg.  —  IVdand  :  Yladislas  V.  (Jagello) 
embraces  Chrisii;iuity. — Creek  Emperor:  John  Pakeologus  until  1391  ;  then 
Martin  11. — Ottoman  Empire  :  Baja/.et  Uderim,  (or  the  Lightning). — Tartary  : 
Timur,  or  Tamerlane. 


528 


MISCELLANEOUS    CHAPTER. 


FOURTEENTH  CENTURY. 


There  are  certain  moral  precepts  of  general  and  everlasting 
application  more  commonly  acknowledged  than  willingly  obeyed 
yet  holding  a  cousi)iciious  place  in  every  liiunnn  transaction: 
their  necessity'  is  undenied  ;  they  form  the  theoretical  standard 
of  virtue  in  civilised  societv,  receive  an  outward  rexcrence  fiuiu 
all,  and  are  generally  used  as  a  convenient  test  of  our  neigh- 
bour's conduct  and  character  whenever  it  becomes  expedient  tu 
taunt  him  with  their  violation. 

These  laws,  essentially  attached  to  Christianity,  shone  with 
as  cleai"  a  light  in  the  middle  ages  as  at  present,  but  tlip 
human  mind  was  not  then  so  well  fitted  to  receive  them  :  tluy 
were  rather  used  as  a  reprehension  to  others  than  as  practieul 
rules  of  individual  conduct.  In  those  times  also,  that  enthu- 
siasm excited  by  a  succession  of  mysterious  ceremonies  ini>- 
called  religion  became  deep  and  frequent,  while  the  sobei 
pace  of  genuine  morality  moving  with  "  pilgrim  steps  in  amice 
grey,"  was  comparatively  circumsciibed  iind  unheeded.  And 
even  if  natural  impulse  might  in  some  have  prtnlured  more 
lofty  and  practical  virtues,  universal  example  must  soon  liavr 
whirled  them  into  the  common  vortex  of  licentiousness :  accus- 
tomed from  infancy  to  the  companionship  of  Vice,  the  men  ot 
those  days  were  blind  to  her  naked  deformities  and  only  beheld 
her  in  the  brilliant  trappings  of  successful  villany  and  mundane 
honour,  with  wealth,  glorv,  and  external  reverence  ;  nay  even 


MISC.  CUAP.]  MORAL    CHARACTER    OF    FLORENCE. 


529 


in  the  very  garb  of  virtue  ;  and  dazzled  by  tliis  factitious 
splendour  the  world  followed  eagerly  in  her  train.  Success, 
no  matter  by  what  means  or  in  what  cause,  from  the  turn  of 
the  die  to  a  revolution  of  the  state  was  then  the  great  measure 
of  worldly  approbation  ^' ;  the  test  of  conduct,  the  salve  of 
crune,  the  justification  of  injury.  In  tliis  murky  atmosphere 
the  fiercer  passions  worked  without  fear  or  danger  from  reli<non 
conscience  or  morality,  and  by  its  obscurity  alone  ought  men 
and  nations  in  that  age  be  judged,  not  through  the  clearer 
)nedium  of  our  own. 

When  we  thus  regard  Florence,  she  seems  to  shine  with 
more  genuine  lustre  than  her  peers,  to  exliibit  a  steadier  light 
;uKl  milder  aspect,  and  to  offer  a  conjunction  of  liberty  morality 


'Dante  opens  the  sixth  Canto  of  his     prevalent    fawnin?  on  good    fortune, 
i'lirgatoiy  with  an  illustration  of  the     in  a  strikinsr  simile 


g  simile. 


"  Quando  si  parte  '1  giuco  della  Zara, 
Colui,  che  pi  nle,  si  rinian  dolente, 
Ripctciuio  Ic  volte,  e  tristo  iinpara : 

Con  Taltro  so  iie  va  tutta  le  gente  : 

Qual  va  diiianzi,  e  qual  diretro  '1  prcnde, 
E  qual  da  lato  gli  si  rcca  a  mente. 

Ei  non  s-arresta,  e  questo  e  quello  'ntende  : 
A  cui  porge  la  man,  piu  non  fa  pvessa  ; 
E  cosi  dalla  ealca  si  difende. 

Tal'era  io  in  quella  turba  spessa, 
Volgendo  a  loro  e  qua  e  la  la  fiiecia. 
E  promettendo  mi  sciogliea  da  essa." 


**  "VNTien  from  a  game  of  dice  two  players  rise, 
The  loser  still  remains  in  doleful  mood 
Considering  fruitkss  casts,  and  sadly  leanis  : 

With  t'other  moves  tli'  exjieoting  crowd  away  : 
This  one  before  and  that  behind  him  clings  ; 
A  third  beside  him  cries,  '  Forget  not  me.' 

He  makes  no  stay  but  lends  an  ear  to  each  : 
Those  that  receive  liis  hand  urge  on  no  more, 
And  thus  from  pressing  tlirongs  defends  himself. 

Just  such  was  I  amongst  that  thickening  crowd, 
Turning  to  each,  and  liere,  and  there,  my  face, 
And  promising,  I  loos'd  myself  from  all.'' 


VOL.  II. 


M  M 


530    CONDITION  OF  FLORENCE DECLINE PAPAL  POWEli.    [book  i. 


and  principle,  coupled  with  those  broad  views  of  Italian  politics 
that  for  a  season  fixed  her  as  the  cynosure  of  national  inde- 
pendence. And  though  so  frequently  disturlxMl  I'v  internal 
heats  she  probably  enjoyed  as  much,  perhaps  more  tranquillity 
than  most  of  the  neighbouring  republi*^  ;  than  Siena  for  in- 
stance ;  or  Pisa,  except  under  the  (.uimbacoiti  ;  than  Genoa 
Perugia  or  Bologna  ;  all  more  or  less  tormented  by  ambitious 
citizens  and  political  turpitude  under  the  delusive  name  of 
liberty. 

The  austerity  of  her  j'oveniment,  harsh  as  it  was,  yielded  to 
that  of  Venice  ;  and  her  liberty  was  greater,  for  aristocratic 
equality  embraced  a  far  wider  circle,  and  though  quite  as 
strongly  marked  in  character  was  made  ^^onu  what  more  palat- 
able by  the  social  denomination  of  fellow-citizen  :  nor  were  her 
magnates  ever  individually  so  powerful  as  those  of  the  pruiid 
and  princely  Oenoa.  Her  factions,  as  elsewhere,  were  still 
Guelph  and  Ghibeline  and  now  equally  removed  from  church 
and  empire  to  the  more  limited  but  no  less  bloody  field  <•! 
domestic  conflict. 

After  Ilodolph  of  Hapsburg  s  abandonment  of  Italy  no  per- 
manent authority  had  been  presened  there  by  the  German 
emperors  although  their  periodical  visits  wwc  always  costly, 
troublesome,  and  sometimes  dangerous.     The  popes  also  had 
lost  much  by  a  similar  cause  :  while  revellinj^  in  luKury  and 
licentiousness  at  Avignon  they  becuine  at  once  the  slavc-^  "t 
France  and  tyrants  of  Italy  until  her  indignant  states  undii 
native  leaders  shook  off  the  yoke  and  a*  bicvcd  tlioir  freedom. 
Yet  the  popes  still  made  war;  feebly,  doubtlully,  usrl.  >-ly,  but 
always  cruelly  :  too  weak  to  conquer,  too  powerful  to  Mibmit: 
they  were  deaf  to  the  voice  of  compassion  and  proved  an  eternal 
scourge  to  the  whole  Itiilian  peninsula.     Alltornoz  did  much. 
Poiet  something  to  restore  ecclesiastical   dominion  ;  but  the 
indignation  of  Florence  and  papal  oppressions  s^ton  strip}>ed  the 
church  of  even-  fief  but  Rimini.     The  whoL,'  world  was  taxed 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


INFLUENCE  OF  FLORENCE — PEOPLE. 


531 


to  support  these  wars ;  vast  suras  were  accumulated  amongst 
the  pious  northern  powers  and  sipiandered  in  the  bowers  of 
Avignon,  while  unpaid  troops  and  rapacious  legates  plundered 
Italy,  and  warred  and  conthiued  wars  for  their  own  personal 


gam. 


During  this  confusion  Florence  l)eing  morally  and  physically, 
as  it  were  the  very  lieart  of  It:dy,  gave  life  and  vigour  to  the 
nation  :  pursuing  a  bold  energetic  and  generally  successful 
policy  when  not  spoiled  in  the  execution,  she  stood  forth  the 
champion  of  native  lil)erty,  and  preservhig,  at  least  the  external 
grandeur  and  simplicity  of  a  free  peo})le,  became  no  mean  study 
for  the  politician  and  philosopher,  and  often  an  example  of  that 
which  internal  union  might  at  any  time  have  made  her,  namely 
the  most  powerful  and  respected  connnonwealth  of  Italy. 
Good  and  evil  were  within  her  grasp,  but  the  latter  was  gene- 
rally chosen :  as  her  very  existence  depended  on  trade,  peace 
and  independence  were  her  n^d  and  legitimate  objects  of 
policy  from  which  however  slie  was  frequently  diverted  by 
ambition,  jealousy,  and  hatred  of  her  neighbours. 

A  long-sighted  sagacity  arising  from  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  resources  and  policy  of  otliei-  states  made  her  keenly 
seusiljle  to  the  approach  of  danger  and  therefore  an  early  and 
officious  meddler  in  Italian  piditics  :  feared,  hated,  and  envied 
by  her  neighbours,  she  was  yet  courted  and  employed,  and 
often  duped  or  sacrificed  when  her  aid  became  unnecessaiy. 

In  what  comfort  or  misery  the  great  mass  of  Florentines 
lived,  what  influence  their  form  of  government  and  institutions 
had  on  the  labouring  classes  either  in  town  or  country,  how 
their  moral  and  physical  existence  were  affected,  and  what 
were  their  common  enjoyments,  are  unfortunately  the  points 
least  noticed  by  historians  although  they  form  perha[)s  the 
most  useful  an<l  interesting  portions  of  national  history :  but 
in  those  days  the  people  were  little  thought  of.  The  great 
and  powerful  w'ere  alone  objects  of  attention  amongst  coteni- 

M  M  ^ 


532  GOVERNMENT   OF   SUBJECT   STATFS. PAUPERS.         [book  I. 

porary  wiiters,  and  poor  men's  condition  whether  as  soldiers 
or  peasantry,  in  war  or  common  hte,  seems  never  to  have 
been  an  object  of  historical  interest  and  scarcely  of  reflection : 
hence  much  difficulty,  nay  almost  an  impossibility  arises  of 
gaining  any  satisfactoiy  knowledge  on  a  subject  which  is  the 
only  means  of  fairly  appreciating  the  comparative  usefulness  of 
institutions  like  those  of  Florence. 

We  know  that  the  city,  and  its  immediate  territory  un<ler 
the  name  of  Contado,  were  govenied  by  the  same  laws;  and 
that  almost  all  the  after  acquisitions,  int^luded  in  the  general 
appellation  of  district,  although  subject  to  universal  state 
regulations  were  ruled  by  the  original  statutes  and  decrees  of 
their  independent  condition  mdess  they  clashed  with  the 
former :  for  Florence  seldom  attempted  by  the  substitution  of 
her  own  peculiar  form  of  govennnent  to  destroy  native  consti- 
tutions. Nor  was  there  any  legal  incunvi  nience  in  this,  for 
the  broad  frame-work  of  all  Italian  stairs  wa>  ><.  analo<,^ous 
as  to  insure  the  easy  movement  of  their  various  subordmutf 
machiner}%  therefore  little  alteration  was  felt  in  the  change. 

That  tiiere  must  have  been  considerable  sutVering  amongst 
the  poor  of  Florence  and  its  neighbourhood  is  evident  from  the 
complaints  and  turbulence  of  the  working  classes ;  from  the 
repeated  laws  for  encouraging  agricultural  settlers  in  the  con- 
tado, so  often  desolated ;  and  from  the  more  direct  authority 
of  Villani  who  gives  us  an  interesting  though  indistinct  glimpse 
of  the  general  mass  of  uuligence.  We  are  told  by  him  that 
one  of  the  inferior  citizens  died  in  1  o-M)  leaving  almost  all  his 
fortune  to  the  Florentine  poor;  and  to  carry  this  will  into 
effect  his  executoi-s  apiH)inted  a  day  and  hour  for  their  meet- 
ings in  the  principiil  church  of  each  (piartcr  to  receive  their 
several  portions :  it  was  thus  found  that  more  than  seventeen 
thousand  persons  of  every  age  and  sex  were  in  such  distress  as 
to  have  no  scruple  about  receiving  six  danaii  each  from  this 
cliarity,  without  counting  those  greater  sullerers  of  higher  con- 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


ALMSGIVING. CHARITIES. 


533 


dition  who  being  ashamed  to  beg  concealed  their  misery ;  or 
those  in  hospital,  or  prisoners,  or  religious  mendicants ;  all  of 
whom  received  a  separate  bequest  of  twelve  danari  each  to  the 
number  of  four  thousand  more.  The  Florentines  then  as  now 
probably  gave  alms  without  much  discrimination,  and  we  know 
from  Dante  that  beggars  were  as  well  acquainted  with  the  usual 
tricks  of  their  calling  as  in  the  present  day.  In  the  thir- 
teenth Canto  of  his  Purgatoiy  we  thus  find  them  used  as  an 
illustration  of  his  text. 

"  Cosi  li  cicclii,  a  cui  la  roba  falla, 

Stan  no  a'  pcrdoni  a  chiedcr  lor  bisogna, 
E  I'uno  1  caj)0  sovni  Talfro  avvalla, 
Pcrche  in  altrui  pietii  tosto  si  pogna, 
Non  pur  per  lo  sonar  dcllc  parole. 
Ma  per  la  vista  die  nou  uieno  agogna"  *. 

This  enormous  mass  of  mendicity  surprised  the  citizens  ;  but 
it  was  not  all  Florentine  :  many  beggars  were  attracted  from 
the  countr}%  from  districts  beyond  the  state,  and  even  from 
without  the  Tuscan  confines  to  share  the  distribution,  neither 
had  the  nation  recovered  from  Castruccio's  wars :  but  still  we 
have  in  it  sufficient  jnoof  of  a  vast  mass  of  destitution  through- 
out the  rei)ublican  territory  f . 

Although  such  distress  hidicates  anything  but  a  tender  and 
wholesome  action  of  government  on  the  lower  classes  of  society 
yet  the  Florentines  were  religiously,  perhaps  somewhat  selfishly, 
addicted  to  indiscriminate  alms-giving  as  well  as  to  more  useful 
modes  of  charity  in  the  sliape  of  hospitals  and  similar  institutions ; 
but  continual  wars,  and  the  ravages  of  condottieri  were  a  stand- 
ing misfortune  to  rich  and  poor  during  the  greater  part  of  this 
century,  for  both  suflered  in  person  and  property,  independent 

*  "  So  those  blind  lieggars  that  have  lost  their  all, 
Frequent  the  churches  to  supply  their  need ; 
And  one  his  head  reclines  on  t'other's  breast 
To  raise  compassion  in  the  pious  throng. 
Not  merely  by  *\ie  sound  of  piteous  words, 
But  by  the  sight,  which  pains  them  equally." 
t  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  clxii. 


i  j^  I 
11 


534 


WEALTH. LUXURY. — MARRLVGE    PORTIONS.         [book  i. 


of  the  public  contributions  to  satisfy  those  rapacious  freebooters. 
Nevertheless  Florence  probably  contained  a  <:jreater  number  of 
wealthy  citizens  than  any  Itidian  state  but  X'enicc  and  Genoa, 
and  riches  were  more  equally  spread  over  the  whole  commu- 
nity ;  indeed  her  fame  for  opulence  was  so  notorious  that 
higher  nmsoms  were  demanded  for  prisoners  of  that  nation 
than  anv  other,  and  finallv  occasioned  such  inconvenience  as  to 
deter  many  citizens  from  serving  personally  in  war.  But  not- 
withstanding all  this  wealth  there  was  a  continual  struggle 
between  the  public  government  and  the  citizens,  especially  the 
ladies  of  Florence  about  luxurious  indulgence  in  dress  aiul 
private  entertainments.  Grave  fathers  of  families  of  whom  the 
magistracy  was  chietly  composed  disliked  such  expense ;  and 
the  manners  of  official  people  seem  to  have  been  simple 
enough  ;  for  it  was  not  until  the  latter  end  of  this  century  that 
the  gonfalonier  and  priors  deemed  it  necessaiT  to  keep  a  regu- 
lar cook  at  the  public  palace,  and  even  sought  an  excuse  for 
this  luxuiy  in  the  necessity  they  were  frequently  under  of 
entertaining  illustrious  foreigners.  At  tlieir  private  dinners 
we  find  that  boiled  partridges,  a  dish  of  tripe,  and  a  plate  of 
sardinias,  were  considered  sufficiently  handsome  entertaimnent 
for  the  chief  magistrate's  common  acquaintance  -.  Previous 
to  this  the  official  dinners  of  the  Seignorj'  wei'e  probably  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  custom,  sent  out  partly  or  wholly,  to  be 
dressed ;  the  bakers'  ovens,  as  with  the  lower  and  many  of  the 
middle  classes  amongst  ourselves,  being  substituted  for  home 
cooker}' ;  but  confections  of  all  kinds  were  still  a  settled  portion 
of  almost  every  meal,  and  even  offered  as  refreshment  to  morn- 


mg  visitors. 


Fortunes  amongst  the  Florentines  w^ere  necessarily  diversi- 
fied in  amount,  but  about  GOOO  florins  seems  to  have  been 
considered  handsome,  and  marriage -portions  varied  from  800  to 
"-^000  golden  florins  for  girls  of  high  rank;  but  marriage  pre- 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiiL,  p.  688. — F.  Sacchetti,  Novella  37. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


WEAT>TII. LITXURY. DRESS. 


535 


seuts  were  sometimes  made  of  such  value  as  to  enter  into  the 
settlements,  and  were  not  unfrequently  deducted  from  the 
dower  if  through  subsequent  causes,  such  as  death  without 
children  or  separation,  it  were  restored*. 

Some  citizens  accumulated  immense  riches  ;  amongst  others 
Niccolaio  degli  All>erti  who  died  in  l;37T  is  mentioned  as  the 
most  wealthy  individual  of  Florence,  possesshig  in  that  city 
alone  about  :Ui>,()00  golden  florins  principally  acquired  in  com- 
merce, for  he  was  a  merchant  and  had  under  his  father's  care 
visited  every  Christian  country ;  afterwards  retiring  into  pri- 
vate life  he  avoided  envy  by  universal  charity  and  social  bene- 
volence. His  burial,  according  to  the  fashion  of  that  day, 
was  both  sumptuous  mid  interesting ;  for  five  hundred  of  his 
poorest  pensioners  followed  the  funeral  train  while  many  more 
of  higher  rank  who  had  privately  lived  on  his  bounty  lamented 
their  loss  in  secret} .  Such  characters  are  rarely  noticed 
by  liistorians,  but  they  relieve  the  dark  picture  of  woridly  in- 
terests and  assure  us  of  a  quiet  unobtrusive  mass  of  benevo- 
lence existing  under  the  agitated  surface  of  political  crime  and 
excited  passions  f. 

Luxury  of  course  augmented  in  Florence  with  increasing 
wealth,  and  magniticence  (»f  dress  seems  to  have  been  a  prevaib 
ing  fancy  not  only  there  but  throughout  Italy:  towards  the  last 
quarter  of  this  century  fashion  became  more  changeable  and 
whimsical,  a  probable  effect  of  the  stringent  sumptuary  laws 
which  were  successively  promulgated,  and  which  seem  to  have 
acted  rather  as  a  stimubuit  to  ingenious  methods  of  evasion 
than  a  permanent  check  to  extravagance.  In  the  year  i;330  an 
expensive  tiiste  for  supcrtluous  ornaments  prevailed  to  so  great 
an  extent  amongst  the  Florentine  ladies  that  severe  regulations 
were  issued  against  it :  coronets  and  gariands  of  gold,  silver, 
pearis,  and  precious  stones,  were  so  generally  worn  as  to  become 

«  Cronacadi    Buonaccorso  Pitti,  pp.     t  M.   di  C.  Stefani,  Rub.   777.— S. 
130,  135,  kc\  Amraiiato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  706. 


536       DRESS.— SUMPTUARY  L.^WS.— COURT  FOLLOWERS.         [b^ok  , 

a  serious  expense  to  fathers  and  husbands.     Net-work,  rich 
tresses,  ribands,  and  various  other  ornaments  for  the  hair,  all 
worked  in  with  jiearis  and  jewtls  ;  besides  many-ioloured  gar- 
ments, slashed,  and  cut,  and  .idonied  with  a  variety  of  rich 
stutfs  and  costly  materials,  studded  with  thick-set  rows  of  silver- 
gilt  buttons  and  often  fringed  with  pearis;  all  tli.se  had  become 
common  amongst   the  fashionable  circles  of  the  lapital.     In 
April  of  the  above  year  it  was  decreed  that  no  wouian  should 
thenceforth  mdulge  in  this  extravag.iiicr  ..r  u>.  any  imitation  of 
such  costly  ornaments  unless  executed  in  painted  paper,  nor 
wear  any  other  than  \ery  simple  clothing  with  woven  patterns 
not  raised  or  embroidered,  or  striped  i»erpcndicularly  or  dia- 
gonally, except  in  plain  streaks  of  two  colours.    Ncitiier  were 
any  fringes  nor  flounces  of  gold,  silver,  Jewels,  enamel,  or  glass 
allowed ;  nor  more  than  two  rings  on  the  lingers ;  nor  w-aist- 
belts  with  more  than  twelve  silver  clasps  ;  nor  trains  of  moiv 
than  four  feet  long :  nor  were  they  permitted  to  add  above  thirty 
inches  of  cloth  to  their  collai-s:  and  in  like  manner  were  forbiddtn 
to  use  striped  gowns,  robes,  ermines,  and  iVingcs  to  children 
of  both  sexes,  the  only  exceptions  being  the  families  of  knigllt:^. 
a  dignity  which  still  held  a  high  rank  in  jiublic  estimation. 

The  men  also  were  deprived  of  all  superfluous  ornameiit> 
especially  of  silver  waist-belts  and  doublets  of  costlv  materials  : 
no  entertainment  was  thenceforth  to  consist  of  more  than  three 
kinds  of  meat,  nor  were  more  than  twentv  covers  jdlowed  at 
marriage  feasts,  nor  the  bride  to  have  above  six  bridesmjiids . 
and  even  new-made  knights  were  restricted  to  a  hundred  cover> 
and  three  kinds  of  meat  at  their  installation  dimiers;  and  more- 
over forbidden  to  dress  for  the  mere  purj)Ose  of  giving  costly 
robes  and  other  apparel  to  buff'oons,  court  followers,  and  jugglers; 
names  then  bearing  a  more  dignified  meaning  than  now,  although 
inferior  to  the  Provencal  troubadoiu-s  or  trou verres  * .   Petrarca  in 

*  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cJ.—The  deri-     « trobar"  to   invent   or  find,  because 
vation  of  Troubadour  is  from  the  word     they  recited  their  own  compositions. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


Petrarch's  account  of  them. 


537 


an  interesting  letter  to  Boccaccio  gives  a  curious  picture  of  the 
Italian  jugglers  of  this  age  for  whom  liis  writings  were  often  a 
fertile  source  of  protit. 

"They  are,"  he  says,  "  a  sort  of  gentry  who  with  but  little  wit 
"  have  excellent  memories  hut  uncommon  impudence  and  effron- 
"  terv.  Possessing  nothing  of  their  own  they  dress  in  the  spoils 
"  of  others  and  fi'equent  the  courts  of  princes,  emphatically  re- 
"  citing  verses  which  they  have  learnt  l)y  heart  in  the  vulgar 
••  tonfTue,  and  l)y  this  means  conciliate  the  fevour  of  great 
"  lords  from  whom  they  receive  money,  garments,  and  presents 
•'  of  every  description.  They  seek  out  these  means  of  liveli- 
•'  hood  at  the  houses  of  celebrated  authors  and  by  dint  of 
"  entreaties,  sometimes  even  of  money  when  the  necessities 
*'  or  mercenaiy  disposition  of  the  latter  favours  them,  they 
"  obtain  what  they  want.  I  have  often  been  exposed  to  their 
"  importunities,  but  now  they  come  more  rarely,  perhaps  on 
•'  account  of  my  age  or  because  my  studies  are  changed,  or 
"  very  likely  repelled  by  my  refusals;  for  being  frequently  wor- 
"  ried  by  their  importunities  I  treat  them  harshly  and  they 
"  find  me  inflexible.  Sometimes  touched  by  the  misery  and 
"  humility  of  the  supplicant  I  yield  and  employ  an  hour  in  pro- 
*'  viding  something  for  their  wants.  I  have  occasionally  seen 
"  them,  after  having  ohtiiined  what  they  asked  for,  leave  me 
"  naked  and  miserable  and  return  clothed  in  silk  with  a  well- 
"  fdled  purse  only  to  express  their  gratitude  for  my  having  de- 
"  livered  them  from  poverty.  This  has  touched  me  to  such  a 
'*  degree  that  regarding  what  1  did  as  a  species  of  almsgiving  I 
"  determined  not  to  refuse,  but  the  worry  and  importunity  soon 
"  compelled  me  to  cease.  I  said  one  day  to  some  of  these 
•'  askers,  '  You  always  come  to  me  ;  why  do  you  not  address 
"yourselves  to  others,  to  Boccaccio  for  example?'  They 
"  answered  that  they  had  often  done  so  l)ut  always  misuccess- 
"  fully.  As  I  expressed  my  surprise  that  a  man  so  prodigal  of 
"  his  money  should  be  so  stingy  of  his  verses;  they  added  that 


533 


DEF  ENSIVE    ARMOUR. — DRESS. — TASIIIONS. 


[book 


*'  Boccaccio  liad  burned  all  his  Italian  poetry.  More  than  ever 
'•  sui*prise(l  I  imniediately  asked  the  reason  of  it;  they  generally 
"  professed  their  ignorance,  hut  one  replied,  '  I  believe  that 
"  Boccaccio  is  waiting  until  his  mind  becomes  ripened  by  ago  to 
*'  correct  liis  early  productions.'  I  answered,  'Then  why  burn 
*'  them?'  At  Venice  I  spoke  with  our  tVicnd  Donato  who  told 
*'  me  that  from  his  earliest  childhood  Boccaccio  hcid  written 
*'  much  in  Italian;  it  was  his  greatest  pleasure  ;  but,'  added  he. 
*'  *  when  he  had  read  what  vou  had  done  in  this  lan<4uaj:'e,  his 
"  ardour  was  so  effectually  cooled  that  he  not  only  ceased  to 
*'  write  but  burned  all  the  poetry  he  had  already  written  because 
*'  it  was  so  mferior  to  yours'  "*. 

We  shall  hereafter  notice  the  rest  of  this  letter  to  Boccaccio, 
and  proceed  to  give  some  further  accoiuit  of  Florentine  rnan- 
iiers  and  customs  taken  principally  from  Sacchetti  who  lived 
tlirough  the  <xi't?J^ter  pait  of  this  ceiiturv,  and  in  his  mure 
advanced  age  declaimed  against  the  mut:ibility  of  public  tiiste. 

The  numerous  private  feuds  and  public  tumults  in  Florence 
occasioned  a  partial  continuance  of  defensive  armour  to  be  com 
monlv  woni  when  other  states  seem  to  liave  been  satislied  with 

kr 

more  peaceable  attire.  The  (rorgicra  or  gorget  as  a  piece  of 
defensive  armour,  not  the  quiet  article  of  dre>s  which  also  bore 
this  name,  and  the  Bracciajuola,  taken  in  a  similar  sense,  seem 
to  have  been  long  used  by  Florentine  men  as  a  protection 
atjainst  treachery :  but  women  have  ever  beeri  considered, 
perhaps  unjustly,  as  the  greatest  sinners  in  the  whimsierd 
revolutions  of  fashion  and  they  accordingly  fall  more  particu- 
larly under  the  lash  of  both  novelist  and  historian  f. 

At  one  time,  as  we  are  told  bv  Sacchetti,  thev  wore  their  dress 
so  low  as  to  expose  their  armpits  ;  then  by  a  sudden  jump  were 
covered  to  the  ears,  always  in  extremes  ;  and  it  would  require 
volumes  to  record  the  incessant  changes  which  had  taken  place 


*  De  Sade,  vol.  iii.,  T.ib.  vi.,  p.  658. — MenioircSj  &c". 
t  Sacchetti  Novelle,  Nov.  115,  178. 


M 


ISC.  CHAP.] 


SACCHFTTT    ON    FEMALE    DRESS. 


539 


even  in  his  own  recollection.  Tlie  Genoese,  Venetians,  and 
Catalonians,  remained  longest  stationary,  but  even  they  at  last 
gave  way,  and  all  the  world  agreed,  as  he  expresses  it,  to  dis- 
cai'd  stability,  for  both  the  men  and  women  of  Christendom 
were  attired  alike  and  could  scarcely  be  distinguished  by  any 
nationid  peculiarity.  Florentines,  ( i  enoese,  Venetians,  Veronese, 
all  adopted  one  mode,  and  it  would  have  been  well  if  they  had 
kept  steady  to  that :  but  they  did  just  the  reverse :  if  only  a 
siuf^le  new  caprice  appeared,  jdl  the  world  followed  ;  for  all  the 
world  and  especially  Italy,  was  prompt  to  change  and  adopt 
new  feshions.  The  young  Florentine  girls  who  used  to  dress 
so  modestly,  he  continues,  have  now  changed  the  fiishion  of 
their  hoods  to  resemble  courtesans,  and  thus  attired  they  move 
about  laced  up  to  the  throat  with  idl  sorts  of  animals  hanging 
as  ornaments  about  their  necks.  Their  sleeves,  or  rather  their 
sacks  as  they  should  Ijo  called  ;  "  w:is  there  ever  so  useless  and 
pernicious  a  fashion  !  Can  any  of  them  reach  a  glass  or  take 
a  morsel  from  the  table  without  dirtying  herself  or  the  cloth  by 
the  things  she  knocks  down  ?  And  thus  do  the  young  men, 
and  worse ;  and  such  sleeves  are  made  even  for  sucking  babes. 
The  women  go  about  in  hoods  and  cloal^s  ;  most  of  the  young 
men  without  cloaks  in  long  llowing  hair,  and  if  they  throw  off 
their  breeches,  which  from  their  smallness  may  easily  l)e  done, 
all  is  off,  for  they  literally  stick  their  posteriors  into  a  pair  of 
socks  and  expend  a  yard  of  cloth  on  their  wristbands,  while 
more  stuff  is  ])ut  into  a,  glove  than  a  cloak-hood.  Flowever  I 
am  comforted  by  one  tldng.  and  that  is  that  all  now  have  begun 
to  put  their  feet  hi  chains,  })erliaps  as  a  penance  for  the  many 
vain  things  they  are  guilty  of;  for  we  are  but  a  day  in  this 
world  and  in  that  day  the  fashion  is  changed  a  thousand  times  : 
all  seek  liberty,  yet  all  deprive  themselves  of  it :  God  has  made 
our  feet  free  and  many  with  a  long  pointed  toe  to  their  shoes 
can  scarcely  walk :  he  has  supplied  the  legs  with  hinges  and 
many  have  so  bomid  them  up  with  close  lacing  that  they  can 


540 


HEAD-GEAR. FRENCH    TASTES. 


[book 


scarcely  sit :  the  bust  is  tightly  bandaged  up ;  the  arms  trail 
their  drapery  along  ;  the  throat  is  rolled  in  a  capuchin ;  the 
head  so  loaded  and  bound  round  with  caps  over  the  hair  tliat  it 
appeal's  as  though  it  were  sawed  oft':  and  thus  I  might  go  on 
for  ever  discoursing  of  female  absurdities,  commencing  with 
the  immeasurable  trains  at  their  feet  and  proceeding  regularly 
upwards  to  the  head,  with  which  thev  may  always  be  seen 
occupied  in  their  chambers  ;  some  curling,  some  smoothing, 
and  some  whitenin<'  it,  so  that  they  often  kill  themselves  with 
colds  caught  in  these  vain  occupations  ""  •-. 

The  vast  thickness  of  wrappers  woni  about  the  head  in  tbo^t 
days  is  further  illustrated  by  Velluti  who  tells  us  that  a  lady 
of  his  acquaintance  called  Monna  Diana  once  passing  by  the 
Rossi  palace  opposite  to  the  church  of  Santa  Felicita,  was 
stmck  on  the  head  by  the  fallinj'  ot*  a  hira^e  stone  not  only 
without  injury  but  without  even  feeling  anytliing  more  than 
as  if  some  gravel  had  clattered  down  about  her  ears  f.  The 
first  serious  change  of  dress  in  Florenct  which  disturbed  their 
ancient  customs  was  introduced  by  the  i^'rench  followers  of 
Walter  de  Brienne  in  134^3,  before  which  says  Villani  the  Flu- 
rentine  attire  was  the  handsomest,  the  noblest,  and  the  most 
decent  of  any  other  nation,  and  resembled  that  of  ancient 
Rome  ;  but  the  new  French  fashion  deprived  men  of  the  power 
of  dressing  themselves  without  assistance,  from  the  tight- 
ness and  complexity  of  the  habit,  of  which  long  Iteards  made  a 
conspicuous  feature,  in  order  to  look  more  lierce  in  arms. 
This  costume  which  was  neither  handsome  nor  decent  was 
eagerly  adopted  by  the  young  Florentines  of  both  sexes  who 
were,  says  Villani,  naturally  vain  and  disposed  to  copy  the 
changing  modes  of  other  nations,  but  always  choosing  the 
vainest  and  least  respectable  as  objects  of  imitation  \  The 
splendour  of  public  life,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  was  conspicuous 

*  Sacchetti,  Novel.  178.  f  Donate  Velluti,  Cronaca,  p.  14. 

J  G.  Villani,  Lib.  xii.,  cap.  iv. 


MISC.  CHAP.]     HAWKWOOD's    FUNERAL.— value    OF   DRESSES.         541 

at  funerals,  marriages,  christenings  and  festivals :  citizens  vied 
with  each  other  in  the  expense  and  magnilicence  of  their  enter- 
tainments, their  presents,  and  public  display  of  valuables.    Sir 
John  Hawkwood's  funeral  was  at  the  public  cost:  a  committee 
of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  was  appointed  to  conduct  the 
ceremony  without  any  restriction   of  expenditure:   his   bier, 
covered  with  cloth  of  gold  and  scarlet  velvet  was  borne  by 
kni<^hts  of  the  highest  rank,  with  innumerable  torches,  ban- 
ners,  shields,  and   war  horses  clothed  in  golden  trappings; 
black  cloth  was  distributed  amongst  his  family  and  servants  : 
the  body  exposed  on  a  bier  was  finally  deposited  at  the  baptis- 
mal fount  of  San  Giovanni  where  troops  of  Florentine  matrons 
had  assembled  to  weep  over  it :  in  the  church  a  funeral  oration 
closed  the  scene,  and  an  equestrian  portrait  was  afterwards 
painted  to  serve   until  a  magnificent  marble  tomb  could  be 
erected  on  which  his  exploits  were  to  be  sculptured  by  the 
most  skilful  artists  of  the  day  *.     Marriage  presents  also  par- 
took of  this  magnificence,  especially  in  dress,  to  an  extent 
apparently  unsuitable  to  the  fortune  :  we  find  for  instance  a 
lady  of  the  Pitti  family  who  with  a  portion  of  1100  florins 
received  the  following  articles  as  presents.     A  petticoat  of  silk 
velvet  striped  black  and  white  lined  with  miniver,  value  100 
florins;  a  pink  petticoat  of  the  same  kind,   but  lined  with 
scariet  taff'eta  worth  15  florins  ;  another  of  crimson  silk  lined 
with  green  taff'eta  of  '-iO  florins  vjdue ;  three  others  of  black 
and  coloured  sflks  estimated  at  1-^,  10,  and  15  florins;  a  black 
cloak  at  8  florins;  three  sflver  waist-belts  81  florins  :  besides 
these  there  were  a  diamond,  an  emerald,  a  silver  collar  or 
necklace,  an  ivoiy  ornamented  cabinet,  with  other  articles  of 
clotliing  amounting  altogether  to  41)8  golden  florins  or  nearly 
half  the  dowry,  each  florin  being  equal  to  more  than  a  pound 
steriing  of  the  present  day  f.      Magnilicence  in  dress  then  an 
indication  of  high  rank,  seems  to  have  been  the  prevailing  taste 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  844.         t  Cronaca  di  Buon.  Pitti,  pp.  135,  13G. 


542 


DRESS    AND    LUXURY. — PIPPINO. 


[book  1. 


of  the  Italians  during  all  thiscentiny,  on  which  subject  we  have 
some  cuiious  particulars  from  the  Frate  Francesco  Pippino 
who  wrote  in  l^U-'],  as  well  as  from  'iiovauni  Musso  a  Placen- 
tiau  writer  of  the  year  138S,  lx)th  of  them  puhlished  and  cited 
by  Muratori. 

"  Now  indeed,"  says  Pippino,  *'  in  tlie  pivsent  luxunousage 
many  shameful  practices  are  introduced  instead  <>f  tlie  fornicr 
customs  ;  many  indeed  to  the  injury  of  people's  minds,  be- 
cause fmj'alitv  is  exchani^ed  for  mamiiticmce  ;  the  clothinif 
being  now  remarkable  for  its  exquisite  materials  workmansjiip 
and  supertluous  ornaments  of  silver,  gold,  and  pearls  ;  admirable 
fabrics;  wide-spreading  embroidery:  silk  fu' vc-;ts,  painted  or 
variously  coloured,  and  lined  with  divers  pr»  rinus  l\n*s  fruia 
foreign  countries.  Excitement  to  gluitnny  is  not  wanting; 
foreign  wines  are  much  esteemed,  and  nlniost  all  the  people 
drink  in  public.  The  viands  are  suniptuuus  ;  tlie  chief  cooks 
are  held  in  great  honour;  provocativr>  (it'th(>  p;ilate  are  eagerly 
sought  after  ;  ostentation  increases  :  money-makers  exert  them- 
selvcN  tn  supply  these  tastes  ;  hence  usuries,  frauds,  rapine, 
extortion,  pillage,  and  contentions  in  t]i<'  rommonwealth :  alsu 
unlawful  taxes;  oppression  of  the  ininHcnt;  banislnnent  of 
citizens,  and  the  combinations  of  ricli  men.  Our  true  god  i.> 
our  belly  :  we  adhere  to  the  pomps  which  weie  renounced  ui 
our  baptism,  and  thus  desert  to  the  iiicat  cneniy  of  our  race. 
Well  indeed  does  Seneca  the  instrut-tor  of  ni<»rals,  in  his  l>ook 
of  orations  <'iu-se  our  times  in  the  following  words  :  'Daily, 
things  grow  worse  because  the  whole  contest  is  for  dislio- 
nourable  matters.  Behold !  the  indolent  senses  of  voutli 
are  numbed,  nor  are  they  active  in  tlie  pursuit  of  any  one 
honest  thing.  Sleep,  languor,  and  :i  carefidness  for  bad 
things,  worse  than  sleep  and  languor  have  seized  upon  their 
minds ;  the  love  of  singing,  dancing,  and  other  unworthy 
occupations  }>ossesses  them:  they  are  eHeniinate :  to  soften 
the  hair,  to  lower  the  tone  of  their  voice  to  female  comi'li- 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


DRESS   AND    LUXURY. MUSSA. 


543 


ments  ;  to  vie  with  women  in  effeminacy  of  person,  and  adorn 
themselves  with   unbecoming  delicacy  is  the   object   of  our 

youth  '  "  *. 

Such  were  Pippino's  strictures  at  tlie  commencement  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  and  it  is  worth  observing  how  the  same 
strain  of  censure  is  still  maintained  at  its  close,  the  past  age 
being  ever  thrust  forward   as   an  example    to    the  present. 
( jiovanni  Mussa  discoursing  hi  his  history  of  Placentia  about 
public  manners  in  1-188,  complains  that  the  most  extravagant 
expenses  were  incurred  \y\  both  sexes  in  food,  clothhig  and  in 
all  other  tilings,  much  more  thiui  had  formerly  been  the  cus- 
tom.    "  The  ladies, ■■  he  says,   ''  wear  long  and  wide  garments 
of  silk,  velvet,  and  gibbd  >ilk  cb)tli,  and   cloth  of  gold  and 
entire  silken  cloths  ;  and  of  scarlet  wool,  and  purple,  and  of 
other  most    nol)le   woidlen  fabrics.     These  stutis  whether  of 
velvet  or  of  gold,  or  gilded  or  of  silk,  cost  for  one  '  Cahano,' 
'  PcUarda,'  or   '  U(tnh>tti>:  from  'io   to  GO   golden  tlorins  or 
ducats  ;  which  garments  are  made  witli  sleeves  wide  through- 
out, as  well  below  as  above,  and  which  said  sleeves  cover  to  the 
middle  of  the  hand,  and  some  bang  d(jwn  to  the  ground  open 
only  at  the  outside  and  pointed  underneath  after  the  form  of 
the  long  Catalan  shields  which  are  broad  above  and  narrow  and 
shaqvpointed  at  the  nether  end.     On  some  of  the  aforesaid 
slee\e>  are  fastened  from  three  to  five  ounces  of  pearls  worth 
10  tlorins  an  ounce  :  others  are  adorned  with  wide  borders  of 
gold  placed  roimd  the  collar  of  the  throat  in  the  guise  of  a 
dog's  collar:  and  also  round  tlie  extremity  (d'  the  sleeves,  and 
round   other    sleeves   under    the    above-mentioned   garments. 
And  they  wear  little  hoods  with  wide  fringes  of  gold  or  peai'l, 
and  girded  in  the  waist  with  splendid  bands  of  gilt  silver  and 
of  pearls  worth  -^o  golden  tlorins  each  more  <u*  less  ;  and  some- 
times they  m  altoj:jetlier  ungirded.     And  every  ladv  hath  so 
many  rings  and  other  ornaments  with  precious  stones  that  they 


*  Muratori,  Auticliita,  vol.  ii.,  p.  '246. 


r)4i 


DRESSES    OF    THE    FOT'RTF.FNTH    CENTTTRY. 


[book 


are  worth  from  30  to  50  golden  florins.  However,  such  gar- 
ments are  decent  because  they  do  not  show  the  hosom ;  ])ut 
they  have  other  improper  vestments  called  '  Cipiiana  '  which 
are  veiy  wide  towards  the  feet,  and  higlier  up  are  narrow  with 
long  and  wide  sleeves  like  the  otliers,  of  the  same  value  and 
similarly  ornamented,  and  they  are  adorned  in  front  with 
round  silver  gilt  buttons  or  pearls,  from  the  throat  to  the 
ground.  These  Ciprianie  have  the  neck  so  wide  that  they 
show  the  bosom  but  the  dress  would  be  altogether  elegant  il'it 
were  more  modestly  closed  at  the  upper  part.  The  said  ladies 
wear  also  on  their  heads  ornaments  of  exceeding  value  :  that  i-v 
to  say,  some  wciU'  chaplets  of  silver  gilt,  or  of  pure  gold,  with 
pearls  and  precious  stones  costing  tVom  7<>  to  100  golden 
florins  :  some  wear  tassels  of  large  pearls  of  Kxi  or  l'^5  florins 
value,  called  *TerzoUa'  because  they  are  coTii})o>i'd  of  three 
hundred  large  pearls  and  are  arranged  in  three  rows.  Most  of 
the  said  ladies  instead  of  }dats  of  gold  or  silk,  which  they  for- 
merly wreathed  and  entwined  hi  their  hair,  now  wear  beads 
and  gilt  or  silken  cords  covered  with  jiejirls  :  some  use  short 
mantles  or  cloaks  reaching  no  lower  than  the  hands,  lined  with 
tine  cloth  or  miniver  ;  and  also  on  >plendid  strings  a  rosaiy  of 
red  coral  or  amber.  Matrons  and  old  women  wear  a  iiohle 
niimtle,  wide  and  long,  down  to  the  ground  ;  rounded  towards 
the  bottom,  open  in  front  and  maile  in  folds,  but  buttoned 
towards  the  throat  for  a  span's  breadth  with  silver  gilt  or  pearl 
buttons;  and  they  are  usuallv  made  with  a  collar  ;  everv  ladv 
having  three  mantles  or  mure,  one  of '  Bhno, '  (?)  one  of  purple, 
and  one  of  striped  camlet  furred,  with  golden  fringes ;  and 
they  sometimes  wear  the  hood  and  sometimes  not.  But  they 
wear  veils  of  silk  or  fiiir  cotton,  line  and  white.  Widow  ladies 
wear  similar  clothing,  but  all  brown  and  witliout  gold  or  |)earl> : 
the  buttons  being  brown  also,  and  brown  hoods  or  hue  white 
linen  or  cotton  veils.  In  like  manner  vounjx  men  wear  '  C"- 
hatws,'  '  Barillotos,'  and   '  Pellardas,  '  long  and    wide  ever}- 


Misc.  CHAP.]  DRESS    AND    CUSTOMS    OF    PLACENTIA. 


545 


where  down  to  the  ground  with  rich  bordering  of  native  and 
forei^m  furs  :  these  garments  are  of  cloth,  and  silk,  and  velvet, 
and  cost  from  '20  to  W  golden  florins.     They  use  mantles  wide 
and  long  down  to  the  ground,  and  short  cloaks  only  reaching 
to  their  hands  :  old  men  wear   similar  clothing  and  double 
hoods  of  cloth  and  over  these,  splendid  caps,  not  woven  nor 
seamed  but  ending  in  a  point.     The  youths  also  wear  other 
cloaks  short  and  wide  and  some  short  and  narrow^  so  short  as 
hardly  to   reach  below  the  waist :  besides  wliieh  they  wear 
stockings  of  cloth  tied  in  live  places  to  short  and  tight  hose 
which  are  woni  under  the  other  garments  and  along  with  the 
stockings  cover  all  the  nether  limbs.      Some  of  these  close 
dresses  are  of  linen  cloth  and  are  occasionally  embroidered  with 
silver,  silk,  and  pearls;  some  more,  some  less  ;  and  others  are 
of  silk  and  velvet.     The  lore-mentioned  short  cloaks  are  a  little 
longer  at  the  back  and  front  than  at  the  sides,  and  are  some- 
times bound  round  the  waist  over  all  the  other  clothes ;  and 
are  generally  without  hoods  except  in  winter.     Stockings  ai'e 
woru  soled ;  with  white  shoes  under  the  said  soled  stockings 
both  in  .summer  and  winter  :  sometimes  they  wear  shoes  with 
long  and  sharp  points  extending  three  inches  beyond  the  foot. 
All  the  citizens  of  Placentia  of  both  sexes  as  they  formerly  used 
to  wear  shoes  and  soled  stockings  without  points,  so  now  do 
they  wear  them  with  small  pohits  which  both  long  and  short  are 
full  of  the  hair  of  oxen.     Also  many  youths  and  damsels  wear 
on  their  necks  chains,  or  silver  or  gilt  circles,  or  pearls,  or  red 
coral ;  and  the  said  youths  wear  no  beard  and  shave  the  neck 
also  below  half  the  ear  ;  and  above  they  wear  the  *  Zaz;:era  '  or 
CflBsarean,  or  imperial  form  of  hair,  large  and  round.     Some  of 
them  keep  one  horse  and  from  that  to  five  according  to  their 
means,  and  some  none.     Those  who  keep  one  horse  and  up- 
wards mamtain  a  sen  ant  or  sei*vants  who  have  every  year  as 
much  as  1-2  golden  florins  each  for  their  salaiy  :  waiting  women 
eani  seven  golden  florins  a  year  each  and  they  have  food,  but  not 

VOL.    II.  NN 


>46 


FOOD. FEASTS. WKDDINT.S. 


[boo::  i. 


rlotbmjx-  About  food  all  the  citizens  of  Placentia  do  manel- 
lous  things,  especially  at  feasts  and  weddings,  for  they  usually 
give  what  followeth.  First,  they  give  good  white  and  redwine. 
but  before  dl  things  they  give  confections  of  sugar ;  and  tor  tlie 
first  course  they  have  two  capons  :  oi-  <  »ne  capon  and  a  great 
piece  of  meat  for  eveiy  trencher,  uniaiiK  iited  with  ahnouds. 
and  sugar,  and  spices,  and  other  good  things  :  afterwards  tliev 
give  roasted  meats  in  great  (juantity,  »'ither  of  capons,  pullets. 
pheasants,  partridges,  hares  kids  and  other  viands  according  to 
the  season :  anon  come  pies  and  cream  cheeses  witli  sugar  on 
the  top :  then  finiits  :  then,  (the  hands  being  first  wai^hed) 
before  the  tables  are  cleared  they  give  <lrink,  and  confections  of 
sugar;  and  iifterwards  drhdv  agaui.  Some  instead  of  pies  and 
junkets  give  at  the  beginning  of  dinner  pies  whicli  they  call 
tarts  made  with  eggs  and  cheese  and  milk  ;  and  sugar  in  jood 
quantity  spread  upon  the  said  tarts.  At  supper  they  give  in 
winter  jellies  of  wild  fowl,  of  capons,  of  Guinea  fowl,  of  veal 
and  of  fish  :  then  roasts  of  veal  and  capons  ;  afterwards  fruit : 
and  then  comes  the  washing  of  hands  confections  and  wine  as 
before. 

In  summer  the  suppers  consist,  besides  tlie  above  jellies,  of 
kid,  pork,  pullets,  fish .  then  roast  or  fries  of  pullets  and  other 
viands  according  to  the  season  and  afterwai'ds  drink.  On  the 
second  day  after  a  wedding  they  first  give  macaroni  with  cheese, 
saffron,  ginger  and  other  spices ;  then  roast  veal  and  fruits : 
wash  their  hands;  confections  and  wine  as  before.  After 
supper  the  wedding  is  considered  as  finished  and  the  guests 
return  home.  In  Lent  they  first  give  drink  with  sweetmeats; 
then  drink  again ;  aftei-wards  figs  and  bbniched  almonds  fol- 
lowed by  a  large  fish  seasoned  with  pepper,  rice  soup  v,itu 
almond  milk ;  sugar,  spices,  and  salt  eels.  After  these  come 
roasted  pike  with  sauce  of  vinegar  or  nmstard,  and  mulled 
wine :  then  are  given  nuts  and  other  fruits,  after  which  the 
usual  ablutions,  wines,  sweetmeats  and  second  drinking. 


fpv^'^: 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


INCREASE    OF    LUXURY. 


547 


The  citizens  of  Placentia  now  live  splendidly  orderly  and 
handsomely  in  fine  houses,  and  with  better  furniture  and  plate 
than  they  were  accustomed  to  seventy  years  ago  ;  that  is  to  say 
before  the  year  of  Christ  13'20.  They  have  now  finer  dwellings, 
more  splendid  chambers,  tire-places  and  chimneys,  gutters, 
cisterns,  wells,  orchards,  gardens  ;  and  most  of  them  terraces  or 
balconies :  and  there  are  at  present  several  heartlis  and  chim- 
neys for  fire  and  smoke  in  those  houses  which  formerly  were 
almost  without ;  for  in  the  aforesaid  time  they  kindled  one  fire 
only  in  the  middle  of  the  house  under  the  hollow  of  the  roof : 
and  all  the  fnnily  assembled  round  it  and  used  it  for  cookinjr : 
and  I  have  seen,  even  in  my  time,  that  many  houses  were  with- 
out wells  and  very  few  with  garrets.  Finer  wines  are  now  drunk 
than  in  former  days,  and  the  manner  of  feeding  amongst  Placen- 
tians  is  generally  thus.  The  master  of  the  house  with  his  wife 
and  children  eat  at  the  first  table  in  a  se[)arate  chamber  with  a 
fire ;  and  the  servants  after  them  in  another  part  of  the  house 
at  another  fire  or  generally  in  the  kitchen.  Two  people  eat 
out  of  one  plate,  but  each  person  has  his  ovm  soup ;  one  mug 
of  earthenware  or  two  of  glass,  one  for  wine  and  one  for  water, 
are  supplied  to  each.  There  are  many  who  oblige  their  own 
servants  to  wait  on  them  at  table  with  large  knives  to  cut  the 
meat  and  other  things  before  them.  And  ere  they  are  seated 
at  table  water  is  brought  round  in  a  basin ;  and  again  after 
dinner  and  supper,  before  the  table  is  cleared  they  once  more 
wash  their  hands.  The  quantity  of  furniture  now  made  use 
of,  which  formerly  was  used  by  very  few  citizens,  is  as  twelve 
to  one ;  and  this  is  the  effect  of  commerce  by  Placentian  mer- 
chants who  trade  with  France,  Flanders,  and  Spain.  First, 
tables  of  eighteen  inches  wide  are  used ;  which  were  formerly 
but  twelve ;  and  also  napkins,  that  of  old  w^ere  made  use  of  by 
few :  and  they  have  trenchei's,  and  spoons,  and  forks  of  silver, 
and  soup-plates  of  stone,  and  large  knives  at  table,  and  ewers 
iuid  basins,  and  great  and  small  coverlets  on  the  beds  and 

NN  2 


548      LUXURIES. — STANDARD    OF   WEALTH. — MECHANICS. 


[book  I, 


cloth  curtains  round  about  the  said  beds ;  and  also  hanginrrs 
of  arras  and  candelabra  of  bronze  or  iron,  and  torches  and 
candles  of  wax  or  tidlow,  and  other  line  furniture  and  ve>se]s 
and  vases.  And  many  make  two  iires  ;  one  in  the  cbinm.  v 
and  another  in  the  kitchen,  or  in  the  chamber  instead  of  tbt 
chimney*.  Many  keep  good  preserves  of  sugar  and  honey  in 
their  houses,  and  all  these  things  aiv  very  c.xpt'nsive :  where- 
fore large  dowers  ai'e  now  requisite,  amounting  to  400,  'lOO, 
and  000  golden  florins  and  more  ;  all  of  which  is  expended 
by  the  bridegi'oom  and  sometimes  more  in  adorning  the  hiide 
and  in  the  wedding.  And  he  who  marries  spends  \0{)  gulden 
florins  or  thereabouts,  over  and  above  the  dowry,  in  nunnuL 
garments  and  presents  for  the  bride  and  in  marriage  cere- 
monies. Such  expense  as  tliis  caimot  be  mcurred  with  pru- 
dence or  justice,  and  many  i-uin  themselves  who  thus  wish  or 
are  expected  to  do  more  than  they  can. 

If  any  one  at  present  possesses  nine  cows  and  two  hor>(  >  lit 
certainly  expends  300  florins  a  year  which  are  equal  to  i'-it 
imperial  lire ;  and  so  in  proportion  to  the  mnnber  of  cows : 
that  is  to  say  in  food,  clothing,  the  salaries  of  senaiits,  tuxes 
tolls  and  other  extraordinary  expenses  of  daily  and  inevitable 
occurrence.  Certes  there  ai*e  few  who  can  long  bear  muIi 
expenses,  and  therefore  many  from  these  causes  are  forced  !»• 
desert  their  countn'  and  become  soldiers,  retainers,  merchant>. 
usurei*s,  &c. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  amongst  the  above  mentioned 
are  included  mechanics  ;  none  are  meant  but  nul)les,  merchants. 
and  other  good  and  ancient  citizens  of  Placentia  who  follow  nn 
trade.  The  mechanics  also  indulge  in  great  expenses,  more 
than  of  old,  and  chiefly  in  dress  for  themselves  and  their 
wives ;  but  trade  still  will  always  support  those  who  wish  to 


*  Meaning  probably  of  embers  in  a     room  as  is  still  the  custom  amongst 
brasicr   placed  in    the  centre  of  the     Italians. 


MISC.  CHAP.]        WINES.— DUKE    OF    CLARENCE   AT   MILAN.  549 

live  with  honour.     At  present  people  cannot  live  without  wine, 
and  thus  all  are  now  accustomed  to  drink  it  *. 

From  other  sources  we  also  learn  that  an  increasing  taste 
for  ^ines  and  even  iced  wines  prevailed  in  this  century  as  eariy 
as  13-1'3  t ;  not  so  much,  at  Florence,  by  the  importation  of 
foreign  produce  as  by  the  agricultural  introduction  of  the  finer 
kinds  of  vines,  amongst  which  the  Vernaccio  di  Coniiglia  of 
Porto  Venere  seems  to  have  been  a  ftivourite :  yet  so  wild  was 
the  country  in  1383  that  even  in  the  vineyards  of  that  place  it 
was  not  uncommon  to  see  the  wolves  come  down  and  while  the 
labourers  were  at  work  devour  their  day's  food  which  Wvis  gene- 
rally deposited  in  the  boat  that  conveyed  them  to  and  from  the 

vineyard  f . 

The  manners  of  Placentia  so  industriously  described  by 
Giovanni  Musso,  will  apply  with  little  variation  except  in  point 
of  maf^nilicence,  to  Florence  and  most  other  lUilian  cities  at 
this  period ;  but  in  some  of  them  accompanied  by  a  sort  of 
barbaric  splendour  that  now  can  scarcely  be  reconciled  with 
common  sense,  much  less  with  common  humanity  when  the 
means  were  produced  by  grinding  taxation  ;  nor  with  the 
acknowledged  talents  of  those  princes  who  indulged  in  it.  At 
the  marriage  of  Violante  daughter  of  Galeazzo  Visconte  to 
Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence  in  13()S,  as  well  as  at  the  coronation 
of  her  brother  as  Duke  of  Milan  in  1395,  the  banquets  described 
by  Corio  seem  almost  fabulous  when  compared  with  the  com- 
parative simphcity  of  our  own  times,  and  form  a  singular 
contrast. 

The  Duke  of  Clarence  arrived  at  Milan  in  May  and  entered 
that  town  escorted  bv  (lalcazzo  and  a  brilliant  retinue  of 
^Milanese  nobles  and  ladies,  divided  into  separate  bands,  each 
similarly  attired  in  magnificent  dresses  for  the  occasion,  while 


*  Giovanni  Musso,  De  Moribns  Cl- 
vium  Placentiae,  apud  Muratori,  Anti- 
chita,  tomo  ii",  p.  •248' 


t  Cronaca  di  Donato  Yelluti,  p.  82. 
+  Cronaca  di   Velluti,  p.    82.— Sac- 
chctti,  Nov,  177. 


550 


HIS    MARRIAGE    FEAST. rETRARCH. 


[book  I. 


a  body  of  two  thousand  English  horsemen  including  uivliers 
brought  up  the  rear.  On  the  fifteenth  of  June  the  marriage 
ceremony  was  performed  at  Santa  ]MariH  IMaggiore  where  Ber- 
nabo  gave  away  liis  niece,  and  the  same  day,  apparently  in  tlie 
open  court  before  his  palace  in  the  Piazza  dell'  Aren^ra 
(jaleazzo  gave  the  splendid  feast  which  we  are  now  about V. 
describe. 

The  guests  were  arranged  according  to  their  dignity  at  two 
separate  tables ;  to  the  fn-st  of  which  besides  the  Visconte 
family  and   the    English  prince,  were  admitted  the  Count  of 
Savoy,  the  Bishop  of  Novara  who  officiiited  at  the  marrw^e ; 
and  the  most  distinguished  English  and  Itali;in  barons.     But 
one  of  the  most  honoured  and  illustrious  guests  at  this  tal.le 
was  the  poet  Petrarca  whose  brilliant  genius  had  thus  mai:- 
him  a  companion  for  princes.     He  was  universally  courted,  for 
all  the  Italian  tyrants  were  more  or  less  people  of  taste  and 
letters  or  encouragers  of  them,  .-uid  fully  alive  to  the  import- 
ance of  ilattering  the  most   distinguislied   literary  men  an<l 
artists  of  the  day,  whose  genius  tlioy  w.dl  knew  could  spaiul 
their  name  over  the  broad   expanse  of  coming  generations. 
either  for  good  or  evil;    and   none   were   nmre   successfully 
courted  than  Francesco  Petrarca  by  ( raleazzo  \'is.  ..iit.-.    There 
was  a  chai-m  too  potent  in  the  silken  network  of  prhicely  atten- 
tions and  unhmited  power  for  the  mind  even  of  the  impatient 
independent  Petrarch  to  resist,  when  managed  by  the  skilful 
hand  of  a  Visconte  ;  and  he  accordindv  became  for  some  vears 
one  of  Galeazzo's  warmest  adherents,  honoured  by  and  honour- 
ing the  couit  of  which  he  now  formed  a  part. 

Pieina  della  Scala  and  a  company  of  illustrious  matrons 
tilled  the  second  table  which  held  about  a  hundred  guests  or 
iifty  covers.  There  were  eighteen  courses  oacli  ushered  in  Aritli 
exceeding  pomp,  and  accompanied  by  a  suce(^ssion  of  presents 
consisting  of  horses,  dogs,  hawks,  hounds,  t^dcoiis,  arniom'  and 
other  valuable  offerings.     The  first  course  was  served  up  in 


MARRIAGE    FEAST   AT    MILAN. 


551 


MISC.  CHAP.] 

duplicate,  as  a  mark  of  peculiar  honour,  to  the  bridegroom's 
table  and  was  composed  amongst  other  dishes  of  two  small 
elided  porklings  with  fire  in  their  mouth  and  gilded  fish 
c'dled  "  ForceUdtir  Along  with  these  were  led  mto  the 
companv,  two  greyhounds  in  silken  leashes  and  velvet  collars 
besides  other  gifts  with  technical  or  obsolete  names  now  ditii- 

cult  to  explain. 

The  second  course  consisted  of  gilded  hares  and  pike,  accom- 
panied bv  the  offering  of  twelve  couple  of  greyhounds  m  six 
leashes  of  silken  cord  Avith  gilded  clasps  and  silk  collars :  also 
six  gosshawks  adorned  with  enamelled  silver  buttons  on  which 
were  seen  the  crest  of  Galeazzo  and  his  sou  the  Count  of 

Vertu. 

At  the  third  entry  appeared  as  the  principal  dish  a  large 
calf,  whole,  and  completely  gilt,  a  more  substantial  object  of 
devotion  than  that  of  the  wilderness,  with  many  smaller  dishes 
principally  of  gilt  trout.  This  was  accompanied  by  twelve 
hounds  and  other  sporting  dogs  of  divers  breeds  with  velvet 
collars  gilded  clasps  and  buckles,  and  leashes  of  silken  cord. 

The  fourth  course  dis^dayed  a  mixture  of  gilt  partridges 
quails  and  roast  gilded  trout  spread  over  the  royal  board ; 
while  twelve  beautiful  falcons  with  bells,  silk  hoods,  and  silver 
crested  buttons,  fluttered  round  the  guests  attended  by  twelve 
couple  of  sporting  dogs  in  gilded  chains  and  silken  leashes. 

The  fifth  course  was  composed  of  gilt  ducks,  gilt  game,  gilt 
fish,  principally  carp,  and  a  living  present  of  six  hawks  in 
velvet  hoods  studded  with  pearis,  besides  silver  buttons  and 

other  costlv  trappings. 

Beef,  and  capons  with  garlic  sauce  ;  sturgeons  in  water,  and 
other  viands,  made  up  the  sixth  entry  :  and  for  presents  there 
were  twelve  steel  cuirasses  buckled  and  studded  with  silver. 

The  seventh  course  consisted  of  capons,  fish,  and  other  ani- 
mal food  sei-ved  up  in  lemonade;  and  as  presents  twelve 
complete  suits  of  tilting  armour,  then  famous  at  Milan ;  twelve 


552 


ALV^RRIAGE    FEAST   CONTINUED. 


[book  I, 


superb  saddles  and  twelve  lances ;  of  which  two  saddles  were 
lichlj  adonied  Tvith  silver  mountin<T  for  the  Duke  of  Clarence. 

The  eighth  course  was  made  up  of  pastry,  heef  and  great 
eel  pies,  Avith  a  present  of  twelve  complete  suits  of  war-armour, 
two  of  them  more  costly  and  skilfully  ornamented  for  tb.' 
English  prince. 

For  the  ninth  course  were  seiTed  up  a  series  of  meat  and 
fish  jellies  with  a  dozen  pieces  of  gold  and  an  equal  quantity  of 
silver  cloth. 

The  tenth  senice  was  of  the  same  nature,  hut  principally 
lampreys,  and  accompanied  by  two  large  enamelled  silver 
flasks  and  six  basms  of  silver,  gilt  and  enamelled  like  tlie 
flasks,  one  of  which  was  filled  with  Malmsey,  the  other  witli 
fine  Vemaccia  wine. 

The  eleventh  course  was  principally  of  kid  and  otlier  roasted 
meat ;  accompanied  by  six  horses ;  six  saddles  mounted  in 
gilt  silver;  six  lances;  six  gilded  targets,  and  six  tine  ^tctl 
caps  of  which  two  were  ornamented  with  gilt  silver  for  the 
bridegroom. 

The  twelfth  course  consisted  of  hares  with  other  meat  and 
fish,  variously  cooked  and  served  in  silver ;  and  along  with  it 
six  great  coursers  with  saddles  and  golden  (.rnaments. 

Venison  and  beef  in  various  shapes  supplied  the  thirteenth 
service,  besides  six  war-horses  in  gilded  bridles  and  green 
velvet  caparisons,  tabards,  and  silken  ornaments. 

The  fourteenth  course  of  this  everlasting  f.^ast  was  made  up 
of  fowls  and  capons  dressed  in  red  and  green  sauces  with  citron : 
and  a  present  of  six  jousting  steeds  in  gilded  bridles ;  capa- 
risons of  red  velvet ;  gilt  studs,  buttons,  and  topknots ;  and 
halters  of  crimson  velvet. 

For  the  fifteenth  course  came  peacocks,  tongues,  carp,  and 
vegetables :  and  as  presents  a  hood,  mantle,  and  petticoat 
covered  with  pearls  and  lined  with  ermine. 

The   sixteenth  course   brought   rabbits,   peacocks,   roasted 


MISC.  CHAP.]  GIAN-GALEAZZO'S    CORONATION    FEAST.  553 

ducks  and  other  dishes ;  accompanied  by  a  great  silver  basin, 
a  large  mby,  a  diamond,  a  pearl,  and  some  other  valuables. 

For  the  seventeenth  course  we  have  junkets  and  cheese  in 
various  forms  accompanied  by  the  ai)propriate  gift  of  twelve 

fat  kine. 

The  eighteenth  and  last  course  of  this  monstrous  banquet 
consisted  of  fniits  and  sweetmeats,  with  two  valuable  coursers 
for  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  called  the  Lion  and  the  Abbot; 
besides  seventy-seven  horses  for  his  principal  barons  and  fol- 
lowers, all  at  the  expense  of  Galeazzo  Visconte  who  throughout 
this  techous  entertainment  was  attended  by  twelve  knights  of 
the  highest  nuik'''. 

A  similar  feast  and  more  circumstantially  related  by  Corio, 
was  given  at  Gian-Galeazzo  s  coronation  :  it  consisted  of  many 
tables  loaded  with  ducal  plate,  and  suiTounded  by  a  vast  con- 
course of  illustrious  foreigners,  princes,  lords,  and  ambassadors 
of  every  rank  and  nation.  The  dinner  was  enlivened  by  music, 
the  guests  washed  in  distilled  odoriferous  waters ;  Greek,  and 
particulariy  Malmsey  wine,  flowed  in  abundance;  gilt  and 
silvered  bread  stamped  with  the  imperial  and  ducal  arms  was 
served  to  the  guests  :  gilded  fish,  pigs,  and  calves,  in  vast 
dishes  of  solid  silver  placed  whole  on  the  table ;  mutton,  capons, 
fowls,  kids,  hares,  and  pigeons  in  abundance ;  two  gilded  bears 
served  up  whole  in  citron  sauce  ;  pheasants  and  peacocks  in 
various  guises.  A  vast  silver  dish  containing  an  entire  stag 
dressed  and  gilded ;  a  whole  doe  similarly  gilt  and  garnished  with 
two  wild  kids :  quails,  partridges,  and  other  game  in  flocks  : 
gilt  tarts,  pies,  baked  pears,  made  dishes  in  the  form  of  fish 
and  other  animals;  lemonade;  synaps;  roast  fish  with  red 
sauce  in  silver  soup  plates;  silvered  eel  pasties;  silvered 
jellies ;  trout  with  black  sauce ;  silvered  sturgeons ;  silvered 
fruit  tai'ts ;  fresh  almonds  peaches  and  numerous  confections. 
After  dinner  the  tables  were  covered  with  gold  and  silver 

♦  Corio,  Parte  iii",  folio  239. 


554 


SUMPTUARY    LAWS    OF    FT.0R1.N(E. 


[book  I. 


plate,  collars,  chains,  necklaces,  rings,  clctli  of  gold,  silks, 
velvets,  and  other  rich  materials  ;  all  of  which  were  presented 
to  the  guests  according  to  their  rank,  to  tli<'  value  of  :^0,000 
florins.  Besides  these,  fifty  coursers  with  liigli  saddles  covered 
with  silk  were  presented  to  the  imperial  officers,  and  the  day 
was  spent  in  singing,  tlancing,  and  other  pastinics.  A  militarv 
review  and  tournament  occupied  several  days  and  the  prize  was 
earned  otf  hy  l^artolommeo  Manchino,  a  Bolognese  gentleman, 
against  the  whole  chivalry  of  Christendom  and  divers  Saracen 
knights  who  were  attracted  hy  the  fame  of  this  magniliceut 
euteitainment". 

The  sumptuaiT  laws  of  Florence  forhid,  and  prohahly  in 
some  measure  prevented  the  introduction  of  such  extravagance 
there,  for  a  court  presided  over  hy  a  foreign  judge  with  exten- 
sive powers  and  severe  penalties,  was  created  to  enforce  their 
observance :  and  ordei's  were  at  the  same  time  applied  to  the 
correction  of  trade  comhinations  and  monopolies,  fuid  to  assize 
both  meat  and  hsh.  The  consequence  of  all  this  \'illani  tells 
us,  was  considerable  improvement  with  less  luxurious  habits  to 
the  gi'eat  profit  of  the  citizens,  but  injurious  to  silk-merchants 
and  goldsmiths  whose  every-day  employ-iient  was  inventing 
new  and  fanciful  ornaments.  These  laws  were  however  ap- 
plauded and  imitated  by  almost  all  the  fre<'  cities  of  Italy,  but 
sadly  lamented  by  the  women,  who  spent  as  much  by  sending 
to  Flanders  and  Brabant  for  woven  striped  stuffs  at  any  ex- 
pense as  a  substitute  for  the  fancifully  cut,  sla^lied,  and  embroi- 
dered dresses  which  were  prohibited  at  Florence.  Still  Villani 
insists  on  the  great  advantage  which  accmed  to  the  citizens  by 
thus  cheeking  the  growing  extravagance  of  their  women  in 
marriage  and  biiptismal  feasts  ;  and  this  was  probably  its  most 
favourable  and  rational  point  of  view,  for  there  is  nuicli  waste  of 
health  and  food  in  fine  cookery  and  sumptuous  fare,  and  com- 
paratively little  employment  f. 


*  Corio,  Parte  iv*,  folio  2G6. 


•f-  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  cl. 


MISC.  CHAP.l       PETr^RCAS   OPINION    OF   FLORENTINES.  555 

Petrarch  m  an  irritable  letter  to  Boccaccio  written  after  some 
passages  in  his  "  Africa"  had  been  severely  handled  in  the 
literaiy  circles  of  Florence,  attacks  the  Florentines  for  their 
luxmy.  The  emperor  Frederic  the  Second,  he  says,  who  was 
well  acquainted  with  Italy  declared  that  all  intimacy  with 
Italians  should  1)0  avoided,  for  they  were  too  prying,  too  sharp- 
sighted  for  their  neighbours'  faults ;  too  prompt  to  pass  judg- 
ment; and  too  free  in  the  formation  of  their  opinion  without 
troubling  themselves  about  its  truth  or  falsehood  ;  and  this 
Petrarch  asserts  was  peculiariy  applicable  to  the  Florentines. 

"More  soft,  more  effemhiate  than  Sardanapalus,  in  their 
mode  of  living ;  they  are  more  rigid  and  severe  than  Cato  and 
Fabricius  in  their  censures.  Their  minds  are  more  subtle  than 
solid,  rather  crude  than  matured ;  envy  consumes  them,  and 
they  cannot  bear  to  hear  any  of  their  compatriots  praised,  they 
take  it  as  an  indirect  rei.roach  to  themselves  :  the  least  attempt 
to  enhghten  them  otfends  :  anything  distinguished  displeases. 
Take  a  proof  as  clear  as  day :  our  country  as  you  know  has 
been  always  agitated  by  frequent  and  sharp  wars  :  havhig 
within  herself  able  generals  she  yet  has  always  affected  to  seek 
for  strangers,  choosing  rather  to  be  >  anquished  under  foreign 
leaders  than  victorious  under  her  own  countrymen !  This  is 
an  odious  mode  of  tliinking  which  our  fellow-citizens  do  not 
inherit  from  their  Boman  ancestors"^!'. 

The  invective  is  not  devoid  of  truth  ;  jealousy  though  much 
softened  is  not  yet  extinct  in  the  Florentine  character,  and  at 
that  period  it  was  hifected  with  a  biting,  coarse,  and  practical 
wit,  often  tinged  by  ill-nature  :  very  spiteful ;  and  mixed  with 
a  strong  dash  of  kliaverv.  This  humour  pervaded  all  ranks, 
and  if  Sacchetti  mav  bo  trusted,  even  the  philosophic  Dante 
was  not  entirely  free  from  it :  a  cunning  scheme  to  mortify 
somebody  or  gain  something  generally  formed  its  essence,  and 
the  unmingled  pleasure  of  mirth  was  rarely  the  single  motive 

*  Petrarca,  Epistle  to  Boccaccio,  Vide  Dc  Sade,  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  C4L 


"56  riLVCTICAL   WIT. SACCHETTI. OITRESSIONS.  [b„ok  , 

of  its  conception.  Sacchetti's  novels,  wliicli  true  or  false  as 
personal  anecdotes,  are  at  least  a  portrait  of  existing  manners, 
atford  numerous  examples  of  this  ;  and  in  their  must  approved 
wits  and  humourists  little  is  offered  hut  a  comix. mid  of  dirtv 
swindling  and  knavish  dexterity,  with  an  uttci'  recklessness  of 
other  peoples  feelings. 

The  fUthy  indecency  of  these  novels  is  nut  (ompensated  ly 
the  moral  which  Sacchetti  with  a  higher  tone  nf  sentiment  J. 
frequently  draws  from  them,  and  they  exhibit  a  coarseness  df 
general  mannei-s  that  would  now  he  disgusting  to  many  of  tie 
lower  orders  of  civilised  nations.  The  Jews  al.out  this  j)enu.l 
with  a  more  business-like  puqiose,  traded  on  tho  snji.  ruinous 
ignorance  and  vitiated  tiistes  of  the  dav,  and  bv  I'ostrrni'^  the 
vulgar  persuasion  of  their  magical  knowledc^e.  woro  feared  and 
hated,  and  yet  everlastingly  consulted  by  ibe  women  und  oih.  r 
credulous  members  of  Christianity,  especially  in  tho  country, 
where  morals  hung  as  b.osely  on  the  age  as  in  the  crowded 
streets  of  capitals  *:=. 

It  was  customary  in  those  days  for  reduced  gentlemen  to  live  ;i 
good  deal  on  the  public,  not  as  in  our  own  ago  and  count ly  l\ 
place  and  pension,  but  by  vulgar  highway  lobbery  :  and  many 
that  resided  in  dilapidated  country-houses  bad  m*  scruple  about 
administering  to  their  necessities  by  plunder.  Nor  were  ilu- 
richer  fiimilies,  when  tempted,  a  whit  more  nice  in  their  choice 
of  expedients ;  on  the  contrary  greater  jtower  was  ai.jdi.d  with 
greater  etfect  in  oppressing  poorer  neighl)ours  by  an  exerei-^. 
of  unbounded  tyranny  of  which  both  pojudani  and  nobles  w.i. 
equally  guilty ;  the  fonuer  generally  witli  imjiunity,  the  latter 
with  great  risk  of  punishment.  As  an  instance  of  this  ^ort  of 
misrule  may  be  cited  Sacchetti's  anecdote  id'  one  (d"  the  ]\ledici 
family,  then  rapidly  advancing  towards  supreme  authority,  wlio 
seized  on  tlie  vineyai'd  of  a  poor  neighbour  called  Cenni 
without  right  or  conscience,  and  the  latter  only  succeeded  in 

*  Fran.  Sacchetti,  Novel.   153,  175,  177,  passim. 


>nsc.  CHAP.]  ANECDOTE    OF    A    POOR    COUNTRYMAN.  557 

obtaining  redress,  through  the  influence  of  Francesco  de'  ]\Iedici 
chief  of  the  clan,  by  his  shrewd  wit  and  natural  sagacity,  when 
one  of  those  long  and  expensive  lawsuits  that  sometimes  lasted 
thirty  years,  would  have  totally  ruined  liim^^. 

Cenni  arrived  one  morning  Jit  Florence  and  going  straight 
to  Francesco  de'  Medici  addressed  him  thus.     "  Messer  Fran- 
"  cesco,  I  come  before  God  and  before  you  to  beseech  you  for 
"  the  love  of  Christ  to  save  me  from  being  robbed,  if  I  am  not 
'•  pre-ordained  to  be  so.     One  of  your  kinsmen  wants  to  rob 
'-  me  of  my  vineyard,  which  I  must  consider  as  lost  if  you  will 
"  not  assist  me.     Now  I  say  to  you  :Messer  Francesco,  that  if 
"  he  be  predestined  to  have  it  why  let  him  have  it ;  and  I  will 
'*  tell  you  why.     You  wlio  have  lived  so  lung  nmst  know  that 
''  this  wodd  is  governed  by  tits  and  feshions  ;  sometimes  we 
"  have  the  tit  of  small-pox  ;  sometimes  of  pestilence ;  some- 
•  times  a  general  blight  of  the  harvests  ;  sometimes  a  fit  comes 
"  over  the  land  which  in  a  twinkling  kills  many  people  ;  some- 
"  times  the  world  is  plagued  with  a  fit  of  never  doing  justice 
"  to  any  one ;  and  thus  we  liave  a  fit  of  one  tiling  and  then  of 
"  another ;  wherefore  to  come  back  to  the  question,  I  say  that 
"  against  such  inevitable  occurrences  there  is  no  protection. 
"  In  like  manner  what  I  am  come  to  beg  your  assistance  for 
"  tlirough  the  love  of  God  is  just  this  :  that  if  the  fit  of  taking 
"  vineyards  is  come  on  the  earth  why  then  let  your  kinsman 
"  take  mine  and  God  prosper  him  ;  for  against  these  visitations 
"  I  neither  can  nor  will  attempt  to  struggle  :  but  if  tliis  fit  he 
"  not  now  come  on  the  world  then  I  humbly  beseech  you  that 
•'  niv  vinevard  mav  be  spared  to  me."     "My  good  man,"  an- 
swered  Francesco,  "  be  you  assured  chat  fit  or  no  fit  your  vine- 
"  yai'd  shall  not  be  taken  from  you."     So  saying  he  assembled 
some  of  the  chief  members  of  his  family,  made  Cenni  plead  his 
cause  again  before  them  and  afterwards  sent  orders  to  their 
kinsman,  who  had  already  taken  possession,  to  restore  the  dis- 


Cronaca  di  Velluti,  p.  37. 


558    SOCIETY. FEDELI. SLVVES. IlENT    OF    irOT;>I.S.         [ 


COOK   1. 


puted  property.  It  is  quite  tnie  adds  Saccbetti  that  the  world 
is  governed  hy  fits,  except  only  the,tit  of  right  doing*.  Such 
however  was  repuhlican  liberty,  and  no  witiulcr  that  the  power- 
ful citizens  were  so  enthusiastically  attached  to  it ;  for  thev  not 
only  enjoyed  their  proper  portion  hut  appn^priatcd  that  of 
othei-s  to  their  share. 

Florentine  society  at  this  epoch,  as  far  as  we  can  judge  from 
the  scanty  materials  that  exist,  was  in  liict  a  mixture  of  great 
wealth  and  power  with  extensive  poverty  and  dependence  :  and 
although  there  does  not  appear  except  on  the  estates  of  the 
ancient  nobles,  to  have  been  any  regidar  feudal  service  v(  t  all 
the  great  popolani  who  possessed  landed  propeity  seem  to  have 
been  complete  lords  of  their  peasantry  either  from  herechtarv 
descent,  purchased  rights  or  the  engagements  of  tlie  cultivat(.r; 
and  these  under  the  name  of  "  Fedcli  "  wero  scaicclv  more  than 
vassals  with  permanent  obligations  and  perinips  similar  to  the 
Roman  clients  ;  for  we  continually  read  of  th(  ii-  l)ringing  their 
followers  into  Florence  dining  j)ublic  disturbances  either  to  aid 
a  faction  or  for  private  war.  Besides  these  followers  and 
domestic  senants  there  are  indications  of  the  existence  of 
slaveiy  as  late  even  as  the  year  1117,  as  we  leani  from  Buo- 
naccorso  Pitti,  who  mentions  his  going  as  podesta  to  San 
Gimignano  with  twenty-eight  in  family  including  two  slaves ; 
but  when  at  private  lodgings  in  Pisa  his  establishment,  though 
a  citizen  of  high  rank,  was  only  two  men  and  one  woman- 
sei-vant  besides  a  nurse  ;  and  the  rent  he  paid  for  a  furnislied 
house,  which  he  occupied  only  two  months,  was  4s  golden 
florins  ;  yet  outside  of  the  town  he  was  lodged  doulilc  that  tinic 
for  '20  florins  K 

The  activity,  riches,  and  uifluence  of  Florentine  merchants. 
or  Lombards  as  they  were  usually  called  by  transalpine  nations, 
made  them  so  generally  necessary  that  they  cvei-y where 
acquired  a  rank  and  consequence  far  beyond  that  due  to  their 


*  F.  Sacchctti,  Nov.  88. 


I 


t  Cronaca  di  B.  Pitti,  pp.  80   lOG. 


,r   rn.Pl       T.  VNK    OF    FLORENTINE    MERCHANTS.— TRADE.         559 

MISC.    CUAl  .J 

mercantile  character  alone.  A  Florenthie  citizen  was  every- 
where considered  noble,  and  deemed  fit  company  for  princes 
at  the  very  moment  that  he  was  in  the  full  pursuit  of  com- 
mercial business:  some  were  treated  almost  as  sovereign 
princes,  especially  when  like  Donato  Acciajuoli  who  was 
banished  in  BV.lO,  their  family  had  been  frequently  honom-ed 
by  the  dignity  of  supreme  magistrate  and  the  rank  of  cardinal, 
a  powerfid  station  in  those  proud  and  palmy  days  of  ecclesias- 
tical authority.  One  of  Donato's  brothers  was  also  Duke  of 
Athens,  another  was  Archbishop  of  Patras ;  besides  wliich 
several  members  of  his  family  enjoyed  stations  of  high  rank 
mider  the  crown  of  Naples.  He  himself  had  filled  the  highest 
places  in  the  commonwealth ;  had  been  frequently  employed  as 
ambassador,  was  a  knight  of  tlie  Florentine  people,  senator  of 
Rome ;  and  possessed  two  feudal  baronies  in  the  kingdom  of 
Naples.  His  name  was  therefore  known  and  respected  through- 
out Christendom  :  popes  wrote  to  inform  him  of  their  election 
and  continued  to  honour  him  even  while  in  exile  ;  nor  did  any 
foreign  ambassador  arrive  at  Florence  while  he  was  in  power 
without  an  especial  commission  to  visit  Donato  Acciajuoli,  who 
was  invidiously  styled  by  his  enemies  the  Lord,  and  the  Doge 
of  Florence.  Yet  he  quietly  submitted  to  twenty  years  of  exile 
in  a  good  and  patriotic  cause  ! 

But  notwithstanding  these  high  distinctions  wliich  were 
more  or  less  open  to  every  Florenthie  citizen,  there  seems  to 
have  been  none  of  the  superior  trades  and  few  of  the  others 
beneath  a  citizen's  attention,  even  in  the  highest  families  ;  their 
sons  were  early  placed  in  shops,  warehouses,  or  counting-houses  ; 
first  in  Florence ;  then  abroad ;  travelling  from  countiy  to  countiy 
in  the  pursuit  of  gahi  and  acquainted  with  all  the  world  -.  In 
these  excursions  it  was  not  unusual  for  a  merchant  to  unite 
gambling  with  trade;  and  we  accordingly  see  Buonaccorso 
Pitti  while  on  the  most  intimate  terms  of  sociability  with  the 

*  Cronaca  di  Donato  Velluti,  pp.  44,  63,  65. 


Ml 


5G0    lU'ONACCORSO  Prm. rilAKACTFi:  of  the  F\GT.Ts1I.    [iu,oki. 


whole  blood-royal  of  France,  pursuing  bis  traffic  as  a  niercliaiit. 
acting  as  ambassador,  and  taking  a  commission  from  one  Ber- 
nardo di  Cino  to  sell  or  gamble  a  large  amount  of  pearls  and 
other  jewels  to  Duke  Albert  of  I^avaria  Count  of  Holland  ;  who 
however  declined  both  propositions.  Nor  does  there  appear 
to  have  been  any  lack  of  martial  spirit  when  occasion  ofl'ered ; 
Buonaccorso  displayed  much  in  resenting  a  private  insult  at 
play  from  one  of  the  royal  family  of  France ;  and  l)eing  eager 
for  military  glor}^  he  and  two  Italian  friends  joined  the  kings 
armament  against  England  in  lJJ>^o,  with  thirty-six  horse 
entirely  at  their  own  expense  '''. 

The  English  at  this  time  stood  high  in  the  worlds  opiniun 
as  a  military  nation,  but  if  we  may  lielieve  the  testimony  of 
Petrarca  it  was  not  always  so  :  it  will  perhaps  surprise  our 
readers  to  leani  the  judgment  once  pronounced,  whether  true 
or  false,  on  their  forefathers.  In  a  letter  to  his  friend  Pierre 
le  Bercheur  on  the  decay  of  Fnmce  and  Italy  the  poet  says, 
'* In  my  younger  days,"  (probably  during  the  wars  of  Ihuce  and 
Edward  II.)  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  who  are  called 
Enslish  were  the  most  cowardly  of  all  barbarians,  inferior  even 
to  the  vile  Scots ;  and  then,  on  the  contrary,  the  mditary  con- 
dition of  France  was  most  flourishing  :  at  present  (lolU)  tlie 
English  bavins  become  a  warlike  nation  have  subdued  the 
Freneh  by  frequent  and  unexpected  victories :  in  ravaging 
France  with  fire  and  sword  they  have  reduced  that  khigdom 
to  such  a  state  that  I  could  scarcely  recognise  it  in  my  late  jour- 
ney. Will  you  learn  in  two  words  the  cause  of  this  alteration '.' 
Listen  to  Sallust :  he  says  that  fortune  clianges  with  manners, 
and  that  empire  goes  from  bad  to  better.  Force,  spirit,  virtue, 
renown,  circulate  like  money  and  go  from  nation  to  nation. 
Pteuown  ever  empty  and  changeable  has  one  thing  lixed  and 
certain  :  she  always  follows  virtue  and  flies  vice."  Amongst  the 
causes  of  French  and  Italian  decay  he  mentions  #he  relaxation 


*  Cronaca  di  Pitti,  pp.  33  and  45. 


Mi:ic.  CHAP.]         MILITARY    DISCIPLINE    AND    MORALITY. 


>61 


of  militaiy  discipline,  luxury  and  debauchery  as  morally  and 
physically  enervating  to  man ;  a  want  of  emulation  in  the  officers 
and  subordination  in  the  sokhers.  "When  you  enter  a  camp," 
he  continues,  'you  believe  yourself  in  some  disreputable  2)lace 
or  taveni.  They  do  not  get  drunk  on  eyery  sort  of  wine ;  they 
must  have  foreign  wines ;  and  when  these  are  not  to  be  had 
they  complain  that  the  army  wants  eveiything,  that  they  are 
d}ing  of  thirst  and  that  there  is  no  wonder  that  soldiers  desert. 
Military  emulation  has  passed  from  the  use  of  arms  to  the 
bottle,  and  it  is  now  no  longer  a  question  about  what  weapons 
are  to  be  adopted  against  the  enemy  l)ut  what  glasses  are  to  be 
placed  for  drinldng.  He  who  drhiks  the  largest  bumpers,  who 
carries  off  most  wine,  is  regarded  as  the  victor  and  crowned  with 
laurel.  Seneca  foretold  the  day  when  drunkenness  would  be 
honoured,  and  drinking  deep  be  considered  a  virtue.  The  offi- 
cers far  from  correcting  their  soldiers  show  them  the  example  I 
What  can  drunken  men  perform  ?  They  stagnate  in  their  tents, 
snoring,  sweating,  gambling,  eating;  and  steeped  in  low  de- 
baucheiy  with  the  women  who  follow  their  camp.  When  in  the 
field  they  quit  their  ranks ;  know  not  their  leaders  ;  obey 
nobody ;  and  wander  about  without  order  like  bees  which  have 
lost  their  hive.  Sluggards,  cowards,  ignorant,  boasters  :  if  they 
take  up  arras,  if  they  mount  on  horseback,  it  is  not  to  serve 
their  prince  or  defend  their  country^  or  to  acquire  renown  ;  but 
for  interest,  for  vanity,  for  love  of  pleasure.  If  they  adoni 
themselves  with  gold  it  is  to  please  their  mistresses  and  enrich 
their  enemies  of  whom  they  are  the  prey"-:^. 

Such  was  Petrarca's  opinion  of  camp  discipline  and  morahty 
m  1:36-2:  but  things  were  worse  at  court,  and  brought  down 
the  poet's  indignant  censure  both  in  prose  and  verse  although 
by  no  means  a  rigid  moralist  in  his  own  conduct.  His  favomite 
denomination  for  Avignon  was  the  "  Western  Babylon ,"  and 
all,   he  asserts,  that  was  ever  said  of  the  two  Babylons   of 


VOL.  II. 


De  Sadc,  vol.  iii.,  p.  552. 
0  0 


5G2 


AVIGNON   THE   WESTERN   BABYLON. 


[book  I. 


Assyria  and  Egj-pt ;  of  the  four  labyrinths  ;  of  Avemus,  or 
Tartarus  ;  was  nothing  in  comparison  to  that  hell.   "  There  he 
declai'es,  was  to  be  seen  that  Nimrod,  powerful  on  earth ;  that 
mighty  hunter  before  the  Lord  ;  who  is  attempting  to  scale  the 
heavens  by  the  elevation  of  lofty  towers*  ;  that  Seiniramis  with 
her  quiver;  that  Cambyses  more  senseless  thiin  the  Per^sian  mad- 
man. There  are  to  be  seen  the  inllexible  Minos;  Rhadamanthus; 
Cerberus  who  devoui*s  all ;  Pasiphae  enamoiu'ed  of  a  bull ;  the 
Minotaur,  oftspring  of  this  mfamous  passion :  all  that  is  to  be 
seen  elsewhere  of  the  frightful,  dark,  and  execrable  is  there 
assembled.      No    clue    to   escape   from    the   labyrinth ;    no 
Daedalus,  no  Ariadne  !     In  gold  alone  is  safety.     There  gold 
appeases  the  most  cruel  monsters,  softens  the  most  ferocious 
hearts,  splits  rocks,  opens  eveiy  gate,  even  the  gates  of  heaven ; 
and  to  comprehend  all  in  a  word,  with  gold  alone  you  may  pui*- 
chase  Jesus  Christ.     In  that  place  reign  the  successors  of  a 
band  of  poor  fishermen  that  have  forgotten  their  origin :  they 
move  in  gold  and  pui'ple,  proud  of  the  spoils  of  princes  and 
people.      Instead  of  the  unpretending  barks  in  which  they 
wroudit  for  their  liviuj:'  on  the  lake  of  Genesareth  thevnowin- 
habit  super!)  palaces.   They  have  parchments  from  which  pieces 
of  lead  depend  that  serve  for  nets  to  entangle  the  poor  dupe? 
whom  they  scale  and  broil  to  appease  their  gluttony."    After 
expatiating  awhile  in  this  guise  he  exclaims.     "  Here  reigii 
pride,  envy,  luxury  and  avarice  with  all  tlieir  arts,  but  neither 
piety,  faith  nor  charity.  The  wickedest  prospei-s  best ;  the  poor 
just  man  is  oppressed ;  the  villain  who  prodigally  distributes 
gold  is  raised  to  heaven;  simplicity  passes  for  folly;  wickedness 
is  called  wisdom  :  God  is  despised  ;  law  is  trampled  on  ;  Plutus 
worshipped  ;  good  men  are  derided,  and  tilings  arrived  at  such 
a  state  that  veiy  soon  there  will  be  none  of  them  left  to  «leride. 
0  times!    O  manners!"!     These  invectives,  many  of  which 


*  Porhap-.  as  Do  S;i»Io  l»flicvrs,  tliis     ]»:il;ief  tuwriN  of  Aviu'iion. 
i>  Pope  Climcnt  VI.,  who   built   the     f  De  Su(k%  Lib.  iii,  p.  1)5,  tVc, 


MISC.  CHAP.]        AVIGNON — STATE  OF   RELIGIOUS   OKDERS. 


563 


were  boldly  uttered,  did  not  any  more  than  its  disgusting  con- 
dition prevent  Petrarca's  residence  in  Avignon,  and  this  con- 
dition, described  in  his  second  dialogue  with  Saint  Augus- 
tine, seeing  that  it  partly  belongs  to  Italian  manners,  may  be 
shortly  noticed  as  a  curious  sketch  of  the  ecclesiastical  me- 
tropolis. 

Complaining  of  his  manner  of  life  at  Avignon,  even  before 
Laura s  death  ;  he  says,  "I  am  weaiy  of  it  beyond  all  expres- 
sion :  I  inhabit  a  dirty,  noisy  town  which  is  the  common  smk 
and  receptacle  of  all  the  filth  of  the  world :  eveiything  here 
disgusts  and  nauseates:  it  is  an  assemblage  of  narrow  dirty 
streets  where  you  cannot  move  a  step  -vrithout  encountering 
furious  dogs,  stinking  pigs,  carts  which  stun  you  with  their 
rattle;  teams  of  four  horses  that  block  up  all  the  ways;  deformed 
beggai-s  that  cannot  be  regarded  without  horror ;  strange  coun- 
tenances from  eveiy  nation ;  rich  insolence  drunk  with  pleasure 
and  debauchery^  and  a  licentious  populace  in  everlasting  squab- 
bles. Is  it  possible  to  enjoy  in  such  an  abode  any  portion  of 
that  tranquillity  so  necessary  to  the  Muses  ?  For  myself  I  can- 
not bear  it."  ->' 

In  truth,  the  town  must  have  l)een  worthy  of  its  reverend 
inmates  when  even  the  presence  of  Laura  could  not  soften  its 
physical  features  nor  cast  a  veil  over  its  moral  deformities  in 
the  imagination  of  a  lover  who  might  be  supposed  blind  to  every 
disagreeable  object  within  the  enchanted  circle  of  her  influence. 
All  cotemporary  authors  condemn  the  licentiousness  of  eccle- 
siastics in  these  times  :  monks  of  ditferent  orders  were  at  open 
war  with  each  other  and  not  always  without  bloodshed ;  the 
convents  were  tainted  by  calumny  and  filled  with  oppression  ; 
and  lay  corruption  in  its  worst  form  was  fully  shared  by  ever}- 
ecclesiastic  from  the  pontiff  downwards  f.  Notwithstanding 
this  disgi'aceful  conduct  of  churchmen,  the  pope's  injustice,  and 
their  own  bold  opposition  to  it;  the  Florentines  still  maintained 

*  Dialogues,  Dc  Sade,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  1 10. 

0  0  :i 


f  Muiatori,  Aimo  1373. 


564 


EIGHT   SAINTS — RELIGION — SUPERSTITION. 


[book  I. 


a  profound  reverence  for  every  thing  ecclesiastical;  accompanied 
by  strong  supei-stitious  impressions  of  the  misfortunes  that 
almost  always  seemed  to  follow  those  who  withstood  the  Vicar 
of  Christ  even  in  the  illegitimate  exercise  of  his  authority. 
Giovanni  Magdotti  one  of  the  most  daring,  ahlest,  and  honestest 
of  the  "  Eight  Saints"  died  during  the  interdict,  but  received 
all  the  comforts  of  religion  notwithstanding,  along  with  the 
honours  of  a  tomb  in  Santa  Croce  and  the  talisnianic  vord 
Libertas  inscribed  on  his  monument :  vet  tlio  sacrik'i^e  of  that 
war  hung  heavy  on  the  public  mind,  and  superstition  trend ilingly 
observed  that  all  the  "Eight  Saints"  perished,  and  their  fami- 
lies became  extinct  or  dispersed  withui  a  very  brief  period  after 
the  peace  of  1378*.  Nor  were  the  people  less  uneasy  under 
the  religious  privations  of  the  interdict ;  their  devotion  too  deep 
too  serious  for  this,  apprehended  a  diminution  of  religious  sen- 
timent from  long  interruption  of  religious  ceremonies  ;  a  for- 
getfulness  of  God,  and  a  consequent  relaxation  of  morality.  The 
clergy  were  therefore  compelled  to  resume  their  functions  as 
though  no  anathema  had  ever  been  pronounced,  it  was  declared 
of  more  importance  to  maintain  a  true  knowledge  of  Christ  in  the 
public  heart  than  bow  to  a  pope  who  professing  to  he  his  earthly 
vicar  neither  obeyed  his  precepts  nor  followed  his  example  t . 
But  long  ere  they  came  to  this  bold  resolution :  the  act  of  some 
of  their  abler  spirits  ;  compunction  had  troubled  almost  every 
heart:  masses  of  penitent  citizens  of  all  degrees  ;  men,  women, 
and  children  assembled  daily  and  nightly,  praying  weeping  and 
singing  in  the  various  churches  with  bell,  book,  and  candle; 
and  processions  of  fifteen  thousand  at  a  time,  not  unaccompanied 
by  relics  and  sacred  music,  and  attended  by  numerous  bauds  of 
llagellants  amounting  often  to  live  thousand  souls  of  eveiy  rank 
in  the  commonwealth !  A  hundred  times  as  many  m  this  way 
frequented  the  churches  as  were  ever  luiowii  to  attend  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  and  many  young  and  rich  nobles  stnuk 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  ii",  p.  58.  f  Poggio,  Lib.  ii.,  pp.  54,  55. 


MISC.  CHAP.]        RELIGIOUS  ENTHUSIASM— ZEAL— ASTROLOGY.        565 

with  sudden  awe  were  disentangled  from  their  errors  and  assem- 
hhng  at  Fiesole  fasted,  distributed  alms,  prayed,  slept  on  straw 
or  the  hare  ground,  «on  verted  others,  dressed  them  in  their  own 
rich  garments,  supplied  and  repaired  convents;  even  abandoned 
the  worid  and  issuing  forth  in  numbers  begged  for  the  poorer 
class  of  religious  houses.  By  all  this  enthusiasm  they  were 
desirous  of  proving  that  although  their  intention  was  to  conquer 
the  pope  they  were  still  most  devoted  servants  of  the  church 

itself*. 

Thus  even  when  excited  by  public  wrongs  the  zeal  of  Flo- 
rence was  reverential  and  profound,  but  blended  with  an 
intense  superstition  from  which  few  were  exempted :  at  one 
moment,  as  we  are  told  by  a  cotemporary ;  no  less  than  twenty- 
five  thousand  people  were  to  be  seen  bowed  down  m  humble 
submission,  not  directly  to  the  Almighty,  but  before  a  sacred 
exhibition  of  saintly  relics  with  the  holy  portrait  of  Santa 
Maria  in  Pianeta  at  their  head ;  and  in  solenni  tones  of  deep 
contrition  imploring  her  intercession  to  protect  the  city  from 
impending  danger  f.  The  sight  must  have  been  imposing  ; 
sincerity  is  always  so,  whether  in  the  mass  or  the  individual. 
Nor  was  superstition  confined  to  religion  :  the  almost  universal 
helief,  and  even  in  many  of  the  more  enlightened,  the  half  con- 
fidence in  judicial  astrology,  still  pervaded  every  rank :  many 
of  the  sounder  intellects,  such  as  Sacchetti,  laughed  this  science 
to  scorn,  but  it  was  nevertheless  made  a  business  of  state 
pohcy ;  and  no  standard  was  delivered  to  the  general ;  no  in- 
cipient march  of  armies  suffered,  except  under  the  auspices  of 
astrological  calculations,  and  a  minute  adherence  to  the  sooth- 
sayer's commands.  The  most  trifling  accidents,  such  for  instance 
as  that  of  a  high  wind  breaking  the  flag-staff  of  the  gonftilon,  or 
a  fight  amongst  the  public  lions  ;  as  occurred  in  1391  with  the 
death  of  a  male  and  female  ;  accidents  from  lightning ;  thunder 
in  an  unclouded  sky ;  or  any  other  unusual  occurrence,  were 


*  M.  di  C.  Stefani,  Rub.  757. 


f  Mem.  Storiche  di  Ser  Naddo,  p.  106. 


566 


RELIGIOUS  SOCIETIES — INFIDELITY. 


[bo 


OK  I. 


sufficient  to  cast  a  gloom  over  the  whole  community ;  and  any 
sinister  event  that  happened,  although  sL\  months  after,  con- 
finned  the  strange  belief*.  JMany  of  the  lay  religious  com- 
panies were  formed  about  this  period,  and  the  desire  of  relics 
was  such,  that  the  widow  of  a  Florentine  merchant  who  had 
stolen  some  from  the  emperor  of  Constantinople  was  rewarded 
by  an  annuity  of  GO  florins  for  presenting  them  to  the 
republic  f . 

This  deep  devotion  was  not  shared  by  everj^  other  Italian 
community:    Padua  and  Venice   are  especially  noted  for  a 
freedom  of  religious  opinion  that  roused  the  auger  of  Petrarea 
who  although  an  ecclesiastic  was  by  no  means  a  bigot,  and 
always  inclined  to  argue  philosophically.     He  however  asserted 
and  lamented  that  all  Italy  was  imbued  with  the  opinions  of 
Aristotle,  but  more  profoundly  and  dangerously  by  those  of  his 
Arabian  commentator  AveiToes  of  Cordovji,  who  like  him  denied 
the  existence  of  Providence  and  the  creation  of  this  world; 
laughed  at  the  Bible,  derided  all  religion,  called  that  of  Moses  a 
childish  superstition,  that  of  Mahomet  a  swinish  one,  but  Chris- 
tianity the  most  absurd  and  insensate  of  all,  for  its  God  was  at 
the  same  time  both  devoured  and  worshipped.    Petrarea  joined 
a  society  of  these  free-thinkers  at  Venice,  who  because  lie 
ridiculed   their  philosophy  and   infidehty,  after   a  long  and 
formal  discussion  amongst  themselves,  pronounced  the  damning 
sentence  that  was  to  wither  all  his  laurels ;  namely,  that  lie 
'*  was  a  well-meaning  man  without  literature  \  "  !     The  intellec- 
tual liberty  of  the  flock  seems,  according  to  the  same  authority, 
to  have  been  at  least  equalled  by  the  ignorance  of  some  of 
their  principal  pastors,  more  especially  at  Avignon  where  their 
influence  was  as  unbounded  as  it  was  mischievous.    Some  of  tlie 
cardinals  are  described  as  of  very  limited  intellect,  incapable 

*  S.    Ammirato,   Lib.  xv.,   p.   828  ;     Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  839. 

Lib.  xvi.,  p.  849.  Ij:  De  Sade,  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  vi.,  pp.  C55, 

t    Cronaca  d'  Inccrto,  p.  211. —S.     656,659,751,760. 


MISC.  CHAP.  J  CLERICAL  IGNORANCE— DRESS  OF  ECCLESIASTICS.      567 

of  their  high  duties  and  more  to  be  pitied  than  blamed ;  others 
more  enlightened,  were  hurried  away  by  passions  and  self- 
interest  without  a  thought  for  the  public  good,  but  a  luxurious 
affection  for  France  and  hatred  of  Italy  that  influenced  all  their 
councils  and  kept  the  pontifical  court  in  the  trammels  of  that 
monarchy.  Some  were  so  ignorant  as  to  believe  that  the 
church  possessed  nothing  comparable  to  Avignon  and  its  neigh- 
bourhood ;  that  Italy  rested  on  the  world's  confines,  or  a  little 
beyond  them;  that  it  was  encompassed  by  an  unnavigable 
sea;  that  to  pass  the  Alps  was  an  impossible  thing;  and  all 
beyond  were  objects  of  danger  and  suspicion  even  to  the 
air,  the  water,  the  wine ;  and  every  other  article  of  human 
sustenance. 

Urban  V.  to  whom  Petrarch  addresses  this  remonstrance, 
had  won  his  good  opinion  by  various  incipient  reforms ;  such 
as  the  abolition,  or  rather  the  restriction  of  the  right  of  sanc- 
tuary, which  up  to  this  time  was  common  to  every  cardinal's 
palace,  within  the  precincts  of  which  no  officer  of  justice  dared 
to  enter:  also  the  confining  of  ecclesiastics  to  one  benefice 
and  the  reformation  of  liLxurious  habits  amongst  the  priest- 
hood, especially  in  their  dress.  "Who  can  calmly  behold," 
he  exclaims,  *'  the  fashion  of  homed  shoes ;  heads  decked  out 
with  wings ;  the  hair  tied  in  a  tail ;  men's  foreheads  covered 
with  those  pins  of  ivory  that  women  place  in  their  hair  ; 
stomachs  compressed  by  springs,  (a  species  of  torment  suffered 
of  old  by  the  martyi-s)?"  to  all  of  which,  more  particularly  in 
Italy,  he  urged  the  pope  to  extend  his  reforming  care-^. 

The  Florentines  as  we  have  seen,  notwithstanding  their 
habitual  reverence  for  the  church  scrupled  not  to  levy  contri- 
butions on  it  so  heavy  as  to  be  almost  incredible,  except 
under  the  conviction  of  the  clergy's  riches  being  more  abundant 
than  what  even  in  those  joyous  days  of  ecclesiastical  prosperity 
can  easily  be  conceived. 

*  Epistle  to  Urban  V.,  Dc  Sade,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  675,  &c. 


568 


TAXATION    OF   THE    CLERGY — CORN. 


[bo( 


>K  I. 


A  board  of  ten  citizens  was  created  in  October  1378  for  the 

purpose   of  levying  contributions   on    the   whole  Florentine 

church  establishment  of  both  sexes,  to  assist  in  maintaiuing 

pul)lic  liberty;  and  so  energetic  were  they  in  perfonning  tliis 

duty  that  if  any  credit  may  be  given  to  ancient  chronicles  the 

enormous  sum  of  1,000,000  of  golden  florins  was  raised  in 

three  days ;  but  with  the  forced  sale  and  forced  purchase  of 

many  ecclesiastical  possessions*.     The  church  influence  as  we 

have  seen,  was  sufficiently  powerful  to  procure  a  subsequent 

reimbursement  of  this  loss  as  the  ecclesiastics  had  before  done 

in  1307  on  account  of  the  gate-tolls  or  Gabelle  from  which  thev 

claimed  exemption  in  common  \\'ith  great  lords,  j.relates,  and 

foreign  ambassadors.     These  tolls  had  been  larmed  out  the  year 

before  as  a  less  expensive,  but  certainly  more  pernicious,  method 

of  collection  than  that  by  goverament  officers,  and  1800  lire 

were   accordingly   repaid   armually  to   the   mendicant   friars. 

besides  nearly  three  times  that  amount   to  the  other  sacred 

orders  under  the  bishop's  superintendence  in  1368f. 

The  clergy  seldom  suffered  a  permanent  loss  ;  they  were  an 
immortal  body  whose  thoughts  and  effbrts  were  always  con- 
centrated on  one  object,  the  prosperity  of  their  corps  ;  nor  are 
they  ever  mentioned  in  the  Florentine  annals  as  t^ddnj;  anv  cun- 
spicuous  part  in  the  relief  of  i)ublic  suffering  during  the  numer- 
ous plagues  and  famines  that  afflicted  those  times  and  marked 
their  uncertam,  improvident,  and  rigorous  cliaractci".  From 
13--i8  to  1330  all  Tuscany  and  most  of  Italy  were  stnick  hy 
one  of  these  visitations :  com  rose  from  seventeen  soldi  the 
bushel  to  twenty-eight ;  then  suddenly  to  thirty  ;  to  forty-two . 
and  before  the  harvest  of  VWJ  to  a  golden  florin,  at  that  time 
equal  to  sixty-six  soldi  and  now  probably  to  above  twice  that 
sum  or  more  than  one  pound  sterling ;.     Corn  in  foct  bore  any 

*  Cronaca  d'  Incerto,  p.  213.  grains  was  worth  3-J^  lire,  and  conc- 

t  Animirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  pp.  653,663.     sponded  to   13  lire,  6  sol.  8  den.  in 
+   In    1330  the  golden  florin  of  72     1767,  which  was  the  value  of  a  zcc- 


M ISC.  CHAP.]  FAMINE    REGULATIONS ASTROLOGY. 


569 


price  for  those  tliat  could  pay ;  but  the  poor  starved :  Perugia, 
Siena,  Lucca,  Pistoia  and  many  other  places  unable  to  sustain 
the  pressure  drove  out  their  poor,  while  Florence  not  only 
repudiated  this  cruelty  but  supported  the  greater  part  of  these 
outcasts  in  addition  to  her  own  suffering  population.  She 
imported  wheat  from  Sicily  to  the  port  of  Talamone  in  the 
Maremma,  and  with  mfinite  danger  and  expense  brought  it 
safely  to  the  capital :  some  came  from  Ptomagna  and  even 
Arezzo,  and  thus  the  price  was  kept  down  to  half  a  florin  a 
bushel  in  the  market  but  mixed  with  one  fourth  of  barley. 

The  madness  of  hunger  continued  so  violent  that  public 
executioners  were  kept  constantly  attending  the  market  of 
Oito-san-Michele,  with  the  block  and  axe,  to  chop  off"  the  limbs 
of  disorderly  persons.  This  supply  cost  the  government  60,000 
florins  m  two  years,  and  would  have  failed  in  its  object  if  the 
sale  of  wheat  had  not  been  forbidden  in  the  market  and  ready- 
made  bread  furnished  instead,  on  account  of  the  government. 
This  was  sold  in  certain  appointed  places  at  the  rate  of  four 
dauari  for  sLx  ounces  of  mixed  bread,  and  succeeded  in  miti- 
gating the  popular  fury,  as  each  individual  could  now  purchase 
enough  to  avoid  starvation,  whereas  previously,  because  a 
bushel  was  the  smallest  quantity  sold,  and  the  daily  gains  of 
some  not  more  than  eight  or  twelve  danari  of  wages,  many 
were  totally  precluded  from  the  market.  In  consequence  of 
this  new  arrangement,  Villani,  who  proposed  it  and  super- 
intended the  execution,  tells  us  that  the  popular  craving  was 
soon  in  some  measure  abated,  the  multitude  pacified,  and  the 
suffering  borne  with  comparative  equanimity,  while  the  rich 
strained  every  nerve  to  diminish  their  distress,  he  is  par- 
ticular in  its  narration  as  a  precedent  for  future  times,  and 
then  gravely  proceeds  to  inform  us  that  whenever  the  planet 
Saturn  is  in  the  last  degree  of  Cancer  and  until  he  arrive  at 

chino  or  florin  of  71  grains.  (Vide  7'enzc)  from  an  ancient  MS.  of  the 
Fineschi,  Carestie  e  Dovizie  dl  Fi-    fourteenth  century. — Florence,  1767. 


570 


STAR-INFLUENCE — MARKET   SCENES   IN    FAMINE. 


[book  I. 


the  Lion's  belly,  famine  will  be  in  tbe  land  of  Italy  and  espe- 
cially in  Florence,  therefore  it  may  be  partly  attributed  to  that 
sign.  "  We  do  not  however  say  that  this  is  necessarily  so,  for 
God  can  make  the  dear  cheap  and  the  cheap  dear  according  to 
his  will,  and  through  the  merit  of  holy  persons  or  for  punish- 
ment of  sin  :  but  humanly  speaking,  Satuni  according  to  poets 
and  astrologers  is  the  god  of  laboiu*ers,  but  more  tiuly  does  he 
carry  his  influence  to  the  working  and  sowing  of  the  gi'ouiid ; 
and  when  he  is  found  in  adverse  and  contrary  signs  and 
houses,  like  Cancer ;  and  still  more  in  Leo,  his  influence  on  the 
earth  is  dimmished  because  he  himself  is  naturally  sterile  and 
the  sign  of  Leo  is  sterile,  so  that  he  produces  deamess  and  ste- 
rility, not  abmidauce  and  fruitfulness.  And  all  this  T  iiave 
found  from  experience  in  times  past ;  and  for  those  who  under- 
stand such  things  it  is  enough  to  say  that  thus  it  happened  in 
these  particular  periods  which  are  every  thirty  years ;  and 
sometimes  in  his  quarters,  according  to  the  conjunction  of  good 
or  evil  planets  "-. 

The  market  scenes  during  these  famines  were  deplorable ; 
men  and  women  trampled  in  the  crowd,  others  strugghng  for 
precedence ;  children,  driven  away  for  their  own  safety,  filled 
the  town  with  their  cries  ;  purses  snatched  or  stolen  ;  and  tlie 
losers  beating  their  breasts  and  ciying  out  in  all  the  madness 
of  despair,  others  retuniing  home  disconsolate  without  purse 
or  food;  the  constables  driving  people  back  without  mercy, 
supported  by  the  Podesta  and  his  armed  attendants  ;  the  block, 
the  axe,  and  the  executioner,  in  grim  array,  and  famine  over- 
coming this  and  ever}^  other  apprehension.  The  com  market 
was  opened  every  day  except  holidays  at  Orto-san-Michele  with 
considerable  solemnity :  in  the  morning  all  the  "  Officers  of 
Abundance,''  a  court  of  high  dignity  and  authority  at  Florence 
made  their  appearance  there,  and  after  examining  the  quantity 
and  quality  of  provisions  seated  themselves  on  an  elevated 

•  Fineschi,  Carestie  e  Dovizie  diFirenze. — G.  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  1155. 


MISC.  CHAP.]        CORN    MARKET — VARIOUS   KINDS   OF    GRAIN.  57l 

bench  near  one  of  the  pilasters  of  the  market-house  and  soon 
aftei-wards  the  retail  business  was  commenced  by  corn-dealers 
who  sold  in  small  quantities  according  to  the  *'  Mina  "  or  half 
bushel ;  the  "  Quarto  "  or  half  Mina ;  and  the  half  Quarto. 
The  Staio  which  is  now  considerably  less  than  an  English 
bushel  varied  at  different  periods  of  Florentine  history  as  we 
leani  from  Dante  and  others,  and  was  sometimes  heaped  up, 
sometimes  only  full  measure-''.  Wheat  in  the  Florentine 
market  was  of  four  kinds ;  namely,  "  Calvello  "  supposed  to 
be  the  same  as  the  ancient  "  Carvellino  "  of  the  Pisan  market 
which  consisted  of  those  grains  too  large  to  pass  through  a 
certain  sized  sieve  and  therefore  bearing  a  higher  price.  The 
second  was  Sicilian  wheat  and  bore  the  second  price  :  the  third 
was  the  "  Grano  Comunale  "  or  common  Florentine  wheat  of 
the  last  harvest,  sometimes  called  "  Grano  Gentile,''  which  in 
times  of  scarcity  was  mixed  with  barley  and  other  grain  and 
then  of  course  bore  an  inferior  value :  the  fourth  kind  was 
denominated  ''Grano  Grosso"  or  coarse  wheat  and  bore  the 
lo\Yest  price.  These  four  sorts  of  wheat  were  exposed  for  sale 
in  certain  rush  or  wooden  vessels  called  "  Bigonce  "  of  various 
dimensions,  but  generally  holding  from  seven  to  eight  bushels ; 
of  which  three  hundred  might  be  seen  in  the  market  dmnng 
favourable  seasons,  principally  of  foreign  grain,  for  the  Flo- 
rentuie  district  was  not  supposed  in  those  days  to  average 
more  than  five  months'  consumption,  although  it  had  been 
known  to  produce  enough  for  two  years.  The  prices  of  these 
wheats  were  in  the  ratio  of  30,  29,  28,  and  27,  when  the  best 
oats  were  18^  soldi  the  bushel;  but  an  attempt  to  limit  the 
market  price  soon  deprived  it  of  any  supply,  the  corn-dealers 
preferring  the  risk  of  a  secret  sale  in  their  houses  at  more 
than  the  legal  value.  This  seems  for  a  moment  to  have  opened 
the  eyes  of  government,  as  a  general  license  was  finally  issued 

*   Purgatorio,  Canto  xii ;  Paradiso,  Canto  xv. — Borghini,  Vescovi  di  Firenze, 
vol.  ii°,  p.  537. 


572       SALE    OF   BREAD REVENUE    AND    EXPENDITURE.        [book  i. 

by  proclamation  for  the  making  and  sale  of  bread  without 
reference  to  price,  weight,  or  size ;  and  in  a  ver}^  short  time 
the  public  ovens  were  nearly  abandoned,  better  l)read  beina 
sold  privately  at  a  lower  price ;  so  sure  is  it  tliat  private  neces- 
sity and  energy,  if  left  free,  are  the  best  purveyors,  no  matter 
how  numerous  the  population ;  for  numbers  only  multiply 
those  minute  channels  and  resources  which  like  the  capillaiy 
system  in  human  bodies,  maintain  and  nourish  existence-'. 
Besides  the  combination  of  mischief  and  inutility  which  is  sure 
to  proceed  from  the  interference  of  govennnent  in  the  victual- 
ling trade  of  a  settled  community,  it  proved  a  heavy  item  (»f 
public  expense  to  Florence  wliich  fell  ultimately  on  the  iteople 
in  the  guise  of  taxation.  We  have  an  interesting  account  of 
the  receipts  and  expenditure  of  the  republic  fi'om  13:K)  to  133^. 
during  the  costly  war  with  IMastino  della  Scala  when  Arezzo 
and  its  contado,  Pistoia,  Colle,  and  eighteen  walled  towns  in 
the  Lucchese  dominions  were  ruled  bv  tlie  Florentines, 
besides  fortv-sLx  in  their  own  territoiT,  without  counting  those 
belonging  to  private  citizens  and  a  vast  number  of  open  towns 
and  villages. 

Little  revenue  accrued  from  the  assessed  taxation  of  Flo- 
rence ;  her  gi*eat  mcome  arose  from  duties  on  provisions  and 
merchandise  at  the  city  gates  with  various  duties  under  the 
general  name  of  "  GahcUe ;"  and  in  extraordinary  circumstances 
by  loans  and  imposts  on  merchants  and  other  ojwlent  citizens 
with  assignments  on  the  gabelle,  wliich  latter  amounted  to 
near  800,000  golden  florins  ;  an  immense  revenue  in  those 
days,  and  reckoned  superior  to  that  of  Naples,  Sicily,  or 
Aragonf.  The  ordinary  charges  independent  of  soldiers'  pay, 
which  ceased  almost  instantaneously  at  the  conclusion  of  a 
war  or  at  a  truce  and  foraied  nearly  the  sole  advantage  of  em- 
ploying mercenaries  ;  amounted  to  less  than  40,000  florins  or 


•  Carestie  e  Dovizie  di  Firenze  dal  Padre  Fiiieschi. 
"t*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xL,  cap.  xci.j  xcii. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


FLORENTINE    REVENUE. 


573 


only  a  little  more  than  one-eighth  of  the  revenue.  On  which 
Villani  honestly  exclaims,  '•  0  Florentines  what  bad  and  wicked 
"  providence  is  it  to  increase  the  public  revenue  with  the  sub- 
"  stance  and  poverty  of  the  citizens  by  forced  taxes,  in  order 
"  to  support  foolish  enterprises!  Know  you  not  that  where 
"  the  sea  is  wide,  great  are  the  tempests  ;  and  that  with  aug- 
-  mented  revenues  come  evil  expenses  ?  Temper,  my  dearest 
"  brethren,  your  inordinate  desires  and  please  God ;  and 
"  oppress  not  an  innocent  people  "=^=. 

Giovanni  Villani's  detailed  statement  of  the  revenue  and 
expenses  of  Florence  is  also  given  with  some  variations  by  the 
Fra  Ildefonso  di  San  Luigi,in  the  twelfth  volume  of  the  ''Delizie 
degli  EruclUi  Toscaai  "  amongst  the  '*  Monumentl  "  to  Stefani  s 
History,  taken  from  some  manuscript  memoirs  of  Florentine 
History  in  the  lil)rary  of  San  Paulino,  which  interesting  docu- 
ments will  not  be  misplaced  in  this  chapter.  Villani  s  account 
is  here  given  (with  occasional  additions  from  the  fomier)  because 
he  assures  us  that  it  was  copied  by  himself  out  of  the  public 
l)ooks,  the  income  being  counted  in  golden  florins  of  seventy-two 
grauis  of  gold  each,  at  twenty-four  carats. 


Revenue  of  the  Florentine  Republic  from  1336  to  1338. 

Florins. 
«  Gabelle  "  or  exit  and  entrance  tolls  at  the  Gates  of  Florence 
on  victuals,  mercliandise,  and  other  commodities.     Farmed 

annually  at •      ^^'-^^ 

Gabella,  or  duty  on  the  retailers  of  wine  equal  to  one-third  of 

the  value ^^'^^^ 

«  Estimo  "  or  tax  on  real  property  in  the  contado  .  •      30,1 00 


Carry  fonvard 


178,600 


♦  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,  cap.  xcii. 


674 


FLORENTINE   REVENUE. 


Lbook  I. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


FLORENTINE    EXPENDITURE. 


575 


Brought  forward 

Gabella   on   salt,  whicli  was  sold  at  40  soldi  a  staio  to  the 
citizens,  and  at  half  that  price  to  the  rural  population      . 

These  four  Oahelle  were  appropriated  to  mamtain  the  Lombard 
war  against  Mastino  de  la  Scala,  and  came  to 

The  rents  of  exiles*  and  condemned  persons'  property 
Gabella  on  lenders  and  usurers  .... 
Charge  on  certam  country  gentlemen  called  Nobili  del  Contado 
Gabella  or  duty  on  contracts,  mortgages,  &:c. 

Do.    on  all  beasts  for  slaughter  in  the  city     . 

^^-  <io-  do.  m  the  contado    . 

Do.     on  letting  of  lodgings,  houses,  &e. 

Do.     on  flour  and  grhiding  mills  .... 

Do.    on  those  citizens    appointed   to   high   offices  abroad 
podest^,  &c.  •  •  .  . 

Do.    on  accusations  and  defences 
Profits  on  gold  coinage,  all  expenses  paid,  came  to 

Do.    on  the  smaller  money 
Rents  of  public  property,  tolls  on  ferry-boats,  &c. 
Gabella  on  the  hve-cattle  merchants  of  Florence     . 

Do.    on  the  stamps  of  weights  and  measures,  and  peaces 
between  private  citizens       .... 

Do.     on   the  sweepmgs  of  the   corn  market  of  Orto  San 
Michele,  and  the  hire  of  bigonce  or  coni-tubs 

i)o.     on  countrj'  lodgings 

Do.     on  country  markets 
Realisation  of  fines  and  penalties,  which  generally  amount  to 

a  great  deal  more  than      . 
Payments  in  lieu  of  military  service  both  horse  and  foot',  not 

counting  those  in  Lombardv 

*  •  • 

Gabella  on  the  porches  and  projections  of  shops 
Do.    on  the  green-grocers  of  Florence 
Do.     on  licences  to  carry  arms  at  20  soldi  a  head 

Rent  of  prisons  or  prisoners  ( *) 

The  Gabella  on  police  messen foci's 

O  •  •  •  , 

Do.        on  the  timber  rafts  floated  up  the  Arno     . 
Currv  forward 


Florins. 
178,600 

14,450 


193,0.50 

7000 
3000 
2000 
20,000 
15,000 
440<l 
4150 
4250 

3500 
1400 
2300 
1500 
KJOO 
20(Ml 

600 

750 
550 

21)0(1 

20,000 

7000 
7O00 

450 
13(M» 
1000 

100 
50 


Brought  foi-ward 

Gabella  of  the  inspectors  of  securities  given  to  government 
Do.    on  the  fees  of  the  consuls  of  trades,  government's  share 
Do.    on  the  country  possessions  of  citizens*. 
Gabella  on  fighting  without  weapons  (boxing)  *. 
Do.    on  those  who  have  no  town  house,  only  a  country  resi- 
dence. ...... 

Do.    on  the  mills  and  fisheries  *. 


Florins. 

305,750 
250 
300 


1000 


Total  revenue  minus  the  marked  items    .       .    307,300 


THREE 

Lire. 
15,240 

5880 

4900 


305,750 


Expenses  of  Florence  from  1336  to  1338  in  Lire,  of  which 
AND  TWO  Soldi  were  tiiex  eq,ual  to  a  Golden  Florin 

The  salary  of  the  podesta  and  his  suite,  yearly 

Do.       of  the  captain  of  the  people,  and  his  officers  attend- 
ants, &:c.  ..... 

Do.       of  the  executor  of  the  ordinances  of  justice  against 
the  great  with  his  officers  and  attendants 
Salary  of  the  conservator  of  the  people,  and  over  the  restored 

exiles  with  fifty  cavalry  and  one  hundred  infantry,  a  temporary 

and  extraordinary  office  soon  abolished  .  .  .     26,040 

Tlie  judge  of  appeals  on  the  rights  of  the  state         .  .       .         1 100 

The  officer  executing  the  sumptuary  laws,  &c.  .  .         1000 

The  superintendent  of  the  market  of  Orto-San-Michele  and  the 

Piazza  della  Badia      ......         1300 

The  superintendent  of  soldiers' pay  and  their  messengers  .         .         1000 
The  officers,  notaries,  and  attendants  superintending  tlie  defects 

of  soldiers  ;  i.  c,  the  real  number  on  service         .  .       .  250 

The  public  treasurers,  their  officers,  notaries,  monks,  &c.,  who 

have  charge  of  the  public  acts       .  .  .  .       .         1 400 

The  officers  in  charge  of  the  rents  of  public  domains     .  ,  200 

Jailors  and  prison  guards     .  .  .  .  .       .  800 

The  table  of  the  priors  and  their  officers  and  suite  .  .         3600 

Cany  forward  .         .         .         .         .     .      62,710 

*  These  uie  uncertain  in  one  nccount,  and  not  given  by  Villani,  therefore 
omitted.     Those  given  amount  to  50,000  florins,  which  seems  to  be  an  error. 


576 


FLORENTINE    EXPKNDITUllE. 


[book 


I. 


Brought  forward         ..... 

Salary  of  the  senants  and  otlier  public  attendants  of  the  palace 
includhig  the  two  tower-keepers  of  the  priors'  palace  and  that 
ofthepodesta  .  .  .  .  ,         .       . 

The  seignory's  guard,  a  captain  and  sixty  foot  soldiers 

The  notar}-  of  the  reformations  and  his  assistant 

The  chancellor  or  secretary  of  the  community  and  assistant 

To  keep  of  lions  ;  torches  ;  candles  and  festa  lights  for  priors   . 

The  registering  notary  of  the  public  palace  .  .  .       . 

The  police  and  messengers  of  the  priora 

The  public  trumpeters  ;  six  public  criers  or  heralds  ;  kettle- 
dnmimers,  sounders  of  the  Svcylia  (an  ancient  wind  instru- 
ment now  gone  by)  bagpipers,  flutes,  and  Httle  trumpets  ;  in 
all  ten,  with  silver  trumpets    ..... 

Alms  to  religious  mendicants  and  hospitals  .  .  .       . 

Six  hundred  city  night  guards     ..... 

The  Palio  or  prize  of  silk  or  velvet  cloth  for  the  races  on  Saint 
John's  day,  and  those  of  cloth  for  the  festivals  of  Saint  Bamaby 
and  Santa  Reparata  .  .  .  ,  ,       . 

Public  messengers  and  spies  employed  abroad   . 

Ambassadors'  salaries  .  .  .  ,  .       . 

Governors  and  guards  of  fortresses         .... 

For  supplying  the  public  armoury  with  crossbows,  arrows,  and 
large  shields  (Palvesi)  ..... 


Lire. 
62,710 


550 
5200 

450 

450 
2400 

100 
1500 


IHIMI 

2000 

10,800 


310 

1200 

15,500 

12,400 

4G50 


Sum  total  in  florins  of  3  liri  2  soldi  each  30,103^  florins, 
when  money  was  certainly  more  than  twice  its  present 
value        ......        Lire  121,220 

This  is  independent  of  the  military  establishment,  which  of 
course  varied  according  to  circumstances  :,  but  it  was  generally 
averaged  in  ordinarjnimes  at  from  seven  liundred  to  a  thousand 
horse  and  as  many  footmen.  Neither  is  the  expense  of  walls, 
bridges  or  other  public  works  of  an  extraordinarj-  nature  in- 
cluded in  the  account  *. 


*  Gio.  Villani,  Lib.   xi.,  cap.   from  xci.   to  xciv.  —  Delizie  degli    Eruditi 
Toscani,  torn.  xii.  Monuiucnti  No.  vi.,  p.  349. 


MISC.  ciUP.J  UNSALARIED    OFFICERS — REMARKS. 


577 


It  will  be  seen  that  none  of  the  great  officers  of  state  within 
the  city,  except  foreigners,  received  any  salaries,  and  yet  the 
struggles  for  office  were  fierce  and  bloody,  for  power  is  a 
stronger  stimulant  than  riches  to  the  ambitious  mind  and 
the  notion  of  unpaid  public  duties  in  a  large  community  is 
perhaps  more  theoretically  beautiful  than  practically  correct. 
We  do  not  find  that  the  j^ublic  administration  of  Florence  was 
maintained  in  greater  purity  or  efficiency  under  this  seemingly 
disinterested  })ra(tice  ;  that  there  w'as  less  peculation,  nepotism, 
partiality,  or  vengeance  ;  more  rigorous  justice,  or  security  from 
private  or  public  oppression ;  wiser  counsels,  calmer  delibera- 
tions, greater  economy,  or  more  lasting  tran(|uillity.  Neither 
does  it  appear  that  the  struggle  for  salaried  offices  and  govern- 
ments without  the  walls  was  less  general,  or  violent,or  more 
patriotic,  or  disinterested  than  in  other  places ;  some  offices 
seem  indeed  to  have  lost  the  assistance  of  efficient  men  from 
fear  of  the  attendant  expense,  and  it  was  at  one  time  difficult 
to  procure  ambassadors  for  the  public  sendee  until  the  salary 
was  raised  and  a  coercive  law  promulgated  on  the  subject. 

Sismondi  asserts  with  a  friendly  leaning  towards  the  Flo- 
rentine government ;  that  in  republics  the  honour  of  govern- 
ing is  sufficient  recompense  for  the  trouble,  and  when  good 
reputation  is  the  sole  remuneration  of  magistrates  none  of  them 
will  be  negligent  in  attempting  to  acquire  it :  if  on  the  contrary 
they  are  paid,  their  principal  end  is  accomplished  and  their 
labour  is  not  fruitless  for  themselves,  although  they  may  not 
have  deserved  either  the  people  s  love  or  the  respect  of  posterity. 
This  is  the  very  poetry  of  human  government ;  for  when  was 
the  disinterested  love  of  honest  fame  ever  willingly  accepted 
as  the  sole  remuneration  of  magistrates,  or  generally  felt  as  the 
onli/  incentive  to  public  office  ?  Have  not  those  higher  spirits 
whom,  from  time  to  time,  such  feelings  have  actuated  and  who 
form  exceptions  to  the  rule,  been  shigled  out  from  the  crowd 
and  sent  down  to  posterity  as  bright  and  extraordinary  examples 

VOL.  II.  p  p 


HFPWSiii-^yi 


578 


STATE   AND    POPULATION    OF   FLORENCE. 


[book 


of  private  virtue  and  public  patriotism  ?  And  if  good  renown 
be  a  powerful  excitement  to  official  virtue,  why  should  its  influ- 
ence wither  under  the  comfoitable  warmth  of  an  honest  remu- 
neration ?  Would  not  a  man  of  intemtv  rather  double  his 
exertion  in  the  public  ser\ice,  if  his  mind  wxu*e  at  case  about 
the  private  necessities  and  future  provision  of  his  family  ? 

The  general  state  of  Florence  at  this  period  presents  n 
picture  of  glowing  prosperity ;  but  the  city  alone  wiis  "  the 
state,''  to  which  evei'5i:hing  external  l>eyond  the  contado 
administered,  and  was  almost  sacrificed.  There  were  tweritv- 
tive  thousand  males  from  fifteen  to  seventy  able  to  bear  arms 
as  national  militia,  and  all  citizens  ;  this  necessarily  excluded  a 
multitude  of  the  mere  people  who  were  not  freemen.  Amongst 
the  fonner  were  fifteen  hundred  noble  and  powerful  citizens 
who  under  the  general  title  of  '"GmndV'  became  subject  to  the 
ordinances  of  justice.  There  were  seventy-five  Cavalieri  di 
Corredo,  or  belted  knights  ;  a  great  diminution  irom  the  older 
days  of  aristocmtic  rule  when  no  less  than  two  hundred  and 
fifty  enjoyed  that  high  distinction.  But  when  democracy  gained 
the  ascendant  its  antagonist  order  fell  so  considerably  in  power 
and  dignity  that  comparatively  few  of  them  coveted  this  dis- 
tinguished honour.  It  was  supjwsed  by  Villani  that  Florence 
contained  ninety-four  thousand  inliabitants,  of  which  fifteen 
hundred  were  soldiers  and  foreigners  in  transit,  and  exclu- 
sive of  religious  orders.  He  makes  tins  estimate  from  the 
quantity  of  bread  necessary  to  supply  the  city  ;  a  very  inac- 
curate measure  between  the  unequal  portions  of  rich  and  poor, 
between  waste  and  economy,  want  and  superfluity ;  and  unless 
he,  as  is  probable,  excluded  the  suburbs  which  were  large  and 
populous,  is  far  below  the  mark  for  we  are  assured  l)y  Boc- 
caccio that  one  hundred  thousand  people  died  of  the  pkigu' 
alone  in  134!^  without  counting  the  previous  thinning  out  by 
fiimine  and  yet  the  city  was  not  completely  depopulated. 
Sismondi  is  probably  more  accurate  in  estimating  the  popula- 


MI9C.  CHAP.]    POPULATION    CONTINUED MANUFACTURES. 


579 


tion  at  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ;  and  eighty  thousand  able 
to  carry  arms  in  the  contado  and  district.  The  latter  is  per- 
haps under  the  mark  if  Goro  Dati  can  be  believed,  for  he 
asserts  that  a  force  of  one  hundred  thousand  militia  could  be 
assembled  on  any  point  within  the  state  at  three  days'  notice 
in  139:^,  and  that  eighty  thousand  were  actually  marched  on 
Ai'ezzo,  as  we  have  seen,  to  secure  its  evacuation  by  the  Sire 
de  Coucy.  It  was  found  by  the  black  and  white  beans  kept  in 
the  church  of  San  Giovanni  as  respective  registers  of  male  and 
female  baptisms,  that  the  yearly  average  was  from  five  thou- 
sand five  hundred  to  six  thousand,  there  being  generally  from 
three  to  five  hundred  more  males  than  females. 

There  were  from  eight  to  ten  thousand  children  of  both  sexes 
learning  to  read :  from  a  thousand  to  twelve  hundred  studvins 
arithmetic  in  six  schools ;  and  between  five  and  six  hundred  at 
grammar  and  logic  in  four  great  seminaries. 

There  were  a  hundred  and  ten  churches  in  the  town  and 
suburbs,  including  those  of  the  regular  orders,  and  comprising 
fifty-seven  parishes :  tive  abbeys  ;  two  j)riories  containing  eighty 
monks :  twenty-four  female  convents  with  about  five  hundred 
nuns :  ten  different  orders  of  friars :  thirty  hospitals  with  a 
thousand  beds  for  the  poor  and  infirm ;  (a  fine  feature  of  the 
national  character) ;  and  from  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  three 
hundred  priestly  chaplains. 

The  work-shops  of  the  wool-trade  amounted  to  more  than 
two  hundred,  and  from  seventy  to  eighty  thousand  pieces  of 
cloth  were  annually  manulactm-ed,  to  the  value  of  1, -200,000 
florhis,  one-third  of  which  remained  in  Florence  as  remunera- 
tion for  the  labour  of  thirty  thousand  workmen  employed  in 
this  trade,  independent  of  masters'  profits.  Thirty  years  before, 
there  were  three  hundred  workshops  belonging  to  this  trade  and 
more  than  a  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  cloth  were  annually 
manufactured,  but  of  a  coarser  quality  and  only  half  the  value ; 
because  at  that  time  no  English  wool  w^as  used  nor  did  the 

p  p  2 


5S0 


TRADES SUPPLY    OF   GRAIN,    ETC. 


[book  I. 


uiaiiufacturers  know  liow  to  work  it  in  tlie  skilful  way  which 
was  subsequently  adopted.  The  warehouses  of  the  "  Calhmda  " 
or  trade  m  transalpine  liibrics  amounted  to  twenty,  which  im- 
ported more  than  ten  thousand  pieces  valued  at  :100,(jO()  florins 
for  the  exclusive  demand  of  the  hihabitants  besides  what  were 
exported.  There  were  eighty  bankers ;  an<l  from  850,000  to 
400,000  golden  florins  of  seventy-two  grains  weight,  and  fine- 
ness of  twenty-four  carats,  annually  issued  from  the  mint,  and 
about  twenty  thousand  pounds  weight  of  small  ei'  money. 

The  college  of  Judges  was  composed  of  eighty  members  ;  the 
notaries  of  six  hundred  ;  the  physicians  and  surgeons  of  sixty ; 
the  apothecaries'  shops  amounted  to  a  hundred.  Merchants 
and  mercers  abounded;  the  various  branches  of  shoemakiiig 
were  mnumerable ;  of  masons,  carpenters,  and  various  other 
trades  the  number  was  verj^  large;  and  above  thi<  c  liundred 
citizens  were  employed  out  of  Florence  in  foreign  negotiation. 
A  hundred  and  forty-six  ovens  supplied  the  conununity,  and 
it  was  found  from  the  duties  collected  on  grinding  and  ovens 
tliat  the  daily  consumption  of  Florence  within  the  walls  was  a 
hmidred  and  forty  *'mo/////a"  of  wheat  equal  to  eight  sacks 
of  three  Staia  or  Florentuie  bushels  each  ;  but  most  of  the 
rich,  noble,  and  substantial  citizens  with  their  families  remained 
at  least  four  months  of  the  vear  at  their  countiy  houses.  In 
I'^HO  the  weekly  supply  of  wheat  was  only  eight  hundred  "  moij- 
ffia ;"  a  proof  of  subsequently  increasing  population  if  not  pros- 
perity. Of  wine,  fifty  five  thousand  Coyna  of  ten  bairels  each, 
and  in  abundant  seasons  sixty-five  thousand  were  animal ly  con- 
sumed within  the  walls :  four  thousand  calves  and  oxen  were 
brought  to  the  shambles ;  sixty  thousand  sheep ;  twenty  thou- 
sand goats ;  tliirty  thousand  pigs  which  were  fattened  up  to  a 
hundred  and  fifty,  and  even  to  three  hundred  weight,  and  paid 
two  Lire  of  Gabella.  During  the  month  of  July  there  entered 
by  the  gate  of  San  Friano  alone  four  thousand  loads  of  water 
and  musk  melons  for  public  use.     In  these  times  also,  says 


MISC.  CHAP.]        FOREIGN    REOIORS,    ETC. BUILDINGS. 


581 


Villani,  the  following  foreign  officers  administered  justice  in 
Florence,  each  with  the  power  of  torture.  Namely  the 
"Podesta;"  the  "Captain  of  the  People;"  the  "Defender 
of  the  People  and  the  Trades  ; "  the  "  Executor  of  the  Ordi- 
nances of  Justice,"  and  the  "  Captain  of  the  Guard  or  Con- 
servator of  the  people  "  who  had  more  authority  than  the 
others  ;  but  all  could  inflict  personal  punishment.  Besides 
these  there  were  the  Judge  of  llights  and  Appeals  ;  the  Judge 
of  the  Gabelle ;  the  presidhig  officer  in  the  Court  of  Female 
Ornaments;  the  head  officer  in  the  Commercial  Coml;  the 
Director  of  the  Wool-trade ;  the  Ecclesiastical  Officers  ;  the 
two  Bishops'  Courts  of  Florence  and  Fiesole,  and  the  Inquisi- 
tion ;  all  showing  what  a  vast  quantity  of  executive  and  judicial 
power  was  in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  who  if  free  from  local 
partiality  were  also  free  from  local  shame  and  not  exempt  from 
the  influence  of  local  authority. 

Florence  was  at  this  period  well  studded  with  handsome 
dwellings  ;  the  citizens  were  continually  building,  repauing, 
alteiing,  and  embellishing  their  houses  ;  adding  every  day  to 
their  ease  and  comforts,  and  introducing  improvements  from 
foreign  nations.  Sacred  architecture  of  every  kind  partook  of 
this  taste  ;  and  there  was  no  popular  citizen  or  nobleman  but 
either  had  built  or  was  building  fine  country  palaces  and  villas, 
far  exceeding  their  city  residence  in  size  and  maginficence  ;  so 
that  many  were  accounted  crazy  for  their  extravagance. 

"  And  so  magnificent  was  the  sight,"  says  Villani,  "  that 
strangers  unused  to  blorence  on  coming  from  abroad  when 
they  beheld  the  vast  assemblage  of  rich  buildings  and  beautiful 
palaces  with  which  the  country  was  so  thickly  studded  for  three 
miles  round  the  ramparts,  believed  that  all  was  city  like  those 
within  the  Roman  walls  ;  and  this  was  independent  of  the  rich 
palaces,  towers,  courts  and  walled  gardens  at  a  greater  distance, 
which  in  other  countries  would  be  denominated  castles.  In 
short,"  he  continues,  "  it  is  estimated  that  mtliin  a  circuit  of 


582 


DESCRIPTION    OF    FLORENCE ARCHITECTURE.        [book  i. 


six  miles  round  the  town  there  are  rich  and  noble  dwellings 
enough  to  make  two  cities  like  Florence'"-.  And  Ariosto 
seems  to  have  caught  the  same  idea  when  he  exclaim^ 

*•  A  vedcr  pien  tli  tante  villc  i  colli, 

Par  che  '1  terrcn  vc  le  germugli  come 
Vermene  gcrmogliar  suol,  'e  rampolli : 
Se  dentro  un  mur  sotto  un  medesmo  nomc 
Fosser  raccolti  i  tuoi  Palazzi  sparsi 
Non  ti  sarian  da  pareggiar  due  Rome  "  f. 

This  growing  taste  for  building  although  a  natural  consequence 
of  commercial  prosperity  was  probably  accelerated  by  the  re- 
peated action  of  sumptuary  laws,  which  in  restricting  personal 
expense  and  sensual  gratification  gave  a  new  direction  and 
more  intellectud  character  to  taste.  By  forcing  the  opulent 
into  a  nobler  line  of  expenditure,  that  suqilus  riches  which  by 
us  is  generally  dissipated  in  ostentatious,  cumbrous,  and  yet 
ephemeral  amusements,  was  by  them  more  commonly  employed 
to  encourage  the  line  arts.  And  as  amongst  these  architecture 
is  that  which  presents  itself  most  frequently  and  majestically 
to  general  observation ;  in  which  artisans  of  eveiy  rank  and 
genius  are  employed  and  therefore  more  or  less  judges  of  its 
excellence;  which  is  soonest  felt  and  most  easily  compre- 
hended as  an  index  of  safety  ease  and  comfort,  as  well  as  a 
pleasing  union  of  strength,  symmetry,  and  utility ;  it  would 
naturally  become  an  early  and  favoured  art  even  without  any 
warlike  necessity,  by  a  people  such  as  the  Florentines.  It 
would  moreover  as  it  were,  demand  the  kindred  aid  of  both 
painting  and  sculpture  which  with  magic  toucli  enhance  those 

♦  G.  Villani,  Lib.  xi.,    cap.  xciv. — Delizie  degli  Eruditi  Toscaui,  vol  xii., 

Monumenti. 

•f"  While  gazing  on  thy  villa-studded  hills 

'Twould  seem  as  though  the  earth  grew  palaces 

As  she  is  wont  hy  nature  to  bring  forth 

Young  shoots,  and  leafy  plants,  and  flowery  shrubs : 

And  if  within  one  wall  and  single  nan\e 

Could  be  collected  all  thv  scattered  halls, 

Two  Roraes  would  scarcely  form  thy  parallel. 


MISC.  CHAP.]      ARTISTS— VIGOUR   OF   FREE   INTELLECT.  583 

beauties  that  soften  its  rigid  mathematical  character  and  give 
to  it  a  conspicuous    station  in  the  march  of  human  refine- 
ment.     Hence  probably  their  triple  union,  often  accompanied 
by  poetry,  in  most   artists  of  the  fourteenth   and  fifteenth 
centuries:    yet  architecture  independent  of  its  utility,  must 
always  hold  a  subordinate  station  as  a  mere  intellectual  effort, 
inasmuch  as  the  original  idea  may  be  endlessly  copied  and 
multiplied  by  inferior  minds  without  sacrificing  a  spark  of  the 
author  s  genius  though  the  prototype  were  annihilated.     But 
neither  the  copy  of  a  painting  or  a  statue,  any  more  than  the 
translation  of  a  fine  poem,  can  be  animated  with  all  the  lofty 
spirit  of  original  inspiration :  an  inferior  mind  will  fail  in  the 
attempt ;  a  superior,  if  it  condescend  to  copy,  will  absorb  the 
idea  and  make   the  work  its   own.       Florentine    taste  and 
genius  first  generated  artists  and  were  in  tui*n  attracted  by  the 
bold  creative  spirit  they  produced ;  for  whatever  evils  spring 
from  a  turbulent  democracy,  and  their  name  is  legion ;  it  was 
on  the  whole  a  more  noble  and  impressive  condition,  more  in 
unison  with  the  dignity  of  man  than  the  forced  tranquillity 
and  painful  submission  of  their  lord-bestridden  neighbours. 
The  mental  energies  were  at  least  unfettered,  the  doors  of  know- 
ledge opened ;  and  whether  for  good  or  evil  the  human  mtellect 
bounded  and  rebounded  uncontrolled  to  the   utmost   spring 
of  its  natural  elasticity.      This  freedom  of  intellectual  life 
invigorated  every  class ;  was  felt  in  every  occupation  and  pur- 
suit; and  according  as  it  was  more  or  less  governed  by  pas- 
sion, often    produced  a  thrilling  contrast  of  the  dark  and 
brilliant  points  of  national  character.     In  this  living  spirit 
the  artists  largely  shared ;  for  genius  is  ever  bold,  and  Flo- 
rence prized  her  liberty  of  speech  as  moderns  do  the  press, 
wherefore  as  authors  statesmen  or  artists  the  acts  of  public 
men  were  never  spared  by  public  censure. 

The  same  spirit  that  in  the  high-reaching  ambitious  citizen 
broke  forth  in  turbulence  and  blood,  carried  those  of  milder 


584 


ENCOUR.\GEMENT   TO    PRIVATE    BUILDING. 


[book  I. 


genius  and  more  peaceful  occupations  as  far  a^;  the  obscurity  of 
an  age  becoming  daily  more  enlightened  by  their  eiforts,  would 
allow  the  human  intellect  to  soar. 

Encouragement,  although  intended  rather  for  population 
than  art,  was  given  to  private  architecture  by  a  law  of  1378, 
enforced  with  perialties  in  130'2,  which  obliged  every  new  made 
citizen  to  build  a  dwelling  in  Florence  of  at  least  100  florins 
value  ere  he  could  exercise  his  civic  rights :  and  the  ample 
space  of  unencumbered  ground  within  the  walls  alfurded  plenty 
of  room  ;  so  that,  according  to  Migliore,  there  were  more  pa- 
laces than  houses.  The  new  streets  became  wider,  longer,  and 
more  regular ;  and  lost  that  confined,  antitpie,  and  somewliat 
military  character  formerly  chosen  for  its  defensive  qualities, 
which  facilitated  the  prompt  erection  of  Semufli  or  barricnides 
at  each  extremity  *. 

At  this  period  also  and  do^vn  to  that  of  the  siege  in  1 520  tlie 
suburbs  of  Florence  exhibited  a  ganiiture  of  houses,  churches, 
and  palaces  equal  to  the  internal  city  and  probably  almost 
doubling  its  nonimal  pupulation.  The  city  walls,  thick  set  with 
lofty  towel's  and  massive  barbicans  were  principally  the  work  of 
this  centur}',  and  with  the  vast  and  stately  temples  of  Santa 
Croce  and  the  cathedral  ;  the  rich  and  OTaceful  belfrv ;  the 
beautiful  edifice  of  Orsanmichele  ;  all  undertaken  almost  simul- 
taneously though  checked  by  foreign  and  domestic  war ;  im- 
press us  with  high  notions  of  Florentine  taste  and  magnifi- 
cence. The  baptistiy  or  primitive  cathedral  of  Florence  was 
superseded  about  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  by  the 
then  existing  church  of  Santa  Ileparata,  and  tlie  latter  in  I'^OB 
by  the  present  edifice  under  the  name  of "  Santa  ]VIaria  del 
Fiore,"  in  allusion  to  the  national  lily.  Aniolfo  di  Cambio, 
Giotto,  Gaddi,  Orcagna,  and  Filippo  Branelesco,  successively 
directed  this  work  through  the  long  space  of  more  than  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years ;    and  though  the  last-named  architect  in 

•  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,p.  832.— Fcr.  Migliore,  Firenze  lllustrata. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


CATHEDRAL. SANTA  CROCE. 


585 


defiance  of  every  moral  and  physical  difficulty  completed  the 
present  stupendous  dome  without  the  aid  of  centering ;  a  work, 
said  Michael  Angelo,  "most  difficult  to  copy  and  impossible  to 
sui-pass,"  he  did  not  live  to  see  the  church  completed  even  to 
its  present  state,  and  a  hundred  and  seventy-six  years  inter- 
vened from  its  foundation  to  the  final  elevation  of  the  ball.  The 
cost  although  now  uncertain  must  have  been  enormous  ;  that  of 
the  belfry-tower  alone,  if  the  antiquarian  Migliore  can  be  cre- 
dited, amounted  to  11,000,000  golden  florins!  But  this 
statement  though  followed  l\v  sul)se(]uent  writers  will  not  gain 
so  much  credit  as  the  more  comprehensible  assertion  that  Flo- 
rence expended  a  greater  sum  of  money  on  her  public  build- 
ings than  she  did  in  all  her  wars  *. 

Happy  for  the  world  if  such  examples  were  more  frequently 
imitated!  Neither  had  Giotto  the  satisfaction  of  finishing  his 
own  tower  which  he  intended  to  surmount  with  a  lofty  marble 
spire  reaching  about  a  hundred  and  ninety-two  feet  above  the 
present  elevation,  an  addition  that  would  have  run  up  this 
graceful  edifice  to  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  nine  feet.  His 
pupil  Taddeo  Gaddi  afterwfirds  wished  to  carry  tliis  into  effect 
but  the  Florentines  forbid  it  as  being  too  antiquated.  Too 
antiquated  !  as  if  anything  containing  within  itself  the  real 
ingredients  of  beauty  could  ever  Ije  too  antiquated  for  a  correct 
taste  f. 

The  vast  fabric  of  Santa  Croce  although  commenced  in  the 
preceding  century  was  only  brought  to  its  actual  state  by 
Arnolfo  di  Cambio  in  1:3 viO.  In  the  fifteenth  century  Castello 
Guaratesi  a  public-spirited  citizen  offered  and  actually  began 
to  complete  the  front  at  his  own  expense  but  being  disgusted  by 
the  Board  of  Works,  which  refused  a  place  for  his  itimily  arms 
amongst  the  embellishments,  discontinued  his  aid ;  yet  when 

*  Fer.  Migliore,  Firenze  lllustrata. —     +  Luigi  Biadi,  Fabbriclie  non  termi- 
LuigiBiadi,  Fabbriehe  non  terminate,     nate. 
— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  833. 


586 


LOGGIA    DE     LANZI. SYMBOLS    OF    FACTION.  [book  i. 


MISC.  CHAP.]  VENGEANCE. — MILITARY   AECHITECTURE. 


587 


the  ancient  belfry  tower  was  ruined  by  a  hurricane  in  1514, 
forgiving  all  former  discourtesy  Castello  again  offered  his  funds 
to  erect  a  new  one  under  the  same  conditions,  and  was  again 
refused*. 

The  usual  ceremony  of  renewing  the  supreme  magistracy  of 
Florence,  which  generally  took  place  on  the  Ringhera  or  plat- 
form before  the  public  palace  occasioned  another  beautiful 
specimen  of  Florentine  architecture  :  this  ceremony  was  often 
interrupted  by  heavy  rains,  and  as  a  remedy  for  the  incon- 
venience Andrea  Orcagna  was  employed  to  build  the  still 
existing  Portico  or  Loggia  de'  Lanzi  on  the  site  of  houses 
belonging  to  the  Figliamochi  and  Baroncelli  fjimilies.  It  was 
fii'st  called  the  Loggia  della  Piazza,  but  after  the  fall  of  repub- 
lican Florence  served  as  a  guardhouse  for  the  German  Lanzi 
or  Lansquenets  of  the  grand-ducal  guard,  and  thence  its  pre- 
sent appellation.  It  was  the  admiration  of  Michelangelo  who 
afterwards  proposed  to  continue  this  lofty  and  magnificent 
Portico  round  the  public  Place  which  in  I3s0  had  been  paved 
with  brick ;  and  thus  he  would  have  rendered  it  one  of  the 
handsomest  architectural  squares  in  Europe  f . 

It  might  be  expected  that  the  fine  arts  would  have  escaped 
the  taint  of  faction  :  but  it  was  not  so :  the  names  of  Guelph  and 
Ghibeline  or  popular  and  imperial  parties,  everywhere  served 
as  a  cloak  for  private  enmity  and  political  intrigue  and  hke 
those  of  the  nobles  and  peoj)le  were  frequently  subdivided  into 
smaller  ftictions  by  the  clashing  interests  and  private  enmity 
of  powerful  clans  which  so  often  deluged  the  Italian  cities  with 
blood.  The  contending  factions  were  distinguished  by  their 
dress,  their  devices,  colours,  and  sometimes  even  in  the  man- 
ner of  folding  their  napkins;  but  especially  in  the  pecidiar 
form  of  the  battlements  of  their  towers  and  palaces,  which  were 
either  square  or  pointed  according  to  the  political  sect  of  the 

*  L.  Biaili,  Fabbriche  non  terminate.        Lib.  xv.,  p.  776. — Cinelli,  Bellezze 
f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  689  ;     di  Firenze,  p.  71. 


owner.  Such  harmless  signs  of  party  were  pardonable,  but 
the  blood  of  relations  and  companions  was  made  to  flow  with- 
out scruple  or  remorse,  and  the  most  cruel  tortures  were  reci- 
procally inflicted  when  actual  power  allowed  of  deliberate 
vengeance ;  a  passion  which  they  carried  even  beyond  the 
grave,  by  putting  their  enemies  to  death  without  confession  on 
mirpose  to  enjoy  the  imaginative  pleasure  of  their  perpetual 
forment  in  another  world  * ! 

Of  militaiy  architecture,  excepting  the  common  mural  de- 
fences with  an  occasional  citadel,  the  more  elaborate  specimens 
must  be  sought,  rather  amongst  those  states  which  had  lost 
their  liberty,  of  which  these  fortresses  were  the  tombs  and 
emblems,  than  in  Florence  and  other  independent  republics. 
In  Lombardy,  Romagna,  and  in  Tuscany  are  still  to  be  seen 
some  of  these  strongholds  of  ancient  tyranny;  but  the  two 
existing  shackles  of  Florence  are  of  a  more  modem  date,  and 
though  once  grim  and  bristling,  are  now  useless  for  the  defence 
of  an  absolute  prince  who  is  not  a  tyrant. 

The  regular  military  establishment  of  Florence  was  hardly 
sufficient  to  garrison,  and  more  as  keepers  than  soldiers,  the 
citadels  of  her  fortified  towns  and  numerous  strongholds : 
having  free  communication  with  the  country  these  citadels  re- 
quired only  feeble  detachments,  and  could  easily  be  succoured 
although  the  town  were  in  open  insurrection  or  even  occupied 
by  an  enemy.  In  fact  no  state  could  then  have  kept  all  its 
strongholds  fully  garrisoned,  for  eveiy  hamlet  was  inclosed 
by  stoccades,  or  mounds,  or  ditches;  or  with  what  generally 
prevailed  in  small  places,  a  strong  connected  circumvallation 
composed  of  the  back-walls  of  dwelling  houses,  each  family 
guarding  its  own  and  keeping  a  watch  from  lofty  windows  which 
served  as  loopholes  for  defence,  and  commanded  the  adjacent 
country.  Excepting  the  villas  of  opulent  citizens  which  in  fact 
were  castles,  there  were  but  few  insulated  houses  ;  the  whole 

*  Cebrario,  Economia  Politica,  p.  49. 


h\ 


53  8 


MILITARY   ARrHITECTl-RF.    AND    OPl.nATIoNS.         [book  i. 


rural  popuLation  congregating  in  walled  towns  or  -villages  called 
"  CasteUir  and  '"  Uocche''  when  built  in  elevated  positions 
amongst  the  hills.  They  were  defended  exclusively  by  their 
inhabitants  and  sersed  as  asylums  for  all  moveable  property 
the  growing  cro])s  alone  being  left  oj)en  to  an  enemy.  War 
therefore,  as  in  the  previous  age,  continued  to  be  a  more  suc- 
cession of  inroads  accompanied  by  tire  devastation  and  plunder, 
which  lasted  one,  two,  or  three  months  with  the  capture  of  a 
few  places  by  force  or  treachery  :  but  no  long  stay  could  be 
made,  no  lasting  concpiest ;  no  army  could  long  subsist  whidi 
destroyed  its  o\vn  nourishment ;  where  every  man  was  an 
enemy  and  eveiy  march  a  siege.  Booty  was  necessarily  the 
principal  object,  after  mischief,  and  tlierefore  few  pitched 
battles  ennobled  these  predatory  excursions.  Neither  could 
battle  be  easily  given  without  a  mutual  agreement  between 
the  belligerent  forces,  for  each  in  its  entrenchments  was  safe 
from  the  attack  of  heavy-armed  cavalry  in  which  the  great 
strength  of  armies  then  consisted ;  and  the  least  ol)stacle,  even 
of  rough  ground,  was  sufficient  to  iheck  them,  so  that  by 
mutual  cooperation  a  broad  and  level  space  was  always  pre- 
pared for  the  combat,  but  only  after  a  formal  deliance  by  heralds 
accompanied  with  insult,  ridicule,  or  compliments ;  and  so 
answered,  according  to  the  prevailing  lumiour  of  the  chiefs. 
These  actions  were  seldom  bloodv,  for  the  men-at-arms  and 
their  heavy  horses  were  wrapped  in  steel,  and  though  encoun- 
tering with  prodigious  force  and  often  unhorsed  were  seldom 
wounded,  while  Plutus  in  the  form  of  ransom  exercised  the 
function  of  mercy.  Sometimes  however  the  more  deadly  passions 
prevailed,  and  then  a  poniard  adapted  to  tliis  especial  purpose 
bearing  the  signilicant  appellation  of  "  misfriconlia  "  soon  cut 
through  the  helmet  straps  and  dispatched  the  ViUKpiished. 

Pleavy-armed  cavalry  whether  knights  or  simple  men-at- 
arms  were  each  well  supported  l»y  a  certain  number  of  light- 
armed  followers  as  long  as  they  stood  their  ground,  but  the 


MISC.  CHAP.]        THE    LAN(  i; MIIJIIA i[EIiCENARIES. 


589 


chief  once  defeated  all  were  vanquished  unless  engaged  with 
the  antagonist  followers.  The  death  or  capture  of  a  single 
man-at-arms  thus  involved  defeat  to  several  under  the  deno- 
mination of  a  "  Lance.''  The  number  attached  to  a  lance  varied 
at  different  periods  from  its  first  hitroduction  with  three  men 
by  Hawkwood  until  they  incrciised  to  six  in  the  following  cen- 
tuiy  when  it  appears  to  have  become  a  simple  matter  of  bargain. 

By  a  document  cited  in  Cibrario's  work  we  lind  that  the 
Duchess  of  Savoy  in  1175  engaged  Colluccio  de  Grifis  of 
Calabria  with  twentv-live  lances  at  four  horses  for  each  lance 
and  amongst  them  a  man-at-arms  completely  armed  in  the 
Italian  manner  with  a  su[>porter  and  an  assistant ;  the  former 
to  be  furnished  with  a  crossbow  besides  a  corselet  and  lance 
or  partizan :  and  another  supporter  with  lance  in  hand.  For 
eveiy  such  lance  he  was  to  receive  twenty  Savoyard  florins  a 
month  paid  quarterly  besides  the  pay  of  live  more  for  his  table- 
money  and  personal  remuneration.  He  was  to  serve  the 
Duchess  one  year,  either  in  or  out  of  Italy,  be  obedient  to  all 
her  commands,  deliver  u[)  to  her  any  general  or  high  public 
functionary  that  he  might  capture,  as  well  as  all  towns  and 
castles  that  should  fall  into  his  hands  --. 

The  admirable  orgiuiisation  of  the  Florentine  militia  already 
mentioned  on  the  authoritv  of  ( ioro  Dati  ought  to  have  insured 
a  formidable  arm  of  defence  in  a  period  of  almost  continual 
alarms  if  their  efficiency  had  been  duly  attended  to,  because 
from  their  local  knowledge  and  habitual  use  of  weapons  they 
could  defend  mountain  passes  and  town  walls  and  even  act  in 
the  field  along  with  regular  troops  ;  but  singly  opposed  to  dis- 
ciplined mercenaries  they  seem  never  to  have  accomplished 
anything  or  saved  a  single  florin  of  forced  contribution  to  the 
govennnent. 

The  mercenary  soldiers,  although  always  more  or  less  em- 
ployed in  Italy,  were  earliest  and  most  frequently  engaged  by 

*  Luigi  Cibrario,  Ecouoraia  Politica  del  Medio  Eva,  capo  ix. 


590 


CONDOTTIERI    SYSTEM. ITS  ADVANTAGES,    ETC.  [book  i. 


wise.  CHAP.]         GENERALS    POWER. — ITALIAN    CONDOTTIERI. 


591 


opulent  and  powerful  prelates  and  convents  when  it  was  con- 
sidered indecorous  for  churchmen  to  take  the  field  in  person 
unless  bound  to  do  so  as  feudal  barons.  The  Catiilans  and 
other  Spaniards,  first  led  into  Sicily  and  Calabria  by  Frederic  of 
Aragon  against  the  house  of  Anjou,  after  tlieir  dismissal  made 
war  a  trade,  pait  repairing  to  Greece  as  already  noticed  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Great  Company  "  while  others  remained 
in  Italy,  and  at  the  beginnmg  of  the  fourteenth  century  gave 
their  name  of  Catalan  to  eveiy  sort  of  mercenary  soldier  of 
whatever  nation.  Then  followed  (iuaniiere,  ^lontreal,  Lando, 
Baumgarten,  Hawkwood,  the  Bretons,  the  first  company  of 
Saint  George,  the  Stella,  King  Louis's  Hungarian  cavahy, 
and  a  poisonous  sprinkling  of  minnr  adventurers,  all  existing 
by  rapine  and  under  no  curb  but  that  amount  of  discipline 
essential  to  the  successful  issue  of  their  rapacity.  During 
the  fourteenth  century'  Itcdy  learned  from  these  a  tenible 
lesson,  acquired  a  congenial  histe,  and  was  aroused  by  a  new 
and  fearful  spirit :  she  joined,  emulated,  and  even  surpassed 
the  strangers  in  their  own  sanguhiaiy  course,  and  finally 
planted  the  seeds  of  modem  tactics  and  tlie  present  art  of  war. 
The  mischief  of  this  system  is  plain  :  its  advantages  were  tlie 
prompt  assemblage  of  a  disciplined  army  at  a  known  cost,  and 
its  no  less  instantaneous  dismissal  when  hostilitit  s  ccaseil  :  no 
pensions,  no  claims  of  service,  no  provision  for  widows  and 
children  afterwards  incc>mmoded  the  state  ;  the  troops  were 
bought  for  a  price  and  a  period,  and  the  general  could  mature 
his  plans  without  fear  of  his  followers  leaving  him  at  the  end 
of  thirty  or  forty  days,  or  of  tlieir  refusing  to  follow  beyond  a 
certain  point  perhaps  in  the  moment  of  victory:  nor  was  the 
inconvenience  of  leaving  their  business  and  social  enjoyments 
less  felt  by  the  burghers  ;  so  that  the  inducements  were  strung, 
but  far  outbalanced  by  an  accumulation  of  national  evils  which 
reduced  Italy  nearly  to  the  condition  of  a  subjugated  country. 
The  militar}^  power  of  the  general  was  great ;  and  apparently 


uncontrolled  except  by  the  government  he  served :  even  to  the 
infliction  of  capital  punishment  on  men  and  officers  of  the 
highest  rank  and  independence  ;  but  it  was  sometimes  dangerous 
to  exercise  it.  The  Florentine  commander  Bemardone  della 
SeiTe  beheaded  in  1307  the  chief  of  a  powerful  band  of  merce- 
naries called  Bartolommeo  Boccanera  of  Prato,  who  after  seve- 
ral acts  of  disrespect  and  insubordination  presumed  to  disobey 
his  connnands :  this  from  the  oftender  s  high  rank  almost 
created  a  mutiny,  more  especially  as  many  thought  it  not 
unmixed  witli  personal  enmity ;  but  he  was  upheld  by  the 
Seignoiy  *.  Notwithstanding  this  universal  employment  of 
mercenary  troops,  no  man  able  to  bear  arms  was  exempt  from 
service  on  emergencies ;  and  these  general  levies  were  some- 
times so  rigidly  enforced  that  eveiy  citizen  was  compelled  to 
appear  under  arms  in  the  camp  before  the  "  Campana  "  had 
ceased  to  sound,  or  before  a  waxen  taper  placed  on  the  city  gate 
was  entirely  consumed  ;  and  thus  both  men  and  arms  were  sup- 
plied but  not  soldiers,  nor  sometimes  willing  partisans. 

The  militaiy  trade  was  seductive,  dissolute,  lucrative,  in- 
spiriting, and  therefore  popular  amongst  the  idle  and  mipro- 
fessional,  and  the  poor  nobility;  different  motives  acted  on 
different  characters,  but  the  wealth  and  distinction  of  suc- 
cessful condottieri  tempted  every  rank  in  Italy  from  the  prince 
to  the  peasant.  Foreign  leaders  and  soldiers  who  up  to  the 
middle  of  this  century  monopolised  the  Italian  war-trade,  had, 
at  its  termination,  almost  entirely  given  way  to  native  troops 
and  commanders  f.  The  Ordelaffi,  ]\Ialatesti,  Varani,  Visconti 
and  others  first  joined  the  foreign  bands  and  battened,  in  com- 
mon with  strangers,  on  the  misery  of  their  native  land ;  but 
Alberigo  count  of  Barbiano  in  the  Bolognese  state,  was  the  fii-st 
Italian  Prince  who  raised  an  exclusively  national  company 
under  the  banner  of  Saint  George,  which  equalled  the  others  in 

*  Leon.  Arctino,  Lib.  x. — Scip.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  860. 
t  Muratori,  Antic.  Itiiliatie,  Dis.  20. 


592 


BARBIANO   AND    OllIER    LEADERS — PRICIS.  [book  i. 


wickedness  but  excelled  them  in  military  talent.  In  1877  with 
two  hundred  lances  he  took  a  willing  part  in  the  horrors  of 
Cesina,  and  two  yeai-s  after  while  servhig  Pope  Urban  VI.  de- 
feated the  Bretons,  the  Antipope  Clement  VII. "s  cxtmpany,  at 
San  Marino,  and  thus  established  his  fame  and  fortunes. 

This  company  soon  became  the  school  of  Italian  soldiers,  and 
ere  the  centuiy  finished  many  distinguished  native  leadei*s 
issued  from  its  ranks  :  Jacopo  del  A'erme  thr  son  of  a  cele- 
brated captain  had  already  distinguished  himself  under  the 
Venetian  banners  in  their  eastern  wars  ;  but  liianoiardo,  Facino 
Cane,  Otto-Bon-Terzo,  Broglio,  Biurdo,  Ceccolino  di  Miche- 
lotti ;  and  finally  Braccio  di  Montone  who  became  a  celebrated 
master  in  wai*,  ai'e  all  said  to  have  been  moie  or  less  formed  m 
the  school  of  Alberigo;  but  a  far  more  fortunate  chieftain,  the 
elder  Sforza,  and  therefore  his  still  more  celebrated  son,  issued 
also  from  the  same  academy  *. 

The  pay  of  a  lance  at  this  period  was  some  inducement, 
independent  of  other  attractions,  to  follow  the  military  profes- 
sion :  according  to  Salviati  it  was  from  l-i  to  llj  ilorins  a  niunth 
on  which  however  there  appeal's  to  have  been  heavy  charges : 
three  horses  and  arms  for  three  men  were  a  ^n-eat  and  necessarv 
expense,  if  not  paid,  as  they  seem  to  have  sometimes  been,  by 
a  separate  allowance;  the  price  of  soldiers  fluctuating  like  other 
marketiible  commodities  with  the  demand  and  supply. 

The  price  of  a  war  hoi-se  varied  from  about  sixty  to  near 
two  hundred  pounds  of  the  present  day  in  the  last  quarter  of 
this  centur}' :  a  lionzino  cost  from  twenty-one  to  twenty-four 
pounds  ;  its  saddle  thirty-one  shillings  ;  and  the  daily  expense 
of  a  horse's  keep  at  an  inn  was  one  and  sevenpence  halfpenny, 
of  which  the  hay  and  oats  amounted  to  about  a  shilling ;  a  pair 
of  spui-s  cost  upwards  of  five  shillings ;  a  bridle  twelve  and  a 
penny;  a  courser's  bit  more  tlian  fifteen  :  a  jiair  of  pages  stir- 
rups eight  and  fourpence  ;  a  mule's  bridle  ornamented,  about 


*  Piiulo  Giovio  Vitc. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


TRICES    OF   COMMODITIES. 


59 


thirty-eight  shillings  ;  the  animal  itself  from  twelve  to  twenty- 
five  pounds,  and  other  similar  commodities  in  proportion: 
amongst  them  we  find  that  twelve  skins  of  red  Florentine 
leather  for  maldng  scabbards,  sword  ornaments,  and  covering 
saddles,  cost  upwards  of  seven  pounds  five  shillings  of  the 
present  day. 

Mutton  was  threepence  half-penny,  beef  twopence  farthing 
and  veal  twopence  three  farthings  a  pound  at  Turin  in  1374. 
A  hen  cost  tenpence,  a  capon  twopence  half-penny  more  ; 
a  pullet  foui-pence  farthing;  a  cow  between  two  and  three 
pounds  ;  and  a  calf  two  guineas,  in  the  year  1 35 '2.  Thirty- two 
years  after  a  Turin  pound  of  lard  cost  six  farthings ;  a  pound 
of  tallow  candles  tenpence  three  farthings ;  and  an  ox-tongue 
about  sixpence  in  13U1.    Oxen  sometimes  rose  to  11/.  each. 

In  the  lirst  quarter  of  the  same  century  we  find  a  new  winch 
crossbow  costing  more  than  seven  pounds  twelve  and  sixpence ; 
nearly  five  pounds  twelve  given  for  two  hundred  shafts  to 
supply  it,  and  about  two  pounds  for  a  thousand  iron  arrow-heads. 

Cloth  for  clothing  the  poor  cost  to  the  hospitals  in  Savoy  about 
twenty-seven  pence  halfpenny  an  ell,  of  native  manufacture, 
and  about  the  same  quantity  of  white  Irish  serge  ("  sa/a,"  Pop- 
lin ?)  cost  five  and  iivepence  farthing  in  1343.  Writing- 
paper  was  nearly  two-and-sixpence  a  quire  in  1352.  A  pound 
of  sugar  from  Xegropont  cost  about  eight  shillings.  A  pair 
of  cuirasses,  (perhaps  the  back  and  breast-plate)  nearly  two 
pounds  eleven  shillings;  a  longbow  cost  at  Venice  between 
seventeen  and  eighteen  shillings ;  jack-boots  one  pound  nine 
shillings  the  pair  in  1375,  and  about  the  same  time  a  pair  of 
white  leather  shoes  for  riding,  cost  two-and  sixpence  three 
farthings :  a  steel  hauberk  nearly  thirty-one  pounds  and  a 
glass  chamber  vase  sevenpence  *. 

ihcse    were    murh    used    in     the  which  in  those  days  was  formed  prin- 

fmirteenth  century,  probably  to  fiicili-  cipally  on  the  appearance  of  the  water 

tate    medical    judgment    of    disease,  without  seeing  the  patient. 

VOL.    II.  Q  Q 


594 


PRICES   OF   COMMODITIES. 


[book  I. 


Common  lances  for  light-armed  infantrj^  cost  about  two  shil- 
lings each ;  a  pair  of  gauntlets  one  guinea,  a  proof  corslet  of 
steel  twenty-four  pounds ;  a  coat  of  mail  thirty  pounds  and  a 
dozen  of  arrows  three  pounds.  An  ordinary  crossbow  about 
twenty-five  shillings  and  the  better  sort  two  guineas.  The 
cost  of  four  galleys  given  by  Galeazzo  Viscunte  to  Amedeus  of 
Savoy  in  1360  was  about  78'24/.  sterling.  Tiles  in  1384  cost 
about  three-and-sixpence  the  hundred  and  bricks  about  twenty- 
seven  shillings  a  thousand.  The  common  wages  of  a  day 
labom'er  about  the  middle  of  this  centuiy  in  Savoy  were  from 
tifteenpence  to  seventeenpence  half-penny  a  day  in  the  present 
currency  of  that  state ;  but  some  were  as  low  as  fivepence 
farthing  for  the  mere  canning  of  stones ;  while  a  carpenter 
received  about  two-and-tenpence  and  a  crossbow  maker  nearly 
seven  shillings  per  diem.  In  1340  however  the  average  wages 
of  common  day-labourers  in  Savoy  was  from  threepence  half- 
penny to  foui*pence  a  day  of  the  present  money,  and  the 
average  of  wheat  something  more  than  half  its  present  money 
value.  The  foregoing  particulars  have  been  roughly  taken  from 
the  Cavaliere  Luigi  Cebrario's  verj-  interesting  and  laborious 
work  on  the  political  economy  of  the  middle  ages  and  will  ena- 
ble the  reader  to  form  a  compai'ison  between  the  pay  and 
principal  expenses  of  condottieri  '^. 

If  his  calculation  of  the  value  of  money  be  correct,  measured 
as  it  is  by  the  price  of  wheat,  the  present  price  of  necessaries 
in  Piedmont  is  not  more  than  double  that  of  the  fourteenth 
centuiy ;  and  this,  if  the  ancient  "  Staio  "  or  bushel  measure 
of  Florence  were  equal  to  the  modem  one,  seems  to  be  cor- 
roborated by  the  old  records  of  that  republic. 

The  wandering  military  adventurers  of  these  imsettled  times 
were  probably  better  paid  than  any  other  class,  for  they  were 
in  almost  constant  reijuisition,  and  not  of  a  temper  to  starve 
when  out  of  employment  from  any  conscientious  scruples  about 


*  Cebrario,  Economi.'i  Politica  del  Medio  Evo,  Turin,  1839. 


MISC.  CHAF.] 


SOLDIERS    AND    TTIEIR   ARMS. 


595 


the  appropriation  of  their  neighbours'  property.  These  knights- 
errant  were  assembled  and  sometimes  paid  by  individual 
leaders  to  the  number  of  from  twenty  to  thirty  in  a  band ;  a 
petty  baron  with  a  few  vassals,  and  even  single  men-at-arms 
under  the  names  of  "  Lanzi  Sjjezzati  "  and  '' Bnganti"  offered 
themselves  for  hire  in  the  military  market ;  and  when  once  in 
the  field  their  numbers  seldom  diminished ;  for  they  either 
joined  the  standard  of  greater  companies  or  with  augmented 
forces  negotiated  as  independent  chieftains. 

The  foot-soldier,  under  various  names  according  to  his  arms 
or  countrj^  began  especially  in  mountain  warfare,  to  be  more 
prized  towards  the  middle  of  this  century;  and  the  regular 
infantry  under  the  name  of  "  Clients  "  were  generally  armed 
with  a  cuirass  or  coat  of  mail,  a  heavy  buckler  and  an  iron 
skull-cap;  their  offensive  weapons  being  a  long  sword,  often 
an  iron  mace ;  and  a  lance  of  eighteen  feet.  Archers  and 
crossbow-men  were  in  general  use  and  highly  paid,  particularly 
the  Genoese  and  Catalans  ;  but  the  English  bow-men  still  pre- 
served their  superior  fame  in  Italy.  Some  of  the  crossbows 
shot  off  two  arrows  at  once ;  those  used  in  defence  of  cities 
often  carried  three  Verrettoni,  or  discharged  stones  against 
the  enemy.  Some  of  the  infontry's  shields  were  so  long  that 
they  stood  fixed  in  the  ground  by  means  of  an  iron  spike 
at  bottom  and  covered  the  whole  body  while  the  soldier  plied 
his  weapon  behind.  Half  pikes  and  javelins  were  much  used 
even  by  heavy-armed  cavalry,  and  as  before  mentioned,  with 
bad  success  against  the  long  tilting-lances  and  iron  cavaliers 
of  Italy. 

The  Hungarian  horse,  so  much  employed  during  this  century 
in  consequence  of  the  connection  between  that  kingdom  and 
Naples,  were  principally  archers  of  almost  Parthian  celebrity, 
and  kept  the  head  unanned  to  insure  a  greater  command  of 
their  weapon,  especially  in  retreat ;  they  were  the  Cossacks  of 
that  day  with  all  the  ferocity  of  tlieir  Hunnish  ancestors. 


596 


BESIEGING    INSTRUMENTS — MODE    OF   WAEFARE.      [book  i. 


There  appears  to  have  been  little  or  no  alteration  in  the 
besieging  instruments  from  those  of  the  last  centuiy  except  the 
gradual  introduction  of  unwieldy  cannon  in  the  attack  and 
defence  of  cities,  whose  cumbrous  form  and  enormous  weiglit 
seldom  allowed  of  more  than  two  or  three  dis<diarges  in  the 
course  of  as  many  hours,  and  these  always  in  the  same  direction. 
yet  where  they  took  effect  it  must  always  have  been  far  superior 
to  that  of  any  other  engine.  Amongst  the  latter  tlie  ^langu- 
nels  and  '' Trahucchi^  are  described  as  being  formed  of  vast 
beams  of  timber  suspended  so  as  to  cast  a  leathern  sack  of 
heavy  stones  from  one  extremity,  in  the  manner  of  a  slin^,' 
and  with  exceeding  force,  against  the  enemy ;  from  these  en- 
gines it  was  still  the  custom  to  insult  a  beleaguered  town  l>y 
casting  dead  animals  into  it. 

Such  mocker}^  was  harmless,  but  their  barl)arities  were  not 
so.  and  yet  were  exercised  on  the  most  unoffending  inhabitants 
when  from  a  blockaded  place  it  became  necessary  to  eject  the 
useless  mouths  which  were  principally  old  men  and  females, 
notice  was  commonly  given  to  the  besieged  that  all  male  out- 
casts should  be  hung  up  without  mercy,  and  the  women? 
petticoats  were  usually  cut  away  behind  as  far  as  the  waist : 
they  were  then  branded  on  one  cheek,  and  when  famine  at  last 
overcame  modestv  and  forced  others  without  the  walls  the 
nose  was  amputated  in  addition,  as  will  hereafter  be  seen  at 
the  sie^e  of  Pisa  bv  the  Florentines. 

Military  service,  unless  compounded  for,  was  exacted  by  all 
governments  from  vassals  and  citizens :  either  for  simple 
•*  Cavalcades,"  which  were  mere  inroads  often  made  in  pride 
and  defiance  ;  or  else  to  show  themselves  prepared  for  hos 
tilities  :  also  for  "  Eserciti,'^  which  were  more  serious  expe- 
ditions for  particular  objects  not  of  the  last  importance ;  and 
for  what  was  called  Esercito  Gencrale,  General  Armament,  or 
Host,  when  the  state  was  endangered  by  a  powerful  enemy 
For  the  two  first  the  Bando  or  Ban  was    summoned,  eon 


MISC.  CHAP.]        FORCES — OFFICERS    AND    FOLLOWERS. 


597 


sisting  of  the  stipulated  contingents  of  horse  and  foot  already 
settled  by  treaty,  and  we  therefore  often  read  of  Florence 
and  Pisa  sending  their  "  Ca vallate  "  or  bands  of  city  cavalry, 
each  man-at-arms  being  attended  by  another  on  a  Pionzino 
or  inferior  horse.  But  when  the  general  army  took  the  field 
both  Ban  and  Arriere  Ban  were  summoned,  comprising  almost 
every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Yet  the  larger  cities 
even  in  such  cases  often  sent  but  a  quarter  or  a  sixth  of 
their  armed  citizens  at  a  time ;  or  perhaps  two  of  these  divi- 
sions which  were  regularly  relieved,  the  turn  for  service  being 
often  settled  by  the  dice ;  but  sometimes  all  were  compelled  to 
arm  and  serve  personally,  in  despite  of  every  privilege. 

The  army  was  attended  by  a  certain  number  of  commissaries 
on  the  part  of  the  Seignorj^  with  great  power  of  interference, 
and  always  assisting  at  councils  of  war  :  they  were  often  mis- 
chievous, but  absolutely  necessary  for  the  control  of  an  army  of 
mercenaiy  foreigners.  Other  officers  w^ere  appointed  whose 
exclusive  duty  was  to  prevent  desertion  and  similar  breaches 
of  thscipline,  and  every  ten,  twenty,  and  forty  men  were  com- 
manded by  an  officer,  the  two  last  under  the  name  of  "  Con- 
stables/' 

The  chief  engineer  wdio  had  charge  of  all  the  military  en- 
gines, was  an  officer  of  no  small  consideration  in  the  armies  of 
this  period,  which  were  also  furnished  with  a  sufficient  train  of 
chaplains,  surgeons,  heralds,  trumpeters,  and  other  musicians  ; 
amongst  which  bagpipers  were  very^  conspicuous ;  and  often  with 
a  full  attendance  of  buffoons  and  jugglers ;  besides  various 
other  means  of  fashionable  amusement. 

There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  certahity  of  gunpowder  hav- 
ing been  used  in  Italy  before  the  year  1380  wdien  according  to 
Ammirato  it  was  brought  by  the  Venetians  from  Germany,  and 
along  with  the  '*  Bombarda  "  or  primitive  cannon,  used  against 
the  Genoese  in  the  Lagoons*.   These  Bombarde  resembled  our 


♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  804. 


598 


CANNON ROCKETS SPIES GENERAL  S    PAY. 


[book   I. 


sea  mortars  but  were  much  more  rougli  and  unwieldy  and  carried 
H  stone  ball :  they  as  well  as  the  cannon  were  frequently  placed 
in  batteries  fonned  by  a  succession  of  triangidar  cars  called 
""  RehaiuUchinV  arranged  with  their  angular  pomt  opposed  to 
the  enemy  thus  forming  a  series  of  embrasures  adequate  to  tbe 
protection  of  artilleiymen  from  missiles.  Rockets  seem  to  have 
been  also  employed,  about  the  same  period  for  setting  tire  to 
towns,  but  by  the  Arabs  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 
century. 

Women  and  monks  were  often  engaged  as  spies,  the  foniier 
protected  by  their  sex  the  latter  by  their  habit  in  those  days 
of  religion  and  chivalry ;  nor  was  it  uncommon  for  adven- 
turous chiefs  to  assume  the  monk's  or  minstrel's  garb  and 
hazard  their  lives  by  exploring  an  enemy's  camp  :  hangiiij^f, 
burning,  or  being  cast  from  a  militaiy  engine,  were  the  usual 
penalties,  and  even  guides  were  frequently  punished  by  loss  of 
hmb  or  the  exaction  of  heavy  fines,  but  traitors  were  decapitated, 
and  sometimes  ''planted,''  a  shocking  punishment  already 
described  as  common  in  this  centurv  -. 

The  pay  of  great  men  as  generals,  vsithout  any  considerable 
following,  was  variable  according  to  the  urgency  of  the  occasion 
and  the  probable  duration  of  their  command  :  Count  Beltram 
del  Balzo,  general  of  the  league  made  by  Florence  with.  Pemgia 
and  Naples  in  1336  against  Mastino  della  Scala,  received  400 
florins  a  month  out  of  which  he  was  bound  to  maintain  a  doctor 
of  laws,  two  assistants,  two  notaries,  three  trumpeters  and  a  kettle- 
drummer,  besides  other  attendants.  He  was  moreover  to  biing 
\\ith  him  a  hundred  anaed  cavalry  as  part  of  tlie  general  con- 
tingent for  which  he  received  an  additional  allowance  of  10  florins 
a  month  for  each  :  no  horse  under  the  value  of  ^0  florins  was 
allowed,  but  compensation  was  given  by  the  confederates  if 
killed  or  mutilated  in  their  ser\ncef. 


*  Cebrario,  Economia  Politica  del  Medio  Evo,  capo  ix. 
+  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  406. 


MISC. 


CHAP.] 


MILITARY    BANK PAY STOCK    BARGAINS. 


599 


For  the  more  regular  payment  of  mercenary  troops  a  bank 
was  established  by  the  Florentines  in  1395  under  the  direction 
of  two  magistrates  where  a  military  muster-roll  was  kept  and 
the  expenses  paid  by  a  stoppage  from  soldiers'  wages.  In  Pisa 
we  find  that  a  company  of  two  hundred  native  crossbow-men 
were  raised  in  1381  who  received  six  florins  a  year  when  not  on 
service  but  twelve  times  that  sum  when  employed  beyond  the 

walls. 

The  prevailing,  though  probaldy  heightened  impression  of 
Florentine  riches,  as  it  raised  the  value  of  their  ransoms  when 
prisoners,  so  it  may  be  reasonably  supposed  to  have  raised  the 
price  of  soldiers  in  their  service,  and  there  is  some  reason  to 
believe  that  money  bore  a  lower  value  generally  in  that  opulent 
citv  than  in  many  of  the  suii'ounding  states.  It  is  certain  that 
stockjobbing  prevailed  in  all  its  varieties  to  such  an  extent  that 
in  1371  a  tax  of  two  per  cent,  was  imposed  on  every  time  bar- 
gain. "  Seeing  "  says  Stefani  "  that  many  gambled  in  the 
funds,  and  said,  '  Stocks  are  at  30  per  cent.  ;  now  I  wish  to 
do  some  business  with  you:  I  will  give  you,  or  you  may  give 
me  in  one  year  from  this  time  so  much  stock  at  31  per  cent.' 
MVhat  ^\ill  you  take  to  do  this?'  A  bargain  is  made  and 
they  remain  quiet :  if  stocks  fall  they  buy,  if  they  rise  they 
sell  and  thus  shift  their  bargain  twenty  times  a  year.  Where- 
fore a  tax  of  '^  per  cent,  was  put  on  every  bargain  made"  *. 

About  the  same  period,  in  consequence  of  the  firm  of  the 
Guardi  failing  for  127,000  florins,  new  and  heavy  punishments 
were  inflicted  not  only  on  the  bankrupt  himself  but  also  on  his 
wife  and  children  and  he  was  moreover  rendered  incapable  of 
election  to  any  public  office  :  even  honest  bankrupts  who  fled 
were  outlawed  until  they  returned ;  and  no  previous  composition 
made  with  their  creditors  exonerated  them  from  their  original 
debt  if  subsequent  prosperity  enabled  them  to  pay  f. 

*M.  di   C.  Stefani,   Lib.   ix.,  Rub.     +S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  679.— M. 
727.  di  Coppo  Stefani,  Lib.  ix.  Rub.  727. 


600  TRADE    REPUTATION MERCANTILE    COMPANIES.      [book  i 

Great  pains  appear  to  have  been  taken  by  the  Florentines 
to  maintain  their  moral  reputation  as  tradesmen,  manullicturers, 
and  merchants :  as  a  public  body  they  had  a  high  theoretical 
sense  of  probity  and  honourable  dealing,  which  was  not  as  mav 
be  supposed,  always  carried  out  in  practice  by  individuals. 
Each  piece  of  Florentine  cloth  for  instance  was  by  law  ordered 
to  have  attached  to  it  a  label  containuig  every  item  of  its  cost 
from  the  first  purchase  in  England  France  or  Belgium  until  its 
re-sale  beyond  the  Alps.  Namely,  Prime  cost :  "  God's  pen,nj: 
(levied  on  all  contracts  in  England)  expense  of  carriage  to 
Florence,  dyeing  or  re-dyeing,  combing,  shearing,  pressing,  fold- 
ing, &c.  with  all  the  duties  tolls  taxes  package  cartage,  an<] 
even  the  wine  and  expenses  at  tavenis  in  transit. 

The  innumerable  custom-houses  with  heavy  tolls  and  duties 
in  every  independent  state  and  feudal  lordship  during  the 
middle  ages,  were  vexatious  impediments  to  trade,  and  couple.l 
with  insecure  travelling  prevented  any  single  private  individual 
from  exercising  it.     The  consequence  was  an  association  of 
those   rich   and   powerful    companies   of    Tuscan,    Lombard, 
Flemish,  and  Provencal  merchants,  who  being  ruled  as  in  the 
present  day  by  directors  and  governors,  made  compacts  with 
great  barons  and  princes;   obtained  security,  privileges  and 
exemptions  by  threatening  to  change  the  line  of  trade,  and 
acted   altogether  as  sovereign  independent  societies.      They 
were  too  useful  to  quaiTel  with,  and  were  generally  protected  by 
great  monarchs  especially  the  popes,  who  often  .supi)orted  them 
by  the  force  of  ecclesiastical  censures  :  this  was  made  neces 
sary  not  only  from  the  avarice  of  individual  rulers,  but  from 
the  ill-understood  and  illusive  temptation  of  high  duties  which 
sometimes  amounted  to  prohibition,  and  at  othei-s  bore  hard  on 
poverty  by  an  equal  charge  on  the  coarsest  and  finest  fobrics. 
The  common  and  expressive  name  for  these  illegal,  sudden, 
and  vexatious  demands,  which  were  often  exacted  in  defiance  of 
treaties,  was  "  Malatolte  "  "  eviltaken  "  or  robbeiy,  and  the  uni- 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


GREAT   MERCANTILE    COMMUNITY. 


601 


versal  adoption  of  the  word  bears  ample  testimony  to  the  practice. 
Nevertheless  commercial  profits  in  those  days  were  great,  be- 
cause the  growing  taste  for  comforts  and  luxuries,  which  filled 
half  Europe,  could  only  be  supplied  from  a  comparatively 
restricted  source  and  that  source  in  the  hands  of  a  few  power- 
ful individuals  ;  the  external  commerce  of  Naples  for  instance 
was  in  the  fourteenth  century  almost  exclusively  monopolised 
by  the  Bardi  and  a  few  other  wealthy  Florentines  •'•'. 

The  multitude  of  petty  jurisdictions  through  which  the 
overland  trade  was  constrained  to  pass,  necessarily  turned  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Transalpine  commerce  seaward  ;  neverthe- 
less a  brisk  communication  was  maintained  by  the  Simplon, 
]\Iont  Cenis  and  Monginevra  passes,  under  the  powerful  protec- 
tion of  the  commercial  world  of  Italy  ;  for  besides  the  corporate 
character  of  each  trade,  the  whole  body  of  civic  "Arts"  acted  in 
union  for  all  external  affliirs  ;  and  moreover  of  itself  formed 
a  member  of  the  great  community  of  Italian  merchants  ;  to 
which  were  occasionally  if  not  permanently  united  those  of  Pro- 
vence and  Catalonia.  A  powerful  mercantile  state  was  thus 
created,  springing  as  it  were  from  the  very  pressure  of  misrule, 
and  spreading  civilisation  through  the  still  murky  and  barbarous 
regions  of  ignorance  :  it  treated  by  means  of  its  ambassadors 
with  Q\ery  potentate,  and  procured  by  particular  conventions 
that  protection  which  the  political  system  and  rough  charac- 
ter of  the  age  rendered  impossible  for  private  individuals  to 
accomplish.  The  principal  stipulations  were,  that  tolls  and 
duties  should  not  be  suddenlv  increased ;  that  indemnitv  for 
oflence  was  to  be  demanded  from  the  person  who  committed  it 
and  punishment  inflicted  on  him  alone,  not  on  the  whole  body  of 
his  compatriot  merchants  :  that  their  bales  should  not  be  opened  ; 
that  the  roads  should  be  protected ;  and  that  all  disputes 
should  be  settled  in  a  day.  Moreover,  that  no  goods  should  be 
seized  through  the  bad  conduct  of  conductors,  and  that  every 

*  Cibrario,  Econ.  Pol.  Med.  Evo,  cap.  viii. 


602 


ITS    MANAGEMENT PAPER-MONEY — BAN KS. 


[book 


mischief  done  to  merchants  by  thieves  or  robbers  should  be 
immediately  made  good:  there  was  besides,  an  occasional 
stipulation  that  all  duties  were  to  be  paid  in  one  species  of 
money  to  prevent  unpleasant  discussion  and  difficulties.  These 
conventions  were  called  treaties  of  "  Sahaf/uanlia  "  *'  Salvacon- 
dotto "  and  ''  Guidagio ;"  or  safe-guard,  safe-conduct,  and 
guidance ;  and  when  one  of  these  treaties  was  concluded  at 
Bourget,  by  Louis  of  Savoy  seignor  of  Vautle,  with  the  united 
Tuscan,  Lombard,  and  Provencal  merchants,  before  Amedeus  V. 
there  were  present  as  their  representatives,  envoys  from  the 
merchants  of  Milan,  Florence,  Lucca,  Siena,  Bologna,  Pistoia, 
Rome,  Orvieto,  Venice,  Genoa,  Alba,  Asti,  and  Provence. 

The  geographical  position  of  Savoy  made  its  princes  eager 
to  facilitate  the  passage  of  trade  through  their  dominions ;  but 
the  great  and  natural  protectors  of  commerce  were  the  popes ; 
because  drawing  the  bulk  of  their  reveime  from  foreign  coun- 
tries and  through  mercantile  channels,  the  papal  treasure 
became  unsafe  and  was  often  exposed  to  plunder  in  despite  of 
every  precaution.  To  this  end  pontiffs  brought  the  spiritual 
arms,  and  perhaps  never  more  usefully,  to  bear  on  such  agree- 
ments when  ordinar}'  tribunals  would  have  been  mocked  and  an 
appeal  to  arms  unavailing. 

A  local  paper  cuiTency  seems  to  have  existed  at  Milan  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  a  probable  consequence  of  accumulated 
treasure  m  the  princely  coffers  for  wars  and  other  expenses ; 
but  the  invention  of  bills  of  exchange  and  the  necessity  of 
advanchig  money  ou  credit  opened,  as  Cibrario  observes,  the 
councils  of  princes  to  their  bankers ;  for  no  important  enter- 
prise could  be  undertaken  without  their  knowledge  and  searcelv 
without  their  aid,  and  the  Florentines  who  swarmed  in  eveiy 
foreign  state  were  by  means  of  their  banks  and  other  menaii- 
tile  establishments  noted  for  an  accurate  and  early  acquaint- 
ance with  all  political  secrets.  Their  foreign  spy-system  was 
well  organised,  subtle,  and   penetrating,  because   their  own 


MISC 


.  ciup.]   FLORENTINE  SPIES,  ttc. PUBLIC  DEBT WEALTH.    603 


merchants  were  their  spies,  rulers,  ministers  and  ambassadors. 
Thus  the  interests  of  commerce  and  politics  became  in  a  great 
measure  identified  and  gold  was  never  wanting ;  so  that  to  use 
the  homely  expression  of  one  of  their  own  writers,  "  The  Flo- 
rentines were  acquainted  ivith  all  the  creeks  and  crannies  of  the 
world'' "^^ 

Their  wisdom  however  did  not  shield  them  from  debt.  The 
second  incumbrance  of  this  kind  contracted  after  their  conflict 
with  ]\Iastino  della  Scala  in  1336  was  a  consequence  of  that 
event  and  amounted  in  1353  ;  after  the  Pisan  war  on  account 
of  Lucca;  to  ^^00,000  florins.  This  according  to  Cibrario 's 
calculation  is  equivalent  to  10,9-26,000  francs  or  about  677,040/. 
sterling  and  bore  an  interest  of  one  danaio  per  lira  a 
month,  or  five  per  cent,  per  annum  with  the  further  privilege 
of  being  free  from  seizure  or  sequestration  for  any  crime, 
yet  was  vendible  and  transferable.  During  the  wars  with 
Gregory  XI.  and  the  Count  of  Vertu  the  real  property  of 
the  state  according  to  Goro  Dati  was  estimated  at  ^0,000,000 
of  florins  and  the  property  of  public  creditors,  or  funded  debt 
held  by  citizens,  from  4,000,000  to  5,000,000 ;  but  after  Vis- 
contes  deatli  and  the  conquest  of  Pisa,  peace  and  general  con- 
fidence added  one-fourth  to  the  value  of  every  kind  of  property. 
The  real  property  of  Florence  was  probably  much  more  than 
this,  because  it  was  by  far  the  richest  city  in  Tuscany ;  and  on 
the  levy  of  a  forced  loan  at  Siena  in  1357  of  two  in  a  thousand, 
40,000  florins  were  raised  from  that  city  alone,  which  would 
give  20,000,000  florins ;  or  according  to  Cibrario's  calculation 
423,850,000  francs,  equal  to  about  16,954,000/.  steriingf. 
Florence  therefore  thirty  years  later  was  probably  much  more 
opulent :  according  to  Goro  Dati  she  spent  in  the  three  suc- 
cessive wars  with  Gian-Galeazzo  Visconte  Count  of  Vertu,  the 


*  Goro  Dati,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  56. — Cib-     Villani,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  cvi. — Cibrario, 
rario,  capo  viii.  cap.  viii. 

tGoro  Dati,  Lib.  viii.,  p.   131 M. 


604 


WAR    EXPENSE CIBRARIO  S    WORK. 


[book 


previous  great  war  with  pope  Gregorj^  XL,  and  the  subsequent 
purchase  aiul  conquest  of  Pisa  in  140G  :  independent  of  smaller 
quarrels  and  subsidies  to  condottieri;  about  ll,500,0(i()  iLrius 
which  on  the  basis  of  Cibrario "s  computed  value  of  metals 
would  be  equivalent  to  about  0,73*2,45()/.  sterlhig  of  our  pre- 
sent monev  ^. 

Having  frequently  quoted  the  distinguished  Chevalier  Cibra- 
rio s  estimate  of  the  comparative  value  of  ancient  and  modern 
money  it  may  be  as  well  to  indicate  the  ^dan  on  which  he  pro- 
ceeded to  arrive  at  conclusions  so  different  from  those  of  all  otlici 
writers  on  this  subject  Adam  Smith  and  Galiani  (della  Moueta) 
he  says  were  well  aware  of  the  necessity  of  comparing  ancient 
money  with  the  price  of  commodities  in  order  to  ascertain  its  real 
value  :  Dupre  de  Saint  Maur+,  Carli  I,  and  Pagnini  s  besides 
many  other  writers  of  all  nations  held  the  same  opirnun  but  did 
not  proceed  in  their  calculations  with  all  the  jmlgment  necessaiy 
to  accomplish  this  object.  The  proportions  proposed  l»y  the  two 
first  between  the  ancient  and  modem  value  of  things  dilTer 
considerably  and  therefore  cannot  be  accepted,  neither  does  he 
think  that  those  of  Selden  and  Hallam  have  a  more  stable 
basis.  The  quantity  of  precious  metals  imported  from  Ame- 
rica is  a  false  measure  even  if  accurately  known  ;  because  wr 
are  ignorant  of  the  relative  quantity  coined  and  manufactured 
into  articles  of  luxui-y  pomp  and  magnificence  :  neither  are  we 
acquainted  with  the  extent  of  a  diminished  supply  from  the 
European  mines  in  consequence,  besides  vari(»us  other  circum- 
stances in  population  agriculture  and  trade  ;  all  in  a  continual 
state  of  mutabihty  but  all  more  or  less  all'eeting  the  value 
of  money. 

It  being  impossible  to  make  an  accurate  calculation  on  such 
an  unsteady  basis,  one  less  subject  to  variation  becomes  neces- 

*  Goro  Dati,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  120.  mercio  della  Moneta. 

f  Essaisur la  Monnaie  ctsurlc  Rapport  §  Del  Pretrio  tklle  Cose,  in  his  work 

entre  I'Argent  et  les  Denrecs.  on  the  Deciiua  of  Florence. 

:J:  Disertazione  sull'  Origine  e  sul  Com- 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


CIBRARIO  S    ESTIMATE    OF    MONEY, 


C05 


sary,  and  this  is  generally  allowed  to  be  found  in  corn  which 
supplies  the  first,  constant,  and  universal  necessity  of  man,  and 
is  perpetually  adjusting  itself  to  the  number  and  condition  of 
the  people.  For  example  says  Cibrario,  "When  I  ascertain 
that  with  three  soldi  that  is  with  thirty-six  danari  of  Yienne 
(in  Provence)  a  bushel  of  wheat  could  have  been  purchased  at 
Turin  in  1-200.  When  I  know  what  quantity  of  metal  an- 
swered to  the  thirty-six  danari  and  what  was  the  real  capacity 
of  the  bushel,  or  staio,  at  that  epoch  ;  then  by  comparing  the 
average  price  of  wheat  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 
with  that  of  the  present  day,  1  can  reasonaldy  conclude  that 
the  tliirty-six  danari  of  Vienne  correspond  with  that  amount  of 
modem  money  necessary  for  the  purchase  of  a  Inishel  of  wheat, 
and  that  this  is  the  real  value  of  the  thirty-six  danari.  But 
to  arrive  at  this  conclusion  it  becomes  necessary  to  proceed  as 
follows. 

"  First,  To  turn  ancient  money  into  modern  with  reference 
only  to  the  quantity  of  metal  contained  In  both.  Second,  To 
find  the  medium  price  of  wheat  in  those  days  by  the  average  of 
a  certain  number  of  years.  Third,  To  find  the  true  capacity 
of  the  ancient  measures.  Fourth,  To  compare  the  ancient 
price  of  wheat  with  the  modern  price,  in  each  year  of  the 
period  of  my  search;  and  then  to  increase  the  money,  the 
value  of  which  I  seek,  by  the  difference  between  the  price  of 
an  equal  quantity  of  wheat  at  that  and  the  present  time." 

In  all  these  points  he  succeeded  after  a  long,  minute,  and 
careful  examination  of  the  voluminous  public  accounts  of  Savoy 
and  Piedmont,  where  amongst  other  interesting  facts  he  dis- 
covered that  in  133G,  from  a  ''Scstario'^  or  ancient  Pied- 
montese  bushel,  of  wheat ;  equal  to  two  "  Emlne  "  of  that  day  ; 
three  "  Fiubhl "  or  seventy-five  poimds  of  bread,  were  usually 
made.  At  present  two  emine  make  eighty-six  pounds  of 
bread  (from  which  he  deducts  one  pound  as  an  allowance  for 
an  apparently  sitjjposed  present  superiority  in  the  preparation 


COG 


RELATIVE    VALUE    OF   MONEY    IN    FLORENCE. 


[book  I. 


of  bread)  and  there  remains  ten  pounds  difference  between  the 
ancient  and  modem  emina. 

The  latter  he  tells  us  is  equal  to  something  more  than 
twenty-three  litres;  therefore  the  ancient  Sest^irio  or  Staio 
of  Piedmont  was  equivalent  to  40,(>85  litres.  The  avera^re 
price  of  one  emina  of  wheat  from  18t>5  to  18^35,  was  4  lire 
64c.  6om.  Therefore  a  sestario  would  now  cost  8  lire 
17c.  7Gm.,  or  so  many  French  francs.  The  medium  price  of 
a  sestario  of  wheat  from  1-280  to  1300,  in  Piedmont  was  4  lire 
2*^0.  64m.  The  actual  medium  price  as  above  8  lire  ITc.  70m. 
And  thus  with  inlinite  labour  he  reduces  ancient  money  to  its 
modem  value-. 

Hence  it  appeai-s  that  money  in  those  days  was  something 
less  than  double  its  present  value  in  Savoy  and  Piedmont  and 
probably ;  from  the  generally  equal  distribution  of  bullion  as  a 
commodity  ;  with  little  variation  from  this  throughout  the  south 
of  Europe. 

In  the  Florentine  chronicles  too  we  have  frequent  notices  of 
the  price  of  corn  and  value  of  the  golden  tlorin ;  also  the 
market  weight  of  the  staio  or  Florentine  bushel  of  wheat  in 
the  fourteenth  centurj' ;  and  these  enable  us  to  calculate  pretty 
nearlv  the  relative  value  of  ancient  and  modem  monev  in  that 
capital,  without  reference  to,  but  nearly  agreeing  with  Cibrarios 
estimable  tables  f. 

Padre  Vincenzio  Fineschi's  history  of  thes  carce  and  abund- 
ant years  of  Florence  (abridged  from  a  manuscript  of  the 
fourteenth  centurv)  offers  the  results  of  a  monthlv  remster  kept 
from  13-20  to  1335  by  Domenico  Lenzi,  a  corn-merchant  of 
that  day,  and  taken  from  the  public  market  books  of  Florence. 
Five  of  these  averages  are  struck  half-yearly  and  thirteen  an- 
nually, together  with  the  mean  value  of  the  golden  florin  in 
Tuscan  lire  corresponding  to  each  average.     Amongst  them 


*  Cibrario,  cap.  vii.      A  remarkable  work,  of  crroat  value  labour  and  research, 
t  F.  V.  Fincschi,  Curistie  e  Dovizie.  -  M.  VilUui,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  Ivi. 


MISC.  CHAP.]        RELATIVE    VALUE    OF    MONEY   IN    FLORENCE.  607 

there  are  no  less  than  eight  averages  which  include  a  period  of 
four  years  and  a  half  of  famine  prices,  besides  thirteen  of  dear 
and  medium  seasons  ;  but  the  former  greatly  predominating  in 
consequence  of  a  shackled  com  trade  always  under  the  strict 
superintendence,  and  generally  in  the  hands  of  government. 

The  constant  agitation  of  an  universal  and  energetic  com- 
merce gave  a  continual  and  excessive  fluctuation  to  the  inferior 
currency  while  the  golden  florin,  intrinsically  unaltered,  became 
a  fixed  standard  of  value  for  the  rest.  The  average  worth  of 
this  celel)rated  coin  during  the  above  period  was  3  lire,  2  soldi, 
and  9  Florentine  danari;  a  great  alteration  in  silver  since  its 
fii-st  appcjirance  in  125'2  when  it  answered  to  20  soldi  or  1  lira. 

The  average  price  for  a  staio  of  wheat  containing  from  51  to 
5*3  pounds  troy  of  5700  grains  each,  was  at  the  same  period 
1  lira,  1  soldo  and  7  danari.  In  1 830  the  average  price  of  wheat 
was  about  4  lire,  1'^  soldi  and  6  danari  in  the  Florentine  market; 
and  the  Zecchiuo  or  ancient  golden  florin  which  has  scarcely 
altered  is  now  equal  to  1 3  lire  0  soldi  8  danari  of  Tuscan  currency. 
The  capacity  of  the  modern  Htaio  differs  little  if  anything  from 
that  of  the  fourteenth  centuiy :  it  contains  1480  cubic  inches  and 
the  English  bushel  ?2150'4  ;  wherefore  it  is  to  the  latter  as  0*941 
to  1.  These  data  will  give  43  pounds  of  7000  grains,  or  294,000 
grains  avoirdupois,  for  its  capacity ;  which  brings  it  nearly  to 
the  ancient  measure.  According  to  the  above  authority  the 
average  cost  of  a  staio  of  wheat  during  the  thirteen  cheaper 
years  appears  to  have  been  14  soldi  and  0  danari;  and  the 
medium  value  of  a  florin  for  the  same  period  04  soldi.  Hence 
by  a  simple  proportion  the  value  of  14  soldi  and  0  danari  in 
modern  Tuscan  money  is  found  to  be  05  soldi  or  3  lire  and 
5  soldi.  The  mean  of  the  eight  famine  averages  by  a  similar 
process  makes  the  cost  of  a  staio  34  soldi ;  the  value  of  a  florin 
60  soldi  and  7  danari ;  and  the  value  of  a  staio  (or  34  soldi)  in 
modem  money  is  7  lire,  9  soldi,  and  8  danari.  A  Horm  of 
gold  according  to  this  statement  would  then  purchase,  on  an 


60S 


VALUE    OF    MONEY PAY    C-I     KXIGIITS,    SiC, 


[book  1. 


average  of  the  thirteen  more  favourable  seasons,  about  '2'29^ 
pounds  of  com  ;  and  at  present  by  similar  reasoning  only  15(» 
pounds  of  the  same  commodity.  Wherefore  it  would  appear 
ihat  the  value  of  monev  at  Florence  in  the  fourteenth  century 
is  to  its  present  value  as  *2*^9'5  to  150.  And  tliis  is  no  great 
way  from  the  result  of  Cibrario  s  estimate  for  Savoy  and  Pied- 
mont ;  as  on  a  rough  examination  of  his  tables  it  would  seem 
that  there  the  relative  value  of  a  florin  at  the  same  epochs 
was  as  '-258  to  1;U,  and  corn  probably  cheaper  than  at  the 
richer  and  less  agricultural  Florence.  But  the  conclusion 
Cibrario  comes  to  is  probably  not  far  from  the  tiiith,  namely, 
that  all  things  considered,  from  the  maintenance  of  a  prisoner 
to  the  state  of  a  prince,  the  average  cost  of  subsistence  in  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  was  not  much  under  that 
of  the  present  day  in  the  south  of  Europe,  the  augmentation  ul 
public  wealth  being  counterbalanced  by  an  increased  popuhi- 
tion  who  proportionably  divide  it ;  and  even  the  pay  of  soldiers. 
which  seems  to  be  the  highest  remuneration  of  the  time. 
besides  its  unequal  and  ever-varying  character,  sinks  nearly  to 
the  common  level  when  the  charge  of  their  horses  and  arms  is 
considered. 

In  the  first  rank  of  pay  stood  the  knight  with  two  horses 
and  a  squire,  and  sometimes  more;  as  we  find  one  in  13U5 
receiving  upwards  of  C3  francs  a  day  of  modeni  money  for 
himself  and  five  squires ;  but  from  0  to  7  francs  was  the  usual 
pay  for  a  chevalier  with  a  single  horse  and  Ronzino.  The 
squire  was  frequently  engaged  alone  and  received  \)ay  accordin^j 
to  the  number  and  quality  of  his  horses  and  attendants.  Next 
came  the  man-at-anns  with  his  "  destriero  "  or  war-horse,  and 
his  pay  ranged  from  4^  to  upwards  of  0.1  francs  a  day.  Then 
the  man-at-arms  with  a  courser  or  inferior  horse  received  from 
something  under  3  to  near  5  francs  a  day  :  but  they  had  often 
two  or  three  horses  besides  Pionzini  or  Imcks,  on  which  they 
rode  to  battle  as  our   huntsmen   do  to   cover.      They  wc r* 


MISC.  CHAP.]        PAY  OF  TROOPS. GALLEYS. ARTIFICERS,  ETC.    COQ 

also  called  "  MiUti,'"  "  Briffanti,"  "  Barbiite,''  and  afterwards 
"  Lances,''  and  often  received  from  5  to  nearly  7  francs  of  daily 
pay.  The  mounted  crossbow-men  stood  high,  and  received 
from  under  4 J  to  upwards  of  10  francs  a  day.  Infantry 
of  the  same  arm  received  from  something  more  than  2  to 
upwards  of  4  francs.  Archers  received  from  about  10*2  to 
145  francs  a  month  in  13()6  and  1401.  The  ''Client,''  or 
common  foot-soldier  with  shield  and  lance,  from  5«S  centimes 
or  something  more  than  ^  a  franc  to  nearly  1|.  The  monthly 
pay  of  a  Marseilles  galley,  (probably  small,)  was  611*2  francs, 
while  that  of  the  captain  of  Genoese  galleys,  for  one  of  these 
vessels,  came  to  more  than  four  times  that  sum  in  13GG.  By 
an  alhance  made  in  1340  between  Pisa  and  Genoa  a  squadron 
of  galleys  was  to  be  jointly  maintained  against  pirates  and 
others :  each  galley  was  to  have  a  captain  and  his  sen^ant ; 
a  secretaiy  and  under  secretary ;  a  boatswain  and  mate ;  from 
fifteen  to  twenty  good  and  sufficient  crossbow-men  ;  a  hundred 
and  eighty  rowers,  and  not  less :  at  least  a  hundred  and  fifty 
cuirasses ;  a  hundred  and  fifty  shields ;  a  hundred  and  fifty  skull- 
caps; five  thousand  arrows,  ("  Verrettoni");  twenty- four  bill- 
hooks ;  thirty-six  long  lances  ;  eight  lanterns  ;  sixty  *'  Cantaros" 
of  bread  (about  four  tons)  which  was  always  to  be  kept  up : 
and  if  two  Genoese  and  one  Pisan  galley  were  cruising  together 
the  Genoese  commanded,  and  the  contrary  *. 

A  militaiy  surgeon  with  his  servant  received  5^  francs  a 
day.  A  carpenter  of  engineers  upwards  of  2-J  francs.  A  stone- 
cutter to  provide  stones  for  militaiy  engines,  1^.  Cars  and 
bullocks  to  cslytj  military  engines  cost  for  the  daily  hire  of  each 
heasl  66  centimes  in  1321,  and  for  the  driver  1  franc  and 
31  centimes.  The  pay  of  a  carpenter  or  mason  finding  him- 
self was  3  francs  and  64  centimes;  if  fed,  2  francs  and  43 
centimes;  the  cost  of  maintenance  was  therefore  1  franc  21 

*  Vide  Dal  Borgo, "  Diplomi  Pisani,"  pp.  76 — 79)  ;  also  Roncioni,  with  some 
slight  variation. 


N 


VOL.  H. 


R  R 


610 


PAY   OF   KNIGHTS. PRICE    OF   HORSES. 


[book  I. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


INNS. TRAVELLING    EXPENSES. 


611 


centimes  for  a  Piedmontese  workman  in  1384,  which  according 
to  Cibmrio  is  its  present  vahie.  The  monthly  pay  of  a  knight 
banneret  {cavuUere  handerese)  seems  to  have  been  about  407 
francs  and  that  of  a  knight  bachelor  305.  A  donzeUo  or  page 
received  203;  and  nobles  serving  on  foot  0  francs  and  NO 
centimes  a  day.  Amongst  other  expenses  the  pay  of  a  drago- 
man at  Constantinople  in  130()  appears  to  have  been  ^>0I 
francs  or  about  S  pounds  sterling  a  month,  while  in  the  same 
year  Amedeus  VI.  of  Savoy  gave  no  less  than  7371  francs  or 
•-205  pounds  sterling  for  a  Romance,  to  the  Sire  Guillaume  de 
IMachaut ;  two  yeai's  after  30(i  francs  for  another  to  the  Sire 
de  Couci's  minstrel,  and  in  13*28  an  advocates  law  library  of 
16  vols,  sold  for  16*2  pounds  sterlmg. 

The  coursers  and  ronzini  were  used  in  battle  by  light-armed 
horsemen  ;  and  horses  of  all  kinds,  although  perhaps  pro- 
portionately more  numerous  than  at  present  from  their  uiii- 
vei-sal  adoption  both  in  civil  and  military  life,  l>ore  as  high  and 
even  higher  prices  than  they  now  do  in  the  south  of  Europe. 
Men  women  and  children  principally  journeyed  on  horseback 
and  generally  with  many  attendants ;  for  litters  were  not  in 
common  use  although  both  these  and  cars  were  often  preferred 
by  female  travellers  *.  Petrarca  complains  of  being  obliged. 
in  order  to  avoid  the  munuurs  of  people,  to  take  more  lioi*ses 
than  he  wanted  :  "  Cato  the  Censor,"  he  says,  "  was  contented 
with  one  horse  and  three  valets  but  our  depraved  vain  luxu- 
rious mannei*s  cannot  accommodate  themselves  to  this  Piomau 
simplicity.  We  cannot  in  these  days  go  a  mile  without  a 
circle  of  hoi^ses  and  serv^ants:  I  resist  as  much  as  I  can  this 
torrent  of  perversion ;  when  at  home  two  horses  serve  me,  but  in 
travelling  I  am  better  known  than  I  would  wish,  and  m 
spite  of  myself  am  compelled  to  bend  to  the  customs  of  a 
corrupt  age  "f. 

The  lowest  priced  horse  for  a  servant  seems  to  have  cost 

•  Cibraiio,  Tuvolc,  &c.,  p.  550—550.         f  De  Sudo,  Vol.  iii.,  p.  741. 


between  10  and  11  pounds ;  mules  from  V2  to  80 ;  and  a  com- 
plete war-hoi*se  given  in  1365  by  Amedeo  VI.  of  Savoy  to  Gale- 
azzo  Visconte  cost  800  pomids  sterling  of  our  present  money  *. 
The  roadside  inns  were  probably  few,  but  those  in  towns 
were  good  and  even  magnificent  if  a  correct  inference  may  be 
drawn  from  their  haviug  spoons,  forks,  goblets,  and  often  plates 
of  solid  silver.    A  passion  for  such  display,  beyond  all  common 
necessity,  seems  to  have  pervaded  every   rank  of  sufficient 
opulence  to  satisfy  it;    probably  arising  from  the  union  of 
vanity  and  convenience  in  a  period  of  great  insecurity  when 
sudden  calls  for  money  could  he  most  quicldy  met  by  the 
pledging  of  such  valuables  f .     The  comforts  of  the  road  must 
of  course  have  varied  in  different  countries,  but  the  expense  of 
travelling  could  not  have  been  great  as  we  learn  from  Buonac- 
corso  Pitti;  whose  master  considered  1^  florins  a  sufficient 
allowance  to  take  him  from  Buda  to  Florence.      Beinj^  young 
and  wishing  to  seek  his  fortune  he  had  attached  himself  to  a 
travelling  merchant  who  buying  ]  000  florins'  worth  of  saffron 
at  Venice  passed  by  Croatia  to  Buda  where  the  saffron  was 
sold  at  double  its  original  cost.      These  Florentine  travellers 
seemed  to  have  looked  to  the  main  object  and  lived  roughly ; 
for  Pitti  falling  sick  of  a  fever  was  left  with  the  said  ducats  to 
the  cai-e  of  their  landlord  :  his  bed  he  says  was  a  sack  of  straw 
in  an  old  room ;  no  doctor  visited  him ;  no  female  inhabited 
the  house,  there  was  but  one  man-servant  who  cooked  and 
waited  on  Michele  Marucci  his  landlord  and  two  merchants  who 
lodged  there.       In  this  condition  almost  dead  with  fever  he 
remained  six  weeks  until  St.  Martin's  eve,  when  a  bevy  of 
young  Germans  assembled  with  lifers  to  dance  in  a  spacious 
room  opposite  Buonaccorso's  chamber  where  he  lay  with  a  sort 
of  old  bathing-cloth  wrapped  round  him  instead  of  sheets,  and 
covered  by  a  carpet  and  his  own  greasy  furred  cloak.     Some 
of  the  young  men  happened  to  peep  into  his  chamber  and 


♦  Cibrario,  p.  563. 


RR2 


+  Cibrario,  p.  543. 


612 


BUONACCORSO    PITTI    ANECDOTES. 


[book  I. 


seeing  him  in  this  condition  immediately  forced  on  his  cloak  and 
hurried  him  off  to  the  ball-room,  saying  "  We  will  either  kill  or 
cure  you,  but  at  all  events  put  you  out  of  pain  ;  "  and  for  a  whole 
hour  in  spite  of  his  earnest  prayers  they  forced  him  to  dance 
until  he  fell  down  with  pure  exhaustion  ;  then  cariyhig  him  back 
to  bed  they  tossed  all  their  cloaks  on  top  of  him  and  resumed 
their  dancing  and  drinking,  which  lasted  all  the  night.  Next 
morning  they  returned  for  their  cloaks,  compelled  Buonaccoi-so, 
who  had  in  the  interim  fallen  into  a  profuse  and  long  continued 
perspiration,  to  dress  and  drink  with  them  which  he  willingly 
did,  and  after  another  hour  of  repose  went  abroad  convalescent, 
supped  at  a  friends  house  who  was  master  of  the  mint  at 
Buda ;  gambled,  and  won  -200  florins ;  then  bought  horses  on  a 
speculation  and  returned  to  Florence.  Such  were  the  first  steps 
of  a  young  Florentine  merchant  of  high  family,  the  subsequent 
companion  of  kings  and  princes,  and  the  lather  of  Lucca  Pitti 
who  set  up  as  a  rival  to  Cosimo  de'  Medici  and  built  the  cele- 
brated royal  palace  that  still  bears  his  name  *. 

Another  anecdote  of  this  author  will  illustrate  the  practical 
working  of  Florentme  institutions  perhaps  better  than  any 
general  description :  he  transmits  it  as  an  example,  and  a 
warning  to  his  children  not  to  cope  with  or  even  defend  them- 
selves against  more  powerful  citizens  however  just  might  be 
their  cause.  Luigi  Pitti  the  brother  of  Buonaccoi-so  when 
Podesta  of  Bucine  in  the  Val-d'-Ambra  had  several  opportuni- 
ties of  hearing  the  complaints  and  redressing  the  wrongs  of  tbe 
venerable  abbot  of  Santo  Piero  a  Ruoti  an  ancient  abbey  of 
Val-d'-Ambra  founded  by  the  Ubaldini  counts  of  Chitignano. 
These  services  made  an  impression  on  the  old  prelate  who  bad 
been  worried  by  more  powerful  neighbours,  and  attached  him 
so  much  to  Luigi  and  the  Pitti  family  that  about  three  years 
after  on  tinding  himself  becoming  too  weak  to  continue  his 
functions  and  therefore  more  subject  to  annoyance,  he  repaired 


♦  Cronica  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  p.  1 7. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


THE   ABBOT    OF   SANTO    PIERO-A-RUOTI. 


613 


to  Florence  and  informed  them  of  his  determination  to  resign 
the  abbacy,  which  he  had  then  held  for  four-and-thirty  years  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  constituted  them  his  legal  agents,  with 
powers  to  offer  his  resignation  whenever  they  could  succeed  in 
securing  the  reversion  to  their  own  family.  The  Pitti  were  at 
first  unwilling  to  take  advantage  of  tliis  friendly  act ;  but  after 
trying  to  dissuade  him  by  a  promise  of  their  zealous  support 
against  all  enemies,  they  accepted  the  procuration  resolving 
however  not  to  make  use  of  it,  but  still  support  their  ancient 
friend  with  the  whole  force  of  their  kindred. 

The  weak  in  Florence,  especially  if  worth  plundering,  were 
never  entirely  free  from  the  ilmgs  of  more  powerful  neighbours 
in  despite  of  tlie  protective  law  of  petition ;  wherefore  Alber- 
taccio  Piicasole  and  his  potent  clan  whose  possessions  lay  in  the 
vicinity,  presuming  on  the  abbot's  impotence  determined  to 
ruin  him  by  a  false  accusation  and  secure  the  benefice  for  one 
of  their  own  relations.  Appearing  before  the  "  Ten  of  the 
BciUd  "  at  Florence  they  boldly  charged  the  abbot  with  co- 
vertly attempting  to  deliver  his  abbey  up  to  the  Ubertini  its 
ancient  owners  then  rebels  under  the  ban  of  the  republic; 
and  to  render  the  charge  more  plausible  they  had  secretly  des- 
patched a  messenger  in  the  colours  of  that  family  to  declare  at 
the  convent  during  the  prelate's  absence  that  he  was  come  on 
the  part  of  Andrieno  degli  Ubertini  to  confer  with  the  abbot 
and  carry  back  his  answer.  This  information  and  a  summons 
from  the  Balia  brought  the  latter  quickly  to  Florence  and 
Luigi  Pitti  accompanied  him  to  that  magistracy  by  whom  he 
was  closely  examined  acquitted  and  dismissed. 

This  incident  at  once  convinced  Buonaccorso  that  unless  the 
abbacy  were  speedily  renounced  and  its  reversion  secured,  the 
Piicasoli  either  by  force  or  fraud  would  soon  become  its  masters : 
he  however  was  not  supported  in  this  opinion  by  other  kins- 
men, who  feared  to  incm'  blame,  more  especially  as  the  abbot 
to  whom  these  doubts  were  communicated,  had  by  the  comfort 


614 


THE    ABBOTS   STORY   CONTINUED. 


[book  1. 


MISC     CHAP.] 


THE   abbot's    STORY   COKTINUED. 


615 


and  assurance  of  their  support  in  a  great  measure  recovere*!  his 
health  and  efficiency.  He  nevertheless  resigned  himself  to 
their  decision  in  eveiything  saving  a  compromise  of  his  lionour: 
this  last  injunction  confirmed  Francesco  and  Luigi  Pitti,  while 
Buonaccorso  and  his  third  hrother  Bartolommeo  still  held  to  their 
former  opinion  as  most  secure  and  eligihle  for  the  prelate  himself. 
The  Ricasoli  on  seeing  their  intended  victim  so  actively  sup- 
ported, relinquished  the  scheme  of  striking  him  down  throu^rh 
the  Florentine  govenmient ;  changed  their  point  of  jittiuk,  and 
by  means  of  Pandolfo,  Bindaccio,  Galeotto,  and  Carlo  Kica- 
sole  :  all  of  them  squires  of  the  pope's  household  at  Home ; 
preferred  a  second  false  accusation  accompanied  hy  a  petition 
for  the  benefice.  The  result  was  a  summons  to  the  ahhot ;  but 
decrepitude  and  a  fear  of  personal  outrage  induced  him  to  send 
an  advocate  in  the  person  of  Ser  Giuliano  dalla  Cicogna  a  priest 
of  Saint  Lorenzo  and  a  friend  of  lUionaccorso  Pitti.  Mean- 
while the  latter  and  his  brothers  bein<?  still  on  friendlv  terms 
with  the  Ricasoli  called  separately  on  Alhertarcio  and  several 
members  of  that  family  in  Florence,  explained  the  transaction 
that  had  taken  place  between  them  and  the  abbot,  and  re- 
quested the  Ricasoli  to  drop  the  proceeding,  which  they  at 
once  promised  if  possible  to  do  by  an  immediate  communication 
with  their  kinsmen  at  Rome.  The  Pitti  then  petitioned  the 
Seignory  to  use  their  influence  with  the  pontiff  for  having  the 
abbot's  cause  argued  before  the  bishops  of  Florence,  Arezzo, 
or  Fiesole  and  then  decide  according  to  their  report.  This 
would  perhaps  have  been  granted  if  Betto  Busini  a  prior  and 
friend  of  Ricasole  had  not  according  to  instructions  moved  that 
the  other  paity  should  be  heard.  Both  sides  w^ere  accordingly 
ordered  to  attend  on  the  following  day,  when  all  the  members 
of  colleges  were  personally  canvassed  by  the  Ricasoli  party  to 
vote  against  the  petition  :  Buonaccorso  firmly  demanded  that 
his  prayer  should  be  granted ;  but  Bindaccio  PeiTizzi  a  relation 
of  the  Ricasoli,  not   only  vilified  the   abbot  s  character  but 


unblushingly  declared  that  the  benefice  was  wanted  for  his  own 
brother  Amoldo,  and  demanded  a  negative,  which  after  some 
discussion  was  finally  given  through  the  powerful  mfluence  of 

that  ^unily. 

Cardinal  Orsini  who  in  the  biterim  had  been  appointed  to 
hear  the  cause  at  Rome  would  accept  no  substitute,  but  insisted 
on  the  abbot's  personal  attendance ;  on  this  Buonaccorso,  who 
had  formerly  known  him,  despatched  a  letter  inclosed  to  the 
cardinal  in  a  silver  gilt  cup  of  8'2  florins  value;  and  Giuliano 
iu  presenting  it  said :  "  Messere  I  recommend  the  abbot  of 
Ruoti  to  your  protection  for  love  of  your  servant  Buonaccorso 
and  the  Holy  Father."  On  this  Pandolfo  Ricasole  (alludmg  to  a 
treaty  concluded  by  the  advice  of  Luigi  Pitti  against  the  pon- 
tiffs wishes)  immediately  exclaimed  "  Messere  he  recalls  to 
your  memory  a  cordial  enemy  of  the  holy  church  and  our  lord 
the  Pope."  And  with  this  convenient  handle  the  pontiff  was 
so  dexterously  managed  by  his  Florentine  squires  that  the 
abbot  was  condemned  to  lose  his  benefice  and  be  placed  in  per- 
petual confinement,  and  Arnoldo  Peruzzi  preferred  to  the 
vacant  abbacy  in  commendam  until  confirmed  by  the  Floren- 
tine government,  which  had  succeeded  to  the  rights  of  its 
ancient  patrons  the  Ubertini. 

The  abbot  remained  a  prisoner  at  large  attended  by  a  public 
officer,  but  as  a  guest  of  the  Pitti  who  foreseeing  that  the 
pope's  decree  and  excommunication  not  only  of  the  old  prelate 
but  of  all  who  supported  him,  coupled  with  the  aid  of  the 
powerful  Ricasoli,  Gianfiglazzi,  Peiiizzi  Castellani,  with  other 
friends  and  adherents,  and  followed  by  a  host  of  false  witnesses 
would  finally  carry  eveiything,  began  at  last  to  despair.  Buo- 
naccorso imparted  his  fears  to  Giuliano  dalla  Cicogna  who  sug- 
gested as  their  only  chance  that  the  abbot  should  lose  no  time 
in  accusing  Albertaccio  lUcasole  of  an  outrage,  by  petition  to 
the  Seignory,  and  the  terror  of  condemnation  to  the  class 
of  nobles  would  force  liim  to  a  compromise :  approving  this 


> 


616 


THE   ABBOTS   STORY    CONTINUED. 


[book 


counsel  but  too  wary  to  implicate  himself,  Buonaccorso  left  the 
detiiils  to  the  priest  who  willingly  undertook  to  arrange  eveiy- 
thing,  provided  that  a  confidential  servant  of  the  Pitti  were 
placed  at  liis  orders.  A  pretended  assault  was  accordingly 
made  on  the  abbot  as  he  passed  by  night  to  a  friend  s  house 
escorted  by  a  public  officer,  whose  presence  alone  apparently 
saved  him  from  personal  injury ;  the  Seignory  indignant  at 
this  outrage  to  a  prisoner  under  their  charge,  instantly  pro- 
claimed a  heavy  punishment  both  in  purse  and  person  for 
any  person  convicted  of  concealing  the  culprit's  names  after 
three  days  were  expired ;  and  confirmed  the  decree  next  morn 
ing  by  the  imanimous  vote  of  the  colleges.  Buonaccoi-so  knew 
exactly  how  the  transaction  had  passed  from  the  assjiilants,  who 
arrived  at  liis  house  a  little  before  the  otlier  party  from  whom 
he  received  a  false  and  exaggerated  account ;  for  the  abbot, 
ignorant  of  the  scheme,  magnified  his  o\\ti  danger,  and  the 
officer  had  repaired  with  intelligence  of  wliat  occurred  to  the 
Seignor}'.  Several  of  the  Ricasoli  were  arrested  and  examined 
by  the  podesta,  but  released  on  proving  their  innocence: 
Giuhano  had  also  been  attached  and  bound  over  to  appear  when 
summoned  ;  but  Buonaccorsi  alarmed  at  the  proclamation  sent 
him  and  the  other  culprits  out  of  Florence.  This  produced  a 
citation  for  Buonaccorso  himself  who  was  threatened  with  a 
process  unless  Giuliano  appeared  :  these  things  continued  for 
three  days,  Buonaccorso  still  persevering  hi  his  silence  although 
again  examined  and  tlireatened.  On  the  fourth  however, 
fearful  of  consequences  if  the  secret  were  divulged  by  others, 
he  went  and  revealed  everj^tliing  to  the  Seignory,  who  instantly 
issued  a  formal  command  for  the  arrest  of  all  who  were  named, 
as  well  as  any  others  suspected  of  being  privy  to  the  trans- 
action ;  and  ordered  the  Podesta  to  condemn  them  in  purse  and 
person ;  and  from  this  sweeping  sentence  before  trial,  Buonac- 
€01*80  alone  if  inculpated  was  to  be  absolved  and  liberated. 
No  less  than  five  criminal  prosecutions  were  thus  commenced 


Misc   CHAP.]        CASE   OF   LUIGI   AND    BUONACCORSO    PITTI. 


617 


including  Buonaccorso's  ;  amongst  them  his  own  servant ;  liis 
friend  Giuliano ;  Giuliano 's  brother ;  Lapo  Ricasole  a  relation 
but  deadly  enemy  of  Albertaccio  s ;  besides  another  indi\idual. 
The  fear  of  torture  prevented  any  of  them  appearing  except 
Buonaccorso,  who  after  examination  was  dismissed  on  finding 
bail  for  3000  florins,  but  the  rest  were  condemned  in  heavy 
fines  and  exiled  for  three  years.  During  this  process  the 
opposmg  faction  exerted  themselves  both  openly  and  secretly 
to  have  Buonaccorso  included  in  the  punishment,  and  thus 
destroy  his  civic  rights,  but  this  roused  his  friends  to  the  rescue 
and  he  was  saved !  He  leaves  this  history  to  his  children  ; 
not  to  be  used  by  them  as  a  register  of  unexacted  vengeance, 
but  as  a  warning  and  remembrance  of  those  who  advanced  to 
his  support  in  time  of  trouble. 

Nor  was  he  long  clear  of  this  difficulty  ere  another  equally 
illustrative,  brought  the  family  into  fresh  vexation  and  danger. 
One  evening  he  was  unexpectedly  summoned  before  the  Exe- 
cutor of  Justice  who  to  his  surprise  ordered  him  into  solitary 
confinement  until  moniing,  when  he  learned  that  both  himself 
and  brother  were  to  continue  prisoners  until  Luigi  Pitti,  who 
many  days  before  had  quitted  Florence  for  Naples,  should 
return  and  answer  to  a  charge  of  haAdng  revealed  certain  state 
secrets  to  the  ambassadors  of  King  Ladislaus  during  the  period 
of  his  office  as  prior.  This  fact  was  assumed  as  proved  by  a 
letter  of  the  ambassadors  to  Ladislaus  which  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  government  and  Buonaccorso  was  ordered  to 
announce  his  own  peril  to  Luigi  unless  the  latter  appeared  in 
person.  The  detention  of  these  brothers  again  alarmed  their 
friends  and  family  who  immediately  assembled  to  the  number 
of  two  hundred  citizens  in  the  church  of  San  Piero  Scheraggio, 
where  Neri  Pitti  their  nephew  opened  the  discussion  by  praying 
for  advice  and  assistance.  After  some  consultation  it  was  re- 
solved that  they  should  repair  in  a  body  before  the  public  autho- 
rities and  demand  the  prisoners'  release :  this  was  instantly 


618 


CASE    OF    LUIGI    AND    BUONACCORSO    PITTI. 


[book  I. 


carried  into  act,  and  warm  words  passed  l)etween  the  executor 
and  Rinaldo  Gianfiglazzi  the  spokesman.  Nor  w^ere  the  women 
idle :  within  a  short  time  all  who  then  happened  to  be  in  Flo- 
rence assembled  together  with  tlieir  children  and  proceeding 
in  a  body  to  the  public  pahice  made  a  similar  demand  from  the 
Balia,  Seignor}-,  and  Colleges !  So  decided  a  step  backed  up 
as  it  was  by  the  male  relations,  alarmed  the  government  and 
delivered  their  kinsmen. 

IVIean while  Luigi  Pitti,  then  governor  of  Aqnila  for  Ladis- 
laus,  after  receiving  the  king's  permission  set  out  for  Florence, 
but  on  reaching  Perugia  heard  that  he  had  been  proclaimed  an 
exile  by  sound  of  trumpet,  three  days  only  having  been  given 
him  to  appear  in  the  capital;  a  notice  hardly  sufficient  even  to 
reach  him  ere  the  time  was  expired  ;  and  he  was  condemned  as 
contumacious  by  the  activity  of  an  antagonist  faction  notwith- 
standing all  the  exertions  of  his  fomily  ! 

Such  were  party  spirit  and  public  justice  in  republican  Flo- 
rence where  under  the  name  and  banners  of  freedom  thev  onlv 
dreamed  of  liberty ;  and  enjoying  the  emj)ty  pageant  of  choos- 
ing their  masters  submitted  to  the  worst  of  tyrannies ;  the 
tyranny  of  faction.  We  first  see  the  criminal  judge  receiving 
a  peremptory  command,  before  trial,  to  acquit  and  condemn 
according  to  the  pleasure  of  government  for  an  offence  against 
itself!  He  is  then  covertly  and  openly  assailed,  after  sentence 
given,  to  make  him  include  an  absolved  person  in  a  general 
punishment  of  convicted  offendei's ;  and  this  by  a  faction  of  avowed 
enemies  in  defiance  of  a  public  pardon  ;  and  is  only  prevented 
from  j-ielding  by  a  sudden  and  formidable  array  of  the  accused's 
adherents,  a  foction  as  illegal  and  pernicious  as  the  first.  Next 
we  see  two  harmless  citizens  suddenly  torn  from  their  homes 
and  imprisoned  for  the  presumed  crime  of  an  absent  kins- 
man, and  similarly  released  at  the  rising  and  menaces  of  their 
indignant  relatives  ;  while  the  accused  himself  without  trial,  or 
sufficient  time  to  appear  on  his  defence  or  even  receive  has 


MISC.  CHAP.]  GREAT   POWER   OF   THE    FOREIGN    RECTORS. 


619 


summons,  is  by  the  influence  of  an  antagonist  faction  both 
fined  and  exiled  from  his  country*. 

Such  examples  coupled  with  what  has  already  transpired 
in  the  body  of  this  histor}%  are  proof  sufficient  of  the  pre- 
dominant spirit  of  what  was  called  Florentine  liberty,  the 
melancholy  mockeiy  of  a  name  !  Those  who  love  freedom 
with  true  affection  will  respect  it  in  others,  as  liberty  is  but 
another  name  for  justice  ;  those  who  confound  or  identify  it 
with  license  will  trumpet  forth  the  empty  title  while  they  still 
trample  upon  its  substance. 

The  great  discretionary  power  of  Florentine  "  Bectors  "  who 
as  already  noticed  were  always  foreigners,  may  be  further  illus- 
trated and  is  made  more  evident  by  the  condemnation  of 
Paulo  di  Lapo  of  Castiglionchio  in  1391.  This  gentleman 
communicated  some  state  secrets  to  his  brother  Michele  then 
agent  to  Jacornello  Paduano  at  IMilaii  to  whom  the  latter  dis- 
closed them,  and  his  imprudence  was  the  cause  of  their 
becoming  known  to  Gian-Galeazzo  Visconte  the  great  enemy 
of  Florence.  So  vexatious  a  circumstance  naturally  roused 
the  anger  of  government  and  Paulo  was  arrested,  examined, 
and  condemned  to  death  by  the  Captain  of  the  People  on  his 
own  confession,  but  through  powerful  family  influence  the 
Seignory  was  enlisted  hi  his  favour :  these  high  functionaries 
interceded  with  the  Captain  of  the  People  for  the  commuta- 
tion of  his  sentence  to  perpetual  imprisonment  and  a  fine  of 
3500  florins,  besides  having  the  effigies  of  both  brothers 
painted  on  the  palace  as  traitors,  and  Michele  if  taken  and 
condemned,  after  first  being  ''  Attanagliato''  or  having  his 
flesh  torn  off  with  heated  pincers,  was  to  be  hung.  Ammirato 
relates  this  fact  on  the  authority  of  a  nameless  Florentine 
author  who  blames  the  severitv  of  the  rector,  but  to  the  his- 
torian's  surprise  he  casts  no  censure  on  the  Seignory  for  exert- 
ing themselves  to  mitigate  so  cruel  a  sentence  f. 

*  Cronica  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  p.  87.     t  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  827. 


620 


MILDER   ACTS    OF    GOVERNMENT. — MOR.VLS. 


[book  I. 


By  their  motives  these  nicagistrates  must  be  judged :  the 
foreign  rector  may  only  have  executed  the  Florentine  law  as 
he  foimd  it ;  but  the  immense  discretionar}^  power  is  undeniable. 
The  existing  Seignory  were  iu  fact  either  leaders,  or  ahvays 
under  the  influence  of  the  predominant  faction  ;  but  when  un- 
influenced by  politics  often  displayed  a  mild  and  generous 
spirit  worthy  of  a  gentler  age,  as  may  be  instanced  in  the  case 
of  Louis  of  Capua  who  commanded  one  of  the  Florentine 
armies  against  Gian-Galeazzo  Visconte  :  he  had  contracted  debts 
to  such  an  amount  as  to  preclude  his  departure  after  the 
cessation  of  ofi&ce,  without  legal  security  for  liis  creditors,  and 
his  son  Francesco  remained  a  hostage  in  the  Stinche  prisons  for 
his  father's  extravagance  :  this  was  no  light  suffering  in  those 
rough  days  when  jails  were  as  revolting  as  they  are  now  the 
reverse;  external  misery  not  being  so  sharj)  and  general  as  with 
us  where  love  of  liberty  is  often  stifled  amidst  the  stronger  crav- 
ings of  nature.  Compassion  for  the  son  coupled  with  a  grateful 
estimate  of  the  father  "s  services  induced  the  Seignor}no  guarantee 
the  debt  and  release  the  prisoner,  who  having  been  wounded  in 
prison  was  cured  in  the  convent  of  Santa  Croce  at  the  public 
cost  with  much  shame  to  the  father  for  his  unnatural  contluct*. 

Nor  was  the  Florentine  government  careless  of  public  morals 
so  far  as  these  depend  on  legal  enactments,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  its  frequent  regulations,  often  mistaken  in  the  means  but 
laudable  in  the  object;  amongst  them  gambling  became  a 
marked  and  salient  point  of  legal  notice  for  continual  assas- 
sinations were  its  result  and  therefore  dice  were  proliibited 
with  a  justifiable  severity,  though  probably  with  small  effect 
against  that  insatiate  craving  of  the  soul  after  the  distant 
uncertain  and  unknown  which  whether  for  good  or  evil  so 
strongly  marks  its  nature  f.  In  131)0  a  law  was  promulgated 
that  authorised  the  loser  of  money  by  dice  at  any  time  within 

*  S.   Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.     +  M.   di   C.    Stefaui,  Lib.   xi.,  Rub. 
843.  864. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


GAMBLING. NATIONAL    PRIDE. 


621 


three  years  to  demand  its  restitution,  which  if  he  failed  to  do 
within  two  months  the  obligation  fell  on  his  father,  mother, 
brothers,  and  other  relations  in  succession  who  could  continue 
their  cause  even  though  the  loser  had  been  originally  non- 
suited for  want  of  sufficient  proof  of  having  paid  the  debt ; 
nor  were  any  renunciations  or  acquittance  of  the  latter  avail- 
able against  their  demand  unless  with  the  parent  or  nearest 
relative's  consent*. 

A  strong  national  feeling  of  pride  at  the  foreign  distinctions 
of  countrjTuen  often  breaks  forth  to  gild  the  darker  features 
of  Florentine  character,  the  more  singular  because  opposed  to 
that  jealousy  of  each  others'  fame  and  fortune  which  prevailed 
so  much  amongst  the  citizens  at  home ;  and  foreign  honours 
were  not  necessarily  an  obstacle  to  domestic  ambition  but  on  the 
contrary  reflected  credit  on  the  individual  and  nation.  The 
follo^ring  anecdote  in  illustration  will  also  show  how  doubtful 
the  efficacy,  whether  exemplary  or  positive,  of  capital  punish- 
ment inflicted  in  the  spring  of  life  and  human  passions,  passions 
that  may  still  prove  the  som^ce  and  seed  of  brilliant  virtues  when 
reason  assume  its  royalties ;  \irtues  that  may  perhaps  be  even 
created  by  the  very  crime  which  subjects  them  to  an  ignominious 
death.  One  Cecco  di  Vanni  had  been  sentenced  to  death  in  1373 
for  robbing  and  murdering  a  Florentine  citizen  in  the  district 
of  Scarperia ;  but  he  escaped,  entered  the  Neapolitan  service, 
distinguished  himself  by  his  valour  and  ability,  rose  to  high 
honoui's  and  esteem  ;  was  made  a  count,  a  marquis,  and  finally 
viceroy  of  the  Albruzzi :  he  had  miiformly  endeavoured  to  do 
honour  to  his  native  land,  and  distinguished  her  citizens  with 
peculiar  courtesy :  this  conduct  was  altogether  considered  so 
worthy  of  public  notice  than  in  1400  his  sentence  was  for- 
mally revoked  by  a  public  decree  which  restored  him  to  all 
the  rights  and  honours  of  citizenship  f . 

The  nature  of  this  man's  conduct  may  perhaps  be  questioned 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  855.  f  Ibid.,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  877. 


622 


PUBLIC    M01L\LS. 


COURTESANS. 


[book 


MISC.  CHAF.J 


FEMALE    INGENUITY. — VENGEANCE. 


623 


by  modern  judgment ;  but  it  was  in  the  spirit  of  the  age  ami 
stamped  by  its  approvd,  and  therefore  so  far  virtuous,  honour- 
able, and  emulative ;  and  he  moreover  did  good  senice  to  his 
adopted  comitiy  ;  yet  all  this,  had  he  not  fled,  would  have  been 
buried  in  the  grjive  of  the  executed  culprit. 

The  care  of  public  morals   hi  other  matters  is  somewliat 
laughable  though  melancholy  from  its  oppression  of  those  un- 
fortunate females  who  are  first  deceived,  then  abused,  insulted, 
and  trampled  on,  by  the  very  sinners  whose  treachen*  has  ruined 
and  abandoned  them  to  w^ant,  to  shame,  and  ultimate  despair. 
Complaints  having  been  prefeiTcd  by  laymen  and  ecclesiastics 
against  the  too  close  neighbourhood  of  these  unfortunate  woniLU 
to  the  convents,  a  new  edict  was  issued  tliat  forbid  them  to 
lodge  within  two  thousand  feet  of  any  religious  establishment 
under  penalties  that  were  doubled  on  all  who  conthiucd  to 
occupy  a  dwelling  within  the  prescribed  limits.     This  was  fol- 
lowed in  1310  by  banishment  from  Florence  where  none  were 
allowed  to  enter,  except  on  Mondays  to  make  their  necessary 
purchases  after  a  specified  hour  under  the  paius  of  whipping 
and  branding :  tliis  severity  was  intended  to  encourage  matri- 
mony while  it  only  stimulated  pandering;  nay,  if  we  may  judge 
from  Dante  and  later  sources,  encouraged  still  mow  criminal 
and  disgusting  excesses  *.     It  was  of  course  impossible  to  keep 
the   city  long    immaculate,  because    the  source    of  evil  was 
within ;  but  these  women  were  suljsequeutly  forbidden  to  wear 
slippers  :  were  commanded  to  cany  their  gloves  in  their  hand 
and  a  small  bell  on  their  head,  so  that  when  thev  moved  its 
sound  might  be  heard  and  mark  them  as  sinners  meet  only  for 
the  finger  of  scorn,  mocker)',  avoidance,  (perhaps  attraction) 
and  by  such  means  they  were  to  be  induced  to  live  more  retired 
if  not  more  honestly  f . 

These  hostilities  were  not  confined  to  the  frailer  portion  of 
the  fair  sex  ;  for  female  vanity  and  masculme  gravity  were  ever 

•  S.  Ammirato,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  v.,  p.  278.         f  Ibid.,  Lib.  x.,  p.  402. 


at  war  in  Florence  ;  prudence  and  extravagance  were  in  constant 
collision;  subtilty  evading  power,  and  womanish  quickness 
baffling  all  the  keen  severity  of  legislation.  Sumptuaiy  laws 
were  continually  promulgated,  and  periods  of  distress  and 
general  misfortune  were  judiciously  chosen  for  these  economical 
reforms,  but  all  in  vain  ;  the  ladies  still  conquered :  they 
dressed,  they  painted,  they  stuffed,  they  modified  their  figure 
and  proportions  with  such  variety,  grace,  and  natural  dexterity 
that  a  dark-complexioned  or  ill-formed  woman  was  scarcely  to 
be  seen  in  Florence ;  cotemporary  artists  acknowledged  their 
skill,  and  willingly  yielded  to  those  more  delicate  manipula- 
tions which  corrected  and  improved  that  nature,  of  which  they 
themselves  were  only  the  copiers.  "  From  very  devils  in  ap- 
pearance "  says  Sacchetti  quite  forgetful  of  his  gallantly,  "they 
metamorphosed  themselves  into  angels  of  beauty;"  and  with 
no  less  legal  acumen  they  silenced  both  the  judge  and  notary 
of  that  very  court  whicli  was  especially  appointed  to  control 
their  extravagance  in  personal  adornment -=. 

A  breach  of  promise  of  marriage,  as  appears  in  Velluti  s 
chronicle,  was  compensated  by  a  tine  equal  to  the  dower  but 
whether  this  amount  were  a  legal  penalty  or  private  composition 
does  not  exactly  appear :  money,  the  sword,  or  the  dagger,  seem 
however  to  have  been  in  frequent  use  for  the  settlement  of  Flo- 
rentine quarrels ;  yet  often  by  a  slow  process,  for  personal  injuries 
engendered  lasting  feuds  or  long-nourished  and  secret  ven- 
geance, and  the  chancery  suits  were  equally  if  not  more  tedious 
than  our  own.  Velluti  gives  us  an  instance  of  both.  A  certain 
Messer  Lambertuccio  of  this  femily  had  lent  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  Berto  de'  Frescobaldi ;  and  afterwards  his  heirs  under 
the  direction  of  Simone  di  Taddeo  claimed  debts  as  due  to  a  veiy 
considerable  amount  from  that  family  one  of  whose  members 
called  Amerigo  Frescobaldi,  was  Edward  the  Thirds  prmcipal 
agent  and  stood  high  in  his  favour.     This  claim  involved  them 

♦  Fran.  Sacchetti,  Novclle  13G  and  137. 


^1 


624 


CONDUCT   OF   A    FOREIGN    RECTOR. 


[book  I. 


MISC.  CHAP  ]  SEVERITY   TO   NOBLES. CONFESSION. 


625 


in  a  suit  that  lasted  thirty  years,  by  the  expense  of  which  they 
were  nearly  ruined,  for  it  was  prolonged  through  the  riches  and 
consequent  influence  of  the  Frescobaldi  who  corrupted  rectors, 
judges,  and  every  other  functionaiy  connected  with  its  decision 
by  a  lavish  bribery  that  the  Velluti  were  unable  to  resist.  The 
bad  blood  thus  generated  broke  out  into  personal  outrage  iind 
Simone  was  twice  wounded  in  consequence :  his  kinsman  Tom- 
maso  di  Lippaccio  had  wounded  Filippo  de'  Frescobaldi  with  a 
javelin ;  the  latter  who  was  on  hoi'seback  fled  to  Florence  and 
without  dismounting  passed  by  the  Piazza  de'  Frescobaldi  along 
the  Arno  where  meeting  with  Simone  de'  Velluti  he  struck  him 
on  the  head  with  his  sword,  but  as  the  latter  was  anned  with 
a  steel  helmet  did  no  mischief :  Simone  began  to  fly,  yet  not 
so  quickly  as  to  avoid  the  lance  of  Filippo  s  servant  wliich 
wounded  him  almost  mortally  in  the  loins ;  a  feud  thus  began 
but  its  duration  does  not  appear  ;  a  new  process  however  seems 
to  have  been  commenced  in  consequence,  which  lasted  until 
some  subsequent  podesta  forced  the  parties  to  a  pecmiiary 
compromise  ^'. 

The  dishonesty  of  these  foreign  rectors  was  sometimes  great 
and  if  supported  by  a  strong  party  escaped  unpunished :  we 
have  an  instance  in  the  case  of  Obizo  degli  Alidugi  who  being 
captain  of  the  peo2)le  and  favouring  the  Party  Guelph  in  the 
memorable  events  of  138*2,  availed  himself  of  liis  official  power 
to  force  a  young,  beautiful,  and  noble  lady  of  the  Figliohpetri 
family  from  her  home,  to  dishonour  her,  and  afterwards  place  her 
in  charge  of  a  woman  infamous  for  her  disreputable  establish- 
ment. The  father  was  an  exile  ;  the  family  poor  though  noble ; 
the  brother  away  from  Florence,  and  this  captain  was  sup- 
ported by  the  all-powerful  and  unscmpulous  Guelphs.  When 
the  brother  returned  his  sister  suddenly  disappeared  and  was  sup- 
posed to  have  fallen  by  his  hand,  but  the  captain  continued  the 
usual  time  in  power :  at  the  expiration  of  his  ofl&ce  there  was  a 

*  Cronaca  di  Donate  Velluti,  p.  37. 


proposal  to  punish  him  for  this  and  other  crimes,  but  the 
Guelphs  prevailed  and  he  departed  with  impunity*.  Such 
lenity  was  not  shown  in  those  cases  where  nobles  were  delin- 
quents or  where  the  state  authority  was  likely  to  be  compro- 
mised by  forbeai-ance :  in  1387,  Pagnozzo  Strozzi  had  the 
misfortune  to  kill  Piero  Lenzi,  gonfalonier  of  a  company  in  a 
chance  fray  and  this  was  taken  up  by  the  government  as  an 
offence  against  the  magistracy ;  wherefore  Pagnozzo,  and  his 
brother  who  was  perfectly  innocent,  were  instantly  declared 
rebels,  their  descendants  placed  amongst  the  Grandi,  their 
houses  both  in  town  and  country^  destroyed  ;  their  possessions 
confiscated  and  their  relations  compelled  to  repurchase  them 
from  the  public  within  three  months  :  whoever  killed  them 
was  to  be  rewarded  with  a  certain  sum  of  money  paid  by  the 
family  of  the  deceased,  and  the  homicide  was  allowed  to 
cany  arms  in  the  city :  the  Strozzi  were  also  compelled  under 
heavy  penalties  to  keep  at  peace  with  and  forgive  their  kins- 
men's murderers.  The  relations  of  Piero  Lenzi  on  the  con- 
trary were  authorized  to  take  vengeance  without  fear  of  punish- 
ment on  any  of  the  Strozzi  or  their  partisans  who  were  engaged 
in  the  affray,  or  to  de]3ute  any  other  person  to  do  so :  and  to 
facihtate  this  tliey  were  privileged  to  carry  arms  both  in 
Florence  and  the  contado  f . 

These  severe  bodily  pains  were  accompanied  on  the  part 
of  government  by  a  peculiar  anxiety  for  the  soul,  as  we  may 
learn  from  a  decree  which  was  published  in  1357,  forbid- 
ding any  medical  man  to  attend  a  patient,  above  the  age  of 
fifteen,  more  than  twice  unless  confession  had  been  previously 
made  :  physicians  were  compelled  to  swear  before  the  Executor 
of  Justice  that  they  would  observe  this  law  and  it  subsequently 
became  an  essential  part  of  the  qualification  necessary  for  a 
doctor  s  degree.  Its  original  object  was  to  save  the  souls  of  sick 


VOL.  II. 


*  Mar.  di  Cop.  Stefani,  Lib.  xii.,  Rub.  938. 
t  S.  Amuiirato,  Lib.  xv.,  p.  786. 
S  S 


626 


PILGRIM-IIANGMEN. LAW   REFORMS. 


[book  1. 


MISC.  CHAP  ]       REGISTER   OF   PROPERTY. — PROPERTY   TAX. 


627 


people  in  time  of  plague  or  other  epidemic  disorder,  and  took  its 
origin  from  a  decree  of  the  Lateran  Council  under  Innocent  III  -f. 

Amongst  other  regulations  showing  the  state  of  manners  at 
Florence  we  find  that  in  1398,  a  decree  was  passed  hy  tlie 
gonfalonier  Simon  Bordoni  to  discontinue  a  custom  hitlieito 
existing,  of  compelling  any  pilgrims  who  happened  to  be  in  the 
town  to  act  as  pubhc  executioners,  whereby  the  feelings  of  many 
honourable  persons  of  high  rank  thus  disguised  were  sorely 
outraged,  wherefore  this  duty  was  transferred  to  those  prisoners 
already  condemned  in  goods  and  person  to  long  or  pei-petual 
imprisonment  f . 

A  characteristic,  and  if  discreetly  handled  a  wise  regidation  of 
the  Florentines  notwithstanding  Dante's  sarcasms,  was  the  peri- 
odical revision  of  their  statutes  and  ordinances,  a  weeding  out  as 
it  were  of  the  obsolete  and  contradictor}%  and  a  substitution  vi 
those  which  were  better  adapted  to  existing  circumstances 
and  the  forward  movement  of  man.  There  are  certain  fuiula- 
mental  laws  necessarily  permanent  and  admitted  by  all  com- 
munities, as  there  are  certain  moral  and  theological  truths 
acknowledged  by  all  religions ;  but  these  broad  frames  or  out- 
lines are  commonly  filled  up  with  a  thick  network  of  subordi- 
nate regulations  that  cover  them  like  cobwebs  and  often  im- 
pede the  march  of  improvement.  The  Florenthies  were  early 
aware  of  this,  and  therefore  revised  their  laws  and  institutions 
more  or  less  frequently  and  sometimes  factiously,  according 
to  the  turbulent  or  tranquil  condition  of  the  times,  but  in  l-3'^l, 
after  forty  years'  omission,  an  officer  was  nominated  for  that 
purpose  but  whether  permanently  or  not  is  doubtful  j. 

At  or  about  the  time  of  the  previous  scrutiny  all  the  public 
weights  and  measures  which  had  before  been  dissimilar  were 
equalised  throughout  the  state,  and  an  attenq)!  was  simulta- 
neously made  to  register  real  property,  but  at  this  epoch  more 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xi.,  p.  583.  f  Ibid.,  Lib.  xvL,  p.  868. 

1^  Ibid.,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  846. 


to  facilitate  the  recoveiy  of  debts  than  for  taxation.  After  long 
trials  and  great  expense  it  was  abandoned  in  consequence  of 
the  confusion  ai'ising  from  an  ever- varying  definition  of  bounda- 
ries and  a  continual  change  of  proprietors.  The  first  pro- 
position of  this  nature  came  from  Count  Guide  in  1:^66,  and 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  his  fall ;  but  the  first  authentic 
notice  of  the  execution  of  these  decrees  is  in  1388*.  Again 
in  1326  an  income  and  property  tax  was  inflicted  on  the  Flo- 
]-entines  by  the  Duke  of  Calabria  with  a  secret  board  of  com- 

Imissioners  who  soon  abused  their  power  by  surcharges  and 
corrupt  practices ;  another  was  tried  under  the  expressive  name 
of  "  %f*"  or  the  Saw  in  1351,  and  then  that  of  which  we 
now  speak ;  but  all  were  ephemeral  until  the  final  settlement 
of  the  "  Catasto  "  by  Giovanni  de'  Medici  in  1427  which  will 
be  mentioned  in  its  place f.     About  the  same  period  in  1355 
some  security  was  imparted  to  one  branch  of  justice  hitherto 
enveloped  in  darkness  as  it  affected  the  general  population : 
this  was  a  law  to  publish  all  acts  of  the  merchants'  guild  (a 
I   tribunal  of  very   extensive   influence)  m   the  vulgar  tongue 
'   mstead  of  Latin,  as  had  been  previously  the  custom,  to  the  great 
mconvenience  of  unlearned   suitors ;  this  was  extended    the 
following  year  to  the  statutes  of  the  community  which  in  a  pon- 
derous volume  were  chained  to  a  table  in  the  gabelle  office  for 
public  inspection  I. 

In  1 392  further  improvements  were  made  by  the  commence- 
ment of  a  regular  system  of  registiy  for  public  documents  in  a 
senes  of  volumes  which  probably  began  the  present  Archive 
ot  the  Reformations,  that  vast  magazine  of  Florentine  history 
a  sealed  book  to  all  but  German  students  and  guarded  with  the 
dragon-like  jealousy  of  the  golden  fleece,  apprehensive  perhaps 
01  a  similar  harvest  §. 

'^gnmi,  Delia  Decima,  torn,  i^,  cap.     J  S.   Ammirato,  Storia,    Lib.  xi.,  p. 
+  oVn    •   TM  576-580.  '  ^ 

T  ^.  V  lUam,  Lib.  X.,  cap.  xvii.-Mat.     §  Ibid.,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  837. 

s  s  '2 


628 


CHURCH    AND    LAW   ABUSES.— DINO    EOSSONI.  [book  i.      ■      ^^^^   ^^^^^       PHYSICIANS.— DINO  AND  TOMMASO  DEL  GAEBO.      629 


Abuses  too  bad  become  rife  in  tbe  clerical  department  vaih 
wbicb  tbe  Florentines  were  generally  cautious  in  meddling. 
and  unless  roused  by  some  great  outmge  avoided  all  collision 
witb  tbe  pope :  in  tbis  spirit  tbey  contented  tbemselves  about 
tbe  year  1355  by  evading  Innocent  tbe  Sixtb's  imperious  de- 
mand tbat  every  statute  wbicb  militated  against  ecclesiastical 
liberty  sbould  be  instantly  annulled'!^ !  Tbis  gentleness  did  not 
however  lead  tbem  so  far  astray  as  to  allow  large  suras  to  leave 
tbe  count rj^  in  tbe  sbape  of  clerical  revenues  to  foreign  absentee 
incumbents  wbilc  parisbioners  were  neglected  and  cburches 
falling  to  ruin  :  tbe  evil  was  summarily  treated :  parisb  priests 
were  appointed  \Nitb  decent  stipends  to  officiate,  and  all  the 
surj)lus  revenue  employed  under  tbe  direction  of  commis- 
sioners for  repairs  and  cbarityf.  In  tbose  days  too,  ''[mt 
obit  "  bonds  were  as  well  understood  as  now  and  young  heirs  of 
wealthy  citizens  quite  as  dangerously  situated,  for  minors  were 
lavishly  supplied  with  ready  money  at  exorbitant  interest  until 
all  such  debts  were  declaimed  unlawful  and  forbidden  to  be  dis- 
cussed or  received  in  any  court  of  justice. 

Nor  was  tbe  legal  profession  exempt  from  censure;  the 
notaries  became  during  this  centur}^  so  unmeasured  and  grasp- 
ing in  their  charges  that  a  general  outcry  compelled  tbe  goveni- 
ment  to  interfere  and  by  severe  penalties  endeavour  to  check 
the  evil,  but  without  effect  although  these  scandalous  transac- 
tions occurred  in  the  public  offices  of  state  t.  For  this  branch 
of  the  profession  which  included  that  of  the  conveyancer. 
Florence  was  as  celebrated  as  Bologna  for  jurisconsults,  yet 
the  greatest  of  these  which  Italy  produced  in  the  fourteenth 
century  was  a  Florentine. 

Dino  Kossoni  di  Mugello,  who  as  he  died  in  i:^ 03  more 
properly  belongs  to  tbe  last  centur5%  taught  and  studied  at 
Bologna  and  was  so  acute  and  profound  a  master  of  canoa  and 

*S.  Animirato,Storia,Lib.xi.,p.583.     t  M.  di  C.    Stcfani,   Lib.  >,  Bui. 
t  Ibid.,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  846.  728. 


civil  law  that  Boniface  VIII.  intended  to  make  him  a  cardinal 
but  was  prevented  by  his  great  utility  as  a  professor  in  tbat 
university.  G.  Villani  calls  him  the  greatest  and  wisest  law- 
yer tbat  until  that  time  had  appeared ;  and  his  scholar,  and 
Petrarca's  master,  the  famous  Cino  of  Pistoia  pronounced  a 
similar  judgment.  His  writings  on  professional  subjects  are 
still  extant  and  valued,  and  his  fame  has  been  recorded  in  Latin 
verse  by  subsequent  writers.  Pope  Boniface  employed  him  at 
Rome  along  with  William  of  Bergamo  and  Pdchard  of  Siena, 
(both  afterwards  cardinals)  on  tbe  sixth  and  most  important 
book  of  the  Decretals  whiclf  was  entirely  their  compilation. 
Charles  II.  King  of  Naples  about  tbe  same  time  invited  him 
with  an  annual  salary  of  a  hundred  ounces  of  gold  to  take  the 
legal  professorsliip  in  tbat  capital,  but  be  then  expected  a 
cardinal's  bat  and  died,  it  is  said  of  vexation,  on  his  return  from 
Rome  )^itbout  receiving  it,  and  while  yet  in  tbe  full  blaze  of  his 
renown  *. 

Although  Florence  at  this  epoch  produced  but  one  great 
civilian  she  gave  full  compensation  in  medicine  rhetoric  philo- 
sophy poetiy  and  history :  Dino  del  Garbo  as  Villani  tells  us, 
was  a  great  philosopher,  eminently  sldlled  in  many  natural 
sciences,  and  tbe  first  pb^^sician  in  Italy.  He  lectured  at 
Bologna  and  afterwards  at  Siena,  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel 
which  exalts  his  cunning  far  above  his  morality :  he  wrote 
commentaries  on  Galen,  Hippocrates,  and  Avicenna ;  and  also 
on  Guide  Cavalcante  s  celebrated  Canzone  about  the  nature 
and  sources  of  love.  His  power  of  abstraction  was  such  as 
to  assume  the  appearance  of  ecstasy  and  he  would  often 
sit  before  his  own  door  unconsciously  twirling  the  rowel  of  a 
spur  for  a  long  time  together  while  his  thoughts  were  deep  and 
far  away.  His  son  Tommaso,  if  possible  more  celebrated  than 
he,  was  worshipped  in  Italy  as  an  idol,  or  rather  as  iEscula- 

*  G.  Villani,  Storia,  Lib.  vii,  cap.  xiv.  and  xv. — Fil.  Villaiii,  Vite  d'  Uomini 
Illustri  Fiorentini. 


630  T0M3L\S0    DEL    GAEBO. SACCHETTl's    SONNET.        [book  i 

plus  himself;  the  numerous  lords  or  tyrants  of  Italy  had  faith 
in  no  skill  hut  his,  and  as  their  remuneration  was  liberal  his 
riches  were  immense  so  that  he  fell  into  haliits  of  splendid 
luxurious  living  and  al)ated  in  professional  attentions  though 
not  in  deep  study.  He  also  was  a  commentator,  especially  uu 
the  subject  of  fevers,  and  composed  much  both  on  the  practice 
and  theory  of  medicine ;  l)ut  his  gi'eat  work  though  left  un- 
finished was  "  La  Somma  di  tiitta  la  Medicinal  As  a  philo- 
sopher he  wrote  commentaries  on  Aristotle's  treatise  upon 
the  soul,  and  although  blessed  with  a  most  subtle  intellect  his 
appearance  is  described  as  heav}*  gross,  and  vulgar  indicating 
anything  but  his  true  chai'acter,  for  he  was  lively  sociable  and 
agi'eeable.  Filippo  Villani  assures  us  that  he  foretold  the 
exact  time  of  his  death  and  therefore  had  an  altar  prepared  in 
his  house  ;  heard  mass  ;  took  the  sacrament ;  and  died  at  the 
predicted  moment.  This  event  is  supposed  to  have  happened 
somewhere  between  1370  and  1'375,  and  Sacchetti  lamented  his 
loss  along  with  that  of  other  celebrated  Florentines  in  a  can- 
zone written  on  the  decease  of  Boccaccio  in  December  of  the 
latter  year. 

"  Lasso,  die  Morte  in  piceiol  tempo  ha  tolto 
A  te  Fiorenza,  ciasoun  caro  e  degno  ! 
Principio  fo  da  Pietro,"  bm* 

"  Tommaso  in  (juesto  fiotto, 
Filosofo  alto  e  dotto, 
Medico  non  fu  pare  a  lui  Vivente,"  &c.f 

Torregiano  a  cotemporaiy^  physician  was  fully  equal  if  not 
superior  to  either ;  he  studied  at  Bologna  and  lectured  at  Paris ; 
commented  on  the  Greek  physicians ;  composed  several  treatises 

*  Alas  !    How  Death  in  one  brief  space  hath  ta'cn 
From  thee,  O  Florence,  each  dear  worthy  sou ! 
With  Pietro  I  begin  !  &c. 

•]"  Tommaso  quits  the  stage, 
A  learned  and  lofty  sage, 
Physicians  living  never  equalled  him,  &c. 

{FIL  Villani,  VitCy  note). 


MISC.  CUAP.]  TORREGIANO. MEDICINE. REMARKS. 


631 


I 


f 


on  medical  subjects,  studied  theology  in  his  last  years  and 
ultimately  became  a  Dominican  monk  in  which  profession  he 
died  before  the  year  i;V27.  After  digging  his  own  grave  he 
gave  his  medical  writings  into  the  hands  of  two  Florentine 
monks  to  deposit  in  the  university  of  Bologna,  but  they  were 
bribed  by  Dino  del  Garbo  who  swearing  them  to  secrecy  most 
ungenerously  made  use  of  the  manuscripts,  and  his  school  was 
suddenlv  seen  tilled  with  students  from  the  deserted  classes  of 
other  professoi-s.  Jealousy  and  injury  were  too  keen  for  all 
this  cunning ;  the  trick  was  discovered ;  the  manuscripts  pro- 
duced, copied,  appreciated  ;  and  then  published  under  the  title 
of  "  Torregiano  more  than  a  Commentator.''  Shame  and 
anger  drove  Dino  to  Siena  whence  he  never  returned  to  Bologna 
though  afterwards  invited  there,  but  died  in  1 327  *.  Medicine 
is  supposed  to  be  now  advanced  to  a  higher  state  of  improve- 
ment than  liitherto,  and  chemistry,  coupled  with  a  deeper  study 
of  both  morbid  and  healthy  anatomy,  has  wonderfully  assisted 
it ;  but  whether  the  great  Physician  of  Cos  would  if  he  were 
here  receive  any  new  light  from  the  actual  state  of  medicine 
the  profession  alone  can  judge;  yet  such  experienced  intel- 
lects as  the  above  which  were  by  no  means  rare  in  Italy,  sup- 
ported by  the  deep  science  of  Greece  and  Arabia  must  have 
carried  it  to  no  common  height,  though  perhaps  the  prevailing 
disorders  consequent  upon  different  habits  of  society  and  a  treat- 
ment varying  with  the  idiosyncrasy  of  modem  and  ancient  men 
may  have  rendered  some  of  their  learning  obsolete,  effete,  and 
inapplicable  to  our  own  times  and  circumstances.  That  there 
was  then  as  now,  much  trickish  meanness  and  solemn  quackery 
can  scarcely  be  doubted ;  but  great  minds  soar  above  this  and 
great  minds  are  still  great  in  every  age  and  country.  Petrarca 
it  is  tme,  despised  them  all  as  physicians,  hut  loved  several  as 
friends ;  still  where  almost  everything,  as  in  medicine,  is  guess- 
work, he  put  no  medical  confidence  in  any.     His  friend  Gio- 

•  Fil.  Villani,  Vite  d'  Uom.  Illust.  and  notes. 


632       PETRARCA  AND  PHYSICIANS.— RHETORIC. CASSINI.    [book  i. 

vanni  di  Dondi  a  physician  of  some  note  who  wrote  ou  the  mode 
of  living  during  a  plague,  was  in  continual  discussion  with  him 
on  this  jioint.  *'  When  I  see  a  doctor  come  said  the  poet  I 
"  know  all  that  he  is  going  to  sav  to  me " — '  Eat  vounfr 
"  pullets,  drink  warm  water,  and  use  the  remedy  that  the 
storks  teach  us,' "  Sec.-- 

Amongst  Petrarch's  most  eminent  Florentine  friends  was 
Roherto  de'Bardi  who  was  forty  years  chancellor  of  the  Parisian 
university :  he  was  the  most  celehrated  theologian  of  the  day 
and  though  a  layman  and  unmarried,  lived  without  reproach 
while  he  combated  vice  in  ever}^  foim.  Through  him  the  laurel 
crown  was  offered  to  Petrarch  if  he  would  consent  to  receive  it 
at  Paris,  hut  the  poet  refused  that  honour  to  both  Paris  aiid 
Naples,  and  carried  his  fame  in  triumph  to  the  Capitol. 

It  was  a  Florentine  custom  in  those  days  to  institute  public 
lectures  for  certain  periods  on  philosophical  subjects,  and 
amongst  them  rhetoric:  Bmnetto  Latini  had  previously  given 
lessons  in  this  art  which  as  may  be  imagmed  was  held  in  liigh 
repute  by  a  turbulent  democracy  where  public  speaking  was  abso- 
lutely necessar>'  to  the  political  success  of  private  individuals. 
Elocution  was  therefore  carefully  taught,  the  intellect  shai-pened, 
and  both  gesture  and  vocal  modulation  were  gradually  moulded 
into  grace  and  sweetness  by  the  practice  of  a  public  oratory 
where  personal  defects  were  diligently  corrected  and  young 
men  prepared  for  after-life.  Amongst  the  professors  of  this  art 
Bruno  Cassini  stands  preeminent  in  Florentine  annals:  he  was 
the  son  of  a  cloth-shearer  and  is  mentioned  by  coteniporaries 
as  having  possessed  a  rare  eloquence  improved  by  deep  study 
and  all  the  appliances  of  consummate  art,  but  was  cut  off  in 
the  full  glow  of  youthful  talent  during  the  pestilence  of  1348  by 
which  that  academy  along  with  half  Florence  was  extiuguished. 

Francesco  da  Barberino  also  gmces  the  literar}^  history  of 
this  century  as  well  by  his  talents  as  his  benevolence  in  long 

♦  Do  Stide,  Memoire  de  Petrarqiic,  vol.  iii.,  p.  768. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


BARBERINO. DANTE. BARBAGIA. 


633 


and  persevering  efforts  to  correct  the  morals  of  an  age  when 
according  to  Dante  and  other  writers  licentiousness  was  wild 
rampant  and  universal.  We  have  a  specimen  of  this  in  the 
twenty-third  Canto  of  his  Purgatory  where  Forese  speaking  of 
his  wife  Nella  is  made  to  exclaim. 

"  Tant  'e  a  Dio  ]nu  cara  e  piu  diletta 
La  vendovella  mia  che  molto  araai, 
Quanto  in  bene  operare  e  piu  soletta  : 

Che  la  Barbaj^ia  di  Sardinia  assai 
Nelle  femmine  sue  t^  piu  pudica 
Che  la  Barbagia  dov'  io  la  lasciai. 

O  dolce  frate,  che  viioi  tu,  cli'  io  dica  ? 

Tempo  futuro  m'e  gia  nel  cospetto 

Cui  non  sara  quest'  ora  molto  antica, 
Nel  qual  sn^a  in  pergamo  interdetto 

Alle  sfacciate  donne  Fioreutine 

L'audar  mostraudo  colle  poppe  i  petto"  *. 

"  Barbagia  "  a  mountainous  district  of  Sardinia  was  then  noto- 
rious for  its  savage  licentiousness ;  and  a  commentator  on  this 
passage  some  years  later  says.  "Now  this  Barbagia  is  every- 
where: in  France  and  Piedmont  the  women  go  with  their 
bosoms  entirely  naked:  in  Germany,  in  Guelders  and  other 
places  they  go  naked  into  the  baths  and  even  into  the  beds  of 
men  to  whom  they  do  not  belong.  Amongst  the  cities  and 
towns  of  Italy  how  the  women  act  and  conduct  themselves 
Heaven  and  also  the  men  of  the  world  know :  it  is  certain  that 
any  one  who  considers  the  customs  of  his  native  town  will  not 

*  So  much  more  dear  to  and  approved  of  God 
Is  that  dear  widow'd  wife  I  loved  so  well, 
As  she  in  virtuous  deeds  is  more  alone  : 
For  the  Sar(Hnian  Barbagia 's  far 

More  staid  and  modest  in  its  female  race 
Than  that  Barbagia  foul  where  I  left  her. 

Sweet  Brotlier,  O  what  would'st  thou  I  should  say  ? 
Tlie  future  time  now  presses  on  my  sight, 
To  which  this  moment  will  not  be  antique, 

When  from  the  pulpit  shall  be  interdict 
To  Fiorenza's  bold  unblushing  dames 
The  wand'ring  forth  with  naked  neck  and  breast. 


634 


BAD    MORALS. DOCUMENTI    D  AMORE. 


[book 


find  it  necessarj'  to  go  in  search  of  a  Barbagia  nor  any  other 
place  for  a  comparison  but  may  exclaim  with  Martial,  ' /// 
medio  Tibiire  Sardinia  est.'  " 

Poggio  Bracciolini  in  the  next  centur3%  gi^'^s  a  similar  though 
more  charitable  descnption  of  this  promiscuous  bathing,  and 
Bargigi  his  cotemporary  (an  ancient  commentator  of  Daute 
and  perhaps  the  best)  gives  a  no  less  unfovourable  picture  (»f 
manners  in  his  own  day ;  but  with  the  disgusting  addition  of 
men  of  rank  not  scrupling  even  to  prostitute  their  wives  daugh- 
ters and  sisters  for  base  and  selfish  interests !  Indeed  so  com- 
mon was  it  that  no  blush  was  raised,  and  society  moved  fonvanl 
as  smoothly  and  complacently  as  if  still  directed  l)y  innate 
modesty  and  the  highest  tone  of  morality.  Landino  too  in  his 
time  seems  to  have  been  of  Dante's  opinion.  "  In  those  days, " 
he  says,  "  no  less  than  in  our  own  the  Florentine  ladies  exposed 
the  breast,  a  dress  more  suitable  to  a  courtezan  than  a  matron: 
but  as  they  changed  soon  after  by  wearing  collars  up  to  the  cliin 
so  I  hope  that  they  \Nill  change  again ;  not  indeed  relying  so 
much  on  motives  of  decency  as  through  that  fickleness  which 
per^'ades  all  their  actions." 

Francesco  da  Barberino  vainly  endeavoured  to  correct  all 
this,  deemhig  perhaps  that  ink  was  stronger  than  vanity  and 
one  mans  reason  than  the  arts  and  passions  of  a  multitude. 
His  principles  were,  that  all  good  and  evil  sprang  from  love, 
and  he  composed  a  volume  in  prose  and  verse  called  ''Documenti 
d'  Amore''  yshere'm  he  treated  of  this  passion  in  its  virtuous  and 
vicious  character  as  well  as  of  the  habits  necessarj-  to  form  a 
life  of  decency  and  modesty,  and  the  contraiy.  The  groat 
plague  also  closed  his  eyes  at  a  very  advanced  age  but  left  his 
image  strongly  impressed  on  the  memory  of  the  virtuous  and 
humane  *.  The  next  poet  of  any  note  was  Bonifazio  Uberti 
who  wandered  in  long  exile  over  many  countries,  frequented 
the  courts  of  princes,  flattered,  rhymed;  and  lived  long  on 


*  F.  Villani,  Vitc. 


MISC.  CHAP.]        UBERTI. CASSELLI. — MUSIC  AND  DANCING. 


635 


their  bounty:  he  then  changed,  became  moral,  and  wrote  a 
poem  called  ''II  Dittamondo''  in  which,  imitating  Dante's 
"terza  rima''  he  described  all  the  countries  that  he  had  seen 
and  many  others  only  known  to  him  by  maps  and  travels.  His 
fame  must  have  been  considerable  if  it  be  true  that  he  received 
the  laurel  crown  at  Florence  by  a  public  decree.  Uberti  flou- 
rished about  the  middle  of  this  century  and  amongst  his  co- 
temporaries  was  P'rancesco  Cieco,  or  the  Blind,  a  very  celebrated 
musiciiui  of  which  Florence  produced  several  about  the  same 
period:  of  these  Filippo  Villani  particularly  notices  Lorenzo 
di  Masino  and  Giovanni  di  Cascia ;  and  Dmite  immortalises  his 
friend  Casella  who  so  enchanted  the  souls  in  purgatory  by 
singing  that  poet's  beautiful  Canzone  which  begins. 

'  Amor,  che  nella  mcntc  mi  ragimia''* 
"  Cominei*)  egli  allor  si  doleemeiite, 
Che  la  dolcezza  ancor  dentro  mi  suona." 

These  Cauzoni  which  we  now  read  as  poetry  alone,  as  well 
as  the  MadrifjaU,  Ballate,  Sonetti,  and  almost  all  the  lighter 
Italian  compositions  of  that  day  were  generally  intended  for 
vocal  music,  the  Ballata  being  sung  while  dancing ;  and  Dante's 
Blacksmith  as  Sacchetti  tells  us,  even  attempting  to  chant 
his  Inferno  as  a  common  ballad,  to  the  poet's  extreme  indigna- 
tion. Such  union  of  dance  and  song  was  the  delight  of  Flo- 
rence and  probably  all  Italy  in  those  romantic  times  ;  and  for 
this  reason  it  was  perhaps  adopted  by  Dante  in  his  Paradise  as 
the  most  popular  expression  of  celestial  joy ;  a  thing  other- 
wise absm'd.  In  singing  these  poems  to  the  most  exquisite  and 
touching  music  of  his  own  composition  Francesco  Cieco  excelled 
all  others  :  the  small-pox  had  deprived  him  of  sight  while  yet 

*  Tills  is  the  second  Canzone  of  Dante's  "  Convito,''''  and  is  entirely  allegorical 
but  lei'y  beautiful. 

"  Love  J  ivho  noiv  sits  reasoning  in  my  mind  " 
Commenced  he  then  with  such  deep  melody 
That  still  within  me  all  its  sweetness  sounds. 

{Purr/.  Cant.  II.) 


636 


FRANCESCO    CIECO. — MUSIC. GUIDO    CAVALCANTE.      [book  i. 


MISC.  ciup.]  GUIDO    CAVALCANTE. NATURE   OF   LOVE. 


637 


a  cliild  but  the  fame  of  his  harmony  says  Villain  produced  for 
him  a  most  brilliant  splendour.  He  was  the  son  of  a  l^lorentiiie 
painter  and  learned  both  in  philosophy  and  astrology,  but  when 
old  enough  to  feel  the  horroi-s  of  blindness  toolv  most  fondly  to 
singing  as  an  infantine  consolation  :  this  attachment  naturally 
augmented  with  increasing  years ;  he  ramlded  from  voice  to 
instrument,  and  a  sweet  but  lonely  spirit  overflowing  \\ith 
scientific  melody  soon  filled  his  own  domestic  sphere.  At  once 
mastering  as  if  by  inspiration  any  new  instrument  that  was 
presented  to  him  he  constructed  another  like  it  from  the  mere 
touch  and  description.  Cieco  ere  long  became  the  acknowledged 
prince  of  Italian  musicians  and  was  publicly  crowned  at  Venice 
by  the  King  of  Cyprus,  pui-suant  to  a  decree  of  that  common- 
wealth. He  died  in  I3U0,  full  of  years  and  honour  :  and  thus 
Heaven  compensates  in  one  way  what  it  deprives  us  of  in 
another  *. 

Amongst  the  most  illustrious  Florentines  of  this  or  rather  the 
precedmg  age,  for  he  died  in  1300,  was  Guido  Cavalcante :  as 
a  philosopher  and  a  poet,  and  as  Dante's  friend,  he  is  celebrated 
in  Florentine  litemture  both  by  ancient  and  modem  writei-s. 
Of  him  Dante  speaks  in  that  short  but  affecting  interview  with 
the  spirit  of  his  father  in  the  tenth  canto  of  the  "  Inferno  " 
where  old  Cavalcante  exclaims  in  anguish  at  the  supposed  death 
of  Guido. 

"  Come 
Dicesti,  egli  chhe  ?     Non  viv'  egli  ancora  ? 
Non  fieri  gli  ocelli  suoi  lo  dolce  lome  I 
Quando  s'accorse  d'  aleuna  dimora, 
Ch'  io  faceva  dinan/i  alia  ri.sposta, 
Supin  recadde  e  piii  non  parve  fuora  "  f . 


*  Fil.  Villani,   Vite ;  also  Christof.  Landino's  '' Apolorjla;'  quoted  in  notes 
to  the  above. 

t  « How 

Didst  thou  say  *  lie  had  V     Lives  he  not  still? 
Are  then  his  eyes  unstruck  by  light's  sweet  beam  ? 
When  he  perceived  my  silence  and  the  pause 
Ere  I  could  speak  to  give  him  a  reply, 
Supine  he  fell  and  came  not  forth  again." 


And  again  when  he  praises  him  and  indirectly  himself,  like 
Milton,  from  an  innate  feeling  of  intellectual  power ;  speaking 
of  the  Bolognese  poet  Guido  Guinicelli  whose  writings  had 
hitherto  occupied  the  public  mind,  he  makes  Oderisi  d'Agubbio, 
a  celebrated  miniature  painter  or  illuminator  of  manuscripts  of 
the  day,  exclaim  evidently  in  allusion  to  himself, 

"  Cosi  ha  tolto  T  uno  all'  altro  Guido 
La  gloria  della  lingua,  e  forse  e  nato 
Chi  funo  e  V altro  caccera  di  nido'"*. 

Guido  Cavalcante  as  we  are  told  by  his  biographer  Filippo 
Villani  was  a  philosopher  of  great  authority  and  no  small  esti- 
mation, adorned  with  a  memorable  dignity  of  conduct  worthy 
of  all  praise  and  honour :  he  loved  the  study  of  rhetoric  and 
wrote  a  poem  on  it  in  his  native  tongue  which  latter  received 
from  him  in  the  opinion  of  his  counti'jTQeu  a  masculine  force 
and  splendour  only  inferior  to  Dante.  The  subject  of  Love, 
wliich  like  its  daughter  Religion  is  indifferent  to  none ;  its 
nature,  movements,  passions,  and  various  affections,  he  treated 
says  Villani,  "with  extreme  accuracy  and  acuteness  of  intellect 
in  an  admirable  canzone  where  many  things  now  no  longer 
discussed  were  handled  with  philosophical  ingenuity."  This 
composition  produced  several  commentators  amongst  the  Italian 
philosophers  and  was  universally  applauded  in  an  age  when 
the  ideal  beauty  of  love  had  reached  its  acme  of  refinement  at 
the  same  moment  that  the  corporeal  passion  revelled  with 
unbounded  licence.  Platonic  notions  of  the  gradations  of  love 
and  beauty  from  the  material  to  the  spiritual  then  prevailed 
from  the  general  study  of  Saint  Augustine's  works,  and  a  single 
anecdote  will  be  sufficient  illustration  of  the  extravagant  char- 
acter of  this  spiritual  devotion. 

*  "  Thus  one  Guido  has  from  the  other  ta'en 

The  fame  of  letters,  and  perchance  is  horn 

One  that  will  chase  them  both  from  out  the  7iest" 

{Pur,  c.  XL). 


638 


ANECDOTE    OF    KNIGHT-ERRANTRY. 


[book 


i   I. 


One  of  the  old  chroniclei*s  relates  that  being  once  at  a  party 
in  a  friends  villa  not  far  from  Florence  he  there  became 
acquainted  \Nith  a  beautiful  young  woman  the  ^vife  of  a  Flo- 
rentine citizen,  and  according  to  the  prevailing  custom  ex- 
pressed his  admiration  of  her  charms,  his  devoted  love,  and 
implicit  obedience  with  his  readiness  to  undertake  the  most 
peiilous  adventures  at  her  command ;  and  all  this  in  presence 
of  her  husl>and  and  the  company  without  any  reservation 
or  concealment.  Rome  at  that  moment  was  under  investment 
by  a  hostile  and  licentious  army  which  not  only  almost  pre- 
cluded communication  but  endangered  travellei's  throughout 
the  whole  land :  to  this  point  the  lady,  hidisposed  to  receive 
his  incense,  commanded  him  to  go,  and  execute  some  triflint^ 
commission  for  her  sake  ;  not  supposing  that  in  the  existing 
state  of  the  country  he  would  think  of  obeyinii.  But  her 
knight  was  too  sincere  to  check  at  any  danger ;  he  instantly 
departed,  reached  the  besiegers'  camp,  luckily  met  some 
friends  there  who  facilitated  his  entrance  into  Kome  wliich 
in  a  short  time  he  quitted,  and  after  divers  new  perils  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  safely  back  to  Florence.  Throwing  himself 
passionately  at  the  lady's  feet  he  related  all  his  adventures, 
but  was  only  ridiculed  for  endangering  life  to  satisfy  a  woman 
who  cared  nothing  for  him  or  his  amorous  declarations. 

Dino  del  Garbo,  Egidio  Colonna,  and  Ugo  dal  Como  all  dis- 
tinguished men,  besides  many  more  modem  pens  have  done 
honour  to  Cavalcante  s  genius  by  their  notice  of  this  celebrated 
canzone  which  is  supposed,  though  disputed,  to  be  in  answer 
to  a  sonnet  addressed  to  him  by  Guide  Oriando  another  poet  of 
tlie  time,  m  the  name  of  a  woman,  which  begins, 

"  Ondc  si  muove,  e  d'onde  nasce  Amore  ? "  ♦ 
For  the  nature  of  Love  was  then  often  the  subject  of  philoso- 

•  From  what  place  does  Love  proceed,  and  where  is  it  horn? 


MISC.  CHAP.]  GUIDO    CAVALCANTE. DANTE    ALIGHIERI. 


639 


phical  and  theological  investigation  as  well  as  of  mere  poetry. 
His  answer,  commencing, 

"  Donna  mi  priega  ;  per  ch'  io  voglio  dire,"  • 

and  Orlando's  sonnet,  with  many  more  of  Cavalcante's  poems 
mav  be  seen  in  a  collection  of  the  "  Poetl  del  Primo  Secolo  " 
published  at  Florence  in  1810.  He  discouraged  the  excessive 
admiration  of  Latin,  probably  as  hurtful  to  Italian  literature 
which  he  admired  so  much  and  exclusively  used  in  his  poems  f. 
These  are  full  of  strength  and  beauty,  light  and  playful ;  and 
though  perhaps  not  so  soft  or  quite  so  refined  as  Petrarch's, 
possess  a  more  masculine  character  in  unison  with  the  rougher 
spirit  of  his  own  time  and  country.  Guide  died  from  the 
effects  of  a  marsh  fever  caught  hi  the  unhealthy  air  of  Serrez- 
zana  during  his  short  exile  already  mentioned.  The  progeny 
that  render  Guide  Cavalcante  immortal,  says  Crescimbeni,  are 
his  noble  compositions  to  which  Italian  poetry  owes  much, 
because  from  him  it  received  no  little  strength  and  splendour  J. 

Dante,  the  father  of  Italian  verse,  emphatically  declares  that 
he  was  "%  birth  hut  not  by  habits,  a  Florentine  "§.  He  was 
born  in  1 205,  and  died  at  Ravenna  in  1321.  He  studied  under 
Brunette  Latini  and  others,  was  indefatigable  in  application, 
acquired  all  the  learning  of  the  day  without  neglecting  its 
amusements  or  manly  accomplishments  in  which  he  excelled  : 
joining  in  all  the  pleasures  of  his  youthful  companions  none 
ever  saw  him  study  yet  he  knew  everything,  and  amongst 
other  knowledge  that  of  his  own  intellectual  powers  :  never- 
theless he  appears  not  to  have  given  himself  up  to  deep  philo- 
sophical studies  until  after  the  death  of  Beatrice. 

Dante  fought  at  the  famous  battle  of  Campaldino  against  the 
Aretines  in  1289,  and  was  noted  for  his  courage  in  the  fight ;  he 

*  "  A  hvdy  hegs  that  I  will  please  to  ebbe  a  disdegnoy 

say."  +  Fil.  Vilhmi,  Vite,and  notes.— Storia 

f  Dante  clearly  alludes  to  this  (/"/.  della  Poesia,  torn,  ii.,  p.  266. 

Cant.  X.) — '«  Forse  cui  O^uido  voUro  §  Vide  Epistle  to  Can.  della  Scala. 


640 


DANTE   ALIGHIERI. 


[book  I. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


DANTE    ALIGHIERI. 


641 


then  married  Gemma  Donati  and  like  Milton  ultimately  parted 
from  his  wife,  for  a  long  time  after  living  quietly  in  Florence. 
He  was  fourteen  times  employed  as  ambassador  of  the  republic, 
and  in  1300  was  drawn  as  one  of  the  priors.  This  began  his 
misfortunes  :  too  stem  to  yield  against  his  better  judgment  he 
was  marked  as  a  victim,  and  banished  while  ambassador  to 
Pope  Bonilace  VIII.  by  a  cruel  retrospective  enactment.  Re- 
turning as  far  as  Siena  and  seeing  that  all  was  over  he  joined 
the  other  exiles  at  Arezzo  and  assisted  in  the  attack  on  Flo- 
rence in  1804,  but  afterwards  wimdering  over  Italy  he  succes- 
sively took  refuge  with  Uguccione  della  Faggiola,  then  lord  of 
Pisa,  with  ^larchese  Mavrello  Malesjiina,  Can.  Grande  della 
Scala,  and  ultimately  with  Guido  da  Polenta  at  Fiavenna  where 
he  finished  his  mortal  pilgrimage. 

Dante  often  petitioned  his  countrymen  both  publicly  and 
privately  to  recall  him  from  banishment ;  but  wearied  with 
fruitless  supplication,  when  Henr}'  of  Luxemburg  became  em- 
peror he  assumed  a  haughty  and  somewhat  uiulignified  tone, 
as  relying  on  imperial  power  to  reinstate  the  Ghibelines,  yet 
never  would  appear  in  arms  against  Florence,  and  with  Henry 
the  Seventh "s  death  expired  the  Poet's  hopes  of  ever  more 
visiting  his  native  countr}'.  We  have  before  given  Giovanni 
Villani's  character  of  him  ;  but  in  addition,  Boccaccio  savs  that 
he  was  of  polished  manners,  of  a  middle  size,  and  in  his  latter 
years  a  little  cui*ved,  yet  always  had  a  grave  and  quiet  air. 
His  face  was  long,  liis  colour  bro\Mi,  his  nose  aquiline,  his  eyes 
rather  large  ;  the  cheeks  ample  and  the  under  lip  protruding 
beyond  the  other :  his  beard  and  hair  were  black,  thick,  and 
curled  ;  and  his  aspect  that  of  a  melancholy  thoughtful  man  *. 
He  was  a  tardy  speaker  but  acute  in  his  replies ;  of  a  solitiiiy 

*  This  description  of  Boccaccio  per-  is  no  bearil,  the  face  young,  and  the 

fectly  coincides  with  Giotto's  portrait  hair  not  seen,  in  consequence  of  the 

of   Dante,   lately   discovered    in    the  head  being  covered  with  the  ancient 

Bargello,  or  ancient  palace  of  the  Po-  Florentine  hood, 
desta  of  Florence,  except  that  there 


I 


and  retiring  nature,  but  ambitiously  aware  of  liis  own  merit 
and  capacity  :  an  enemy  of  the  ^ncked  and  of  all  who  offended 
him,  and  an  implacable  censor  of  other  people's  morality.  He 
was  a  plain  eater,  hated  gluttony,  drank  little  and  was  accus- 
tomed to  repeat  the  Latin  adage  that  "  Many  seemed  as  if  they 
lived  to  eat  instead  of  eating  to  live,''  an  expression  well  intro- 
duced by  Moliere  in  his  comedy  of  "  L'Avare." 

Dante  hated  adulation  and  never  on  any  consideration  re- 
frained  from  giving  his  opinion  of  others  :  with  women  he 
assumed  a  gay  and  lively  tone,  but  in  the  courts  of  princes  he 
was  too  bold,  sincere,  and  independent,  and  too  much  detested 
the  vices  that  he  witnessed  either  to  flatter  or  suffer  them  with 
impunity.  Though  originally  Guelpli  he  belonged  to  the 
AVhite  faction  and  was  banished  with  them,  and  like  many 
others  became  a  fierce  Ghibeline  Ijut  strongly  attached  to  his 
countiy.  AngiT  at  an  mijust  condemnation  he  neglected  the 
most  Hkely  means  to  appease  his  enemies,  and  while  thinldnf^ 
tmly  that  his  own  exile  was  a  consequence  of  evil  go\'ernment 
he  wanted  at  one  and  the  same  time  to  reestablish  himself  in 
Florence  and  reform  the  state  -. 

Dante  delighted  in  music  and  was  soon  calmed  by  its  sound  ; 
he  studied  and  excelled  in  drawing,  probably  under  the  instruc- 
tions of  his  friend  Giotto,  and  Avrote  a  beautiful  hand  in  a  long 
slender  and  correctly-formed  character.  He  was  not  exempt 
from  love,  but  like  Cavalcanti  and  Petrarca  with  something  of 
the  more  exalted  feeling ;  something  beyond  and  above  mere 
animal  instinct,  which  inspired  his  imagination  and  impas- 
sioned his  verse.  Beatrice  de'  Portinari  for  whom  lie  felt  mi 
eai'ly  childish  attachment  when  she  was  but  nine  years  old,  in- 
liuenced  his  whole  existence  while  she  lived,  as  Laura  did 
Petrarch's,  and  even  in  death  fixed  his  aspirations  on  some- 


*  Boccaccio,  Vita  di   Dante,  Edition   1477. 
Dante,  passim. 


—  Giuseppe  Pelli,  Memoric  di 


VOL.  II. 


T  T 


042 


DANTE  S    WRITINGS. 


[book  r. 


thing  beyond  the  skies.     She  died  at  about  twenty-four  years 
of  age  the  wife  of  Simone  de'  Bardi. 

The  "  Vita  Nuova  "  or  Early  Lift',  tells  of  his  youthful  pas- 
sion for  Beatrice,  and  is  imbued  with  all  the  pensive  melancholy 
of  his  character  deepened  by  and  wiitten  as  a  consolation  for 
her  loss  ;  but  his  Convito,  Momirchia  and  de  Vuhjn,}  Eloquio 
are  of  another  stamp.  The  last  was  left  unliuished  at  his 
death  and  the  first,  the  Vita,  is  a  sort  of  comment  on  a  series 
of  poetical  effusions  composed  on  the  subject  of  his  early  amour 
and  which  according  to  Boccaccio,  he  in  latter  years  regretted 
having  written  :  yet  this  is  contraiy  to  his  own  assertion  in 
the  Convito  where  we  are  told  that  "  although  he  writes  in 
more  masculine  style  he  does  not  mean  to  derogate  a  particle 
from  the  Vita  Xuova  but  on  the  contrary  to  make  it  more  useful 
by  the  Convito=:=. 

The  Convito  or  Food  for  the  Ignorant,  is  a  prose  commen- 
tary on  three  of  his  Canzoni  where  in  imitation  of  Solomon  he 
personifies  Philosophy  as  a  woman  and  Study  as  Love  :  it  is  full 
of  the  prevailing  philosophy  and  science  of  the  time  and  makes 
us  regi-et  that  he  did  not  also  thus  illustmte  the  Commedia. 

In  the  Monarchia  he  sustains  the  imperial  authority  as 
necessary,  and  inherent  in  the  Iloman  people  by  divine  v\ill, 
independent  of  the  pope  ;  yet  does  it  entu'ely  as  a  Gliibeline 
partisan,  ingeniously,  but  feebly.  This  work  was  condemned 
to  the  flames  l)y  Gregory  XXII.  and  Cardhial  Poiet  who  would 
have  burned  Dante's  heretical  bones  along  with  it  had  not  the 
latter  been  withstood  by  Pino  della  Tosa  of  Florence  and  Osta- 
gio  da  Polenta  lord  of  Bavenna. 

In  his  Vulgari  Eloquio  he  treats  of  language  in  general 
with  some  curious  passages  on  its  grand  European  divisions ; 
but  the  Italian  tongue  and  verse  are  its  principal  subjects. 
Besides  these  he  wrote  seven  paraphrases  of  the  penitential 
Psalms  and  other  religious  pieces,  many  Latin  epistles  public 


*  Convito,  cap.  i*. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


DANTE  S   WRITINGS. 


G43 


and  private  and  also  as  is  said,  (but  this  is  perhaps  more 
than  doubtful)  a  lost  history  of  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibelines. 

Some  of  his  letters  are  missing,  but  the  sonnets,  canzoni, 
and  other  minor  poetry  form  no  inconsiderable  part,  and  per- 
haps some  of  the  most  beautiful  and  poetical  of  his  writings  ^!^. 

To  spealv  of  the  poet  Dante  is  to  praise  him ;  and  to  praise 
him  would  be  acting  like  the  eulogist  of  Hercules.  He  stands 
conspicuous ;  a  bold  isolated  rock  I  As  Mont  Blanc  amidst  the 
Alps  so  towers  he  above  his  less  aspiring  fellows,  and  although 
neither  so  soft  nor  so  beautiful  as  some,  he  awes  by  his  gloomy- 
grandeur  and  commands  by  the  stern  and  lofty  bearing  of  his 
mind. 

In  that  great  moral,  religious,  theological,  and  philosophical 
poem  the  '' Biriua  Comwedia"  he  disdains  a  middle  flight, 
and  summons  the  aid  of  history  as  a  mere  auxiliary  to  illus- 
trate his  theme,  or  as  a  channel  of  boiling  vituperation.  He 
rejects  nothing:  Scripture,  fable,  mythology,  astrology,  philo- 
sophy, physics  and  metaphysics;  from  the  vilest  and  most 
loathful  matter  to  the  sul.limest  conceptions  of  a  poetical  ima- 
gination; all  are  cited  and  all  are  made  his  slaves  ! 

As  an  erring  man  we  first  behold  the  poet  wandering  astray 
and  entangled  in  worldly  temptations :  he  feels  his  danfrer ; 
we  see  him  pause,  hesitate,  resist;  and  finally  appeal  to 
human  reason  for  present  succour.  Beason  embodied  in  the 
pei-son  Virgil  and  sent  by  Beatrice  (whom,  as  he  promised 
in  his  "Vita  Xuova,"  he  thus  immortalises)  descends  to  his 
aid  and  leading  him  through  all  the  pains  of  hell  and  sorrows 
of  purgatory  which  are  vividly  impressed  on  his  mind,  deli- 
vers him  safely  to  Beatrice.  She  as  the  personification  of 
Theology  after  forcing  from  him  an  acknowledgment  of  past 
errors,  unfolds  the  joys  of  Heaven  and  enables  him  to  recover 


•  See  the  very    valuable  edition   of    of  Florence, 
Dante's  minor  poems  by  mv  wortliv    passZ/ji. 
and  talented  friend    P.  'j.   Fraticelli 

TT  '2 


— Pelli,  ^fcm.  di  Dante, 


644 


DI\TNA    COM^fEDIA. 


[book  I, 


the  path  of  virtue.  These  vast  flights  through  hell,  purga- 
tory, ami  paradise,  open  the  whole  imiverse  to  his  gaze  and 
with  a  giant  s  grasp  and  a  magician's  wand  he  eomiuands  it  all. 
At  first  rough  and  coarse,  sometimes  even  disgusting,  yet  often 
pathetic  soft  and  harmonious ;  he  suits  the  verse  to  his  subject 
and  scene  and  toils  in  a  long  and  fearful  journey  through 
gloom  and  sulfering  to  the  light  of  day.  Cheered  and  freshened 
by  the  brighter  world  he  continues  in  a  still  melancholy  but 
softer  strain,  and  linally  relieves  the  wearied  mind  from  its 
long  and  painful  oppression,  brighter  thoughts  and  hopes, 
and  more  cheerful  converse  carry  him  with  light<n'  step  and 
augmenting  pleasm*e  to  his  trial's  end  on  tlie  heights  of  pur- 
gatory where  the  terrestnal  paradise  hursts  upon  his  view  I 
Here  he  wanders  with  heavenly  shapes,  through  yet  untasted 
pleasures,  and  becomes  a  new  creature  all  j<'y.  all  intellect. 
all  beatitude,  until  Beatrice  descends  to  waft  him  into  a  still 
higher  sphere  where  his  softened  verse  re-echoes  luiiversal 
harmony  as  the  rapt  spirit  mingles  with  those  brighter  beings 
of  an  eternal  world  ! 

Dante's  original  intention  was  to  write  the  Divina  Com 
media  m  Latin  verse,  but  fearing;  if  thus  sealed  to  tlie  manv  it 
would  speedily  sink  into  oblivion  he  wisely  chaiiiied  his  nuiul, 
and  is  supposed  to  have  finished  severi  cantos  of  the  Inferno 
before  his  exile  from  Florence.  This  fact  is  disputed ;  but  if 
we  may  trust  Sacchetti  a  cotemporaiy,  who  makes  him  qiuu- 
rel  with  an  ass-driver  and  a  blacksmith  on  two  separate  occa- 
sions for  repeating  his  verses  improperly,  it  will  prove  the 
truth  of  Boccaccio's  relation,  which  originally  came  from 
Dante's  nephew  Andrea  di  Leon  Poggi  -.  Andrea  asserted 
that  amongst  the  papers  which  Gemma  Donati  succeeded  in 
concealing  from  the  populace  when  his  property  as  an  exile  was 
plundered,  were  the  iirst  seven  cantos  of  this  poem;  tlicsc 
were  given  to  Dino  Frescobaldi  a  cotemporary  poet  who  imnie- 


*  Sacchetti,  Novclli,  cxiv.,  cxv. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


DIVINA   COMMEDIA. 


645 


diately  transmitted  them  to  Dante  himself,  then  livuig  with 
JMaorello  Malespina  in  Luuigiana. 

But  if  Sacchetti  sp^alvs  true  these  cantos  or  parts  of  them 
must  not  only  liave  been  written  but  published  amongst  the 
people  long  before,  else  how  could  a  common  blacksmith  and 
dustman  have  become  acquainted  with  them  ?  The  name  of 
"  Co)/iHiedi((  "'  has  puzzled  many,  and  even  Dante's  own  expla- 
nation is  hardly  satisfactory  :  in  his  dedicatory  epistle  of  the 
Paradise  to  Can  della  Scala  he  thus  entitles  it  ''Here  hegins 
the  Comnhj  of  Dante  AJlrihlerl  a  Florentine  hy  birth,  not 
manners.^'  xVnd  with  relation  to  this  he  says  that  it  is  good 
to  know  that  comeihj  is  derived  from,  two  Greek  words  signify- 
ing villa  or  village  and  canto  a  song,  hence  it  may  be  trans- 
lated "  canto  villcn'ccio  "  or  "  rustic  sonr/,''  "  Comedy  "  he 
says,  "  is  in  fiict  a  species  of  poetical  narration  differing  from 
all  others,  and  in  its  matter  it  thus  differs  from  tragedy.  The 
latter  is  in  its  counnencement  admirable  and  quiet  and  in  its 
end  horrible  and  offensive.  Comedy  on  the  other  hand  begins 
roughly  but  its  matter  ends  prosperously ;  as  is  shown  in 
Terence's  comedies.  In  their  mode  of  speech  also  tragedy 
and  comedy  differ,  for  one  is  elevated  and  sublime,  the  other 
remiss  and  poor,  and  from  this  it  is  plam  why  the  present 
work  is  called  comedy ;  for  if  the  matter  be  examined  it  will 
be  found  in  the  beginning  offensive  and  horrible,  because  it  is 
hell ;  and  in  the  end  desirable  and  grateful,  because  it  is 
paradise.  If  we  examine  the  mode  of  speaking  it  is  relaxed 
and  humble,  because  it  is  in  the  vulgar  tongue  in  which  even 
weak  women  communicate.  And  thus  is  manifest  why  it  is 
called  comedy  "  -^. 

This  explanation  was  not  so  satisfactory  to  modem  critics  as 
to  prevent  another,  or  rather  a  modification  of  it  being  adduced 
from  the  "  Vulf/are  Eloqitio ;  "  there  Dante  separates  poetry 
into  three  different  styles,  tragic,  comic,  and  elegiac :  to  the 

*  Epistle  to  Can  Grande  dclla  Scala,  Fraticelli's  Edition,  Florence,  1840. 


'*PWW 


.IfW 


G46 


LECTURES  ON  DANTE — ANECDOTE. 


[book  I. 


first  he  assigns  the  lofty  superior  style,  to  the  second  the 
mfenor,  and  to  the  third  the  plaintive.  "  If  the  subject  be 
tragic  then  it  becomes  necessaiy  to  use  the  illustrious  or  noble 
vulgar,  ("  Vuhfare  lUustre  ")  and  consequently  to  fetter  the 
vei-se  :  but  if  the  comic  be  chosen  sometimes  the  middle  vulgar 
and  sometimes  the  humble  should  be  adopted  "*.  And  because 
be  used  the  middle  style  it  is  argued  that  he  called  his  poem 
a  comedy.  This  work  was  so  rapidly  appreciated  that  notwith- 
Btandmg  some  of  the  envious  called  Dante  the  "  Shoemakers  and 
Bakers  Poet ; "  only  fifty-two  years  after  his  deatli  JJoccaccio 
was  nommated  by  the  Florentines  as  public  lecturer  and 
expomider  of  the  persecuted  exile's  work  in  order  that  those 
who  knew  no  Latin  might  be  stinmlated  by  it  to  ilv  from  vice 
and  nourish  virtue  f . 

These  lectures  commenced  in  the  church  of  San  Stefano  near 
Ponte  Veccliio,  on  the  twenty-third  of  October  137:i  but  were 
inteniipted  by  Boccaccio's  death  before  the  seventeenth  canto 
was  finished  ;.  Nor  was  Dante's  fame  confined  to  Florence : 
Pisa,  MUan,  and  ^'enice  followed  her  example,  and  though  he 
has  given  occupation  to  the  pens  of  commentators  for  upwards 
of  five  hundred  years  his  works  are  not  vet  completely  inter- 
preted :  the  Latin,  French,  English,  Spanisli,  and  German 
tongues  give  his  sense  and  echo  his  words,  but  tlie  poetic  atmo- 
sphere that  envelopes  them  can  never  be  translated  j;'. 

While  yet  alive  Dante's  pei^on  and  works,  especially  the 
Liferao,  were  familiar  to  everybody  in  the  north  of  Italv, 
and  Boccaccio  tells  us  that  one  day  while  walking  along  with 
some  fnends  in  the  streets  of  Verona  and  passing  a  door  where 
certain  women  were  assembled  one  of  them,  without  intending 
to  be  overheard,  exclaimed  in  a  low  voice,  -  Look  1  look! 
That  is  the  gentleman  who  goes  to  hell  and  comes  back  when 

•  Del  Volgare  Linguaggio,  Libro  ii",     Atnmirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  609. 

nil   ?*  ?' rV'  ,    ""^"'  '^"-  '^"•'     §  ^••"^^PI>e    Pelli,   Mem.    di   Dante, 
—Dclizie  degh  Eruditi  Toscani.— S.    passim. 


MISC.  CIIAF.] 


PETRARCA. 


647 


he  pleases,  and  brings  us  news  from  the  people  there  below." 
To  which  another  immediately  replied,  "  You  say  true,  and 
look  at  his  face  and  beard,  how  dark  and  curled  they  are  from 
the  smoke  and  heat  of  those  places  " !  Dante  hearing  these 
words,  coming  as  they  did  from  the  simplicity  of  the  speakei*s, 
was  much  amused,  and  passed  on  smiling  well  pleased  that 
they  should  remain  of  that  opinion--. 

We  have  not  yet  done  with  the  great  Florentines  of  this 
age ;  another  hardly  second  to  Dante  follows ;  like  him  also  a 
fugitive  and  though  not  himself  banished,  yet  an  exile  from  the 
same  cause.  Garzo  the  great  grandfather  of  Petrarch  was  a 
Florentine  notary  who  after  a  life  of  one  hundred  and  four 
years  died  in  the  same  bed  in  which  he  was  born  I  Petracco 
his  grandson  was  also  a  notaiy,  a  profession  then  held  in  high 
repute,  especially  at  Florence  ;  and  as  Dante  was  falsely  accused 
of  extortion  in  his  public  official  conduct,  so  was  Petracco 
accused  of  drawing  out  a  fraudulent  act  in  his  professional 
capacity  and  condemned  to  a  fine  of  1000  florins  besides  the  loss 
of  his  hand  if  the  penalty  were  left  unpaid  ten  days  after  he 
should  be  taken :  but  he  had  already  escaped  from  his  enemies 
along  with  Dante  and  the  united  white  and  Ghibeline  faction. 

Petrarca,  or  Petrarcha  as  it  was  formerly  written ;  called  also 
Francesco  di  Petracco  according  to  the  then  mode  of  distinc- 
tion, was  bom  at  Arezzo  on  the  twentieth  of  July  1304,  the 
same  night  that  his  father,  Dante,  and  the  other  Ghibelines, 
principally  l>y  that  poets  advice,  made  their  final  attempt  on 
Florence,  the  failure  of  which  destroyed  every  hope  and  Pe- 
tracco settled  at  Avignon.  It  is  needless  to  say  much  of 
Petrarch :  he  has  written  his  own  memoirs  which  his  fame  has 
made  precious,  and  what  was  wanting  has  been  well  supplied 
by  De  Sade  with  much  research,  ability,  and  interest  to  his 
readers.     The  poet  himself  informs  us  that  he  was  bom  in 


♦  Boccaccio,  Vita  di  Dante,  cap.  xviii.,  Ed.  in  Black  Letter,  Venice.     By 
Vindelin  di  Spira,  An.  Dom.  1477. 


648 


PETRARCA. 


[book  I. 


the  Borgo  deir  Orto  of  Arezzo ;  that  he  had  not  much  phy- 
sical strength  but  great  agility ;  tliat  liis  figiu'e  was  not  fine 
enough  for  v;inity  but  such  as  in  early  youth  would  plcaso.  White 
hairs  began  to  appear  with  the  down  on  his  chin,  which,  as 
he  was  told,  gave  him  a  certahi  air  of  dignity  and  added' no 
little  ornament  to  his  features :  but  did  not  please  him  the 
more  for  this,  because  it  detracted  from  his  youthful  aspect 
which  he  always  regarded  with  gi-eat  complacency.     He  had  a 
brilliant  complexion  between  white  and  brown,  lively  eyes ; 
and  for  many  years  a  particularly  acute  vision,  which  to  hil 
surprise  began  to  tail  after  sixty  and  compelled  him  to  use 
spectacles.     His  parents  while  in  exile  were  of  moderate  for- 
tune hiclining  to  poverty  and  he  himself  being  neither  rich 
nor  poor,    liad   fewer  wants   and   greater   abmidance,    more 
tranquilUty  and  less  covetousness  of  worldly  wealtli.     He  was 
averse  to  riches,  not  because  he  despised  them  but  because  of 
the  cares  by  which  they  are  accompanied  :  he  eat  little  food 
and  that  simple,  dishked  entertainments  as  scenes  of  glut- 
tony injurious  to  modesty  and  morality,  therefore  was  averse 
either  to  give  them  at  home  or  partake  of  them  at  the  houses 
of  others.    But  small  dinnei-s  with  one  or  two  friends  were  his 
dehght  and  he  never  ^villingly  dined  or  supju  .1  mIoiic  :  Petrarch 
was  for  from  immaculate ;  he  sinned,  despised  his  o\ni  weak- 
ness, condemned  the  sin,  and  then  repeated  it :  but  this  "  was 
of  earth,  earthy."     He  had  one  real,  honest,  long-enduring 
affection,  which  death  alone  interrupted  at  a  time  when  it  had 
already  begun  to  abate  from  its  pristine  ardom-.     He  says :  "  I 
loved  a  woman  whose  mind  unacquainted  with  woridly  cares 
burned  with  celestial  desires ;  in  whose  comitenance,  if  there 
is  truth  on  earth,  were  reflected  the  rays  of  divine  beauty ; 
whose  manners  were  examples  of  perfect  modesty,  and  so  ex- 
pressed in  gesture  look  and  voice  that  no  human  thing  was 
ever  equal  to  it.     I  will  express  all  briefly.     Laura  appeared 
before  my  eyes  in  my  early  youth  on  the  moniiug  of  the  sixth 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


LAURAS   INFLUENCE. 


649 


of  April  13*27  in  the  church  of  Santa  Chiai'a  at  Avignon,  and 
in  the  same  city,  in  the  same  month  of  April,  on  the  same 
sixth  day,  in  the  same  first  hour,  and  in  the  year  1348  ;  from 
this  Hght,  that  light  was  taken,  while  I  was  haply  at  Verona, 
ignorant,  alas  I  of  my  destiny.  I  heard  the  sad  tidings  in 
Parma  by  a  letter  from  my  Lodovico  on  the  morning  of  the 
nineteenth  of  May  of  the  same  year.  Her  most  chaste  body 
was  on  the  same  day  of  her  death,  at  vespers,  deposited  in  a 
fitting  place  Ijelonging  to  the  minor  friars,  and  her  soul  I 
believe,  as  Seneca  said  of  xVfricanus,  is  restored  to  that  heaven 
from  which  it  came.  I  loved  the  virtues  of  Laura,  which  are 
not  spent,  wherefore  1  will  never  set  my  heart  on  any  mortal 
thing,  but  will  solace  myself  in  her  soul,  hi  her  heavenly  man- 
ners ;  and  her  example  is  an  argument  to  me  of  the  life  of 
celestial  beings.  In  my  af lection  there  was  no  baseness,  no 
impurity;  nothing  culpable  except  in  its  excess.  Nay  I  will 
not  be  silent :  the  little  that  I  am,  I  owe  to  that  woman  :  and 
if  I  perchance  Inive  ac<tuired  any  fame  or  glory,  I  should  never 
have  acquired  it  had  not  the  puny  seed  of  virtue  implanted  by 
nature  in  my  mind  Ijeen  cultivated  by  her  with  so  noble  an 
affection.  Yes  she  weaned  me,  and  with  a  hook,  as  it  were, 
drew  my  young  hitellect  from  every  low  idea  and  compelled 
me  to  fix  it  on  sublimer  things ;  so  true  is  it  that  love  assumes 
the  form  and  character  and  identifies  itself  with  the  beloved 
object.  But  there  never  was  a  slanderer  so  base  as  to  touch 
witli  a  pungent  or  mordacious  word  her  spotless  character;  not 
one  who  ever  dared  to  affirm,  I  will  not  say  in  her  acts,  but 
even  in  the  movement  of  her  voice,  that  there  was  anything 
reprehensible"*. 

Thus  adoring,  all  his  actions  were  framed  to  please  the  idol, 
and  thus  Laura,  like  Beatrice,  influenced  his  whole  life.  He 
was  passionate  and  often  disdamfid  but  not  vain,  if  his  estimate 


*  Memorie  dclla  Vita  di  Francesco    his    Latin   works. —  Molini    Fiienze, 
Petrarca,  which  he  left  written  amongst     1  }i22. 


650 


RISE   OF   LITER.VTURE. 


[book  I. 


of  himself  be  correct ;  easily  forgetting  injuries  and  steady  in 
friendship.  With  a  judgment  more  solid  than  acute  he  pos- 
sessed a  clear  and  powerful  eloquence  and  was  much  employed 
as  an  ambassador :  intended  and  educated  for  the  bar  he  quitted 
all  such  studies  the  moment  he  wtis  free  from  domestic  con- 
trol ;  not  from  any  dislike  to  the  acquirement  of  a  science  which 
he  honoured,  but  from  a  more  generous  motive :  because  in 
practice  its  character  was  so  depraved  by  the  mahce  and  selfish- 
ness of  man  that  he  was  averse  to  learn  that  wliich  lie  could 
not  honestly  make  use  of  without  infinite  labour,  and  in  doiiKT 
so  would  have  had  his  integrity  attributed  to  ignorance. 

As  m  private  society  when  decency  is  discarded  the  range  of 
humour  is  extended,  so  in  that  of  nations  we  sometimes  see 
that  where  honesty  is  trampled  upon  human  energy  is  in  more 
vigorous  though  pernicious  activity :  no  wonder  tlicn  that  this 
age  was  bold,  daring,  and  energetic;    ambition  and  rapacity 
were  the  ruhng  powei-s ;  but  the  foraier  was  local,  dispei-sed, 
broken  mto  a  thousand  fragments:    each  predominant  spirit 
was  great  withui  the  narrow  limits  of  its  countiy;  yet  few 
filled  all  Italy  with  their  fame,  and  scarcely  any  had  a  general 
European  reputation.     A  multitude  of  fierce  and  brilliant  fires 
were  burning  both  for  good  and  evil,  the  common  illumination 
was  splendid  and  equalised;    Europe  gazed  at  it  from  afar 
with  admiration,  perhaps  respect,  but  only  knew  it  as  a  whole. 
In  this  state  literature  alone  became  the  object  of  general 
interest ;  it  spread  with  a  universal  light,  it  belonged  to  all 
countries  and  no  faction ;  tyrants,  kings,  and  republics  equally 
honoured  it,  and  the  fame  of  its  leaders  overspread  the  earth. 
The  conjuncture  favoured  it,  for  Italian  language  was  yet  in 
its  infancy,  Latin  comipted,  and  it  became  an  object  to*^  sepa- 
rate the  child  from  a  vitiated  parent  and  reform  the  latter. 
A  host  of  mtellect  burst  upon  the  world,  and  led  by  Dante 
permanently  stamped  its  character  on  the  fouiteenth  century. 
In  this  way  Petrarch  became  the  property  not  only  of  Italy 


MISC.  CMAP.]        PETRARCA   OFFERED   THE    LAUREL   CROWX. 


651 


but  of  Europe ;  in  an  humble  and  retired  cottage  at  Yaucluse 
attended  onlv  bv  his  rustic  old  man  and  woman,  he  received 
on  the  same  day  letters  from  the  Roman  senator  and  the 
chancellor  of  the  Parisian  university,  calling  upon  him  as  in 
rivalry  to  receive  the  laurel  crown,  one  at  Home  the  other  at 
Paris.  The  venerable  name  of  Kome,  her  antique  gloiy,  and 
his  own  reverence  for  the  Eternal  City,  finally  prevailed,  and 
in  liis  six-and-tliirtieth  year  Naples  received  him  with  honour 
on  his  way  to  the  capitol.  There  a  new  triumph  awaited  him, 
for  Robert  the  most  learned  monarch  and  one  of  the  most 
learned  men  of  that  day,  after  some  severe  examinations  added 
his  testimony  to  the  genend  voice,  and  entreated  that  Naples 
might  be  the  scene  of  his  coronation.  But  Rome  still  prevailed 
and  on  the  twenty-third  of  Aumist  1^40  Petrarca  received  the 
laurel  crown,  by  which,  as  he  tells  us,  he  acquired  no  science 
but  much  envy-i^. 

At  this  time  he  was  employed  on  a  Latin  epic  poem 
wherein  under  the  title  of  Africa  he  celebrated  the  exploits 
of  Scipio  Africanus  ;  and  this  unlucky  preference  of  a  dead  to  a 
living  language,  notwithstandhig  Dante's  wiser  example,  has 
principally  consigned  it  to  oblivion  :  yet  it  was  almost  entirely  to 
this  poem  that  he  owed  the  laurel  and  it  received  the  highest 
praise  from  King  Robert  and  Coluecio  Salutati,  neither  of  them 
a  mean  judge.  Rut  Petrarch  kept  it  hidden,  probably  formed  a 
more  con-ect  estimate  himself,  latterly  disliked  its  being  men- 
tioned, and  finally  as  is  said  intended  to  bum  it  but  had  not 
the  resolution  to  destroy  so  long  and  interesting  a  labour  f. 

The  "  Triumphs  "  seem  also  to  have  nm  some  risk,  not 
from  himself  but  his  executors,  yet  happily  have  survived 
and  reached  us  untouched,  with  all  their  faults  and  all  their 
beauties  :  his  canzoni,  sonnets,  and  smaller  poems  will  ever  be 
read  with  intense  interest  while  love  grief  and  poetiy  continue 


*  De  Sade,  vol.  i.,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  428. — Memoric  di  Petrarca,  Scritte  da  se  stesso. 
+  De  Sade,  vol.  iii.,  Liv.  vi.,  p.  808,  &c. 


652 


AFRICA   AND   DECAMERON. 


[book  I. 


to  influence  the  human  heart  and  expand  its  most  gentle 
affections. 

It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  notwithstanding  their  close 
friendship  and  constant  epistolary  intercourse  Petrarch  never 
showed  Boccaccio  his  "Africa,"  and  never  saw  the  latter's  "  Deca- 
meron "until  a  few  months  before  his  own  death,  when  chance 
placed  it  in  his  hands  at  Arqua.  De  Sade  surmises  that 
Petrarch  knowing  Boccaccio's  (hscernment  was  unwilling  to 
show  him  a  poem  which  he  himself  so  lowly  appreciated ;  and 
the  latter  shrunk  from  presenting  a  collection  of  loose  and  frivo- 
lous tales  to  a  person  of  so  grave  and  delicate  a  mind,  which  was 
offended  at  the  slightest  breach  of  modesty  *.  This  however 
is  unlikely  because  the  Decameron  had  been  many  years  pub- 
lished, neither  was  there  much  cause  of  fear  for  on  meetinjr 
with  that  work  he  wrote  as  follows  to  Boccaccio.    "  Having  inm 

*  but  hastily  over  this  book  I  can  scarcely  judge,  but  it  has 
'  given  me  great  pleasure  ;  what  is  too  free  must  be  suliiciently 

*  excused  by  your  age  when  it  was  written,  the  language  in 
'  which  you  wrote,  the  lightness  of  the  subject,  and  the  persons 
'  for  whom  it  was  intended.  Amongst  many  gay  and  trifling 
'  things  some  grave  and  pious  are  to  be  found.     I  ha\e  done 

*  like  all  the  world ;  I  have  dwelt  most  on  tlie  beginning  and 

*  the  end.  The  description  you  give  at  the  commencement, 
'  of  the  state  of  our  comitr}-  during  the  plague  seems  to  be  very 

*  true  and  very  pathetic.     The  finisliing  story  has  made  so 

*  strong  an  impression  upon  me  that  I  have  committed  it  to 

*  memory  for  the  puqiose  of  relatmg  it  to  my  friends  in  society." 
Petrarch  was  in  fact  so  pleased  with  the  tale  of  Griselda  that 
making  some  alterations  he  translated  it  into  Latin  for  the 
amusement  of  those  who  were  ignorant  of  the  Italian  language. 
One  of  liis  friends  at  Padua  attempted  to  read  it  aloud  but  was 
twice  prevented  by  his  tears :  another  at  Verona  on  hearing 
this  made  a  similar  effort  and  succeeded  without  any  apparent 


•  Dc  Sade,  vol,  iii.,  Liv.  vi.,  p.  810. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


PETRARC A  S   D E ATK. 


653 


emotion :  on  returning  the  volume  he  said,  "  I  must  admit 
"  that  it  is  a  touching  stoiy,  and  I  also  should  have  wept  had 
"  I  believed  it  true ;  but  it  is  cleariy  fabulous.  There  never 
"was  and  there  never  will  be  such  a  woman  as  Griselda  "=^'. 
This  letter  to  Boccaccio  was  accompanied  by  Petrarca  s  Latin 
translation  and  is  probably  the  last  epistle  he  ever  wrote :  its 
date  is  June  1374,  and  the  poet  was  found  dead  in  the  library 
of  his  residence  at  Arqua  on  the  eighteenth  of  July,  his  head 
restinfT  quietly  on  a  book !  Whereupon  it  was  said  that  he 
passed  from  the  quiet  of  study  to  the  quiet  of  the  grave  f .  Pe- 
trarch had  enlarged  and  liberal  notions  ;  he  seems  to  be  the  first 
who  asserted  the  principle  that  punishment  should  be  inflicted 
not  as  vengeance  for  crimes  but  to  preverit  their  repetition. 

He  seems  also  to  have  had  some  indistinct  notions  of  the 
new  worid ;  if  we  may  judge  from  the  fourth  canzone  of  Mai'- 
sand's  edition,  and  again  in  the  first  Sestina. 

«  Nclla  stagion  die  '1  ciel  rapido  incliina 
Verso  oeeidente,  e  die  '1  di  iiostro  vola 
A  geiite  die  di  la  forse  1'  aspetta,  &c."  t 

«  Quando  la  sera  scaccia  il  ehiaro  j^norno, 
E  le  teuebre  nostra  altrui  faiiu'  alba  "  §. 

Petrarch  influenced  the  literature  of  his  age  as  well  from  his 
genius  as  his  indefatigable  search  after  Greek  and  Latin  manu- 
scripts in  which  he  was  ably  seconded  by  Boccaccio,  and  subse- 
quently followed  with  greater  success  by  Poggio  Bracciolini : 

*  De  Satlc,  Mem.,  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  vi.,     f  Ibid.  Lib.  vi.,  p.  701).— Maffci,Stor. 
p^  7<)(j_  dclla  Lettcratuni  Ilal. 

J  "  In  tbat  same  season  wbcn  our  sun  inclines 
Towards  tbc  Avcst  and  our  brigbt  dayligbtjlies 
To  people  tbat  perbaps  expect  bim  tberc." 

{Canzone  IV.) 

§  *'  Wbcn  evening  drives  tbe  clear  dayligbt  away 
And  our  dim  nigbt  to  otbers  makes  tlie  dawn." 

{Scsiina  P.) 


G54 


COPYISTS    OF   >L\NUSCRirTS. 


Tbook  I. 


where  he  could  not  get  the  originals  he  procured  copies,  but 
often  bursts  forth  into  angry  invectives  against  the  careless 
ignorance  and  neglect  of  the  whole  race  of  copyists.     "  You 
know,"  he  says  in  a  letter  to  Boccaccio,  "  You  know  what  the 
copyists  ai'e,  they  never  finish,  and  make  good  authors  despair. 
Whether  from  ignorance  negligence  or  conteiiipi  they  write 
anything  but  what  is  given  them  to  copy."  And  again.    ''  Who 
can  apply  an  etlective  remedy  to  the  base  ignorance  of  the 
coppsts  that  spoil  and  entangle  everjthing  ?     Through  fear  of 
this  many  able  geniuses  keep  aloof  from  puldisliing  immortal 
works  ;  a  just  judgment  on  this  our  indolent  age  in  which  not 
books   but  only  the  kitchen   is  attended  to,  and   cooks  are 
examined  instead  of  authors.    Wherefore  eveiy  one  who  knows 
in  any  way  how  to  illuminate  parchment  and  manage  the  pen, 
although  he  be  completely  destitute  of  learning,  of  skill,  or  of 
genius,  acijuires  the  reputation  of  a  writer.     I  do  not  now 
speak  of  nor  quarrel  with  orthography,  which  has   been  f<jr 
a  long  time  extinct :  Heaven  grant  that  in  any  mode  whatever 
they  would  write  what  is  given  them  to  copy ;   the  copyists 
ignorance  would  be  seen,  but  the  substinice  of  the  book  would 
be  presened.     These  on  the  contrary  confounding  the  copy 
and  original,  after  promising  to  write  one  thing,  write  some- 
ilmig  entirely  different,  and  in  such  a  way  that   the  author 
knows  not  what  he  himself  has  dictated.     Dost  thou  believe 
that  if  Cicero,  Liv}%  and  many  other  celebrated  ancient  writers, 
and  more  especially  the  second  Pliny  were  to  return  and  com- 
mence reading  their  own  books  that  they  would  understand 
them  ?  or  that  they  would  not,  on  the  contrary,  wliile  hesitatmg 
at  every  passage,  believe  them  either  to  be  the  works  of  others 
or  the  dictation  of  barbarians  ?  What  shall  1  say  of  our  nobles 
who  not  only  suffer  literature  to  perish  but  eaniestly  wish  it  ? 
Surely  the  disparagement  and  hatred  of  so  nol)le  a  thing  will 
ere  long  plmige  us  into  the  abyss  of  ignorance.     It  may  be 
added  that  there  is  no  curb  nor  law  for  such  copyists,  who  are 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


ERRORS   OF   MSS. BOCCACCIO. 


655 


chosen  without  examination  or  proof.  The  blacksmith,  the 
cultivator,  the  weaver,  and  other  artificers  have  no  such  liberty ; 
and  although  the  danger  be  infinitely  less  as  regards  these,  and 
infinitely  more  as  regards  those,  all  of  them  nevertheless  pro- 
miscuously undertake  to  write  and  there  is  even  a  fixed  price 
for  these  barbarous  destroyers  "  -.  The  ignorance  of  Italian 
noldes  and  princes  is  also  alluded  to  by  Dante  f  and  the  inven- 
tion of  printing  has  fortunately  superseded  the  emploj-ment  of 
copyists,  but  the  letters  of  Petrarch  on  this  subject  are  instmc- 
tive,  inasmuch  as  they  prove  the  fellaciousness  of  all  manu- 
scripts even  when  there  is  no  temptation  for  the  copyists  to 
deceive  ;  how  much  more  so  then  are  those  to  be  suspected 
which  treat  of  religion,  w^here  negligence  ignorance  and  sectarian 
spirit  were  often  combined  with  bigotry  to  distort  them. 

Petrarch's  great  friend  Giovanni  Boccaccio,  the  son  of  Boc- 
caccio Chellino  of  Certaldo,  sprang  from  an  illicit  attachment 
at  Paris  in  13D3.  His  mother,  a  young  Parisian  lady,  died 
soon  after  his  birth ;  he  was  brought  to  Florence  when  quite  a 
child  and  as  is  supposed  saw  Dante  at  Ravenna  when  about 
seven  years  old.  Boccaccio  was  at  first  educated  for  a  mer- 
chant like  most  of  the  Florentines,  then  studied  the  canon  law 
but  entirely  against  his  taste,  wherefore  after  visiting  the  tomb 
of  Virgil  near  Naples  he  could  no  longer  restrain  himself  and 
resolved  to  dedicate  his  life  to  literature.  The  Latin  classics 
and  Dante  absorbed  him ;  for  the  latter  he  had  the  most  pro- 
found veneration,  and  thially  stirred  up  the  Florentines  to  pay 
his  memory  the  respect  of  publicly  reading  the  Divina  Corn- 
media.  At  Naples  he  w^as  much  noticed  by  King  Robert  to 
whom  Dante  alludes  in  tire  eighth  canto  of  Paradise  as  being 
too  much  addicted  to  literature  to  govern  well.  Addressing 
mankind,  the  spirit  of  Dante's  friend  Charles  Martel  of 
Hungary  exclaims — 

*  De  Sade,  Mem.,  vol.  iii..  Lib.  vi.,     della  Letterat.  Italian. 

p.  668. — Vide  Giuseppe  Maffei,  Stor.     f  Convito,  cap.  ix.,  pp.  60,  61. 


05G  BOCCACCIO MARIA   DAQUIXO.  [book  i. 

"  Ma  voi  torcete  alia  religioiie 

Tal  die  fu  nato  a  eingersi  la  spacla, 
E  fate  Re  di  tal,  eh'  e  da  sermone  ; 
Onde  la  traccia  vostra  e  fuor  di  Strada  "  *. 

Boccaccio  became  intimate  with  many  learned  men  at  Naplc^. 
and  amongst  others  with  Petrarca  at  whose  examination  for  the 
laurel  by  King  Robert  he  was  present,  and  so  astonished  was 
the  novelist  at  his  powers  that  he  ever  afterwards  called  him 
master.  At  Naples  in  the  church  of  Saint  Lorenzo  the  Sunday 
before  Easter  1841,  he  saw  and  fell  in  love  with  the  beautiful 
Maria  d'Aquino  a  natural  but  unacknowledged  daughter  of  Khig 
Piobert  and  the  wife  of  a  Neapolitan  nobleman.  Of  her  person 
he  gives  us  a  minute  and  glowing  picture  such  as  might  le 
expected  from  Boccaccio  in  love ;  but  tlie  amour  does  liim  no 
credit  if  it  is  true  that  he  insinuated  himself  into  the  bus 
band  s  intimacv  to  seduce  the  wife  +. 

Neither  the  cidm  of  her  past  life,  fears  of  the  future,  or  her 
union  with  a  young  and  indulgent  husband  had  power  to  sav( 
her. — She  fell  and  tasted  sorrow. — It  was  the  custom  of  that 
age  and  especially  at  Naples  where  Provencal  manners  had 
become  indigenous,  for  the  young  assemblies  of  both  sexes  to 
converse  on  love,  propose  questions  in  its  courts,  discuss  its 
nature  and  affections,  dwell  on  the  generous  devotion,  magnani- 
mity, and  enterprise  that  this  passion  inspired,  and  to  read  with 
avichty  eveiy  song,  novel,  or  romance,  that  treated  on  the 
favourite  subject ;  and  with  what  effect  we  have  a  painfully 
touching  instance  in  Paulo  and  Francesco  di  Kimini. 

Many  of  these  histories  were  not  written,  but  pjissed  from 
mouth  to  mouth  through  the  sociij  world :  even  Petrarch  in 
his  last  days  committed,  as  we  have  seen,  the  story  of  Grisekla 

*  "  But  ye  perversely  to  relicrion  strain 

Him  who  was  born  to  gird  ou  him  tlie  sword, 
And  of  the  fluent  phmscman  make  your  king  : 
Therefore  your  steps  have  wandered  from  the  paths.*' 

{Cary^s  Dank.) 
f  Baldelli,  Vita  di  Giov.  Boccaccio. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


BOCCACCIO. OTTAVA  RIMA. 


G57 


to  memor}^  for  the  purpose  of  narrating  it  to  his  friends  ;  and 
none  knew  more  or  could  tell  them  better  than  Boccaccio.  At  his 
mistress's  request  he  recorded  the  then  popular  tale  of  "Florio 
and  Biancahore  "  in  a  romance  under  the  title  of  "  Filocopo  "  or 
the  Lover  of  Labour. 

This  gentle  intercourse  w^as  suddenly  interrupted  by  Boc- 
caccio's unexpected  recall  to  Florence  ;  and  Maria's  despair,  and 
hopes,  and  fears,  and  love,  and  jealousy,  and  distraction,  form 
the  subject  of  his  "  Fiammetta''  which  he  feigns  to  be  written 
by  her  as  a  warning  and  example  to  those  who  are  in  danger 
of  being  overborne  by  love.  He  then  wrote  his  "  Teseide''  or 
the  exploits  of  Theseus,  an  epic  poem  which  was  dedicated  to 
La  Fiammetta ;  and  afterwards,  as  a  solace  for  the  dulness  of 
home  the  ''  Ameto''  or  "  Cammed  la  deUe  Xiii/e  Florentine,'^  a 
sort  of  Cymon  who  on  tlie  banks  of  the  Mugnone  in  company 
with  a  bevv  of  Florentine  mrls  is  converted  from  a  rude  insensible 
clown  to  a  gentle  lover.  But  the  tale  is  by  some  supposed  to  be 
an  allegory  the  nymphs  being  the  Virtues  who  gradually  extend 
their  influence  over  Ameto's  mind ;  yet  the  stories  are  all  real,  and 
the  speakers  Florentine  ladies  under  feigned  names.  After  this 
Giovanni  returned  to  Naples  w^as  favoured  by  queen  Giovanna 
who  delighted  in  his  novels  and  particularly  as  it  would  seem 
in  the  most  licentious  :  but  though  in  after  life  he  condemned 
his  Decameron  and  implored  Mahiardo  Cavalcante  to  keep  it 
from  his  daughters  as  he  valued  their  morals ;  yet  he  never 
censured  but  on  the  contraiy  vindicated  queen  Giovanna's  con- 
duct. In  consequence  of  some  question  discussed  in  the  Neapo- 
litan court  of  love  where  he  and  his  Fiammetta  were  present, 
he  addressed  a  poem  to  her,  in  ottava  rlma  (of  which  he  is  said 
to  have  been  the  inventor)  describing  the  loves  of  Troilus  and 
Cressida,  which  perhaps  may  have  suggested  Chaucer's  tale, 
and  called  it  Fllostmto :  this  was  followed  by  the  "  L'  Amo- 
rosa  Vislone,''  also  addressed  to  La  Fiammetta,  and  then 
besides  other  works  the    "  Nlnfale  Flesolano  "  or  the  loves 

VOL.  II,  u  u 


G58 


BOCCACCIO DECAMERON. 


[bock  I. 


of  the  Affrico  and  Mmsola  two  small  Fiesoline  streams  neai- 
Florence;  and  this  assemblage  of  mythological  tales  has  made 
the  plain  between  Florence  and  Fiesole  classic  ground.  As  a 
lyric  poet  Boccaccio  is  not  much  esteemed,  and  indeed  felt 
himself  so  subdued  by  Petrarch's  poetry  that  he  was  on  ihe 
point  of  committhig  all  his  own  to  the  flames. 

His  Decameron  or  hundred  tales  was  commenced  dming 
the  plague  and  was  written  as  he  said  to  amuse  the  fair  sex  (to 
which  he  was  devoted)  because  they  were  in  his  opinion  re- 
stramed  too  much  in  their  pleasures  by  fiitliers  husbands  and 
brothers,  contined  to  the  small  circuit  of  their  apartments, 
and  idly  employed  in  not  always  the  most  agreeable  reflec- 
tions. But  liis  admirei-s  give  him  the  further  credit  of  writing 
these  amusing  stories  to  dissipate  by  a  keen  satire  the  cloud  of 
vulgar  eiToi*s  then  prevalent;  to  expose  monastic  hj^iocrisy 
and  licentiousness,  and  to  exhibit  examples  of  human  life  in 
all  its  variety  of  rank  and  character,  of  mean  and  noble,  bad 
and  good,  and  for  universal  instmction.  I*art  of  the  lesson 
would  no  dou])t  be  easily  learned  but  the  moral  effect  is  ques- 
tionable. This  work  is  generally  considered  as  a  model  ^^i 
Itahan  prose,  and  along  with  Dino  Comi»agni  and  Giovanni 
Villain  became  the  standard  of  subsequent  writei-s.  A  work 
like  the  Decameron  might  have  passed  urn*  iisured  by  the 
church  if  the  church  had  been  left  inviolate ;  but  priests  and 
monks  were  unmasked  and  the  author  was  justly  and  with 
great  advantage  assailed  by  them  for  his  immorality :  this  was 
strong  ground,  and  eight  years  after  its  appearance  Boccaccio 
himself  was  converted  and  led  the  wav  in  condemnation  of  his 


own  wTi tings. 


A  holy  man  of  the  Senese  Ceitosa  called  PietroPetronisenta 
brother  named  Giovaccliino  Ciaiii  to  the  novelist  with  eimiest 
remonstrances  and  exhortations  to  reform.  Ciani  seems  to 
have  perfonned  his  task  with  the  boldness  and  inspu-ation  of  a 
prophet  and  foretold  a  speedy  and  miserable  end  if  Petroni's 
dying  words  were  slighted.     Boccaccio  trembled :  he  instantly 


MISC. CHAP.]   Boccaccio's  conversion. — petrarcas  letter.    659 


wrote  to  Petrarch  for  advice  ;  told  him  that  he  would  abandon 
literature,  sell  his  books,  and  pass  the  rest  of  his  life  in  soli- 
tude and  repentance.  The  lover  of  Laura  was  of  a  more 
regulated  mind  ;  he  was  no  epicurean,  more  refined,  more  even 
in  his  movements  than  Boccaccio,  and  not  open  to  superstitious 
fears,  he  freely  examined  the  nature  of  this  prophecy,  exposed 
the  folly  of  abandoning  literature  because  a  friar  exhorted  him 
to  reform  which,  good  in  itself,  might  be  accomplished  without 
running  into  so  violent  an  extreme :  at  his  age  and  with  his 
infirmities  it  required  no  prophetic  monk  to  foretel  the  chance 
of  death  and  with  this  in  view,  says  Petrarca,  "  Leave  worldly 
folly,  bad  habits,  and  the  remnants  of  old  pleasures  ;  compose 
your  mind  and  manners  in  front  of  a  better  mirror ;  ehanee 
useless  novels  for  the  records  and  laws  of  God  ;  and  as  for  that 
ever-sprouting  plant  of  vice  from  which  you  have  hitherto  with 
difficulty  lopped  the  branches,  cut  it  down  now  and  completely 
eradicate  it.  I'se  your  powers  of  verse  and  prose,  of  which 
yon  are  no  longer  a  disciple  but  an  old  master,  use  them 
according  to  your  own  discretion ;  you  know  which  to  keep  and 
which  to  reject ;  literature  augments  the  souls  goodness  and 
awakens  it  to  honour,  and  so  far  from  retarding,  urges  it  on  in 
the  tme  course  of  life."  He  then  offers  him  a  home  in  his 
house,  and  advises  him  to  keep  his  books,  but  if  determined  to 
sell  them  declares  that  he  will  be  the  purchaser. 

This  letter  which  is  very  long,  eloquent,  and  sensible,  re- 
stored Boccaccio  to  reason  and  made  him  combine  Ciani's  and 
Petrarch's  counsels. — His  Decameron  troubled  him  most :  in 
a  letter  to  his  friend  Mainardo  Cavalcanti  he  savs,  "  Leave  mv 
novels  to  the  wanton  slaves  of  passion  who  wish  to  be  thought 
the  frequent  contaminators  of  female  modesty  ;  and  if  you  will 
have  no  mercy  on  the  decency  of  your  own  females,  spare  at 
least  my  honour  if  you  bear  me  sufiicient  affection  to  shed 
tears  for  my  sufferings.  In  reading  them  they  will  consider 
me  a  base  pander,  a  sensual  and  depraved  old  man  ;  an  impure 

u  i;  '2 


660 


BOCCACCIO    CONDEMS   THE    DECAMERON. 


[book  I. 


slanderous  pei*son  ;  and  an  eager  propagator  of  others'  wicked- 
ness. Nobody  will  anywhere  rise  in  my  defence :  I  wrote  as  a 
vounj:  man  and  I  was  forced  to  it  by  an  authoritiitive  com- 
mand.'' — This  command  is  supposed  to  have  come  from  Queen 
Giovanna,  and  the  letter  was  written  in  consequence  of  Caval- 
cante  having  promised  to  let  the  ladies  of  his  family  read  the 
Decameron,  which  if  he  did,  Boccaccio  tells  him,  and  that 
their  morals  suffered  in  consequence,  on  his  own  head  nut 
theirs  would  be  the  sin  and  blame ;  "  Wltrnjon-  I  hcsnrh  you, 
ami  I  repeat  it ;  I  unphre  you  hy  my  vokiiscI  aud  by  my  prayers 
not  to  do  so.'' 

Five  hmidred  years  have  not  abstracted  a  particle  of  wisdom 
from  this  earnest  exhortation  which  niodrrn  female  readers  of 
the  Decameron  would  do  well  to  ponder.  Boccaccio  was  ever 
a  warm  admirer  and  champion  of  l):iiitc  and  l>y  s.nding  the 
Divina  Commedia  a  present  to  Petrarch  drew  from  him  a  cold 
but  decided  denial  of  opinions  then  generally  entertained,  that 
he  was  either  envious  or  insensible  of  that  great  poets  excel- 
lence. Petrarch  was  deeply  imbued  with  the  classic  spirit  (»f 
the  time  and  undervalued  everything  in  a  language  to  which 
he  himself  is  indebted  for  his  fame  and  which  Dante  charac- 
terises as  nearly  equal  to  Latin  for  lofty  expression  and  full  of 
the  sweetest  and  most  amiable  beauties-.  Dante  and  Boc- 
caccio saw  further,  for  at  that  epoch  the  use  of  Italian  as  a 
channel  of  genend  communication  was  jd ready  become  what 
printing  soon  became  to  manuscript ;  readers  were  indetinitely 
multiplied,  thought  was  once  more  unshackled,  new  ideas  burst 
upon  the  worhl  in  all  the  freshness  of  awakened  intellect ;  the 
Italian  works  of  Dante,  Petrarch,  Boccaccio,  Sacchetti,  and  others 
spread  rapidly  over  Italy  while  the  Latin  compositions  were 
then  confined  to  the  learned  and  have  been  generally  neglected 
by  posterity.  Boccaccio  died  in  1375  shortly  after  he  had 
begim  his  public  lectures  and  comment  on  Dante,  whose  liie 
he  wrote  after  his  conversion  in  i:]01.     He  was  handsome  in 

♦  Convito,  cap.  x.,  pp.  70,  71,  12^  Ed.  of  Fraticelli. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


OTHER    FLORENTINE    WRITERS. 


661 


person,  tall  and  well  proportioned,  with  a  fine  face ;  the  nose 
rounded  over  the  nostrils  ;  an  animated  eye,  a  nicely  chiselled 
though  rather  a  capacious  mouth  and  a  chin  that  was  beautiful 
when  he  smded ;  gay,  affable  and  fluent  his  expressions  were 
rendered  more  graceful  by  natural  urbanity,  and  every  move- 
ment added  dignity  to  a  certain  haughthiess  of  demeanour  which 
generally  kept  him  at  a  distance  from  men  of  higher  rank ;  and 
this  he  preserved  to  his  death-''. 

The  two  eldest  Villani  have  already  been  noticed :  Filippo 
was  less  renowned  but  stdl  generally  esteemed,  especially  for 
his  Lives  of  Illustrious  Florentines  which  though  meagre  are 
interesting.  Coluccio  Piero  Salutati,  for  many  years  secretary 
of  the  republic  and  a  friend  of  Petrarch's,  shone  out  brightly 
in  classic  lore,  he  also  was  a  poet  but  acquired  more  fame  by 
the  force  and  elegance  of  his  Latin  epistles  of  which  he  wrote 
multitudes,  than  by  any  other  work.  So  eloquent  and  effective 
were  these  compositions  that  accordhig  to  Ammirato  Gian- 
Galeazzo  Viseonte  declared  he  was  less  alarmed  at  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men  than  at  one  single  letter  of  Coluccio 's.  He 
died  early  in  the  fifteenth  century  after  a  life,  as  Villani  tells  us, 
imstained  by  vice  ;   and  was  still  living  when  tliat  author  wrote. 

Zanol)i  di  Strada  a  Florentine  schoolmaster  and  the  son  of 
a  schoolmaster,  added  considerable  renown  to  this  age  of  lite- 
rature :  he  rose  through  the  favour  of  his  compatriot  Nicolo 
Acciaioli  Grand  Seneschal  of  Naples,  himself  a  man  of  no 
mean  fame,  and  by  his  influence  received  the  poet's  crown 
from  the  emperor  Charles  IV.  at  Pisa  in  1355,  much  as  it 
would  seem  to  the  annovance  of  Petrarch.  In  1305  as  memo- 
rials  of  the  honour  rellected  on  Florence,  by  Accursio,  Dante, 
Petrarch,  Zanobi,  and  Boccaccio,  a  monument  was  decreed  to 
each  by  the  republic  but  never  erected  f. 

Francesco  Sacchetti  w^as  a  cotemporary  but  younger  than 
Boccaccio  whom  he  long  survived,  and  died  in  1400.  He  was 
much  employed  as  well  as  the  latter  in  public  embassies  and 

*  Baldelli,  Vita  di  Boccaccio,  jpasstwi.  f  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  855 


662 


SACCHETTIS   NOVELS. — PANDOLFINO. 


[book 


^vils  well  qualified  for  them  by  his  leaniing  talent  and  iigree- 
able  qualities  which  made  him  universally  welcome.  Sac- 
chetti's  fame  rests  principally  on  his  novels  which  are  amusinit, 
and  interesting  from  the  portraits  they  present  of  the  form 
and  pressure  of  the  age,  but  accompanied  by  nearly  all  Boc- 
caccio's licentiousness.  He  wrote  three  hundred,  but  onlv 
two  hundred  and  fifty-eight  are  extant,  most  of  them  original 
anecdotes  and  therefore  a  sort  of  private  liistoiy  of  his  time, 
which  imparts  an  interest  they  might  not  otherwise  obtain 
or  perhaps  deserve  ;  yet  the  style  is  considered  extremely 
pure  and  the  tides  flow  easily.  Sacchetti  must  have  been 
intellectually  beyond  his  age  for  he  openly  ridiculed  judicial 
astrologv  which  was  then  and  for  nearlv  two  centuries  after 
implicitly  believed  in  by  some  of  the  wisest  intellects ;  even 
Dante  in  his  Paradise  acknowledges  the  stellar  influence  thouf^h 
not  man's  power  of  interpretation  *. 

Amongst  all  the  Florentines  of  this  age  Agnolo  Pandollinu 
bom  in  1305,  is  considered  for  purity  of  style  and  solidity  of 
matter  one  of  the  most  famous  :  he  served  in  the  highest  offices 
of  state,  but  his  political  career  belongs  to  the  fifteenth  ceii- 

*  This  is  evident  throughout  the  Paradise,  but  especially  in  the  following  vt rH> 
of  Canto  XXII.  :— 

"  O  gloriose  stellc,  O  Lume  pregno 

Di  gran  virtu,  dal  quale  io  riconosco 
Tutto  (qual  che  si  sia)  lo  mio  ingegno 
Con  voi  nasceva,  e  s'ascondeva  vosco 
Qucgli  ch'  e'  padre  d'ogni  mortal  vita, 
Quan<l'  io  scnti'  da  prima  Taer  tosco  : 
E  poi  quando  mi  fu  grazia  largita 
ITentrar  nelTalta  ruota  che  vi  gira 
La  vostra  region  mi  fu  sortita." 

"  O  glorious  stai-s  !     O  Light  impregnate 

With  sur|)assing  virtue,  from  which  I  own 
All  I  possess  of  intellectual  power, 

With  you  arose  and  set  again  with  you 
He  the  great  8ire  of  every  mortal  life 
When  first  I  breathed  the  vital  tuscan  air  : 

And  after,  when  by  grace  I  was  allowed 

To  enter  the  great  wheel  that  moves  thee  round, 
Thy  blessed  region  fate  assigned  me  still." 


Misc.  CHAP.]         FINE    ARTS— PAINTERS— WOOD    CARVING.  663 

tuiy.  His  celebrated  treatise  ''Del  Govcrno  dclla  FaminUa" 
both  in  style  and  morality  is  considered  one  of  the  best  works 
in  the  Italian  language^!'. 

The  fine  arts  still  continued  to  be  cultivated  with  ardour, 
and  if  in  1300  there  were  no  less  than  a  hundred  second- rank 
painters  in  Florence  they  were  probably  not  diminished  in  the 
fourteenth  century  ;  but  no  subsequent  artist  surpassed  or  even 
equalled  Giotto  who  as  already  noticed  ran  far  into  the  present 
period.  Small  progress  was  made  beyond  him;  except  per- 
haps by  a  little  more  brilliancy  of  colouring,  for  about  a  hmi- 
dred  and  twenty  years  when  Massaccio  stept  suddenly  forth 
and  gave  a  fresh  and  powerful  impetus  to  pictorial  art. 

Andrea  Orcagna  who  lived  through  the  greater  part  of  this 
century  was  also  eminent  in  sculpture,  but  excelled  more  m 
ai'chitecture  than  either :  it  was  he  who  first  substituted  the 
circular  for  the  pointed  arch  in  Florence  as  may  be  seen  in 
that  fine  portico  near  the  old  palace.  Andrea  was  assisted  by 
his  brother  Bernardo  a  man  of  inferior  talent  but  probably 
equal  to  Bonamico  di  Cristofano,  better  known  as  Buff'almacco, 
and  more  notorious  for  his  humour  than  renowned  for  liis 
painting.  He  was  the  pupil  of  Tafi,  and  figures  in  Sacchetti's 
and  Boccaccio's  tales.  ThQ  "  Creation  "  in  the  Campo  Santo  of 
Pisa  is  by  his  hand  and  along  with  his  pupil  Brmio  di  Gio- 
vanni, Nelli  di  Dino,  and  Calandrino,  furnished  matter  for  Boc- 
caccio's eighth  day,  as  Bartolo  Gioggi  did  to  Sacchetti  f. 

The  number  of  painters  was  so  increased  at  Giotto's  death 
in  1336,  that  about  thirteen  years  after  they  formed  them- 
selves into  a  religious  society  called  the  Company  of  Saint 
Luke,  which  though  consisting  of  painters  and  carvers  in  wood, 
or  workers  in  metal,  was,  as  regarded  drawing,  only  a  pious 
assembly  not  a  school  of  art. 

Towards  the  end  of  this  century  wood-carving  began  to  im- 
prove  from  the  encouragement  given  in  the  architectural  deco- 
rations of  altars  which  were  constantly  becoming  more  elaborate. 

•  Giuseppe  Maffei,  Storia  della  Letteratura  Italiana.  f  Novello  170, 


664  VAST   NUMBER    OF   EMINENT    FI.ORENTINES.         [book.  .. 

Giovanni  da  Ponte,  Mariotto,  Tommaso  di  Marco,  Bernardo 
Nello,  Nello  di  Vanni,  and  Francesco  Triani  besides  others ; 
some  Florentine,  some  Pisan ;  all  issued  from  Giotto  and  Or- 
cagna  s  school,  none  of  much  note  except  Triani  of  whom  a 
large  painting  of  St.  Thomas  d'Arjuinas  glorified,  still  remains 
in  the  church  of  Saint  Catherine  at  Pisa,  the  composition  of 
which  is  admired. 

In  taking  leave  of  this  centuiy  we  are  reminded  that  at  cer- 
tani  epochs  in  the  worlds  progress  there  is  sometimes  u 
majestic  race  of  spirits  that  suddenly  cross  our  view  and  carry- 
ing everj-thing  they  touch  to  perfection ;  they  then  gradually 
disappear  and  leave  their  hme  for  future  ages  to  admire  anil 
fully  appreciate. 

The  fourteenth  centurj-  and  part  of  the  thirteenth,  was  one 
of  these  glorious  periods  in  Florentine  history,  and  the  mind 
is  struck  ^ritll  wonder  to  behold  from  one  small  city  in  one 
single  centuiT  shine  out  so  bright  an  assemblage  of  fresh  and 
lofty  intellects.  In  law,  in  physic,  in  theologj^  philosophy  and 
rhetoric;  in  prose  and  poetrj%  in  history,  ethics,  epistolarv 
writing,  sculpture  architecture  and  painting ;  it  produced,  not 
one,  but  several  of  the  highest  order  of  genius,  men  of  no 
doubtful  fame,  some  of  whom  feared  the  point  of  Dante's  poetical 
ajihorism  scarcely  more  than  the  bard  himself^:-. 

The  foui' Accorsi,  the  two  Del  Gai'bos,  Alderotti,  Torregiano, 

♦  "  Non  e  il  mondan  roinorc  altro  ch'  un  fiato 

Di  vento  ch'or  vicn  quinci  cd  or  vien  quindi, 
E  muta  noine  pcrche  muta  lato. 
Che  faiiia  Avrai  tu  piu,  se  vcccliia  scindi 
Da  tc  la  carnc,  die  se  fossi  morto 
Iniianzi  cbe  laseiassi  il  pappo  ^  'I  dindi, 
Pria  che  passin  mill'  tinni  ?''~(Purg.  Canto  XI.) 

All  worldly  praise  is  nothing  hut  a  breath 

Of  wind,  which  now  this  way  and  now  that  way  blows, 
And  changes  name  just  as  it  changes  sides. 

What  greater  fUme  hast  thou,  if  age  sti  ip  off 

From  thee  thy  Hesh,  than  if  thy  death  had  come 
Before  the  p;ip  and  play-things  were  left  off, 

Before  a  thousand  years  ? 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


PASTIMES  OF  FLORE>'CE. BEFAXIA. 


665 


Cassini,  Bardi,  Dino  di  Mugello,  Barberino,  Bonifazio  Ul)erti, 
Francesco  Cieco,  Giotto,  Orcagna,  Cavalcante,  Boccaccio,  Pe- 
trarca,  Dante,  Zenobi,  Giovanni  Andrea  the  "  Prince  of  Canon- 
ists'';  the  three  Villani,  Dino  Compagni,  Coluccio  Salutati, 
Sacchetti,  Pandollino,  and  other  noted  though  inferior  minds, 
such  as  Paulo  and  Bonatti  in  mathematics  and  astronomy; 
present  altogether  a  constellation  of  such  intellect  as  dazzles 
the  understanding  and  makes  us  marvel  how  one  small  com- 
munity could  produce  so  much,  so  quickly ! 

The  amusements  of  the  Florentines  in  this  centuiy  were  much 
of  the  same  character  as  the  last :  mysteries,  tournaments, 
''  Armeiifjiene^'  processions  of  maskers,  and  similar  pastimes 
were  frequent :  two  of  these  troops  of  mummers  three  hundred 
in  each,  paraded  the  city  for  a  whole  month  in  1383,  one  in 
yellow  the  other  in  white,  all  crowned  with  garlands,  and 
music  singing  and  dancing  as  was  then  the  custom,  besides 
every  other  kind  of  diversion  ;  each  was  led  by  its  king  who 
walked  in  state  under  a  golden  canopy  and  entertained  all 
comei-s  at  a  vast  expense  ■'•=. 

Besides  these  there  was  the  game  of  '*  Calcio,"  a  sort  of  foot- 
ball but  more  scientific,  whieli  was  peculiar  to  Florence  and  is 
supposed  to  have  descended  to  them  from  Greece  through 
their  Roman  ancestors  f .  The  first  of  May  was  always  a  day  of 
pleasure  and  mnversal  festivity :  songs,  music,  dancing  and 
processions  ushered  in  the  spring  with  the  festival  of  ''Calemli- 
magg'io:'  The  songs  were  called  ''Miujiii''  and  ''Maggiolate,'" 
and  the  ''Maio''  was  a  green  branch  decorated  with  flowers 
tinsel  and  ribands  which  was  hung  by  lovers  at  the  windows 
or  near  the  door  of  their  mistresses. 

Tlie  festival  of  Twelfth  day  or  the  Epiphany  corrupted  into 
''Bejanr  or  '' Bejania''  was  preceded  by  processions  cariying 
effigies  of  men  and  women,  which  were  also  exhibited  at  the 


*  Giov,  Villani,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  ccxvi. 
+  Discorso  sopra  il  Gioco  del  Calcio,  (/'Vrtii-f,  1580.) 


666 


FESTIVALS THE   JUBILEE. 


[book  I. 


windows,  with  lights  and  music,  and  is  supposed  to  be  the 
remnant  of  older  processions  representing  the  advent  of  the 
Magi.     Many  other  public  festivals  and  fairs  were  common  to 
the  Florentines  who  were  as  eager  as  their  llonian  progenitors 
for  amusement;  but  the  chief  of  all  was  that  of  San  Giovanni 
when  tribute  and  homage  was  publicly  received  from  every  sub- 
ject state.     The  great  festival  of  tliis  century  was  however  the 
jubilee  of  1:350,  which  quickly  aroused  all  Christendom  to  de- 
votion :  about  the  beginning  of  loOO  a  report  became  current  hi 
Rome  that  whoever  visited  Saint  Peter's  at  the  ronnnencement 
of  a  new  centuiy  would  by  the  act  itself  be  entitled  to  a  plenary 
indulgence,  and  the  church  was  conseiiuently  thronged.  This  was 
not  lost  upon  the  subtle  Boiiiface,  perhaps  devised  by  him.  if  it 
were  not  indeed  a  remnant  of  the  ancient  secular  games  gradu- 
ally falling  into  desuetude  and  then  onlv  rcniombered  bv  the  v«rv 
old.    A  peasant  of  a  hundred  and  seven  y(  ars  of  age  was  inter- 
rogated by  order  of  the  pope,  who  declared  that  he  remembered 
liis  father  making  this  visit  in  the  vear  l'^(»0  and  advisiiio-  liini 
also  to  do  so  if  he  outlived  the  centurv  :  tliis  liaviiK^  been  con- 
firmed  by  sevend  other  aged  men  both  in   I'rance  and  Italy. 
Boniface  published  the  jubilee  of  that  year,  but  the  nain<  w;i.> 
not  adopted  before  Clement  VI.  shurK  ncd  tlie  term  to  lifty 
years  in  imitation  of  the  Mosaic  law.    The  jubilee  of  1 :35()  was 
therefore  really  the  tirst  under  that  title;  speaking  of  which 
Petrarch  says  in  his  letter  to  Url)an  V.   '•  So  vast  was  the  mul- 
titude of  pilgi'ims  that  1  doubted  if  the  largest  city  could  have 
nourished  them  for  a  day,  and  yet  it  was  reriiaiked  that  the 
abundance  was  greater  at  the  end  than  tlie  eoiiimencement, 
although  the  fields  were  not  cultivated  and  the  vines  had  been 
frozen  the  preceding  year--. 

The  Bull  published  on  this  occasion  if  genuine,  which  i^ 
scarcely  credible,  is  calculated  to  give  a  good  idea  of  the  kno^vu 


*  De  Sadc,  Mein..  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  ')85. 


MISC.  CHAP.] 


CURIOUS  PAPAL  BULL. 


667 


grandiloquous  character  of  this  pontiff  who  here  asserts  the 
papal  supremacy  in  such  a  manner  as  must  have  made  it  difficidt 
for  any  sublunary  monarch  to  hesitate  acknowledging  his  divine 
authority.  It  is  dated  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June  B344,  and 
informs 'the  world  that  the  "  Soverelfjn  Pontijf  h}/  virtue  of  that 
authority  which  he  has  received  from  the  Apostles  reestahlishes 
the  souls  of  those  who  shall  ffo in  an  indulgence,  in  the  same  state 
as  theif  at  first  were  after  baptism  ;  and  he  commands  the  anfjels 
to  introduce  them  immediately  into  paradise  without  making 
them  pass  through  purgatory  "'■'.  Sueh  were  the  fantastic  tricks 
that  Roman  pontiffs  played  before  high  heaven  in  the  fourteenth 
century. 

*   The   majority  of  learned  opinions     (See  Do  Sade,  vol.  iii.,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  {15, 
are  however  said  to  be  in  favonr  of  the     and  note.) 
Apocryphal    cliaracter    of  this     Bull. 


END  OF  VOL.    n. 


LONDON  : 
BRADUIHY    ANP   f  VAN'S,    I'Ki.MKl.S,    WHIiKmiAl:>. 


This  book  is  due  two  weeks  from  the  last  date  stamped 
below,  and  if  not  returned  at  or  before  that  time  a  fine  of 
five  cents  a  day  will  be  incurred. 


1^ 


M 


I         1010680799 


N 


PHOTOCOM 


««V5    1932 


BIBLIOGRAPHIC  IRREGULARITIES 


MAIN  r^  J  , 

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Rihliographir  Irregularitjpfi  in  the  Original  Document  

Ust  volumes  and  pages  affected;  include  name  of  institution  if  filmmg  borrowed  text. 


pages 
Page(s)  missing/ not  available:. 


VoltunesCs)  missing/not  available; 


Illegible  and/or  damaged  page(s): 


^ Page(s)  or  volumes(s)  misnumbered:. 


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PageCs)  or  iUustration(s)  filmed  from  copy  borrowed  from:  So k^    Bm^h'^mfoo 

M15  m^ . — 


other: 


CdumWa  (Bnitif  rtfftp 


LIBRARY 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  AUTHENTIC  RECORDS 


TO    THE    ACCESSION    OF 


FERDINAND   THE   THIRD, 


Ma  queir  ingrato  popolo  maligno 
Che  discese  di  Fiesole  ab  antico, 
E  tiene  ancor  del  nionte  e  del  macigno. 

Dante,  Inferno,  Canto  xv. 

E  come  '1  volger  del  ciel  della  luiia 
Cuopre  ed  iscuopre  i  liti  sanza  posa, 
Cosi  far  di  Fiorenza  la  fortuna  : 

Perche  non  dee  parer  mirabil  cosa 
Ci«)  ch'  io  dir6  degli  alti  Fiorentini, 
Onde  la  fama  nel  tempo  e  nascosa. 

Dante,  Pamdiso,  Canto  xvi. 


GRAND    DUKE    OF    TUSCANY. 


t  •         * 

•  '      !    • 

1  *      •    • 


>    « 


«       5     i 


%  C      •  « 


3/ 
•    «       »  »       * 


J  < 


HENRY  EDWAED    NAPIER, 


%    »    '> 


Captilin  if  ^yte  Rt)j:ol  Na'iy,  r.R.-s.,'        j  •- 


•     •     ■      »   « 
•  •••••      »     • 


IN    SIX    VOLUMES 


VOL.   III. 


LONDON: 
EDWARD   MOXON,   DOVER  STREET. 


MDCCCXLVII. 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  I. 


...    ..'-y,'''' 


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CHAPTER  XXIX. 

(fkom  a.u.  1402  TO  A.D.  1415.) 

War— Its  effects  on  Florentine  territory— Florence  resolves  to  continue  it  against  Milan 
— Dinded  state  of  Lombardy  by  Gian-Galeazzo's  will— League  with  the  church- 
Reduction  of  Count  Antonio  di  Palagio— Investment  of  Perugia— Relieved  by  Otto 
Buon  Terzo— Senese  and  Pisan  frontiers  harassed— Florence  resolves  to  carry  the 
wai-  into  Lombardy— Carlo  Malatesta  joins  the  league— Marquis  of  Este  generalis- 
simo—Alberigo  da  Barbiano  commands  the  Florentines— Cardinal  Baldassare  Cossa 
legate  in  Romagna— Piombino  secured  for  trade— Combined  army  invades  Lom- 
bardy—Encamps  near  Bologna— State  of  Milanese  dukedom— Horrors  of  ci^il  war 
there— Hiunan  flesh  sold  at  Brescia— Duchess  of  Milan  makes  peace  with  the  chxirch 
—Boniface  receives  Bologna— Anger  of  Florence  at  the  peace— Refuses  to  sign— 
Malatesta's  abuse— Florence  continues  the  war  alone— Siena— Pisa— Deplorable 
state  of  Lombardy— Florence  discontinues  hostilities  there— Directs  her  views  on 
Pisa— Fears  of  Gabriello  Visconte— He  claims  French  protection  from  Boucicault 
governor  of  Genoa,  who  threatens  Florence  and  seizes  her  merchandise— Embassy 
to  him— Truce  with  Pisa— Regulations  about  the  rank  of  foreign  rectors— Peace 
■with  Siena— Feudal  chiefs  punished— Tuscany  quiet— Attempts  to  heal  the  schism 
in  the  church— Death  of  Boniface  IX.— Innocent  VII.— Benedict  XIII.  at  Genoa- 
Unites  with  Boucicault  to  treat  with  Florence  and  save  Padua— Treaty  and  sale 
of  Pisa— Gabriello  besieged  in  the  citadel— Pisa  sold  and  citadel  delivered  to  Florence 
—Who  soon  loses  it— Embassy  from  Pisa— Dismissed— War  resolved— Enormous 
expanse  of  Florence — Francesco  da  Carrara's  fall  and  establishment  of  Venice  on 
terra  flrma— His  death,  &c.— Obstacles  to  the  Pisan  war— Ladislaus  and  Otto  Buon 
Terzo— Overcome— Reasons  for  it— Resolution  of  Pisans- Domestic  dissensions 
made  up— Gambacorta's  tyranny— Futile  attempts  at  peace— Military  operations- 
War  and  siege  of  Pisa— An  assault  fails— Sforza  and  Tartaglia's  rivahry— Anecdote 
of  the  former  —  Cruelty  during  the  siege— Negotiations— Duke  of  Burgundy's 
colours  in  Pisa— Treatment  of  his  herald— Famine  increases  in  Pisa— Negotiations 
renewed— Successful— Gambacorta's  selfish  conduct— Terms— Military  council— 
Gino  Capponi's  firm  conduct  and  speech- Franceschino  della  Mirandola— Gino  at 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


Florence— HLs  address  to  the  Seignory— Capitulation  agreed  to— Possession  taken 
of  the  city— Its  distress— Supplied  with  pro^isions— A  public  assembly— Gino  Cap- 
poni's  speech— Ciampolino's  answer— Ambassadors  and  hostages  sent  to  Florence- 
Rejoicings  there— Despair  of  the  Pisans— Emigration  of  many— Florentine  politics 
—Uncertainty  of  events— State  of  Tuscany— Measure  of  Florence  about  Pisa  and 
that  state's  former  power— Death  of  Coluccio  Salutati— State  of  ecclesiastical  affairs 
The  schism— Tumults  at  Rome— Innocent  flies  to  Viter bo— Returns  and  dies- 
Gregory  Xn.— Pn^rress  of  the  schism  —  Benedict  attempts  to  surprise  Rome— 
Ladi«laus  occupies  it— Discontent  of  the  cardinals  at  Lucca— Some  retire  to  Pisa— 
Ladislaus  and  Florence— Gregorj-  goes  to  Siena— Progress  of  schism— Three  general 
councils  summoned— Ladislaus  master  of  the  church  territory— Ilis  policy— Flo- 
rence withdraws  her  obedience  from  Gregory— Ladislaus'  ambition— Embassy  from 
Florence— Valori's  boldness— Florence  unprepared  and  fearful— Ladislaus  in  Tus- 
cany—Embassies fail  to  make  peace— He  ravages  the  coimtry— Attempts  Arezzo— 
Occupies  Cortona— Council  of  Pisa— The  two  popes  condemned  and  Alexander  V. 
elected— But  schism  not  stopped— Three  popes— Treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou— 
His  arrival— Confederate  army  advances— Ladislaus'  motions  and  character— His 
conduct  to  his  wife  Constance  of  Chiaramonte— Coxmt  di  Troia  withdraws  the  king's 
troops  from  Tuscany  to  Rome— The  allies  march  to  Rome— Joinetl  by  Paulo  Orsini 
—Enter  the  city— Vain  attempt  to  get  possession—  Retire— Malatesta  keeps  the 
field— Anjou  retires  to  France— Great  expense  and  loss— Rome  revolts  and  is  taken 
possession  of  by  the  pope  and  Florentines— The  territory  submits— Alexander  V. 
moves  to  Bol(^na— Dies  — John  XXIII.  suspected  of  poisoning  Alexander  V.— 
Anjou  arrives  with  reinforcements— Defeated  at  sea— Peace  between  Florence  and 
Ladislaus— Regulations  against  War  at  Florence— Rule  of  the  Albizzi  despotic— 
The  Albert!  banished— Conspiracies  —  Dispute  with  Genoa — Porto  Venere  gives 
itself  to  Florence— Peace  with  Genoa  -Depopulation  of  Pisa  and  the  Florentine  state 
—Pope  and  Anjou  arrive  at  Rome— Ladislaus  defeated  at  Ponte  Corvo— Treacherous 
conduct  of  the  Condottieri— The  success  fruitless— Anjou  retires  to  France— His 
death— Difficulties  of  the  pope— Peace  with  Ladislaus— Paulo  Orsini —Ladislaus 
occupies  Rome— Flight  of  Pope  John— Florentine  merchants  plundered  at  Rome— 
.  Alarm  of  Florence— Preparations  for  war— Attempts  at  peace— I'rogress  of  Ladis- 
laus—Nicholas  of  Este— Ladislaus  advances  into  Tuscany— Peace  with  Florence 

Discontent  at  it— Earthquake — Illness  and  death  of  Ladislaus— Giaimone's  accoimt 
of  it— Florentines  suspected  of  poisoning  him— State  of  Germany  and  Lombardy— 
Cruelty  of  Gian-Maria  Visconte— Anecdote  of  his  dogs  —  His  place  usurped  by 
Facino  Cane— His  murder— Facino's  death— Energy  of  Filippo  Maiia— Secures  the 
throne  of  Milan— The  Emperor  Sigismond  at  Lodi— The  council  of  Constance  sum- 
moned and  oi)cned  by  John  XXIII.— Cotemporar>'  monarchs    .        .    Page  1  to  45 


CHAFfER  XXX. 

(raoM  A.D.  1415  TO  A.D.  1428.) 

Effects  of  Ladislaus'  death— Internal  regulations— Conservator  of  the  statutes— Fish- 
market— Florentine  statute— Plague— Death  of  Maso  degli  Albizzi— His  successors 
—Influence  of  his  faction— Giov.  de'  Medici— Coeimo— Pope  John  XXIU.  at  Con- 
stance—His flight  and  re-capture— Bologna  revolts— Braccio  da  Montone's  treachery 
and  conquests— Pope  John  deposed— Pope  Gregory  XII.  resigns— Pope  Benedict 


CONTENTS. 


Vli 


XIII.  refuses— Martin  V.  elected  by  the  council  of  Constance— Florentines  offer 
him  a  home-He  arrives  at  Florence— Exultation  of  the  city— John  XXIII.  arrives 
there,  is  reconciled  and  dies— Braccio  reconciled  with  the  pope— Received  with  joy 
by  the  Florentines-Martin  ridiculed  and  incensed-Consequences-Braccio  reduces 
Bologna,  &c.,  to  ecclesiastical  obedience -Leghorn  bought  from  Genoa  by  Florence 
-Consuls  of  the  sea-Attention  to  maritime  affairs-Galleys  built  for  trade  and 
war-Florentines  not  maritime-Reflections  on  their  character-Law  of  retaUation 
-Carmaguola's  cruclty-Not  blamed-Ci\il  regulations -Attempted  bill  on  mar- 
riage-Poverty of  many  citizens— First  salary  given  to  the  Seignory— Gino  Cap- 
poni's  patriotism-First  galley  laimched  for  the  Levant  trade-New  florin  comed 
for  the  same  trade-Prosperity  and  great  riches  of  Florence-Arts,  &c. -Indications 
of  war-Visconti's  dcsigns-His  character-Executes  his  wife  Beatrice  Tenda- 
Her  speech -Carmagnola- Desolation  of  Placentia -  State  of  Genoa-PhiUp's 
designs  on  that  city-Treaty  with  Florence-Genoa  surrenders  to  him-The  Doge 
Tommaso  da  Campo  Fregoso  receives  Sarzana-Martin  V.  still  inimical  to  Horcnce 
-She  refust*  the  alliance  of  his  Bolognesc  legate-Who  allies  himself  \^ith  PhiUp 
Considered  a  breach  of  the  peace-Death  of  Giorgio  Ordilafli  of  ForU-PhiUp 
guardian  to  his  son-Sends  troops  into  the  Bolognese-Breach  of  the  treaty-Anger 
of  Horence-Discussions-Rinaldo  degU  Albizzi-War  with  Milan  resolved-Pan- 
dolfo  Malatesta  general  of  Florence-Defeat  of  the  Florentines  near  Forh  at  Ponte 
a  Ronca-Florence  stirs  up  enemies  against  Philip— Alphonso  of  Aragon-Neapoli- 
tan  affiiirs-Degraded  political  condition  of  Sicily-Alphonso  arrives  at  Naples-Is 
adopted  by  Johanna  IL-Quarrels  with  her-Is  disinherited-Louis  III.  of  Anjou 
adopted-Kingdom  divided  into  two  parties-Florence  sides  with  Alphonso  and 
begins  a  treaty  with  him  at  Leghorn-Milanese  success-Carlo  Malatesta  general 
of  the  Florentines -Their  forces— Forli  invested  —  Milanese  reeuforcements — 
Zagonara  invested-Superstition  of  Florence —General  discontent  —  Poverty  and 
taxation-Lamentations  of  the  citizens-Braccio  da  Montone  killed  before  Aquila- 
Guido  ToreUi  and  Agnolo  della  Pergola  besiege  Zagonara  closely— Count  Alberigo 
demands  aid-Carlo  Malatesta  endeavours  to  raise  the  siege  and  is  totally  defeated 
—Homed  horse  (nofej— Distraction  of  Horence  at  the  defeat-Rinaldo  Gianfig- 
lazzi's  speech-A  forced  loan-Piccinino  engaged-Horentine  losses  in  Romagna 
—Madonna  GentUe  of  Faenza  takes  the  field  with  her  damsels-Defeated— Two 
examples,  one  of  treachery  the  other  of  fideUty-New  tax  on  the  rich  at  Horence- 
The  Uzzani  faction  endeavour  to  annul  it— Fail- Their  anger  and  intrigues- 
Florence  vainly  attempts  to  rouse  up  aUies- Lamentable  state  of  the  rural  districts 
—Reflections— Measures  of  alle\iation— Piccinino  defeated  in  the  pass  of  Lamone 
and  Oddo  di  Braccio  kiUed— Piccinino  turns  the  Lord  of  Faenza  to  the  Florentines 
—Two  new  Monti  created  for  children— More  forced  loans— Catalonian  galleys 
arrive-Exi)edition  to  Genoa  faUs— Defeat  of  Rapallo— Victory  of  Sestri  — Not 
improved— War  draws  into  Arezzo-Defeat  of  the  Florentines  at  Anghiari  and 
Faggiola-Piccinino  dissatisfied -Joins  Visconte— Harasses  the  Florentine  territory 
— Guido  Torelli's  opinion  of  the  Condottieri  of  his  day— Embassies-Discontent  of 
Florence— Forced  loans— Failure  of  merchants— Panic  and  outcry— Lorenzo  Ridolfi 
at  last  induces  Venice  to  make  war  on  Visconte— His  speech  to  the  doge-Carmag- 
nola  joins  the  Venetians-Cunning  of  Florence-Peiino  Turco-Visconte's  offers- 
League  with  Venice-Her  advantages  in  treating  with  Florence— Members  of  the 
league-Cannagnola  generalissimo— Forces— Brescia  besieged  and  taken-Peace— 


-*WW 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


'rilJlTcetr^^^  f-The  war  neeessary^aeasto 

lengo-^arlo  Malate^ta  of  Rimir^^n^rlf^r;,?'  ^^°^--^-««ttle  of  Gotta- 
^;^^or^--Batne  of  Cremona  or  C-^^aTs^J^'''^'^r'^^<>^-  threaten. 
Obstinate  naval  fight  on  the  Pn-v  ,  '^"'-^"elty  of  Agnolo  della  Perimla- 
Battle  of  Macolo  a^d  to"  Uef™?;"  '^^'^^^"^^^^-^ola's  large  a^yZ 
~^^<^^-^^^tl^e,r,^ne^!l^mX^^  suspect  cLagnola 

rhommaso  Frescobaldi- Peace  with  Miir   FvnT      T  "^^  ^^^^^^^^^^-Death  of 
"»««^h«      .  .  ^  ^'^'""-^^P^"^' °^  ^ai-Gain-Cbtemporary 

Page  46  to  102 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Reflections-Recapitulation  of  ciMl  affairs    Ar       . 

Giovanni  dc'  Medici  rnr.f  ,     •  ''^''"^~^^^  ^egli  Albizzi-MceoliS  rl«  r-, 

UL   .ueaiti  Oonlalonier— His  noDulirif^.    n-  ^^'ceoidda  Izzano— 

Albjzz,-,  speech -Uzzano',  opinion"  ,,-lTf      ,        '  Stephen  -  Rinaldo  degli 
Me^ei  over-The  la.ters  replv™"^";"^*  .''"''«'""«  to  »ain  Giovanni  d^ 
toanon-The  Cata«o  loudly  demanT,     I-^L.?""'^" -^^™"'J  '"content  at 
the  hL,t„ryof  Florentine  .a'atir""  ™ '•     T~-''"'"^^''°« '"-- o 
nature  and  mode  of  o,«r,.tion  -  Iiewar    t    "  ■*'*''"^"-'  OerivaUon-Iu 
mfluence-Forced  loan,  under  vari„rnamlr  fr^        -.'^«">P«™«  -  PoUtical 
Inapient  attempt,  a,  a  Catasto-Difflcuin  o7h'"'' ''''''•''■''"°"  »' '«''<'<'»- 
Medtct,  the  supposed  author  of  the  c*^"'  °l  '^^  ^"■■'  "'  topost-Giovamu  de- 
of  the  name  Ca,a.„„-i„  „,,„re  e,p,a  ne^'  ^„  '^'"'7""  """  "«"»«-I'-rivation 
me^ure-Vast  e,penditure  of  Hore„rtr     T" ''""'™  "'  '""^'o"  "^fore  thi" 
profits  Of  trade-Loan,  at  Hr.tr^^^^.T''"'"'"'  "■""''  ^'^"  '"'J  greater 
-N.CCOW  da  l-z.a«o-s  quota  of  ."Jt^'JlTr'"^  i"'"  "PPrcssive  imp:  J 
_<;oaque«  Of  Marradi-Brnto-s  e,ar«^   of  r^^      "  "•- Ca'a'to-Causes  of  tte 
-VccAfo,-  what  .'-War  on  mJIZ        ,   I  *^'<""™'  '^o'  Modiei's  p„Uey      Th, 
Of  .ower  classe,  towards  Gi^.     -T^.^  ^^^^f"'  7''->  of  Horefo^^^^,^; 
character  of  Giov.  de-  MwUci's  .»,IW      7       ""''-""  ""'"^-Martini-Bnitn't 
de-Medici,  and  last  advice  t^i  t^7""""'-''»''ouW,U„es,,-I,,ath  o^Sov 
-lis  manner _ Commercial  r-^ToS^    r^Z"'^''''^''''  ™"*"»>  °»^ta 

c^.^  '««'«ha::r„:rerirGt:^"^^™-''«  — anr-^r 

-Leaders  Of  faction  at  Florence- °tl^l7„7/,''-',"''^''"-Vo.terra  recove^ 
tostmo  and  Avcrardo  de'  McUci-lCri;^''"'  "''"'  -*""^>^--Neri  Capponi- 
Uon  o,  favourahle  circumstanc  Xalm^rta^™"''  -"-"""-crhL 
Bruto-s  praise  of  him-Diffloulty  of  pen""  X  .  ""  '"  '""'"■""'  ^^tion- 
Lucca-Guinip  oomplains-Viviani's  tr^cC^^  "''^•-rortebraccio  in^-ade. 
g>vcn  to  Fortebraecio- War  desiTed  hT,  f  7~°°'"'"  "'»•""'->  cncouragem^ 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


It  ♦. 


consequent  intrigues— A  new  Balik— Cosimo  and  Pucci  in  it— Niccolo  Tolentino 
engaged— Michelletto  ditto— Expenses  increase  and  Cosimo's  influence  with  them 
—Intrigues- Office  of  rebellion— Cabal  at  the  Casa  Medici— Lorenzo's  intrigues  at 
MUan-Astorre  Gianni's  success— Recalled  through  the  Medici  and  his  own  mis- 
conduct—Alemanno  Salviati— Rinaldo  removed— Neri  Capponi  unemployed  through 
Cosimo's  intrigues— Obstacle  to  the  war— Cosimo's  wily  financial  conduct— Senese 
remonstrate  against  the  war— Opinion  of  Tenucci's  authenticity— Ditto  of  Bruto's 
— Foscarini's  opinion  of  the  latter's  history— Caution  with  which  Bruto's  history 
should  be  received Page  103  to  156 

CIUPTER  XXXII. 

(from  a.d.  1430  TO  A.D.  1435.) 
Affairs  of  Lucca— Causes  of  the  war— Intrigues  of  leaders— Great  preparations— Dis- 
union in  the  army— Astorrc  Gianni  commissary— His  cruel  conduct  at  Seravezza— 
Letter  of  recall— Rinaldo  commLsgary— Resigns  in  anger— Guicciardini  succeeds— 
Accused  and  absolved— Licence  of  armies  in  those  days— (note)— State  of  parties 
—Brunelleschi's  project  to  swamp  Lucca— Lucchese  counter-project— Brunelleschi's 
failure  and  mortification— War  mania  continues— Senese  alarmed— Send  an  em- 
bassy—Antonio Petruccio's  insulting  reception— Its  consequences— New  BaliJl— 
Plague— Jews  admitted  to  reside  in  Florence— Great  interest— Guinigi  treats  with 
Milan— Treachery  of  his  envoys— False  letters  of  the  Florentines  to  create  distrust 
at  Lucca— Lucca  offered  to  Philip— Niccolo  Piccinino's  sincerity— Lorenzo  Medici 
ambassador  at  MiUm-Sforza  employed  treacherously  against  Lucca— Boccacini 
Alemanni  duped— Sforza's  character— Cavalcanti's  philosophy— Sforza  enters  Lucca 
—His  insolence— Levies  money— Is  baffled  at  Pescia— Genoa  favours  Lucca— Aspect 
of  the  war— Changed— Venice  urged  to  attack  Philip— He  endeavours  to  explain— 
Preparations  for  hostilities  in  Lombardy— Paulo  Guinigi  arrested  by  Sforza  and 
others,  and  sent  to  Milan— His  death— Sforza  bribed  by  Florence— Niccolo  Picci- 
nino  sent  to  aid  Lucca— Curious  flights  and  battle  of  crows— Piccinino  crosses  the 
Serchio  and  beats  the  Florentines— Relieves  Lucca— His  further  proceedings- 
Defensive  measures  of  Florence— Her  perilous  state— Conspiracy  at  Pisa— Fails— 
Rosso's  treachery— Summary  proceedings  to  his  relations— Their  barbaritj'- Cosi- 
mo's humanity- Guido's  angry  reproof  to  him— Numerous  revolts— Micheletto 
general— Naval  \ictory  of  Portofino—  Piccinino's  success— Arezzo's  danger  from 
treachery— Niccolo  Tolentino  jealous  of  Piccinino— Engages  with  Florence— The 
latter  recalled  to  defend  Lombardy— Poiie  Martin  V.  dies— Eugenius  IV.— Endea- 
vours at  peace— Partiality  to  Florence— Disgusts  other  states— War  inevitable- 
Siena  joins  Lucca— Lord  of  Piombino  ditto— Sforza's  services  secured  by  the  pro- 
mise of  Bianca  Visconte  in  marriage— Carmagnola  general  of  Venice— Beaten  by 
Sforza— Naval  battle  on  the  Po— Milanese  defeated— Carmagnola  deceived  by  Sforza 
and  Piccinino— Second  naval  battle  —Venetians  defeated  —  Tolentino  supersedes 
Michelletto— They  defeat  Bernardino  at  the  Capantie—Tisan  rural  population  in 
organised  revolt— Their  ferocity— Horrors  of  the  war— Deplorable  state  of  Pisa— 
The  women  expelled— Archbishop  Ricci-Baldacciod'Anghiari— His  cruel  character 
—Anecdote— Vindictive  character  of  war  in  those  days— What  Cosimo  had  to  answer 
for— Carmagnola's  inexplicable  conduct— His  mode  of  acting  and  talking— Threats 
—Venetians  suspicious— Resolve  to  kill  him— His  death— Reflection— Sigismund 


wW^W^'l^^ 


CONTENTS. 


rM::hl'.Sl;et:":rhfa  r: '"tr "°"  '°  l— Treacher,  Of  a  „„„,„,. 

Share  in  it_Ar,ecdo.:re1J;7„'"™kr';  ""'  T'^""'  --'•>-«^<>«->o'» 
papal  troop,  proposed  by  Ven  Tffl  "if?  ™""'»'«l-J™ction  with  the 

the  churoLpZ^ith  MUaT     R  "  „    7'^«'<»'-*-o"<'braccio  Gonfalomcr  of 

-Towns  dismantled-rnsatisfJZv  '     ,f  7  "'  '''"' '"  «'"'''  *'  """"tT 

poUey-Xieeoio  Jhado  ;^  :^™^IV  tC„r  r  Tf  ^ 
-Averardo-Pueci-Name,  of  pL'  T  ,    "•''>-""'"l''<>'»  conduet  and  poliey 

ttem-RinaId„r4c;ri^v!^/,.!^t:il'°  ™''  "'  l-Hrtie,-P„bUe  n,«hief  fro.' 
Kinaldo's  intriEue.^Gmril  r    7/  *  "  ^''"'^""  "^"-Blind  prophet- 

«.o  is  ™-o';rrfcred'^:ro::rarr"  "^^^^^  r  r -^ 

Attempu  ,0  poison  ^d^a^j^-'T,*, '■'■'"  '"'^""'-D^taes  on  his  death- 
Cosimc^Fet^naecto  a,  S-hT7,  ™   ,  ''fT'  ™"  •""""'--''---"res 

-<-ons,erna.r^nof  Hor  nt^Hor!  u  Jcto!:7^  '  Cosin.^UriU,  Guada^i 
tags  of  the  Balia-Banishnient,  of  ,t  V  ^.""^?="°'"<»-'  ™e  hundrod-Prooeed. 
dia  "-Opposition-rw^^Tre^,*  ™ '^'"-:^™"™  "'  *'  "  "'"'  ■"«"  <'«<.'- 
-Terror oahe  citizel-Sn  Zt  w^^??'''  •"  ''«'•"''  ">*  ■»»>*  Powerful 

doubts-HisexJeTpnsilla^tT    r    "^/"^^^ 

sentenee-RetirestoPadTT  '~  r"*"'  '^'"'"  ""^  Seifnorj-Reeeive,  his 
Faction-Rew^Td.^;";:;"™'      'T^^^ 

advice-Cosinioin  e.,ile-cZL  ',  W  r  *"  "^IX-^Fails-BaldoMnetti's 
the  pope-Philip  scndrs^r^^s.  irnr"  ''^'^'''"''"^^"'™'°f 
enemies-Fortebraccio  invest  RfTcZ"'  -  """'  ""'■'^  &c.-Other 
^  topped  bv  Piceinin„rZ:rt;;^T  Ent:f "'"  "'  ""  '""^'-'"^  "- 
at  Rome-Imola  rcvolts-Tolemtao  slrt"^.  "■*'  lo  Florence-Truce 

Join-Piecinino  opposes  th^irLT^^^t^rr^^Z^  ^'  ^'^  f"- 
loss  of  life-ToIcntino's  drath     x^  ^     *  ^ -Tolcntino  a  prisoner-Small 

Anew  Sci^^or^-^^Tccor^^^^^^  '^^^ ^^  Cosiu.o-B.a..hed- 

meetings-Palla  Stro.zi-Anm^  mc^Z  at  s^l  pT""''"'"^'"'^  alarm-Secret 
summoned- Defensive  mea^t  T.n  ^^uhnan-Rinaldo  and  Peruzzi 

confusion  of  t.e  Sei^oTiri^lr^XLV.r^^^^^^^^        ^'^^— " 
Eugemus  becomes  a  mediator-The  city  full  of  r^I!^    th.  ^  ^-^^tualled- 

conditions-Rinaldo  under  the  pope's  nrotP^ Ln  "f -""t"^^^  msurgents  yield  to 
and  his  companion.  recaUed-Ze  o/^"   r^^^^^  Bali.-Cosimo 

~A  new  Seignorr  of  violent  men-Pro^„f  I   .  ,        '       '       ^"^  °^^"  P^^^^^es 
all  the  magistraci.-KiJdor."  lec^^^^^^^^^^  "'"^^  ^^^^''^  ^-ds  in 

-Cosimo  arrives  there-Vengeance-A>^r  ,^o  ,       ^;^^'gemu«_He  quits  Plorence 

of  the  Florentine  army-CotemTrrry^L^^ 

Page  157  to  227 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK    THE    SECOND. 


CHAPTER  I. 

(from  a.d.  1435  TO  A.D.  1451.) 
Cosimo's  restoration  considered— Compaiison  of  Venice  and  norence— Recapitulation 
of  Florentine    History  and   principal  institutions— Their  power,   defects,  &c.— 
Seignory,  colleges,  Ten  of  War— Gonfaloniers  of  companies -Regulations  for  the 
"  Trtl  Magpiori,"  made  during  the  plague— Its  use  to  Cosimo— Gonfalonier  of  jus- 
tice—His power— Lawsuits— E\als— Cosimo's  proscription— Nobles  made  popolani 
—Third  order  of  citizens  arises  in  various  ways— State  of  Florence  in  consequence 
of  Cosimo's  power— His  heartless  speech— Low  famiUes  rise  with  him-  His  policy 
in  restoring  the  nobles— History  of  Florence,  that  of  Medici  from  this  time-Execu- 
tions—Cosimo's  apparent  humanity— Persecutions— Albert!  recaUed— Reforms  in 
favour  of  Cosimo's  despotism— Severities— Alliances— Two  MiUtary  Schools— Brac- 
cesca  and  Sforzesca— Affairs  of  Naples-Alphonso  defeated  and  made  prisoner  at  sea 
—Sent  to  Milan-Is  liberated  by  PhiUp- Revolt  of  Genoa  in  consequence— Her 
alliance  with  Florence -Anger  of  Visconte— Becomes  a  member  of  the  league— In- 
trigues of  Rinaldo  degli  Albizzi— Piccinino  ordered  covertly  against  Horence— Is 
opposed  by  Sforza— Repulsed  at  Barga— He  is  demanded  by  Venice— Cosimo's  am- 
bition  to  conquer  Lucca— Sforza's  views— Florentines  determine  to  send  Sforza  to 
the  Venetians— He  pursues  his  conquests— Blockades  Lucca— Meets  the  Venetian 
deputies  at  Reggio— Refuses  to  serve  beyond  the  Po— Returns  to  Tuscany— Is  dis- 
missed by  Venice— Demands  his  arrears  of  pay— Venice  refuses -Florence  inter- 
cedes—Cosimo's  unsuccessful  embassies  there— Davanzani's  ditto— Sforza  threatens 
to  go  over  to  Visconte— Does  so— Makes  peace  between  him  and  Florence— Picci- 
nino  renews  the  war  in  Romagna— Visconte's  deceit— Sforza  and  Florence  rejoin 
the  league— War  in  Lombardy— Neri  Capponi  persuades  Sforza  to  cross  the  Po— 
He  defeats  Piccinino  at  Tenna— The  latter's  escape— RalUes  his  men  and  takes 
Verona— Retaken  by  Sforza— Cosimo  gonfalonier— Pope  and  CouncU  of  FeiTara 
remove  to  Florence— Accompanied  by  Greek  emperor  and  patriarch— Eastern  and 
western  churches  united— Philip  resolves  to  carry  war  into  Tuscany— Vitelleschi— 
His  treachery— Hatred  to  Florence— Sforza  is  persuaded  not  to  quit  Lombardy— 
Defection  of  Malatesta— Of  Marquis  of  Este's  son— ViteUeschi's  treason  discovered 
—His  arrest  at  Rome  and  death— Lucca  Pitti— Patriarch  of  Aquilea  succeeds  him— 
Marches  to  Tuscany— Piccinino  repulsed  by  Niccolo  da  Pisa— Crosses  the  Apen- 
nines—Cowardice of  Orlandini— Mugello  ravaged— Florence  threatened— Florence 
quiet  but  in  great  alarm— Discontent  of  the  rural  population— Cosimo  prepares  to 
fly— His  cause  for  fear- Distraction  of  CouncUs— Puccio's  spirit— Count  of  Poppi 
invites  Piccinino  into  the  Casentino— Causes  of  his  treason— War  in  Casentino— 
MoreUo's  gaUantiy  in  San  Niccolo— Cruel  artifice  of  the  Count  of  Poppi— Piccinino 
recalled— Resolves  to  fight— Sforza's  victory  near  Orel— Battle  of  Anghiari— Defeat 
of  Piccinino— Not  improved— Small  loss— Piccinino  in  Lombardy— Dispersion  of 
the  exiles— Death  of  Rinaldo  dcgU  Albizzi-Ruin  of  the  Count  of  Poppi-Successes 


xn 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


conte  married  to  Sfo^a-P^™    a„rt„     "^r""-^'' "'«"-«'"'-  Vis. 
power  and  tm,nny-im  an™  "nt  mL7    ^      ''°"'""'  "'  Fl»'*n'»-Costo„'s 

M^der  of  BaldacobdU„;3rCnt;7  rp-''^™'""'^  °'  -"■'"  C"'"»»'- 
-PhUip  urges  Eugcni,.,  to  war  aS^"sto' "a  '^^.'^.'"'■'■^— R-^i"  of  Anjou 
-Makes  war  in  La  Marca-Rerafe  rn ,  ^7'-"-'^'«'n»<'  gonfalonier  of  the  pope 
Po,>^Piccinin„  breal^s  i.-^^^^«t  "H'*"''""  ""'"^^  ^'-^  ^"^h": 
With  Aiphons-^Bologna  revol  "-rCjb7v:!"  T "^  ""^'-^'^^  "^'clf 
u  La  Marca-vl«K.nto  assies  him-st^a  re ,     T        ""^'^-Sforza  pressed 
Venieeaid  him-Alphonso  reti^sf,^^f  J^',"'  "*  ""■^''^-Florence  and 
treacherous  generals-Ue  takes  his  rel^l^f    '"'"""  ''"  "onteloro-Sforza's 
Of  Florenee-xew  B^i^mZ^L'ZZ'csZ'^  'T"'"  »»'"^—'»<f«- 
"ealls  Piccinino-Sforza  beats  fYancirZ.  I^'™  '"°*'''  P-^d-Visconte 

Peace  ooacluded-QuarrelTt™  vL  T  r'^'''"^''  <"f"«'-Piecinino  dies- 
Sforza-Anger  and  yonJaToT^^iZT  T  f-— «an>oUionc  executed  by 
against  Sforza-Dea.h  of  Calico  rm"""  "T'^'  '"•'  ■»"'  •™'  ^Iphonso 
murderer^norenco  and  Venice  rpZh^'^f  ^"'^''-™'"' '"P^^^^ '"» 
excommunicates  him-Trios  to  TtAE  '"■"-T*'""'^  ■'<«fly  "uned-Eugenitu, 
-l^e  Cremona  and  Pontr™:,"  w  f  ^^^  J»'- ^l-^-Pl-UiP  «.en,^U  to 
Mdanese-Viseonte  sues  for  pcaoe-MLr.^    T  ^  C^'tetaiaggiore  of  the 

t"^  of  VL^onte-Implores  Sfor  a  no  „"h  ,""'"'•  '^'^  "^"^^  Mcto„-Dis. 
-Who  attempts  to  scL  CrZ^Xlll^'^  h,m-Tempting  offers  of  Venice 
Marches  to  C^cmona-State  o7rrti«r„  ^  ''"'  V'^nte-Death  of  Philip- 
Sforza  general  of  Milan-Cro^Po™  p  ''"''  """^  "'"^  <"  Ix>mbardL 
character  and  first  moasur«-ALhri  ^T'""'"'^'™  »' ^■'*'"^  ^.-kis 
Attempts  Piombino-w-herelta  tan  T""  ■f"«^^5-Takea  CastigUon^ 

Alphonso  retires  to  Xaples-Pa  la  ^^iu^f^-^lf'r  "'  «'"""">  ^"^ 
Hacent.a-W.r  Horco  in  l-mbardv-'Ca  tlt^b";^''  °""'"'  »"•"  "P*"---  <>' 
Sfom  makes  peace  with  Veniee-AngerTMi^    ,  r"'™!" '^'"  C^^avaggio- 
^ '■"'^-She  joins  Milan-But  Sfor,a  n^^T      „      '  """'  '""^oes^Deserted  by 
»— dor  .0  his  camp-H.  ^^  TmT     ,7"  ""'  '""'-^^■'■"  «»  »»- 

^r.cro"'*-^''''"-^ -^^ 

-u.sdeathj;rtti:ir:;;;^r.rna^^'»^"--- 

•        .        .    Page  228  to  288 
CHAPTER  II. 

(PKOM   A.D.  1450  TO   A  D     U65  ) 

Tr^mLt-:  r  srrc:^t;r  n --  o,cond„ct 

Mark-^ty  ftdl  Of  commoUon  aXutri^gTr';"'"'  '~^^'  ">-ttog  m  «. 
-Term,  of  Alliance  oiTered  by  Alphorr^"!" n*^T'»  "^''''°"-«*''«'^ 
na.,«ul  bankrup,c,_o,„era,  di*»^tti''*r^.'''>"''''''-'der-Fraudulent 

-vengeance  considered  a  'Irtue-SudTe/ricKt^^'JrT':  '^^^™»™' 

'^^  tituens,  but  general  im- 


poverishment-Scrutiny— Angry    votes  of  the  citizens-Called  the    Lily— Ten 
"^ccopptatori"— Their  power— Upstart  families  unpopular— Domenico  MicheleV 
character— (no/e)—Generalpcculation— Oppressive  taxation  —  Twenty-four  rates 
in  one  year— Families  leave  the  city— Executions  in  their  villas— Extreme  severity 
of  proceedings— Justification  of  it— Objections  and    grievances— Insolence  of  the 
Coeimeschi— Taxes  levied  nominally  for  Sforza— His  complaints  on  the  subject— 
Catasto  suspended— Great  inmaoraUty- King  of  Portugal's  di^'idend8  stopped— 
He  seizes  the  Florentines  at  Lisbon— And  is  paid— Murders  committed  with  impu- 
nity—xeri  Capponi's  noble  conduct— Different  estimation  of  vengeance  by  small 
and  great— Liugi  Guicciardini's  cruelty— Jealousy  of  Cosimo's  riches,  his  palaces, 
&c.— Public  feeling  against  him—"  GH  Uomini  "  or  decemvirate  of  taxation— Op- 
pressive taxes— Demand  of  Sforza— Resisted— Cosimo  unable  to  carry  it— Resolves 
on  other  means— Officers  of  the  Mount— Despotic  and  tyrannical  conduct  of  Cosimo 
—He  is  the  pivot  of  the  state— His  great  power— His  supporters  alarmed— Giov. 
BartoU  and  Alex,  de'  Bardi  attempt  a  modification— Their  plan  universaUy  popular 
—Cosimo  defeats  it— Vast  number  of  expatriated  citizens— Three  distinct  parties  in 
the  governing  faction— Pucci  attempts  to  mitigate  misrule— Fails— Authenticity  of 
Cavalcanti  as  a  historian— Difficult^'  of  discovering  the  truth  in  history— Discontent 
of  Venice— Leagues  with  Alphonso  against  Florence  and  Milan— Florentine  mer- 
chants banished  from  Venice  and  Naples— Fall  of  the  funds  at  Florence— Santi 
Bentivoglio's  stor^-— Remains  true  to  Florence— Venice  plots  against  him— His 
bravery— Defeats  the  conspirators— Florence  resolves  on  war— BaUjl  of  war  ap- 
pointed—Alliances— Passports  refused  to  Venetian  ambassadors  —  The  emperor 
Frederic  III.  arrives  in  Italy— Magnificently  received  at  Florence— His  expenses 
paid  by  Florence— Crowned  at  Rome— Returns  by  Ferrara  and  creates  Borso 
d'Este  Duke  of  Modena— Venetians  attack  Sforza— Ferdinand  of  Calabria  invades 
Tuscany— Marquis  of  Monfcrrato  attacks  Sforza— Is  beaten- Sforza  attacks  the 
Brescian  territory— Duke  of  Calabria's  progress— Failures  at  Forano— Broglio— 
Cacciano—Castellina— Defensive  and  cautious  character  of  Florentine  warfare  re- 
commended by  Gino  Capponi— Ferdinand  retires— Civil  affairs  of  Florence— Balia 
—Its  objects— Gonfalonier  elected  at  will— Divides  itself  into  boards— Taxes  and 
loans— High  price  of  them- Sopportanti  and  Non-Sopportanti,  what  ?— Accopiatori 
-Undue  assumption  of  power  by  the  Balia— Giov.  Cambi's  anger— Other  measiu"es 
— Divieto  abolished  in  certain  offices— Otto  della  Guardia— Priors  chosen  by 
hand— Comicil  chamber  cnlarged—Alfairs  of  Italy— Pope  Nicliolas- His  conduct- 
Discontent  at  Rome— Stefano  Porcari— His  conspiracy  and  death -Reflection- 
Embassy  to  France— Warlike  preparations— Regnier  Duke  of  Anjou  engaged- 
Fall  of  Constantinople— War  in  Lombardy— Regnier  retires  to  France— Florentines 
recover  their  losses  from  Ferdinand- Siena  in  danger— Peace  of  Lodi  concluded  in 
Lombardy— Defensive  league— Alphonso  affronted— Finally  accedes— Makes  war 
on  Genoa— Distress  of  that  republic— Gives  its  colonies  to  the  bank  of  Saint 
George— And  the  republic  to  France— Giovanni  of  Anjou  governs— War  continued 
with  Alphonso— Ilis  death— Double  marriage  between  Naples  and  Milan— Eager- 
ness of  Pope  Nicholas  for  the  league— Dies— Calistus  III.  succeeds— Jacomo  Picci- 
nino's  movements— Baffled  by  the  allies  and  enters  the  service  of  Naples— Affairs 
of  Florence— Renewal  of  BaliJL  and  scrutinies  for  five  years— Old  method  of  draw- 
ing by  lot  restored— Divisions  of  Florence  those  of  faction  —  Resulting  from  their 
system  of  government— Consequences— Power  of  Balia— Cosimo's  cautionary  mea- 


'mm 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


fiuros  recapitulat«l--  Otto  di  Guardia  "-Their  prcat  powcr-Co8imo's  poUcy  and 
conduct-Neri  Capponi-His  adherence  to  Cosimo-IIis  character  and  influence 
and  probable  cause  of  thi.  adherence-His  death-Change  in  Ca^imo's  friends- 
They  wiah  to  a»ume  power-IIis  measures- Gives  them  the  rein  for  a  while- 
Supports  free  and  popular  mea^urcs-The  citizens  firncv  themselves  free  again- 
Tbe  secedcrs  from  Cosimo  humbled-Cosimo  incxorable-The  Catasto  re-established 
by  the  citizeiij^Cosimo  still  deaf  to  the  entreaties  of  the  seceders-They  try  to 
carry  a  Balia  without  him-Fail-Cosimo  at  last  resolves  to  resume  his  power- 
Luca  Pitti  gonfalonier  -Made    use   of  by  Cosimo   -  Proposes  the  Bahk    in 
«nuncils-FaUs-Thre:Uens- Calls    a    ParUjimont-Creates  a  Bali^   by  force^ 
>ame  of  the  I»riors  of  the  Arts  changed  to  Priors  of  Liberty-Other  changes- 
Luca  Pitti's  reputation -I>unishment  of  encmies-Girolamo  MacchiavcUi's  oppo- 
sition  and  fate-Tortured  into  confessions-Other  victims-Free  spirit  wide  spread 
-Strong  measures-Persecution-Giov.   Canibi's   advice-Executions  and  other 
ngours-New  Council  of  a  Hundred-"  Otto  di  Balia  "~"  Otto  di  Pratica"-lt< 
power-Lucca  Pitti's  great  reputation  and  I>opularity-Buil(ls  his  palace  and  villa- 
Assisted  by  all-His  conduct  and  that  of  his  party-Ucath  of  Calistus  IIL-Eleva- 
Hon  of  .Fiieas  SyMus  as  Hus  IL-IIis  attempts  at  a  crusade-Congress  at  Mantua 
-Fails-Pope  returns  to  Rome-War  in  Naples  between  Ferdimmd  and  John  of 
Anjou-Both  demand  aid  from  Florence-Her  conduct -Declares  neutrality-  in 
conformity  with  Sfor/a's  views  and  imder  pretext  of  debt-Death  of  G.  Macchia^elli 
and  consequent  rigour*-"  Otto  di  /?«;/.r'-Cosimo's  acts  and  words  at  variance- 
Leaden  cahn  of  FloreBce-Cosimo's  ambition  and  tUscontent  with  Sforza- Latter's 
mgratitude-Cosimo's  (Uslike  of  his  party's  violence  doubtful-Retires  a  little  from 
public  hfe  and  devotes  his  time  to  literature,  &c.-His  imUndual  modesty  of  de- 
portment  contrasted  with  his  great  reputation- Loses  his  son-Ills  unhappiness- 
Armament  at  .\ncona-Death  of  Pius  IL  -  Accession  of  Paul  IL-Cosimo's  death 
approaches-IIis  dying  words- Discrepancy  between  these  and  his  actions  except 
as  those  of  a  partisan-His  death-Regretted-Reflections  on  Cosimo's  character 
and  actions-Various  estimates  of  him-Remarks  continued-Observation  of  Nic 
colo  da  Uzzano-IIis  wealth-Not  so  great  as  his  nephew's  when  shared-His' 
great   expenses  -  Personal  modesty- Rare  talents-Success- Mercantile  credit 
enormous-Additions  to  the  territory  under  him-Lived  at  a  luckv  moment  for  his 
fame-IIis  wise  magiuticence  though  not  learned-Character  of' him  by  poUtical 
opi>«nent.s-IIis  personal  appearance-His  son's  character  of  Mm-Padre  de'la 
Patrta  mscnbed  by  public  decree  on  his  tomb-CotemiJorary  Monarchs. 

Page  289  to  345 
CILU'TER  in. 

(from  a.d.  1464  TO  A.D.  1478.J 
Piero  de' Medici-Dietisahi  Neroni-HLs  advice  to  IMerc^-His  ambition-Unpopularity 
of  Pieros  conduct-IMtti.  Acciaiuoli.  and  Soderini-Their  objects -Marriage  ot' 
Lorenzo  de  Medici-Creates  discontent-Intrigues  of  Neroni  and  Lucca  Pitti- 
F^tions  of  the  "Por/p/o"  and  "  Pumo  "-Growing  spirit  of  free<lom-Niccolo 
Sodenm  Gonlalonier-Tommaso  Soderini-Thwarts  his  brothcr-Niccolo's  weak 
tTiirlrvf 'T'^'  '^'  Medici-Francesco  Sforza's  death-Pension  to 
^e  Duke  of  MUan  discussed-Piero's  energj-  and  solid  rK,wer-ProiK,sal  of 
his  enemies  to  kill  him-Is  reUnquished-Uercules  of  Este  emploved  by  Them 


I 


.1        rn«,inttieri-IIe  nroposes  to  march  on  Florence-Thc  project  of  kiUing 
"^^IZZtTlZ^Z.  vigilance-Neroni's  treachery-Piero  informed 
of  all  hLoTponents'  movements-Hls  party  gains  strength-Urged  to  act  promptly 
pLoarm.and  assembles  troops-Leaves  Careggi  for  Horence-His  assassina- 
Jn  preve^ed  by  Lorenzo-He  gets  safe  to  Rorence-The  Poggio  action  arm- 
Z^r^lt^^^^Lm-^^ror^^^  energ,--Cinl  war  discussed-Perplexity  o^ 
Lver^ent-Disunion  of  the  Poggio  faction-Lucca  Pitti  gamed  over  to  Piero- 
^  ei^  of  the  latter-New  .eignory-Reconciliation  of  parties-Weakness  ot 
n  rentL  government-Pievo's  advisers-Meeting  of  parties  at  the  Medici  p^ace 
^NiccoTo  Soderini  alone  remains  aloof-Attempts  to  rouse  Lucca  Pitti-Par  ly 
succeeds-New  disturbances  and  new  reconciUations-Piero  conUnues  armed- 
L^ca  entirely  deserts  his  party-Piero's  moderate  language-A  parhament-New 
mI-Ac  aiU  Neroni.  and  Soderini  fly  from  Florence-Exiles  and  admom- 

tns    TmTr"n^^^^^ 

-Mo7e"rernostL  movements  of  the  exiles-As  promptly  met  at  Horence 
-Manifests-Alliances-Fears  of  Veni.e-Agnolo  Acciaiuoli  supplicates  Piero-  s 
answered-Joins  the  exiles^Attempt  tobreak  the  Medician  bank  by  a  "m-Neariy 
^cceed-Urbino  general  of  Florence -Coleoni  general  of  the  exile's  forces-Other 
ames-Venice  the  great  assistant  of  the  exiles-Rival  generals-The  two  anmes 
take  the  tield-Operations  slow-D.ike  of  Milan's  perversity-Impedes  the  nuh^y 

operations-invited  to  Horence-Battle  of  San  ^-^-^f  f  ^f  5;^^^^^°„^- 
Armistice-Contributions-Negotiations-Pope's  treaty-Scale  of  power   of  the 
tt^u    states-Discontent  and  refusal  of  Florence  and  Milan  to  s>gn  the  Pope^ 
treaty-A  new  peace  signed-Attempts  of  the  exiles-Sarzana  purchased  by  Ho- 
rence-Succession  of  Rimini-Persecutions  by  the  Medician  faction-Piero  tries  m 
vain  to  repress  it-ffis  speech-No  real  effect-Prepares  to  recaU  the  exUes-His 
death-Character-Tommaso  Soderini  considered  chief  of  Florence-llis  fideUt>' 
and  moderation-IIis  influence  in  Florence-Nocturnal  assembly-Lorenzo  and 
Giuliano  acknowledged  as  cliiels  of  the  republie-Consequenees-Nardis  attempt 
on  Prato-IIis  exceution-Dukc  of  Milan  visits  Ix)renzo-lts  consequences  and 
objects-Death  of  Borso  d'  Este-Of  Pope  Paul  II.-Accession  of  Sixtus  I\\-He 
favours  Lorenzo-Ti-ades  restored  to  their  ancient  number -ProscnpUons-Revolt 
of  VGlterra-Political  changes-Commercial  jealousy-Incipient  quarrels  between 
the  Pope  and  Lorenzo-Alliance  between  Florence,  Milan,  and  Vemce-Between 
the  Pope  and  Ferdinand-Count  of  Montefeltro  created  Duke  of  Urbmo-Italy 
divided  into  two  factions-Duke  of  Milan  ass.issinated-Carlo  de  Montone  attacks 
Perugia  and  Siona-Cotemporary  monarchs    .  .  •  I  age  ,i4b  to  d»b 


CHAPTER  IV. 

(from  a.d.  1478  TO  A.I).  1481.) 
Different  character  of  opposition  to  the  Medici  as  chiefs  of  faction  and  chiefs  of  the 
republic-Discontent-Choice  of  remedies-Inutility  of  assassination  contrasted 
with  the  open  trial  and  pimishment  of  sovereigns-Oppressive  acts-Lorenzo's 
debts  paid  by  public  money-Great  power  and  influence  of  the  Medici- Composition 
of  their  party-Its  antagonists -Contrast  of  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  de'  Medici-The 
Paz/i-Their  conspiraey-Death  of  GiuUano  and  the  consequent  horrors-His 


XVI 


CONTEXTS. 


ol««)uics--Reflmion8-I.„ronzo-,  Hold  of  action -The  Pope'8  in.liCTation  and 
ZTZ^::^T^"^  ""'™  rctea^d-SUt.,  rvZl^^ZZlZ 
^^Z.rr  mproparcd  state-Venice  refuse,  aid-MUan  n„werte.«I 

Theca^ffXen^  ,  f "™'  """"^l-A  l»<"5-  Kuardvotcl  to  Lorenm- 

Tlie  cause  of  Florence  espoused  by  the  European  potentatcs-Premration.  for  war 

^ZZZ7,rZ:~''"'^"^  r  ^"^  '"'  """"""'  ^iera,-Hir« 
oegnn    Ptuhp  de  Comines'  opinion  of  Itilian  warfare-Military  operations-Death 
o    Carlo  da  Monton^Defeat  of  the  Po,»',  army  at  Monte™  WKotert  of 
Runm-Florentine  camp  and  Poggibonzi  taken-CoUe  taken -Lodovicosjla 
u.  reconcded  ,0  Bona  duchess  of  Milan-Alarm  and  discontent  of  Fwl  -Atu^! 
concludcd-Lorenzo  departs  for  Naples-His  letters  to  the  dukes  oTclbfiL 
irbuio  ^a  the  Florentine  Seignory-Honourably  reeeivcl  t  ^rS.  " 
PoIrT?   ™<^'»»'-Rotums  t„n«renee-IIis  fame  increasesJ-AlsolS  pie' 
Polmeal  changes  all  tending  to  dcs,K,ti,m-Loren.o-s  private  fortune  ITZZ 
bypubhc  money-Forty  new  member,  add.^  to  the  Council  of  Thirtvi^ow^rl^^ 
rt\    TrT^"  "'™"^''  "  °f  Lo-»^o-HLs  skilful  policy-..  0«o  d,"  Pr27"I 
Duke  of  Calabna  estabUshcs  his  i„i,„enee  over  Siena-Its  coLquenees  Wlo  ^nce 
L^en^blanied-Justifled-Danger  of  E-lorcnce-Probably  saved  by  t^eVaptu" Vf 
.^r!f^     "*"   •'^'"''•^'^"'^"'^'"'^''^''l^'^^y-Sutaoissionandr^^^^^^^^^ 
.»n  of  Florence  wtth  the  Pope-Xew  treaty  w1,h  Naples-Capturcd  pla^T^t"re,i 

Mon^l"-"!""""  "'  '"'"'  '""  "^'"^"'^  '"---^  fame^CoUZ:; 

Page  387  to  435 

CHAPTER  V. 

(from   A.D.  1480  TO  A.D.  1492.) 

Comparison  of  Horence  free  and    under   Mclician  rule-Power  ,md  prospects  of 

UtteTo;  r'^'r  "^™"^°'  "orence  during  Loren.„-sadmSSn- 
Ltttle  noticed  except  by  Xardi  and  Pitti-HL,  caution  in  appearance  and  Zi.! 
power-Uis  project  of  becoming  Gonfalonier  for  life  when  of  ^Tntinl  bU 
pnvate  use  of  ,he  public  money-IIis  mode  of  doing  it-Sells  hirname  "o  me4^ 
tile  company-IIis  patronage-Plot  agamst  hi,  life-Otranto  recaptured-Tu^h 
^mson  enter  the  NeapoUtan  serviee-AlTairs  of  Genoa-Of  MiIan_Of  Ve  J"e  te 
2^0?  ^'r^T  ^''  ^^^'  P»«">'  i"  I'^'y-O^o  <«  Pra,ica  renewcdITvI  for 
Uie  conquest  of  Ferrara-AH  Italy  in  arms-si,mondi  quoted  on  the  state  of  llm 
bardy  during  this  war-Ferrarcse  territory  the  seat  of  war    Smi™  a^' 

»n.  declared  rebels  by  Lodovico-Joins  the  Venetian,  ,,[^T.  '*"™°.''"''  ■»■' 
Duke  of  l-rbino  and  the  Uague- Sickness  of  LtC^S^tte^XTrrr 
Energy  of  the  Duchess  of  Fcrrara-Bologna  Hermit- \  L-reat  n  ,rt  rf.ii  ,.-  '^~ 
^\  conquered  by  Venice-Alphoni  of  XaZ  ^^r^::::Z 
by  JMates  a  at  Cam,x,  Morto-Turks  employed  by  the  Po,«  in  Ho^i  „u^ 

Robert  Malat„ta,  death-Suspicions  Of mario-The DukeUrbinoTdmh-^ 
aUmed  at  Venice- Joins  the  Uagu^Venice  pursues  her  co„quc«r-Fe.^ara 

"  cTfb:.  S'Tar  ^'^-J''  """■''  "^"^^-  Venice'-ExeommT 

v;nr!^ii;i7fy^p'3^-ri;;:;^'_r^^^^ 

between  Florence  and  Kome-VitcUi  a^ndoned  -^.t^a^T^'cJ^r 


COSTENTS. 


IVll 


J  1.™  ,n  restored  -Anathema  against  Venice 
Uague  with  «™--^»''7.^/'r:,:'eo™drAUies  successful -I^ui,  XI. 
_Her  calmness  and  appeal  °  » /™  ^^  ™™V_sarzana  sold  to  the  Bank  of 
tries  to  restore  pcace-llis  <1™*7^";'"  „t„  „,  ,ue  Marquis  of  Mantua- 
Saint  George  of  Genoa-Alhes  tired  »' -;-»f;;*^  ^„„,,  „,„etantly  accept  this 

UHlovico  makes  a  separate  peace  ..t  '■;'="  •,vi„._Affairsot  Florence^- 
pe^e-ThcPoperefusesandaies-Access.  no    — ^^^^^^^ 

Sarzana-Bankof  sail t;e^r^o  what ™^^  ^^,  ^^,,    ,,, 

Genoa  and  the  Hank  of  St.  George  '^«»  ^  norence-Aftairs  of  Naplcs-Kevolt 
war  between  Naples  and  ^^ii^^^Jl^ou^^  imprisoned  by  Ferdinand 
ottheliarons-Campomschlof  AquU  '_™""  Florence  and  MiUn-Venice 

-l^voU  of  that  "ty-^r°T  J?aX  cS^^-°t'  .  *mke  of  Lorraine- Disorder 
relieved  from  censure-Crown  of  Napes  oft^c^^^^^  ^^  salernl^Prince 

of  Naples,   and  discord  ^™°"!^»'  f;/^™„,^,t,,  ^ttle  of  Porta  Lamentana 

Frederic  made  V"^^"-^""-"^*f^^'^"^Z  his  Barons-War  renewed  by 
_Peace  concUided-Ferdinand-s  ^"y^^^y'^^j'^JZ-^Zr^^^r,  of  Genoa  to 
Florence  to  recover  Sarzana  and  S''"''";""  "'  ,^„,  ^  Maddalena  de'  Medici- 
Milan-Florencc  at  P.-'-"^  ,o  t™K  So'^ni  dC  Medici-Murder  of 
Innocent  VIU.  prom.si^  a  cardina  s  hat  »   °""t'  ^^  implicated-Con- 

Girolamo  ^^^■^''-^■^'"'^'^'["'■^i' '^J'Z^TZrZa  at  Faenza-Francesca 
spirators-  letter  to  him-Galcotto  \=  '"■'"7*  "^^^^eiiections  on  the  conduct 
Bentivoglio-s  conduct-Consequence,  of  Ihs  ^"^l  ^^^,^^„.,  despotism, 
of  these  women- Affairs  of  lienoa  and  ^^J  ."^  ^jf/™,,,  peace  -  Disorder  of 

great  power,  and  «'"*•^"«"7^  "  J';^^,,  "itlar,  to  remedy  it- Hi. 
Lorenzo's  private  fortune-A  ^-^'l.^'^l^^^J'^^,ZoBi..co-'-U>re^- 
infamous  conduct-Depreciation  of  '^'"''^'^^^  this-Oiovannide'  Medici 

erroneously  sup,«.sed  to  have  abandoned  commerce  ^"^^  '^  ^  ^^^^d  by  Roscoe. 
made  cardinal-Death  «' Lorenzo-Interview  w.h^^<^^^^^^^^  J  J^^^^^ 
but  not  dLsproved-Ixircnzo  should  be  judged  ;"''  «f«;^^  Lfair-  His  extensive 
-Observations  on  his  '^to"^'"-«'»7"''V"]'"'*J"prbably  could  not  have 
reputation  and  peaceful  poHx-y-Hi^  P°  '  ^^f.^^^^^^t  Jgreat  objects  of 
p,e,ent«l  the  evils  '>«'  ""°-;V;:  ;t  tlledrrefinement  andmariiness- 
interna,  and  external  ,x,lities^H.  ^^^^^ 

Simple  in  private  life-His  manners    .  chUdren-Piero's  infamous 

of  his  dcath-Piero  Uones  mysterious  death    H«  ebua  ^^^  ^^^ ^^  ^.^ 

reputation-Cotemporary  monarchs 

CHAPTER  VI. 

rCTioK  \n.  1102  TO  A.n.  1495.) 

t    \t.ie  of  Italy  at  this  period-Of  the  other  sur- 

Lorenzo's  death  an  important  ^'P^^T^'^l'  ^'v'les.of  Rome-SmaUer  states-Fac 

rounding  nations-Power  ^' "^ '''^'''^^^^^^^^^  elasticity 

tions  at  Ro«^^"^-"^-^'^""7f;;/Jrd  Ferdinand  acquiesced  in  hy  Lodovico 
of  Florence-Similar  views  of  Lorenzo  and  J  ^^^^,^  death-Guicci- 

Sforza-Beneficial  effects  of  t^^;  u^^^^-C^^^^"  ^  ^^^^.^^  ^j  Alexander  ^l-His 
ardini'scomparison-De.tho     nn^cB^^ 

bribery,  abiUties,  aiid  eharacter-I  lero  de   ^         r      ^^.j^^ss  toPieio  Dovizio 
.epublic-lliswantofability^d^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^  .,_,,,,,^y  of 

of  Bibbiena-Insolence  of  the  latter    Amoiu 

VOL.  III. 


xviu 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS* 


XIX 


Piero -Lorenzo  and  Giovanni  de'  Medici— His  quarrels  with  them— Consequences 
— Piero  courts  Naples— Lodovico  jealous  of  this— His  proposals  about  the  embassy 
to  Rome — Piero's  vanity— Consequences— Franceschetto  Cibo  sells  certain  posses- 
sions to  Virginio  Orsini— Consequences— League  between  Venice,  Rome  and  Tuilan 
—Against  Florence  and  Naples— Ferdinand  and  the  Pope  commence  hostilities— 
Lodevico's  fears  induce  him  to  think  of  foreign  aid— Claims  of  Anjou  to  Naples 
concentrated  in  the  crown  of  France-  Lodovico  buys  the  dukedom  of  Milan  from 
MaximilLon- Who  man-ies  his  niece  Bianca— Seeks  a  foreign  protector— CharlesVIlL 
—His  character  and  ambition— I -ouis  claims  his  aid— Treaty  between  them— 
Preparations,  fears,  and  offers  of  Ferdinand  to  France  and  the  Pope— Their  partial 
success— Lodo\ico  dissembles  and  excuses  his  conduct— French  enibassy  at  Venice 
and  Florence— Horentine  ambassiidors  sent  to  France— Temporising  policy  of  Piero 
—Finally  resolves  to  support  Ferdinand— Ferdinand  dies -Internal  working  of 
Florence— Depravity  of  the  Roman  church— How  considered  by  the  world— Giro- 
lamo  Savonarola— Accoimt  of  him— His  doings  in  Horence— Under  Ix)renzo — 
Under  Piero— Macchiavelli's  observation  on  him— Alfonzo  allied  to  the  Pope- 
Lodov-ico  continues  his  deception— Cardinal  Fregoso  offers  to  make  Genoa  revolt- 
la  prevented  by  Cardinal  della  Rovere's  activitj— The  latter  urges  on  Charles  VHL 
—Don  Frederic  of  Aragon  defeated  by  the  French  at  Porto  Venere—Fieschi  beaten  at 
Rapalla  by  the  French— French  preiiarations  at  Genoa— S<iuadron— Charles  VHI. 
crosses  the  Alps — Joined  by  Lodovico  and  his  coui't— Has  an  interview  with  Giovan- 
Galeazzo  at  Pavia— Death  ef  the  latter— Poisoned,  :\s  was  supposed,  by  Lodovico— 
Who  is  proclaimed  Duke  of  Milan— His  great  uniwpularity  with  all  parties- 
Description  of  the  French  army— Its  constitution— A  Lance    Difference  between 
French  and  Itali:m  armies— Description  of  the  latter— French  and  Italian  artillery 
—French  enter  Tuscany  -Sarzana  and  Sarzanella  invested— The  Duke  of  Calabria  in 
Romagna— Retreats  before  Lennox— Charles  vaasks  his  anger  against  Piero  de' 
Medici— Public  indignation  rising  against  him  -Lorenzo  and  Giovanni  de' Medici 
in  the  French  camp — Piero's  idarm— Seeks  to  imitate  his  father— IIea<L>j  an  embassv 
to  the  French  camp— Abruptly  quits  it,  and  arrives  there  alone— His  folly— Orders 
Sarzana  and  other  places  to  surrender— After Wiirds  Pisa— Other  follies— Indigna- 
tion of  the  Florentines — A  second  embassy  under  Savonarola  sent— The  bad  effects 
of  this  weak  conduct— Piero  returns  to  Florence- Is  expelled  with  all  his  family- 
Flics  to  Bologna  and  Venice— Excesses  of  the  people— Exiles  recalled— Lorenzo 
and  Giovanni  de'  Medici  rei^tored,  and  tiikc  the  name  of  Popolani— Rule  of  the 
Albizzi  and  Medici  comp;ired— Price  set  on  the  heads  of  the  >Iedici— Hatred  and 
bad  repute  of  Piero— Guidacci's  account  of  him— Pisa  receives  her  liberty  from 
Charles  VHL- Horentine  treatment  of  Pisa— Difficult  to  explain— Macchiavelli's 
opinion— Pisan  appeal  to  the  king— Horentines  give  up  the  citadel  and  fortress  of 
Pisa  and  Porto  Pisano  to  Charles— Who  marches  on  Florence — Sends  to  recal 
Piero— Venetians  cunningly  advise  Piero  not  to  return— Charles  enters  Horence— 
Terror  of  the  Florentines^They  prepare  for  resistance— Tumults— Piero  Capponi's 
bold  conduct— A  convention  concluded— Chai  les  quits  Florence— His  successful 
march  to  Rome— To  Naples^— Alfonzo  abdicates— Ferdinand  retires  to  Ischia— 
Conduct  of  French  army— Power  of  Florence  in  Tuscany— Change  in  Horentine 
notions— Idea  of  liberty  as  then  entertained— Well  calculated  to  develope  national 
faculties— Admiration  of  Venice  gaining  ground  in  Italy  and  Florence— Politics 
changes— A  parliament— A  Balii— Council  of  Seventy  abolished— The  Hundre 
abolished— Accoppiatori  elected— Great  Council  proposed-  Paulo  ^Vjitonio  Soderi 


f' 


and  Guid-.\ntonio  Vespucci— Savonarola  considered  a  prophet,  and  favours  liberal 
government— Decides  authoritatively —The  (ireat  Council  decreed— Savonarola  a 
poUtician— His  four  proposals— His  influence  breaks  all  opposition— Accoppiatori— 
"Otto  di  Pratica"  alwlished— Council  of  Eighty  chosen— "  Ten  of  Peace  and 
Liberty"— Otto  de  Balia— Accoppiatori  divided— Antonio  di  Miniato  executed— 
Giovanni  da  Prato  Vecchio  condcumed,  but  saved  by  Savonarola— The  Accoppiatori 
disagree,  lose  their  power,  and  resign— Great  council-chamber  built  with  great 
rapidity— Formation  of  the  (Jreat  Council— Its  numbers-Character  and  functions 
—Mode  of  election  to  offices— Consiglio  dcgli  ScieltiorPregati— Lawofappealtothe 
Great  Council— Opposition  to  it -Savonarola's  decided  conduct- New  parties— 
Frateschi  and  Piagnoni— Arrabbiate  and  Compagniacci  —  Bigi  -  This  revolution 
bloodless— Board  of  Grace— Forced  loan-  Dccima— Divisions-Opposition  to  Savo- 
narola— Cotemponxry  nionarchs  ....  Page  480  to  549 

CHAPTER  VII. 

(l  ROM     A. I).    14!)4    TO    A.D.    l.JOO.) 

Increased  Intluencc  of  Savonarola— Tlie  "  Potenzo  "-Savonarola's  moral  power  not 
confined  to  individual  reformation  -But  political  and  national— Spoken  of  with 
great  respect  by  cotemporary  authors -Philip  di  Comines'  interview  with  him- 
Ilis  natural  sagacity  enables  him  to  seem  prophetic-SliU  an  enthusiast-llis  high 
tone  of  character  and  patriotism— His  promotion  of  peace  amongst  the  citizens- 
Appeal  of  the  Black  Beans— Guidacci  cited -Political  morality  improved— Affairs 
of  Pisa— All  the  country  in  arms  for  liberty— Repressed  by  Florence— Pisan  influ- 
ence at  the  French  court-Charles's  embarrassment- Cardinal  of  Saint  Malo  sent  to 
Florence— His  conduct— That  of  Lucca  and  Siena— Of  Lodovico— Of  Genoa— Succours 
from  these  suites— The  Florentine  array  under  Bentivoglio  defeated  at  Ponte  del 
Serchio— Montepulciano  revolts-Florence  applies  to  Charies-IIis  sarcastic  answer 
-Succours  Pisa— Malvez/.i's  success  against  Florence  —  Fort  of  Verruca— Great 
League  against  Charles  VI 1 1. -Savonarola  continues  to  supi)ort  the  French  party— 
—Calvin  and  Savonarola— All  Italy  alarmed  at  the  French  power— Spain  also  fearful- 
MaximiUan  angi-v-Lodovico's  repentance -Secret  meetmg  at  Venice-Consequences 
—Offers  to  Florence— DeclintKl— Weak  conduct  and  unpopiUarity  of  Charles  and 
his  army  in  Nnples-Reaction  of  public  sentiment— Pope  refuses  the  investiture  of 
Naples  to  Charles-  Wlio  proclaims  himself -Leaves  Nai)les  with  half  his  array- 
The  Pope  quits  Rome- Charles  loses  time  at  Siena-Ofters  of  Florence  refused— 
Her  fears  and  preparations-Forbids  Piero  de'  Medici  from  passing  through  her 
territory— Rapidity  of  defensive  preparations  in  Florence— Procession  of  Maria 
Impruneta  assumes  a  new  character-Great  force  collected -Charies  renounces  his 
intention  of  going  to  Florence-Receives  Savonarola  at  Poggibonzi— W^ho  thi-eatens 
him-Reaches  Pisa -Extreme  excitement  there -Turbidence  of  the  French  in 
favour  of  Pisa-DupUcity  of  the  king-Resumes  his  march-Massacre  of  Pont  remoli 
by  the  Swiss-Crosses  the  Ai)ennines— Extreme  difficulty  of  the  passage— The 
army  concentrates  near  Fornovo-Battle  of  that  place-Victory  doubtful-French 
continue  their  march-Arrive   at  Asti-Midcc  a  separate  treaty  with  Milan- 
Charles  quits  Italy-Ferdinand  tries  to  regain  hLs  crown— French  unsuccessful  at 
Genoa— Affairs  of  Naples-GonsiUvo  de  Cordova— Fcrduiand  defeated  by  Aubigny 
at  Seminara-IIis  life  in  peril-Noble  conduct  of  Giovanni  di  Capua-Ferdinand 


XX  CONTENTS. 

flies  to  Messina— Appears  again  off  Amalfl— Off  Naples— Enters  the  capital  in 
triumph— His  general  success— False  friendship  between  France  and  Florence — 
Cruelty  of  the  Gascon  soldiers— Continued  duplicity  of  Charles— A  new  treaty  with 
Florence— Of  no  avail  in  the  recovery  of  Pisa— Conduct  of  Entiagues  and  the  other 
French  governors— Piero  de'  Medici  oh  the  frontier— His  forces  dispersed -War  of 
Pisa  neglected  for  negotiations — Tlicir  futiUty— the  Pisans  successful— Receive  aid 
from  Venice  and  Ma.\iraili;m  and  Lodovico — Cruel  war— Maximilian  invited  to 
Italy  by  Lodovico — Arrives  at  Pisa— His  feebleness— Ketums  to  Germany— Venice 
and  Lodovico  disagree— Petty  war— Death  of  PieroCapponi  -  Truce  between  France 
and  Spain — Includes  Florence— Ferdinand  of  Naples  dies— Succeeiled  by  Don 
Frederic— Revolution  in  Florence-  Not  purely  patriotic —Therefore  unstable— State 
of  parties  there— Power  of  the  Great  Council — Privileges  of  the  lower  classes — 
Unpopular  with  the  gi  eat— Corruption  of  the  commimity  and  consequent  disunion 
—Discontent  of  the  oligarchy— Who  hold  no  connection  with  the  Bigi  or  Palleschi 
-But  favoured  by  Lodo^^ca- Ilis  objects— Francesco  Valori  joins  the  Frateschi 
—Opposition  to  them -Complaints -Finance— Contrast  of  Lorenzo's  time— Valori 
(Jonfalonier— Strengthens  the  Great  Council— His  intluencc— Lodovico  jealous  of 
Venice— Proposes  to  restore  Visa  to  Florence  -Fails— Piero  dc'  Mwiici  encouraged 
to  make  an  attempt  on  Florence— Appears  at  the  Porta  Romana— Fails— Retreats 
to  Siena— Lukewarmness  of  the  people— Koard  of  i)ublic  safety —Lamberto  d' 
Antilla  reveals  the  seci-et  history  of  this  attempt -His  confession  and  its  conse- 
quences-Trial of  the  conspirators-  Disputes  and  intrigues  on  the  subject— Council 
formed  on  purpose  to  try  them-  Its  act*^— Efforts  of  their  friends  Discomfited  by 
Valori— Placards  to  inflame  the  public  m:nd  against  the  priscmers— Meeting  of 
public  councils — Arguments  on  each  side  -  Violence  of  the  College  of  Gonfaloniers— 
Timiultuous  debate— Valori's  decision— His  addi  ess  and  boltlness  carry  the  question- 
Prisoners  executed — Valori  gains  fame  and  enemies  by  his  conduct-  Unjust  censure 
of  Savonarola— His  law  of  appeal  not  infringed— Medal  struck  in  his  honour — Party 
consequences  of  this  condemnation — Intrigues  against  Savonarola— Bipi  withdraw 
their  support  from  the  Frateschi— Whose  enemies  augment — Alexander  opposes 
Savonarola — Interdicts  his  preaching— Excommunicates  him— He  disregards  it— 
Csesar  Borgia  murders  his  own  brother — Scsmdal  of  that  family — FraDomenico 
Bonvicini— Negotiations  with  Rome  unsuccessful— Paulo  Vitelli  engaged  as  general 
of  Florence — Savonarola's  enemies  become  more  furious — Franciscans  and  Domini- 
cans' anger  runs  high— Fiery  ordeal  proposed — Savonarola's  boldness — Supported 
by  the  government  against  the  Pope — Processions  of  children  -The  *'  Anathema  " 
— Sacrifice  of  vanities — Religious  dances — The  poet  Benvieni — A  new  brief  to  silence 
Savonarola — Government  intimidated — He  preaches  for  the  last  time — Fra  Mariano 
di  Ghinazzano's  violence  against  him — Francesco  di  Puglia  i)reaches  against  him — 
Challenges— Fire,  miracles — Approved  of  by  the  Pope—Many  willing  to  prove  the 
fire  for  Savonarola,  who  discourages  it — Reflections  on  all  this  folly — Domenico  di 
Pescia  and  Andrea  Rondinelli  appointed  to  enter  the  flames — A  public  board 
created  to  arrange  the  trial  -Pile  erected— Ceremony— It  fails — Disgust  and  sur- 
prise of  the  people— Savonarola  lost  in  consequence— He  endeavours  to  excuse 
what  occurred- Fails— Excitement— Mockery— Savonarola's  clear-sightedness — He 
preachf  s  and  shows  much  fortitude— His  enemies  at  work— Ordered  to  quit  Flo- 
rence— The  towM  in  arms  and  tumult — Frateschi  conceal  themselves — Tumult  in 
the  cathedral— Saint  Mark's  convent  attacked— Valori  and  his  wife  murdered— 


CONTENTS. 


XXI 


ConventUken-Savonarola,  Bonvicmi,  and  Salvcstro  Maruffi  prisoners— Govern- 
ment changed     Reaction  of  vice— Savonarola's  examination  —  Torture— Trial- 
Unjust  condemnation— Imprisonment— Occupation  in  confinement— His  courage 
and  eloquence— His  execution— Ashes— His  character  and  labours— Consequences 
of  his  death— Abasement  of  his  party— Crimes  become  again  prevalent— Injustice 
of  his  trial— Nardi  -Berlingheri's  account— Guiceiardini's—Magliabecchi's— Death 
of  Charles  VIIL— Louis  XII.    His  pretensions  to  Milan— Fisan  war— Expensive  to 
all  parties— War  continued    -  Florentines  defeated  near  San  Regolo  —  Lodovico 
supports  them  —  Paulo  Vitelli  made  coumiander-in-chief— Florence  favoured  by 
Caterina  Sforza,  Lucca,  and  Bologna— Truce  with  Siena— The  Venetians  repulsed 
at  Marradi— Retire  tuid  invade  the  Casentino  xmdcr  Bartolommeo  d'  Alviano— Take 
Gunaldoli  and  Bibbicna— Carlo  Orsino  follows  with  more  troops— Poppi  attacked— 
Vitelli  sent  against  them  — Other  rcenforcements— Duke  of  Urbino  arrives   at 
Bibbicna— Where  he  is  besieged  by  \itclli— Count  Orsino  of  Pitigliano  sent  to  his 
relief— Baffled  by  Vitelli— Retires— Urbino  allowed  to  retire— Takes  Giuliano  de' 
Medici  with  him— Suspicions  ot  the  Florentines- Negotiations  for  peace— Conditions 
displease  all  parties— I'isuns  rcjivfi  them  -Hostilities  against  Pisa  re-commenced— 
Pisa  invested  — Brave  conduct  of  the  besieged- -\Jiccdote  of  two  sisters— Walls 
breached  — The  assault  fails  — Female  resolution— Murmurs  of  the  Florentine 
troops— Vitelli  suspected— Sickness  in  the  army— Charges  against  Vitelli— He  is 
arrested,  tortured,  and  behomled— His  death  unjust  and  impolitic— Fears  and 
intrigues  of  the  Italian  pt)tentates— Lodovico  prepares  to  oppose  Louis— Giovanni 
Giacomo  Trivulzio  enters  Piedmont  in  command  of  the  French  army— Lodovico' s 
imiMjpularity— Flics  from  Milan— Which  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  French- 
Louis  XII.  at  Milan —Receives  ambassadors  from  the  States  of  Italy— Prejudice 
against  the  Florentines — Ti-eaty  concluded  with  Louis  -Its  ditiiiculties- Tri\-uLzio'9 
insidting  behaviour- Grounds  for  his  anger— New  objects,  fears,  and  poUtical 
interests  of  Italy— Florence  a  mediator  between  Lodovico  and  Louis— Other  reasons 
to  justify  Trivulzio's  anger  with  the  Florentines— Papal  intrigues— Borgia  renounces 
the  priesthood— The  Pope  consents  to  the  divorce  of  Louis — Caesar  Borgia  in  France 
—Created  Duke  of  Valcntinois^ -Marriesthe  liing  of  Navarre's  daughter— Prospects 
of  Italy— Cotcmporarymonarchs  ....  Page  550  to  635 


VOL.  111. 


ERRATA. 


PAGE 

9    . 

33  . 

69  . 

99  . 
102  . 
162  . 

58  . 

69  . 
215  . 
345  . 
354  . 
475  . 


LINE 

4, 
19, 
1, 
2, 
3, 

6, 

o 

-J 

1, 

3, 
Last  line  „ 

15,  5, 


FOR 

Note  Cap.  i*',  Roncioni 
Salviate    . 
Cavalcante     . 
Corio,  Parte  v",  p 
Do.  do. 


»> 

J) 
J5 


328 


READ 

.  Cap.  i*^ — Roncioni,  &c". 
,     .  Salviati, 

.  Cavaloanti. 

.  Corio,  Parte  v%  folio  328. 

.  Do.  do. 

,     .  Parte  ii%  folio  1 9. 

.  Corio,  Parte  iv*,  folio  306. 

.  Corio,  Parte  iv",  folio  315. 
Giannoit.  Repub"'.  Fiorentiiia  .  Giannotti  della  Repub*  Fiorentina. 
Leonardo       ....  Lionardo. 

Do. Do. 

Carlo  da  Montona  .         .         .  Calo  da  Montone. 


e  ir 


p.  19. 


Part' 

Corio,  Parte  iv°,  p.  o 

Corio,  Parte  iv",  p.  315 


"OG 


wmsmm§' 


FLOEENTINE    HISTORY. 


BOOK    THE    FIRST. 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 

FROM    A.D,   1402    TO    A.D.    1415. 


JJAPPY  are  those  climes  that  safe  in  their  natural  buhvarlvs 
only  know  war  by  name,  by  partial  giief  and  public  rejoic- 
ings, or  the  quiet  payment  of  superfluous  gold  !  Who 
see  not  theii-  towns  in  flames,  their  fields  laid  waste,  ^'^'  ^*^' 
their  sons  murdered,  their  daughters  violated,  their  old  men 
weeping  and  their  country  ruined.  Many  are  the  benevolent 
but  thoughtless  hearts  which  had  they  ever  felt  the  blast  of 
war,  would  pause  ere  from  the  warm  domestic  hearth  and  the 
bosom  of  a  happy  family  they  lent  their  voice  to  carry  desola- 
tion into  peaceful,  and  far  distant  countries  whose  government 
but  not  the  people  are  the  offendei-s ! 

During  the  Milanese  war  the  Florentine  territory  had  been 
so  devastated  and  bereft  of  people  that  the  ground  in  most 
parts  lay  bare,  uutilled,  untouched  and  untenanted ;  wherefore 
a  decree  went  forth  offering  ten  years'  exemption  from  every 
public  burden  real  and  personal  to  all  persons  who  would  colo- 
nise the  land,  for  without  such  restoratives  none  could  work 
and  live,  so  deep  and  universarwas  the  mischief.  The  moun- 
tamous  district  round  Firenzuola  was  utterly  abandoned,  and 

VOL.  in.  B 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


the  remnant  of  its  people  could  only  be  enticed  back  by  dint  of 
exemptions  and  peculiar  privileges :  yet  with  the  country  in 
this  state  and  enfeebled  by  the  terrible  effects  of  a  plague  in 
1400,  did  the  Florentines,  as  if  in  mockery  of  Heaven,  again 
listen  to  aml)ition  and  again  pant  for  conquest !  *  The  death 
of  Gian-Galeazzo  Visconte  did  not  therefore  restore  peace,  but 
on  the  contraiy  gave  fresh  vigour  to  the  war  and  new  elasticity  to 
the  buoyant  spirit  of  Florence  whose  citizens  were  loath  to  pass 
so  fair  an  occasion  of  humbling  the  Visconti  weakened  as  they 
now  were  by  a  divided  inheritance  and  the  ambition  and  mutual 
jealousy  of  a  gang  of  unscrupulous  condottieri.  The  eldest  son 
Giovan-Maria  Visconte  inherited  the  duchy,  properly  so  called, 
of  Milan,  with  the  addition  of  Bologna,  Siena,  and  Penigia  : 
Fihppo-Maria  succeeded  to  Pavia,  Verona,  Vicenza,  and  other 
places  of  inferior  note,  and  Gabriele-Maria,  an  elder  but  illegi- 
timate son,  had  Pisa  for  liis  portion.  This  division  and  conse- 
quent weakening  of  the  state  by  a  man  of  Gian-Galeazzo  s 
sagacity  in  the  midst  of  a  formidable  and  expensive  war  occa- 
sioned general  suqirise ;  but  a  weak  and  young  enemy  in  pos- 
session of  Pisa  was  not  unacceptable  to  Florence,  and  antici- 
pated contentions  between  the  mother,  sons,  ministers,  and 
condottieri  offered  an  alluring  prospect  to  her  ambition.  The 
Florentine  ambassadors  had  therefore  ordei*s  to  quit  Venice 
without  listening  to  any  tenns  of  peace,  and  those  at  Rome  to 
confirm  a  ti*eaty  already  concluded  with  Boniface  IX.  for  the 
organisation  of  a  league  against  Milan  and  the  employment  of 
their  united  forces  for  the  recovery  of  Peiiigia. 

Florence  began  by  expellhig  Count  Antonio  del  Palagio  of 
the  Guidi  family,  who  under  Milanese  influence  had  been 
somewhat  troublesome,  from  all  liis  possessions  in  the  Casen- 
tino  ;  the  principal  towns,  Palagio  and  Montemezzano,  with 
his  remaining  territory'  were  reduced  into  one  community  and 
under  the  name  of  Palagio  Fiorentino  annexed  to  the  republic. 


*  S.  Ainaiirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xvii.,  pp.  895,  89fi. 


caAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


A.D.  1403. 


Meanwhile  the  combined  army  and  Perugian  exiles  invested 
that  city  under  the  pope's  brother  Giannello  Marquis  of  La 
Marca:  the  place  would  have  soon  surrendered  to  Boniface, 
but  as  the  besiegers  insisted  on  a  restoration  of  their  exiled 
allies  it  obstinately  refused,  and  held  out  until  relieved  by 
Otto  Bonterzo  from  Milan  with  a  strong  detachment  of  cavalr\\ 
Giannello  fled  shamefally,    but   the    exiles   and   Florentines 
under  Cecco  da  San  Severino  maintained  all  their  positions  in 
the  district  although  now  too  weak  to  continue  the  investment. 
During  these  events  repeated  inroads  were  made  and  retaliated 
on  the  Senese  frontier  so  as  to  keep  all  that  countiy  in  a  state 
of  tribulation,  and  the  Pisan  confines  being  similarly  vexed  by 
a  new  Milanese  garrison,  the  year  1408  commenced 
with  universal   war   in  Tuscany  *.      Bartolommeo 
Valori  gonfalonier  of  justice  and  the  new-elected    Balia  re- 
solved to  rid  themselves  of  the  evil  by  carrpng  hostilities  into 
Lombardy  and  for  this  purpose  Carlo  Malatesta  was  induced 
to  join  the  league  of  which  Niccolo  ]\Iarquis  of  Ferrara  became 
general.     Alberigo  da  Barbiano  commanded  the  Florentines, 
and  Cardinal  Baldassare  Cossa  afterwards  Pope  John  XXIII. 
was  appointed  legate  in  Komagna  :  Pandolfo  Malatesta  brother 
of  Carlo  commanded  the  Milanese  forces  at  Siena  and  ravaged 
the  Florentine  territory,  while  Pisa  occupied  by  an  enemy 
paralysed  all  commerce  in  that  quarter :  wherefore  Piombino 
was  secured  by  treaty  to  facilitate  the  landing  and  safe-conduct 
of  Florentine  merchandise,  and  long-anticipated  dissensions  at 
Milan  soon  began  to  favour  the  views  of  that  republic.    Both 
Senese  and  Pisans  were  quickly  repulsed  and  the  combined 
anny  of  llomagna  made  incursions  into  Lombardy  :  afterwards 
encamping  near  Bologna  they  expected  a  revolt,  but  every 
unquiet  mmour  was  kept  down  by  the  vigilance  of  Facino 
Cane  who  with  a  strong  force  had  thrown  himself  into  that 


*  Aumiirato,  Lib.  xvii.,  p.  8.96. — Pog^gioj  Lib.  iv.,  p.  104. 

B  "2 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


city.  The  talents  and  wealth  of  Gian-Galeazzo  had  held  ele- 
ments  together  that  when  once  relieved  from  his  grasp  began 
to  crack  and  separate  :  the  Guelphic  party  plotted  and  agitated  ; 
the  military  commanders  were  neither  idle  nor  blind  to  their 
own  interests ;  the  ducal  counsel  was  divided  ;  all  contending 
for  the  same  object  under  pretence  of  their  sovereign's  welfare, 
and  soon  commenced  a  system  of  vengeance  for  former  injuries, 
first  secretly,  then  openly  *.  Francesco  Barbavara,  Gian-Gale- 
azzo's  chief  minister  and  favourite,  headed  one  party  ;  Antonio 
Visconte,  also  a  minister,  another :  the  latter  was  favoured  by 
the  court  nobility  and  people  and  after  great  tumults  Fran- 
cesco fled  for  refuge  to  the  castle  whence  he  ultimately  escaped, 
but  the  city  remained  a  long  time  in  confusion.  Disorder  then 
spread  to  tlie  provinces ;  towTi  after  town  revolted,  and  all 
Lombardy  became  one  mass  of  insurrection :  Ugolino  Caval- 
cabo  first  roused  the  Cremonese  and  finally  obtained  the  lord- 
ship of  their  city ;  the  Guelphs  rose  wildly  in  every  (piarter, 
and  so  savage  was  party  hatred,  that  at  Brescia  as  we  are 
assured  by  both.  Corio  and  Ammirato,  they  not  only  outraged 
the  women,  not  only  dragged  mothers,  and  children  of  every 
age  from  their  concealment  and  holding  by  the  hair  butch- 
ered them  like  sheep  and  lambs,  but  actually  exposed  the 
flesh  of  their  enemies  for  sale  at  the  public  shambles  !  It  is 
not  positively  asserted  that  such  food  was  eaten  but  so  much 
is  inferred ;  and  such  deeds  does  man  dare  to  do  when  mad- 
dened by  the  pernicious  spirit  of  political  faction  f  !  The  Rossi 
agitated  Parma,  the  Sacchi  occupied  Bellinzona ;  the  Buscioni 
seized  on  Como ;  the  Suardi  on  Bergamo ;  the  Scotti,  Landi, 
Fontanesi  and  Fulgosi  stirred  up  Placentia ;  Lodi  Martesana, 
Soncino  and  many  other  towns  were  every  one  in  arms,  and 
all  the  land  was  mad  with  vengeance. 

*  Muratori  Annali,  Anno  1404.  900.— Corio  Ilistor.  Milan,  Taite  i\% 

t  I'oggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  104.     p.  292. 
— S.   Ammirato,  Stor.  Lib.    xvii.,  p. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


Florentine  arts  and  gold  were  blamed  for  this,  and  probably 
formed  the  match  ;  but  the  combustibles  already  prepared  in  a 
malignant  mass  of  faction  had  been  only  kept  under  by  a  dark 
and  ponderous  tyranny.  The  league  took  immediate  advanUige  of 
this  anarchy  and  invited  by  Rolando  Rosso  were  preparing  to 
cross  the  Po  when  the  Duchess  of  Milan,  apprehensive  of  con- 
sequences, commenced  secret  negotiations  with  the  legate  and 
Carlo  Malatesta,  which  by  the  cession  of  Bologna  and  Peru- 
gia ended  in  a  treaty ;  and  this  the  Florentines  were  suddenly 
called  upon  to  sign  without  even  knowing  that  such  a  thing 
was  in  agitation.  The  Marquis  of  Ferrara,  Alberigo  da  Bar- 
biano,  and  Vanui  Castellani  the  Florentine  ambassador,  were 
kept  in  equal  ignorance  ;  —  the  first  took  it  quietly ;  the 
second  flared  up,  threatened,  made  his  own  terms,  and  ulti- 
mately signed ;  but  the  last  proudly  and  indignantly  refused. 
Bologna  was  taken  possession  of  in  September;  first  by  an 
insurrection  of  the  citizens,  then  by  the  legate,  who  thus  pre- 
tended to  receive  the  city  from  them  alone,  independent  of  the 
Visconti.  Florence  thunderstruck  at  this  breach  of  covenant 
made  ineffectual  remonstrances,  but  far  from  denying  his  error 
Baldassare  Cossa  audaciously  attempted  to  excuse  it  by  the 
advantage  of  having  l^ologna  restored  without  bloodshed  to  the 
church.  The  pope  after  some  dissimulation  justified  his  legate 
and  in  answer  to  Florentine  remonstrances  bluntly  avowed 
that  meanhig  to  live  in  peace  he  cared  little  for  good  faith. 
Perugia  then  voluntarily  submitted  to  him  and  the  league  dis- 
solved :  Florence  thus  suddenly  found  herself  deserted,  and 
undecided  whether  she  would  continue  the  war  alone  or  accept 
an  unprofitable  peace. 

Carlo  Malatesta  irritated  at  this  hesitation  openly  called 
her  a  dovecot  of  hiaves  who  were  endeavoming  to  put  down 
all  the  gentlemen  of  Italy,  but  whose  immediate  and  par- 
ticular ambition  was  the  conquest  of  Pisa  to  which  he  never 
would  consent,  nor  allow  any  Ghibeline  community  to  fall  into 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1404. 


(juelphic  hands.  The  Florentines  were  yet  far  from  humbled 
although  they  had  already  spent  500,000  florins  principally  in 
the  Papal  service  since  Galeazzo's  death ;  but  their  spirit  and 
courage  were  at  full  sea,  and  Malatesta's  conduct  raised  such  a 
storm  of  anger  as  at  once  impelled  them  to  more  vigorous 
operations  in  order  to  prove  their  complete  independence  both 
of  him  and  the  treacherous  pontifl". 

Succours  were  accordingly  despatched  to  Cavalcabo  and  the 
Rossi ;  the  Cancellieri  who  had  revolted  and  troubled  Pistoia 
were  tamed  and  forced  to  yield  the  pass  of  Sambuca;  the 
Ubaldini,  also  driven  into  insurrection  by  the  maladmuiistration 
,of  Florentine  governors,  were  curbed :  Gabriello  Maria  Vis- 
conte  had  already  disgusted  the  Pisans  by  his  cruelty  extortion 
and  persecution  of  the  Bergolini ;  Siena  too  showed  symptoms 
of  agitation  and  discontent,  and  the  year  1404  opened 
with  fresh  expectations  for  Florence.  The  state  of 
Lombardy  was  indeed  deplorable ;  the  ancient  but  long-sup- 
pressed enmity  between  Guelph  and  Ghibeline  was  again  loose 
and  raging  with  unheard-of  fury  and  the  land  was  steeped  in 
blood :  Vercelli  and  Xoara  were  plundered ;  Pavia  sacked,  and 
along  with  Tortona  Alexandria  and  many  other  places  fell  into 
the  power  of  Facino  Cane  :  Placentia  a  prey  to  internal  discord 
and  repeatedly  the  victim  of  a  cruel  rapacious  soldiery  suffered 
the  combined  horrors  of  civil  hate  and  militaiy  licentiousness ; 
so  that,  according  to  Poggio  Bracciolini,  an  eye-^^itness,  it  was 
almost  entirely  depopulated  :  Brescia,  that  disgrace  of  humanity, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Pandolfo  Malatesta;  Ottobuon  Terzo  seized 
on  Parma  Placentia  and  Keggio ;  Verona  revolted  and  set  up 
the  remnants  of  its  ancient  race,  but  their  reign  was  brief  and 
powerless ;  and  thus  the  whole  dukedom  fell  to  pieces  through 
evil  administration,  individual  hate,  and  military  aggrandise- 
ment. The  young  duke  scarcely  able  to  preserve  even  Milan 
from  domestic  enemies  and  the  repeated  threatenings  of  foreign 
invaders,  was  no  longer  an  object  of  apprehension  to  Florence 


CHAP.  XMX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


who  without  concluding  any  formal  peace  seems  to  have  gra- 
dually withdrawn  all  her  forces  from  Lombardy  ^^ 

The  new  year  brought  with  it  a  new  Balia  or  war-council 
who  failed  in  their  first  and  secret  attempt  to  surprise  Pisa  by 
blowing  in  an  old  walled  gateway ;  yet  this,  coupled  with  his 
own  unpopularity,  so  alarmed  Gabriello  that  he  at  once  placed 
himself  under  French  protection  through  Jean  le  Meingre  sur- 
named  Boucicault  then  absolute  and  tyrannical  mler  for  the 
French  monarch  in  Genoa f.  This  man  glad  of  an  oppor- 
tunity to  meddle  with  Tuscan  politics  immediately  ordered 
Florence  to  refrain  from  molesting  Pisa  under  the  displeasure 
of  Charles  the  Sixth ;  and  as  a  security  sequestered  Floren- 
tine merchandise  to  the  amount  of  "200,000  florins.  At  this 
startling  notice  Buonaccorso  Pitti  was  instantly  despatched  to 
treat,  but  though  subsequently  supported  by  four  other  am- 
bassadors had  no  success  and  returned  unsatisfied  to  Florence ; 
nor  were  any  amends  made  until  the  Florentines  granted  a  truce 
of  four  years'  certain  duration  to  Gabriello  Visconte ;. 

The  change  of  magistracy  this  year  was  accompanied  by  a 
remarkable  resolution,  namely  that  in  future  no  person  under 
the  i-ank  of  knight  count  or  marquis  should  hold  the  office  of 
Podesta  or  Captain  of  the  People ;  nor  were  even  the  two 
latter  dignities  to  be  deemed  sufficient  unless  at  least  half  a 
century  old,  in  such  high  estimation  were  these  repubhcan 
dignities  then  held  in  Italy  !  An  attempt  to  make  Siena  revolt 
and  come  to  friendly  terms  with  Florence  had  failed  in  the 
preceding  autumn,  but  so  weakened  was  Milanese  influence 
there  that  ambassadors  were  now  sent  to  treat  without  the  citi- 
zens even  condescending  to  inform  the  governor,  San  Giorgio 


*  Poggio,  Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  iv.,  pp. 
106,  107,  &c.— S.  Ammirato,  Storia, 
Lib.  xvii.,  p.  902,  &c*.  —  Muratori, 
Anni  1403  and  1404. 
+  Cronaca  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  p.  75. 
X  Cronaca  di  Buonaccorso  Pitti,  p.  76. 
See  also  a  spirited  and  characteristic 


letter  on  this  subject  from  the  Floren- 
tine Seignory  to  Charles  VI.  Published 
for  the  first  time  in  1836  by  the  inde- 
fatigable and  enterprising  Giuseppe 
Molini,  at  Florence,  in  his  '' Docu- 
menti  di  Storia  Italiuna,""  from  MSS. 
in  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris. 


8 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


di  Carre  to,  of  the  circumstance,  and  he  voluntarily  evacu- 
ated the  town  to  prevent  woi^e  consequences.  A  treaty  was 
therefore  signed  early  in  April  by  which  the  liberty  of  Siena 
was  reestablished,  all  conquests  restored  except  Montepul- 
ciano  the  original  cause  of  war,  which  now  remained  to  Flo- 
rence ;  the  port  of  Talamone  was  again  opened  to  her  trade, 
and  tranquillity  once  more  began  to  dawn  on  that  long- vexed 
frontier*. 

The  feudal  chiefs  who  deserted  Florence  in  her  extremity 
had  still  to  be  punished,  and  Jacopo  Salviati  tells  us  that  it  was 
he  who  accomplished  this  after  much  hard  fighting  for  nearly 
half  a  year,  and  with  such  effect  as  to  leave  scarcely  a  common 
hut  m  possession  of  the  Ubertini  of  Val  d'Ambra  or  the 
Counts  of  Bagno  on  the  frontier  of  Romagnaf.  This  quieted 
Tuscany,  and  about  the  same  period  ambassadors  amved  from 
the  antipope  Benedict  XIII.  m  their  way  to  Rome  under 
Florentme  protection  on  a  mission  of  peace  about  the  eccle- 
siastical schism,  but  Boniface  the  Ninth  s  deatli  in  October 
abruptly  terminated  these  conferences.  After  some  tumults  and 
bloodshed  Innocent  VI.  succeeded;  and  under  French  patron- 
age Benedict  established  himself  in  Genoa  to  further  his  own 
views  and  gam  adherents  m  Italy ;  to  this  end  he  cheerfully 
united  mth  Boucicault  and  the  Genoese  in  a  scheme  for  win- 
ning over  Florence  to  then  side  by  the  sale  of  Pisa,  her  most 
coveted  object. 

Francesco  da  Carrara  excited  the  jealousy  of  Venice  by  his 
occupation  of  Verona  and  Vicenza,  and  in  despite  of  the 
earnest  remonstrances  of  Florence  that  powerful  state  made 
war  against  him  with  such  vigour  that  he  was  soon  brought 
to  extremities  in  Padua,  his  only  remaining  possession.  This 
success  of  her  rival  and  bitterest  enemy  roused  the  fears 
of  Genoa  to  such  a  height  as  to  overcome  all  similar  feelings 

*  O.  Malavolti,  Storia  di  Siena,  Parte  ii».  Lib.  x.  p.  1 05. 
f  Cronaca  di  Jacopo  Salviati,  p.  22 1 . 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


towards  Florence  which  the  acquisition  of  a  seaport  by  that 
state  had  begun  to  excite,  and  secured  her  agreement  to  any 
measure  tending  to  humble  such  a  foe.      Boucicault 
seems  to  have  had  his  own  views  in  the  transaction  as 
well  as  the  others,  but  a  desire  of  saving  Francesco  da  Carrara 
was  common  to  all ;  Florence  was  first  sounded  through  a  private 
merchant,  and  this  brought    Gino  Capponi  half  officially  to 
Genoa  in  order  to  feel  his  way :    the  business  seemed  to  run 
smoothly  when   (iabriello  conscious  of  his  precarious  tenure 
requested  an  interview  with  IMaso  degli  Albizzi  at  Vico  Pisano 
where  his  weakness  and  indecision  proved  too  great  to  accom- 
pHsh  anything.      This  meeting  however  could  not  be  con- 
cealed from  the    Pisans  who  believing  themselves  sacrificed 
seized  their  arms  and  drove  Gabriello  and  his  mother  Maria 
Agnesina,  by  whom  he  was  governed,  into  the  citadel,  where 
he  held  out  until  succoured  from  Genoa.     The  nature  of  Flo- 
rentine negotiations   were  now  changed;    possession  became 
uncertain  but  Gabriello,  whose  mother  had  just  been  killed 
by  a  fall,  determined  to  sell  the  place :  commissioners  from 
Genoa  together  with  Gino  Capponi  met  liim  at  Pietra  Santa 
and  after  long  discussion  Pisa  was  sold  to  the  Florentmes  for 
200,000  florins  with  immediate  possession  of  the  citadel,  and  an 
understanding  that  Padua  was  to  be  relieved  the  moment  the 
city  itself  should  be  reduced.    There  were  also  other  conditions 
which  fell  with  the  citadel  only  a  few  days  after  it  was  occupied*. 
The  Pisans  disdaining  to  be  sold  like  oxen,  and  to  their 
most  detested  enemy;  suppressed  for  the  moment  all  party 
differences  and  joined  in  the  common  cause.      By  force  and 
stratagem  they  recovered  their  citadel  and  then  sent  ambas- 

•  Commentari  di  Gino  Cappone,  p.  Stor.    Ital.,  vol.  vi.)    who   says    that 

254.    '' Eacvolta  di  CronkJu'tte  An-  250,000  florins  was  the  price.     '*  Che 

ticlte;'  &c\    {Firenze  1733.)— "Sei  duo  C  con  una  L  e  Vemme  sopra, 

Capitoli  (in  verse)  dell'  Acquisto  di  costo."      Cap.   i",    Roncioni,    Istorie 

Pisa  fatto  dai  Fiorentini  nel  1406  di  Pisane,  Lib.  xvi.,  p.  971,  Ar.Stor.  Ital. 
Giovanni  di  Ser  Piero  (p.  250,  Ar. 


10 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


sadors  to  Florence  offering  to  repay  that  state  all  its  expenses 
in  exchange  for  peace  and  the  restoration  of  Librafatta  and 
Santa  Maria  in  Castello  which  had  already  been  taken  posses- 
sion  of   by   the    Florentines.      The    embassy   was   however 
abruptly  dismissed  and  both  sides  prepared  for  a  war  which 
Florence  was  not  afraid  to  undertake  although  she  had  already 
paid  two  millions  and  a  half  of  gold  since  1401,  and  was  now 
obliged  to  create  a  new  stock  to  meet  the  coming  expense  *. 
A  close  blockade  by  sea  and  land  was  resolved  on ;  but  this 
unexpected  turn  in  the  fortune  of  Pisa  was  the  signal  for 
Padua's  fall  and  the  ruin  of  Francesco  da  Carrara,  while  it 
permanently  established  the  territorial  power  of  Venice  on  the 
Continent.     Confiding  in  Florentine  assistance  he  rejected  a 
treaty  then  on  the  point  of  signature  and  declared  he  would 
hold  out  to  the  last ;  his  kinsman  the  Marquis  of  Ferrara  had 
been  forced  by  Venice  not  only  to  abandon    his  cause  but 
take  an  active  part  against  him;    no  Lombard  ally  stirred 
in  liis  favoiu- ;  Florence  afar  off,  had  too  much  on  her  hands 
to  risk  the  anger  of  Venice  at  such  a  moment,  and  thus  situ- 
ated the  Paduans  themselves  began  to  murmur :  the  Venetians 
terrified  them  with  apprehensions  of  an  assault  and  a  gate 
was  secretly  opened  on  the  seventeenth  of  November :  Fran- 
cesco and  his  son  retired  to  the  citadel  and  thence  endeavoured 
to  treat  but  in  vain ;  he  then  repaired  in  person  to  the  Vene- 
tian camp  and  while  there  both  city  and  citadel  were  lost  by 
treacheiy.     Still  listening  to  evil  council  he  appeared  in  per- 
son at  Venice,  threw  himself  humbly  on  the  mercy  of  a  govern- 
ment that  had  never  known  mercy ;  was  rebuked,  imprisoned, 
and  by  the  advice  of  his  enemy  del  Vermo,  who  observed  that 
''dead  men  made  no  icary'  was  with  his  two  sons  Francesco 
and  Jacopo  finally  strangled  in  prison.     Two  other  sons  were 
safe  at  Florence;   one  died  in  1407,  the  other,  in  a  vain 
attempt  to  recover  his  principality,  was  taken  and  decapitated 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.xvii.,  p.  907. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


11 


at  Venice  in  1435,  and  thus  terminated  the  chequered  fortunes 
of  that  illustrious  family  * . 

The  acquisition  of  Pisa  was  a  serious  affair  at  Florence  and 
great  efforts  were  made  to  secure  it ;  a  mere  licence  ^^  ^^^^ 
to  undertake  this  conquest  had  already  cost  much,  and 
as  yet  no  more  ground  was  cleared  for  active  operations :  the 
remaining  obstacles  were  Ladislaus  king  of  Naples  a  young 
warlike  and  ambitious  monarch  on  the  one  hand,  and  Ottobuon 
Terzo  an  able  unemployed  coudottiere  in  possession  of  Parma 
on  the  other.      Ladislaus  then  aiming  at  the  subjugation  of 
Kome,  at  that  moment  almost  in  anarchy  from  civil  war,  was 
quieted  by  a  promise  not  to  be  thwarted  in  his  enterprise, 
and  Ottobuon  Terzo  was  similariy  paralysed  by  a  large  subsidy. 
These  points  settled,  it  was  determined  to  invest  Pisa  so  closely 
by  sea  and  land  that   every  hope   of   provisions  or    succour 
should  be  vain  ;   the  Florentine  camp  was  accordmgly  pitched 
at  San  Fiero  in  Grado  on  the  river  side  a  little  below  the  town, 
under   the  Florentine  commissioner  Maso  degli  Albizzi,  but 
more  especially  Gino  Capponi  whose  commentaries  furnish  all 
the  particulars  of  this  memorable  siege. 

There  were  Florenthies  who  would  willingly  have  relm- 
quished  the  enterprise,  but  strong  temptation  and  the  majonty 
prevailed :  it  was  popular  as  a  commercial,  a  political,  and  a 
personal  object;  for  Pisa  had  ever  been  a  secure  position  for  all 
the  enemies  of  Florence,  it  was  the  great  portal  of  her  foreign 
trade,  and  the  object  of  a  bitter,  long-endming,  and  hereditary 
hatred.  The  Pisans'  first  care  was  to  reconcile  internal  factions 
and  concentrate  all  the  various  flashes  of  party  spirit  into  one 
brictht  flame  of  patriotic  indignation  against  a  common  foe  :  the 
Raspanti  were  then  in  power ;  many  of  the  Bergolini  with  their 
leaders  of  the  Gambacorti  family  in  exile ;  all  were  recalled,  and 
ancient  quarrels  lulled  into  present  repose  by  the  mere  threat- 
ening of  the  storm:  peace  was  swoni  to  by  adverse  chiefs  upon 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xvii.,  p.  915.~Muratori,  Anno  1405.. 


12 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


the  sacramental  bread,  and  made  more  solemn  if  not  more  bind- 
ing, by  a  mixture  of  their  blood  with  the  consecrated  wine.  But 
Giovanni  Gambacorta  returned  as  full  of  vengeance  as  before 
and  in  contempt  of  ever}^  oath,  after  being  elected  captain  of 
the  people,  put  Giovanni  Agnello  to  death,  imprisoned  Riniere 
de'  Sacchi  and  many  others,  all  chiefs  of  the  rival  faction,  and 
afterwards  secretly  drowned  most  of  them  in  the  sea  -. 

The  Pisans  depended  on  Gambacorta's  influence  at  Florence 
for  an  honourable  peace  and  he  attempted  to  make  one ;  but 
that  city  would  listen  to  no  overtures  except  as  from  repentant 
rebels :  her  army  was  first  commanded  by  Jacojio  Salviati  a 
Florentine  citizen  who  after  some  useful  and  active  service  was 
superseded  by  Bertoldo  degli  Orsini :  but  this  general  showing 
more  rapacity  than  soldiersliip  displeased  the  Florentines  and 
was   ordered   to   resign  his   conmiand  to  Obizzo   da  Monte 
Carelli.     Active  military  operations  had  continued  through- 
out the  autumn  of  1405,  and  when    the  camp  was  pitched 
before  Pisa  almost  all  its  territoiy  had  been  subdued ;    Vico 
Pisano,  a  strong  fortress  ten  miles  from  Pisa  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Anio,  had  been  besieged  and  subsequently  capitu- 
lated after  a  long  investment;    the  baths  of  Monte  Pisano 
though   firiuly  fenced  were  also  reduced,  and  nearly  all  the 
Pisan  strongholds  captured  f .     Provisions  were  intercepted  on 
their  voyage  from  Sicily;  a  squadron  of  Genoese  galleys  in 
Florentine  pay  blockaded  Porto  Pisano,  and  on  each  bank  of 
the  Amo  was  erected  a  redoubt  connected  together  by  a  tem- 
porar}^  bridge  at  the  site  of  the  Florentine  encampment.     A 
sudden  flood,  with  timber  launched  from  the  town,  broke  through 
this  barrier,  and  the  Pisans  in  a  sally  attacked  the  still  un- 
finished bastion  now  severed  from  the  army ;  but  Sforza  da 

♦  Gino  Capponi,  Commentari,  p.  258.  — Gino  Capponi,  Commcntari,  p.  258. 

— Poggio  Bracciolini,  Libro  iv,  p.  1 1 1.  — Capitoli  di  Giov.  Ser  Piero,  cap.  iii«, 

— Tronci,  Annali,  vol.  iv.— Sci  Capi-  who  asserts  that  one  of  the  besieging 

toli,  di  Gio.  Ser  Piero,  cap.  ii«.  engines  called  "  BrlccoW  cast  stones 

t  Jacopo  Salviati  Cronaca,  p.  244-5.  of  15001bs.  Trov. 


CHAF.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


13 


Cotignola  then  one  of  the  Florentine  leaders,  with  that  skill 
and  daring  that  made  him  afterwards  so  conspicuous,  leaped 
into  a  small  l)oat  and  with  only  two  followers  crossed  the 
swollen  stream.     Tartiiglia  another  commander,  and  a  rival  of 
Sforza's  did  the  same,  but  as  it  would  seem,  more  from  anxiety 
to  save  some  plundered  cattle  which  were  in  jeopardy,  than 
from  pure  gloiy.       Be  that  as  it  may  both  these  chiefs  were 
well  knoAvn  to  the  enemy  whom  they  attacked  almost  single- 
handed,  or  only  with  a  few  workmen  from  the  fort,  spread  a 
sudden  panic  amongst  them,  put  the  whole  party  to  flight  and 
saved  the  fortress '''-,      The  Pisans  had  no  defenders  but  their 
own  stout  hearts  and  determined  resolution,  for  the  Florentines 
intercepted  all  supplies  l)oth  of  men  and  victuals  by  land  and 
sea,  and  had  encamped  against  them  with  fifteen  hundred  lances 
of  tlu-ee  men  and  three  horses  each  besides  thirteen  hundred 
infantry,  all  mercenaries ;  independent  of  native  troops  and  the 
besieging  anny  before  Vico.      A  night  assault  was  therefore 
commanded  with  promise  of  double  pay,  100,000  florins,  and 
the  plunder  of  Pisa  if  captured. 

Thus  stimulated  a  bold  escalade  took  place  on  the  ninth 
of  June  and  for  some  time  the  contest  remained  doubtful,  but 
Pisan  courage  after  some  desperate  struggles  overcame  every 
effort  of  the  assailants ;  they  were  repulsed ;  one  of  their 
bravest  ciiampions  fell,  and  his  body  was  dragged  in  triumph 
through  the  beleaguered  town.  After  this  the  growing 
nvslry  of  Sforza  and  Tartaglia  began  to  trouble  the  camp 
so  much  that  they  were  placed  by  order  of  the  Seignory  in 
distinct  and  distant  commands  with  their  separate  force,  for  in 
those  days  armies  were  like  a  piece  of  patchwork,  composed  of 
many  small  independent  bands,  with  but  little  subordination 
amongst  any  who  were  strong  enough  to  be  troublesome  unless 
awed°by  high  rank  or  the  acknowledged  fame  of  some  able 

♦  Tronci,   Annali,  vol.  iv.,  p.  192.—     diSer  Piero,  cap.  iv.,  where  Tartaglia^s 
G.  Capponi,  p.  1 62.— Capitoli  di  Gio.     conduct  only  is  mentioned. 


14 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


chieftain  *.  Sforza  himself  acquired  his  surname  by  an  auda- 
cious bearing  towards  Alberigo  da  Barbiano  even  when  quite 
young  and  serving  in  a  very  subordinate  military  capacity  with 
the  army  of  that  renowned  commander  f.  Increasing  scarcity 
produced  an  order  for  all  useless  mouths  to  quit  the  besieged 
town,  but  it  was  met  by  a  counter-order  from  the  camp  to  hang 
every  male  outcast,  and  cut  away  the  hinder  portions  of  female 
attire  so  as  to  expose  their  nakedness,  and  then  after  branding 
both  cheeks  with  the  impression  of  the  Florentine  lily  to  drive 
them  back  under  the  walls.  This  not  having  been  found  suf- 
ficient their  noses  were  amputated  in  addition,  and  some  male 
prisoners  hanged  under  the  ramparts  within  sight  of  the  whole 
population.  These  were  Gino  Capponi's  acts  and  were  justified 
by  existing  usages ;  Giovanni  Gambacorta's  cruelty  went  no 
further,  and  seeing  defence  hopeless  he  offered  to  treat  for  a 
surrender.  While  negotiations  were  in  progress  the  city 
showed  sudden  signs  of  rejoicing  and  soon  after  the  Duke  of 
Bur^mdys  arms  and  banners  were  ever}^where  displayed; 
then  issued  forth  the  royal  herald  in  all  the  pomp  of  his  time 
and  oflBce,  to  give  the  Florentines  solemn  warning  that  Pisa 
now  belonged  to  his  master  and  advise  them  to  cease  from  any 
further  molestation.  No  troops  having  been  despatched  to 
enforce  this  command  the  herald  s  hands  were  tied  together 
and  by  the  general's  order  he  was  tossed  into  the  Ai-no  : 
he  escaped,  and  making  his  way  to  Florence  received  no  sym- 
pathy ;  but  an  embassy  was  forthwith  despatched  to  the  duke 
and  his  cousm  Charles  VI.  of  France  to  explain  and  remon- 


•  G.  Capponi,  p.  1 64. 
t  In  the  distribution  of  some  plunder 
he  quarrelled  with  his  comrades  an<i 
the  dispute  was  referred  to  Alberigo 
who  gave  it  against  him.  On  this  he 
showed  such  anger  and  audacity  that 
the  general,  who  knew  something  of 
his  bold  overbearing  tem})er,  said  to 
him  in  ridicule,  "  Or  vorrai  tu  Sjor- 


zare  ancor  me  giovane  come  fai 
gli  altri ?  Certo  ben  tl  sawiene  il 
nome  di  Sforza.'*^  "  What !  dost  want 
to  force  me  too,  \uuiig  man,  as  thou 
dost  others  ?  Certes  the  name  of 
Sforza  well  becomes  thee." — This  soon 
spread  through  the  army  and  he  ever 
after  bore  that  name. — {Sdp.  Ammi- 
ratOylAh.  xvii.,p.i)'JI.) 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


15 


strate*.  This  adventure  of  course  broke  off  all  negotiations, 
but  as  famine  was  still  eating  on  its  silent  way  Gambacorta 
secretly  renewed  the  negotiations  with  Gino  Capponi  and 
finally  consented  to  a  capitulation  which  in  saving  Pisa  from 
all  the  horrors  of  a  storm  enriched  the  former  chief,  who  not 
only  fattened  on  his  countiy's  ruin  but  also  sought  to  prolong 
his  vengeance  by  a  stipulation  that  all  personal  enemies  of 
the  Gambacorti  should  with  all  their  living  children,  accord- 
ing to  a  list  which  he  presented  be  declared  public  rebels, 
and  so  treated.  He  was  moreover  to  have  50,000  florins, 
the  government  of  Bagno,  the  citizenship  of  Florence,  ex- 
emption for  himself  and  family  from  all  tolls  and  taxes,  and 
be  under  the  state's  protection,  besides  several  other  advan- 
tages ;  and  his  brother  was  to  be  made  Bishop  of  Florence, 
or  that  failing  to  have  a  pension  instead.  These  and  other 
private  aggrandisements  formed  nearly  all  the  articles  of  capi- 
tulation, those  regarding  the  public  comprising  only  a  general 
amnesty,  except  for  (jambacorta's  enemies,  and  exemption 
from  blood,  plimder,  fire,  and  devastation,  both  for  the  city  and 

contado  f . 

The  whole  transaction  was  a  secret,  and  on  Gambacorta's 
part  infamous:  twenty  hostages  were  to  be  dehvered  up  to 
him  as  a  pledge,  but  fearful  of  discovery  he  trusted  to  Floren- 
tine honour,  and  a  militiir}^  council  was  immediately  assembled 
at  a  place  called  Casa  Bianca  on  the  Arao,  first  to  reconcile 
Sforza  and  Tartaglia  which  was  with  difficulty  accomplished ; 
and  then  to  settle  the  mode  of  taking  possession  of  Pisa.  In 
this  the  two  rival  captains  differed  and  each  being  well  sup- 
ported there  was  much  confusion  mi  til  Gmo  Capponi  impa- 
tiently rose  and  thus  shortly  but  stenily  addressed  them. 
"  You  have  often  declared  that  you  would  conquer  Pisa  by 

*  Jacopo  Salviati,  Cronaca,  p.  24.0.—  972,  and  note.—^.  Ammirato,  Stor., 

Gino  Capponi,  p.  267.  — Capitoli  di  Lib.  xvii.,  p^930.— Gio.  di  Ser.  Piero, 

Gio.  di  Scr  Piero,  cap.  iv.,  p.  264.  cap.  v.,  p.  271. 
f  Roncioni,  Stor.  Pisa,  Lib.  xvi.,  p. 


16 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


"  jour  personal  valour  and  now  when  it  is  in  our  power  to 
"  open  whichever  of  her  gates  we  please,  do  you  still  hesitate, 
*'  O  vile  and  wortliless  gentry,  for  fear  of  assassination  ?  Are 
"  you  terrified  at  a  besieged  and  starving  people  ?  No  more 
"  of  this  trifling :  it  is  our  pleasure  tluit  you  enter  by  the 
"  Gate  of  Saint  Mark  and  each  of  you  will  give  strict  com- 
*'  mand  and  formal  warning  to  your  soldiers  that  no  tumult 
"  will  be  suffered ;  and  all  of  you  are  now  commanded  on  pain 
"  of  death  to  conduct  yourselves  as  if  marching  through  the 
**  streets  of  Florence :  you  ^sill  moreover  l)e  held  personally 
*'  answerable  for  the  behaviour  of  your  troops  and  servants, 
**  therefore  issue  such  orders  as  will  insure  prompt  obedience 
*'  to  our  commands." 

To  tliis  Fraucescliino  della  Mirandola  replied :  "  You  give 
"  us  rough  and  rigid  orders !  but  if  the  Pisans  chance  to  turn 
"  on  us,  how  are  we  then  to  act  ?  If  this  happen  will  you  not 
**  then  suffer  us  to  repel  them  by  every  means  ?  By  fire  and 
"  by  plunder?" 

Gino,  whose  impatience  would  hardly  suffer  him  to  wait 
until  this  officer  had  finished,  turned  sharply  towards  him  and 
with  an  angr}' countenance  replied:  "  Franceschino,  Frances- 
"  chmo,  we  will  permit  no  robbeiy  in  any  form ;  and  if  the 
"  people  turn  on  us  or  other  accident  occur,  why  we  ourselves 
*'  will  be  there  as  well  as  thou  and  will  command  thee  and  all 
"  the  rest  as  to  what  may  be  expedient  at  the  moment ;  where- 
"  fore  thou  mayest  spare  thy  labour,  for  what  we  have  com- 
*•  manded  shall  surely  be  obeyed." 

After  this  resolute  conduct  Gino  repaired  to  Florence  and 
explained  all  to  the  Seignor}^ :  he  informed  them  that  Pisa 
might  be  had  with  or  without  a  capitulation  for  it  could  not 
hold  out  much  longer.  If  by  capitulation,  he  said,  they  would 
save  an  unhappy  people  from  the  multiplied  horrors  of  a  storm  ; 
they  would  receive  an  uninjured  town ;  they  would  acquire 
merit  with  God  and  man,  and  they  would  perpetuate  their 


CHAP,   XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


17 


fame  amongst  distant  nations.  A  council  was  immediately 
assembled  and  out  of  forty-seven  secret  votes  there  were  forty- 
six  black  beans  in  favour  of  capitulation.  Discontented  at  this 
slight  want  of  unanimity  the  question  was  again  called  for  by 
acclamation  and  a  second  ballot  gave  an  unmodified  decision 
for  the  more  humane  course  of  policy. 

Gino  Capponi  and  Bartolommeo  Corbinelli  were  appointed 
pubhc  syndics  to  complete  the  transaction ;  hostages  were  to 
be  sent  by  the  eighth  of  October  to  Librafatta  under  the  care 
of  Sforza,  and  wlien  everything  was  prepared  Gambacorta 
doubtful  of  the  citizens'  indignation  if  the  business  transpired 
wished  possession  to  le  taken  at  night;  but  the  cautious 
Florentines  only  occupied  a  gate  until  dawn  of  day  when  the 
whole  ai-my  moved  steadily  forward  with  colours  flying,  and  at 
sunrise  appeared  with  glittering  arms  before  the  portal  of  Saint 
Mark  where  Giovaimi  Gambacorta  anxiously  awaited  them. 
He  held  a  verrettone  or  light  dart  in  his  hand  and  in  pre- 
senting it  to  Gino  Capponi  said,  "  I  present  you  with  this 
"  arrow  as  an  emblem  of  the  lordsliip  of  Pisa  the  most  beau- 
**  tiful  jewel  of  which  Italy  can  boast :  it  now  remains  for  you 
"  to  command  me  in  what  I  have  further  to  execute  *." 

Gambacorta  was  immediately  given  in  charge  to  Bernardo 
Cavalcanti  one  of  the  ten  ministers  of  war,  and  the  troops 
occupied  the  marlvct-idace  whence  they  quietly  paraded  the 
streets  in  military  array,  at  that  time  a  very  common  mode 
of  taking  possession,  while  the  whole  population  gazed  in  fear 
and  wonder  from  their  windows,  few  being  aware  of  what  had 
occurred,  so  well  concealed  was  the  whole  transaction.  Nor 
did  the  soldiers  marvel  less  at  the  pale  emaciated  faces  that, 
fearful  and  doubting,  gazed  with  famished  looks  upon  their 
bravery:  some  more  considerate  soldiers  had  brought  with 
them  a  few  loaves  which  they  threw  to  little  children  at  the 

Gino  Capponi,  Commentari,  p.  271.     Gio.  di  Ser  Piero,  cap.  v.,  who  calls 
—  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xvii.,  p.  930.—     Corbinelli  '^  Farigi'" 

VOL.    III.  c 


IS 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[buok  1. 


CHAP.  XXIX.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


19 


windows  (for  some  faint  gleams  of  a  better  nature  glance  from 
the  worst  of  men  and  in  the  worst  of  times,  as  if  still  moved 
by  its   heavenly   affinities)  and   no   bird  of  prey,  says  Gino 
Capponi,  was  ever  more  mpid  in  darting  on  its  quarry  than 
these  yoimg  creatures  on  the  food  thus  thrown  amongst  them. 
Brothers  and  sisters  fought  for  ever}'  piece  and  devoured  it 
with  a  ravenousness  that  excited  general  astonishment.     Gino 
ordered  abundance  of  provisions  to  be  supplied  and  crowds  of 
every  rank  rushed  madly  to  the  banquet ;  many  killed  them- 
selves by  sudden  repletion ;  the  priors,  and  Gambacorta  him- 
self had  long  lived  on  Unseed  cakes  ;  there  was  no  more  grain 
or  flour,  only  a  little  sugar  and  cassia  and  three  famished 
cows  in  the  public  stores :  all  else  was  eaten,  even  the  very 
grass  of  the  now  desolate  streets  was  dried  and  pulveiized  and 
kneaded  into  something  resembling  bread. 

Gino  then  took  possession  of  the  pubhc  palace  and  com- 
menced Florentine  rule ;  but  so  mild  was  it  and  so  unusual 
in  these  times  during  the  first  moments  of  conquest  when 
horrors  alone  were  expected,  that  people  still  remiiined  in 
doubtful  and  anxious  apprehension  until  reassured  by  the  fol- 
lowing speech  addressed  in  the  name  of  Florence  to  an  as- 
sembly of  civic  authorities  and  the  principal  mhabitants  of 

Pisa. 

*'  Honourable  citizens  we  know  not  whether  your  sins  or 

"  our  merits  have  induced  the  Almighty  to  bestow  on  us  the 

"  lordship  of  this  community  which  with  vast  expense  and 

"  solicitude  we  have  acquired;  but  certes  by  your  own  dissen- 

"  sions  is  this  city  reduced  to  such  a  condition  that  until  Flo- 

"  rence  hei-self  be  diminished  and  enfeebled  we  shall  ever  be 

*'  ready  and  able  to  overcome  you ;  and  still  we  are  animated 

"  by  every  desire  to  presene  the  conquest,  with  death  and 

"  exterthination  to  all  who  dare  oppose  us.     And  when  you 

"  reflect  on  past  events,  on  the  many  times  that  you  have 

"  endangered  the  liberty  of  our  commonwealth,  you  must  own 


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41 


that  Pisa  has  always  been  the  receptacle  of  whoever  desired 
to  enter  Tuscany  as  an  enemy.     With  the  English  company 
you  stripped  and  flayed  our  country ;  you  plotted  with  the 
Visconti  of  Milan  and  afforded  them  every  assistance  to 
injure  and  subdue  us ;  nay,  you  even  allowed  yourselves  to 
be  sold  to  Gian-Galeazzo  and  voluntarily  suffered  even  Jus 
tyranny  for  the  mere  pleasure  of  outraging  Florence,  and 
thus  many  more  offences  of  a  like  nature  might  be  enumerated 
but  as  they  are  well  known  to  yourselves  I  will  now  pass 
them  over.     Yet  bearing  such  wrongs  fresh  in  our  memor}- 
you  will  see  that  Florence  could  not  have  done  less  than  she 
has  done  Nrith  a  just  regard  to  her  own  safety:  nor  can  you 
be  reasonably  displeased  with  her  sway,  for  our  magnificent 
and  illustrious  seigniors  have  commanded  that  we  govern 
with  justice  and  impartiality  until  others  are  sent  to  relieve 
us,  and  of  this  you  may  already  observe  the  effects ;  for 
ha\dng  been  conquered  by  a  siege  during  which  you  were 
reduced  to  such  extremity  as  to  be  compelled  either  to  open 
your  gates  or  die  within  tln^ee  days  of  starvation,  all  of  which 
was  well  known  to  us ;  we  yet  prefer  the  milder  course  and 
by  making  a  present  of  50,000  florins  to  Giovanni  Gamba- 
corta for  the  delivery  of  your  city  have  happily  preserved  it 
from  storm  and  plunder.     By  refusing  any  capitulation  we 
should  still  have  had  the  town  and  om-  troops  the  booty ; 
which  as  they  assert  could  not  in  justice  be  denied  them;  and 
you  have  now  seen  that  they  entered  more  like  priests  than 
soldiers,  so  that  not  the  slightest  outrage  as  for  as  we  know, 
has  occurred  to  a  single  creature.     Even  we  oui'selves  are 
forced  to  wonder  that  no  scandal,  no  violence  has  broken  out 
amongst  the  multitude  of  soldiers  here  assembled,  but  that 
everything  has  moved  as  calmly  as  a  review  in  the  streets  of 
Florence ;  nay  they  have  acted  with  even  more  circumspec- 
tion than  they  would  have  used  in  that  capital ;  for  had  as 
many  fiiars  thus  entered,  more  disorders  w^ould  assuredly 

c2 


20 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


14 

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44 


have  been  committed.     But  tlie  principal  oLject  of  my  pre- 
sent mission  is  to  comfort  you  with  an  assm'ance  from  our 
Seignory  that  not  according  to  past  deeds  but  as  good  and 
repentant  children  you  will  now  be  leniently  treated.     And 
we  are  further  commanded  to  say  that  you  and  every  other 
citizen  may  be  assured  that  notwithstanding  any  crimes,  or 
excesses,  or  proclamations  against  individuals,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  occasion,  committed  up  to  this  day  ;  and  also 
in  despite  of  any  compact  made  with  Giovainii  Gambacorta 
about  rebels,  which  he  wished  to  be  ratified  by  public  treaty, 
and  which  compact  cannot  be  justly  obser\'ed  as  you  will  be 
duly  advised  of;  if  notwithstanding  these  thmgs  any  of  you 
have  suffered  wrong  let  him  come  and  complain,  for  so  we 
command  ;  and  you  will  see  by  the  result  that  such  punish- 
ment wUl  follow  as  may  be  an  example  to  all ;  neither  is 
there  an  injurj^  so  trilling  that  the  gibbets  which  we  have  set 
up  in  divers  parts  of  the  town,  and  the  fetters,  and  the  public 
executioners  that  stand  ready  in  the  market-place  shdl  not  be 
employed  agamst  those  who  disobey  our  commands.     And  we 
have  moreover  warned  the  captains  and  condottieri  now  pre- 
sent, that  if  any  of  their  followers  infringe  these  laws  we  will 
make  them  personally  answerable  for  their  people's  conduct, 
and  inflict  on  them  the  same  punishment  as  if  they  were 
tliemselves  the  actual  offenders ;  therefore  be  of  good  cheer 
and  doubt  nothing.     Open  all  your  shops  and  stores,  attend 
to  your  usual  aflairs,  trade  and  market  securely,  and  have 
confidence  in  our  protection.     You  will  moreover  do  wisely 
to  send  a  solemn  deputation  to  the  feet  of  our  illustrious 
Seignoiy  with  full  instructions  to  acknowledge  their  authority; 
for  ^although  they  are  already  benignly  disjjosed,  still  such  a 
proceeding  will  tend  to  confirm  them  ;  and  you  can  then  also 
suggest  the  nature  of  that  reform  now  become  expedient 
hr  this  city,  and  from  which  great  benefit  will   assuredly 
arise." 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   lUSTORY. 


21 


When  Gino  had  finished  this  firm  and  benevolent  speech 
which  shows  the  character  of  the  man  and  most  of  his  illustrious 
family,  (a  race  of  honest  fame  in  Florentine   history)  and  in 
which  he  so  keenly  exposed  the  perfidy  of  Gambacorta;  Messer 
Bartolo  Ciampolino  of  Piombino  replied  for  his  fellow-citizens  in 
an  omtion  somewhat  too  abject  in  many  parts  even  for  the  fallen 
condition  of  liis  countiy  ;  yet  interesting  as  an  exhibition  of  the 
state  of  misery  and  oppression  from  which  conquest  had  just 
relieved  them.    Speaking  from  a  scriptural  text,  as  was  still  the 
custom  :  after  acknowledging  their  own  faults  and  lauding  Flo- 
rentine clemency;  he  declared,  that  if  they  had  been  previously 
culpable  their  late  sufferings  must  have  weaned  them  from 
former  errors  and  taught  them  to  look  up  to  Florence  for  future 
benefits.      "  She  has  saved  our  city,"  he  continues,   *' from 
**  plunder  and  does  not  now  seem  disposed  as  many  believe  to 
*'  destroy  but  increase  it  as  much  as  lies  in  her  power,  and  at 
"  least  under  Jur  rule  we  shall  not  be  stai-ved  or  plundered  as 
"  in  the  days  of  Gabriello,  who  from  you  Messer  Bartolommeo 
"  da  Scorno  as  I  remember,  took  ^5,000  florins  under  threats 
"  of  death  if  not  instantly  disbursed :  nor,  as  in  the  time  of 
"  Giovanni  Gambacorta  befel  you  Messer  Gherardo  di  Com- 
"  pagno,  who  were  reputed  to  be  the  most  wealthy  man  not  of 
*'  Pisa  only  but  of  all  Italy  ;  wiio  without  a  crime  were  repeat- 
*'  edly  tortured  to  extract  money  from  your  sufferings,  wliich  as 
"  I  believe  entirely  ruined  you.    I  say  nothing  of  the  adulteries, 
"  the  massacres,  and  other  cnurmities  that  were  committed ;  I 
"  say  nothing  of  the  deatlis  of  our  fellow-citizens,  especially 
**  of  the  Sacchi  family  in  common  with  many  others ;  I  say 
"  nothing  of  our  starvation,  for  there  is  no  need  to  tell  in 
"  words  what  is  written  in  our  faces  and  in  the  faces  of  our 
•*  families ;  but  merely  as  an  example  I  will  relate  what  hap- 
'*  pened  to  Messer  Bartolommeo  del  Scorno  there  before  you 
*'  who  is  still  reputed  the  richest  citizen  of  Pisa ;  and  what 
**  he  suffered,  multitudes  have  also  suffered.     Hearing,  tins 


22 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


"  vei7  morning,  that  every  body  might  have  bread,  he  sent 
"  for  a  portion  which  lie  cast  down  before  his  family  in  the 
"  great  hall  where  more  than  tliirty  mouths  were  famish- 
*'  ing.  At  sight  of  this  the  children  jo)iully  exclaimed,  '  0 
** father,  father,  and  shall  we  have  dinner  too!'  It  was 
"  because  they  had  so  little  food  that  this  new  meal  appeared  a 
*'  miracle  and  they  still  expected  a  return  of  their  fonner  suf- 
"  ferings.  A  few  days  before,  the  said  lijirtolommeo  had  pur- 
*'  chased  a  quarter  of  a  bushel  of  wheat  of  eighteen  pounds  for 
*'  eighteen  broad  florins*  nor  could  he  get  a  grain  more  for  his 
"  money :  so  that  we  ought  to  thank  the  most  high  God  who 
"  has  snatched  us  from  such  miseiy  and  given  us  just  and 
"  merciful  rulei-s  under  whose  equitable  govenmient  we  may 
"  now  hope  for  some  tranquillity"!. 

A  parliament  wtis  next  assembled  and  twenty  ambassadors 
immediately  despatched  to  Florence;  they  were  followed  by 
Gambacorta  and  two  hundred  citizens  of  note  all  of  whom  were 
unexpectedly  retained  as  hostages  for  two  years  until  a  new 
citadel  was  erected.  Gino  Cappoiii  who  had  gained  golden 
opinions  through  his  uncommon  vigilance  and  integiity,  durected 
as  it  was  by  great  talents  and  softened  by  more  humanity  than 
was  then  common  in  the  treatment  of  enemies,  became  the  first 
governor  of  Pisa;  and  thus  was  the  October  of  UOO  rendered 
famous  in  Florentine  stor}^  by  the  lamentable  fall  of  an  ancient 
rival  and  sometime  friend,  the  willing  host  of  every  enemy  and 
a  detested  yet  indispensable  neighbour ;.  Anxiety  now  ceased 
in  Florence ;  an  extended  domain  was  added  to  the  republican 
territory ;  a  sea-port  secured  for  tmde ;  stronger  protection  for 


*  It  appears  by  this  that  the  Pi«an 
Staio  or  bushel  of  wheat  weighed 
72  lbs.  Troy,  when  that  of  Florence 
\ra8  but  52  lbs.  The  Fiorino  largo  or 
broad  florin  was  about  ^  more  than  tlie 
Fiorino  di  Suggello,  or  sealed  florin  for 
trading.  (Vide  F'umno  d'Oro  Illus- 
trator cap.  xviii,,  p.  231.) 


t  Gino  Capponi,  Comment.,  p.  274. 
:}:  The  cost  of  this  enterjuise  was  from 
first  to  last  so  great  that  Corio  tells  us 
the  Florentines  called  Pisa,  in  allusion 
to  their  public  stocks — ^*  Jl  Monte 
delta  Paurar  "  The  Mount  of  Ter- 
ror." (Parte  iv%  p.  295.) 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


23 


friends,  and  a  new  and  distant  barrier  against  enemies.  Solemn 
rehgious  processions  and  public  rejoicings  followed  this  grand 
catastrophe ;  the  sacred  picture  of  Madonna  dell'  Impnmeta 
was  earned  in  pomp  to  Florence ;  the  nation  bowed  before  it, 
and  the  ninth  of  October  was  set  apart  for  ever  as  a  day  of 
universal  festivity  to  commemorate  so  important  a  conquest*. 

It  was  not  so  in  Pisa :  there  it  is  tme,  hunger  and  physical 
sufferings  were  mitigated  or  removed;  "  but  a  wounded  spirit 
who  can  bear?"  Many  noble  families  after  the  loss  of  freedom 
with  five  hundred  years  of  independence  and  accumulated 
glory  disdained  both  ease  and  safety  !  They  saw  the  mournful 
shadows  of  past  ages  glide  before  them  and  wave  a  long  adieu 
to  the  scenes  of  departed  greatness  !  Pisa  the  free  and  flourish- 
ing had  been  their  beloved  country ;  Pisa  the  slave  of  Florence 
became  hateful ;  their  former  tvrants,  however  odious,  were 
their  own ;  their  present  mlers,  however  merciful,  were  their 
most  detested  enemies,  and  worse ;  their  conquerors !  Even 
the  redeeming  attribute  of  mercy  did  not  long  survive  to 
soften  the  horrors  of  subjection  f,  and  numbers  emigrated  to 
other  climes  or  followed  the  career  of  arms,  in  which  they 
could  still  lift  the  sword  and  spear  against  their  country's 


*  Gino  Capponi,  Commcntari,  p.  26J), 
&c.,  and  jiif^^ffii' — Poggio  Bracciolini, 
Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  lOU,  \(  ^ — 
S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xvii.,  p. 
925,  &c*. — Domen.  Buoninsegni,  Lib. 
iv.,  p.  797. — Tronci,  Annali  Pisani, 
vol.  iv.,  which  finishes  his  Annals. — 
Gio.  di  Ser  Piero,  Capitolo  vi. 
f  By  a  letter  dated  14tli  .Taniiary, 
1431,  from  the  Balia  of  the  Ten  of  War 
to  Averardo  do'  Medici,  then  Floren- 
tine commissary  in  Pisa,  we  learn  the 
spirit  in  which  this  poor  city  was  treated 
by  Florence. — "  Here  it  is  held  by  all 
that  the  principal  and  most  active  sys- 
tem that  can  be  reconmiended  for  tlie 
security  of  that  city  (Pisa),  would  be 
to  empty  it  of  citizens  and  other  Pisan 


inhabitants  ;  and  we  have  so  many 
times  written  about  this  to  the  Captain 
of  tlie  People  there  that  we  are  tired. 
His  last  reply  to  us  was,  that  the  men- 
at-arms  prevented  him,  for  he  was  not 
in  favour  with  their  captain.  We  will 
tluit  thou  dost  now  support  him  and  be- 
come acquainted  with  everything ;  and 
let  your  means  be  by  the  use  of  every 
harshness  {asprezza)  and  every  cruelty, 
for  we  know  that  every  other  medicine 
will  come  to  little.  They  (the  Floren- 
tiiti  cs)  have  confidence  in  and  encourage 
thee  to  be  very  quick  in  execution ; 
for  anything  more  grateful  to  this  peo- 
])le  could  not  be  accomplished."  — 
(Fahroni,  Mafpii  Cosmi  Medicei  Vita, 
vol.  ii'\  p.  8,  4°  Ed.) 


24 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


foes>:=.  Thenceforth  the  name  of  Pisa,  except  for  one  short, 
eventful  and  glorious  moment,  appears  no  more  in  Tuscan 
history  except  as  a  subject  province. 

During  the  last  centuiy  Florence  had  generally  fought  for 
freedom,  independence,  and  the  Inilance  of  Italian  power;  hut 
since  Gian-Galeazzo's  death  for  aggrandisement  alone  :  neither 
the  war  of  Lucca  nor  that  in  which  Arezzo  fell  were  begun  for 
the  nobler  ol>ject,  and  peace  might  have  well  been  made  at 
Visconte's  death.  Great  anxietv  was  now  removed,  and  the 
value  of  property  and  public  credit  were  rapidly  and  wonder- 
fullv  aujnnented,  accordinj^  to  Dati,  full  one-fourth,  bv  the  in- 
creased  facility  of  trade  and  general  security :  but  further  than 
this  it  may  be  doubted  whether  any  real  permanent  and 
politiciU  strength  were  gained  by  the  annexation  of  a  feverish 
weak  and  uncongenial  state  which,  like  those  birds  that  die 
of  vexation  when  encaged,  never  could  adjust  its  shoulders 
to  the  yoke  and  shook  it  off  on  the  first  favoural)le  oppor- 
tunity f.  When  Gherardo  d'Appiano  refusing  all  Floren- 
tuae  advances  sold  Pisa  to  the  Duke  of  ]\Iilan  in  1399  for 
300,000  florins,  the  inhabitants  rejoiced  in  the  act  through 
sheer  enmity  to  Florence  which  they  fully  expected  would  soon 
fall  under  that  princes  dominion,  and  Lucca,  Siena,  and  almost 
all  her  Tuscan  neighbours  joined  in  this  feeling  against  her 
and  of  amity  with  Visconte ;  some  because  they  liked  what 
was  supposed  to  be  the  winning  side ;  but  most  from  jealousy 
and  hatred  of  Florentine  wealth  and  ascendancy.  How  a  few 
fleeting  years  had  changed  everything  but  enmity  !  Visconte 
was  no  more  ;  his  dominions  were  ruined,  his  people  butchered, 
his  revenues  plundered,  his  sons  despoiled,  his  armies  defeated, 
his  generals  faithless,  his  friends  fidse,  and  his  cliildren's 
inheritance,  which  cost  so  much  blood  and  crime,  clutched  by 
a  set  of  powerful  and  remorseless  rufifians  !  Lucca  was  a 
cypher ;  Siena  humbled  ;  and  Pisa,  the  once  mighty  Pisa !  the 


■  Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  cap.  Ix. 


f  Goro  Dati,  Storia  <li  Fircnxe,  p.  131. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


25 


focus  of  hate  and  war !  was  now  the  vanquished  thrall  of  that 
very  people  whose  ruin  she  then  so  intensely  coveted !  The 
wheel  of  fortune  had  changed,  and  its  downward  turn  had 
brought  adverse  points  into  new  and  singular  opposition. 

Florence  after  this  effort  would  willingly  have  reposed ;  she 
required  leisure  to  consolidate  her  newly-acquired  dominion 
and  lost  no  time  in  regulating  the  civil  and  military  occupation 
of  the  countiy,  but  long  rest  was  denied  her.  Fifteen  hun- 
dred lances  composed  the  garrison  of  Pisa ;  troops  were  distri- 
buted throughout  tbe  territory ;  a  l)oard  of  ten  commissioners 
was  ordered  to  superintend  the  rebuilding  of  the  ancient  citadel 
as  well  as  all  other  fortifications  necessarv  throughout  the 
Pisan  state.  Governors  were  distributed  over  the  land  with 
extensive  and  unusual  authority  and  a  Florentince  prelate  of 
the  Adimari  family  became  archbishop  of  the  conquered  city. 
Thus  was  completed  the  subjugation  of  this  ancient  and  once 
powerful  commonwealth.  l)y  the  valour  of  her  arms  she  had 
in  early  times  conquered  both  Corsica  and  Sardinia  from  the 
Saracens ;  she  had  been  long  mistress  of  Elba  and  the  Tuscan 
Sea;  had  spread  her  commerce  for  and  wide,  and  possessed 
vast  power  and  influence  in  the  Levant  especially  at  Acre,  in 
those  days  a  city  of  great  wealth  and  importance ;  but,  after 
repeated  victories  over  Genoa,  fortune  at  length  failed  and  the 
fatal  battle  of  Meloria  ultimately  crushed  her  as  a  nation. 

Florence  was  soon  engaged  in  fresh  troubles,  and  during  the 
siege  of  Pisa  had  also  tlie  misfortune  to  lose  one  of  her  most 
useful  and  distinguished  ministers  in  the  celebrated  Coluccio 
Salutati ;  he  died  on  the  fourth  of  i\Iay  and  was  interred  with 
great  magnificence  at  the  pubhc  charge,  but  whether  crowned 
or  not  with  the  laurel  wreath  as  intended  is  now  uncertain. 
As  a  powerful  organ  of  the  public  voice  he  was  invaluable  and 
his  classic  pen  would  have  materidly  assisted  all  subsequent 
negotiations  *. 


Boninsegni,  Historie  Fiorent,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  798. 


26 


FLORENTOsE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1407. 


The  schism,  which  commenced  with  Pope  Urbau  VI.  in  1  Ji78, 
still  divided  the  church  notwithstanding  every  effort  to  unite 
antagonist  interests :  the  death  of  Boniface  IX.  in  1 404 
had  abruptly  broken  off  negotiations  with  Benedict 
XIII.  a  cunning  and  ambitious  churchman,  who  however  found 
his  equals  in  most  of  the  legitimate  pontics.  Various  and  succes- 
sive attempts  had  long  been  making  to  reconcile  the  church  Antli 
itself  both  by  kings  and  commonwealths ;  and  even  some  cardi- 
nals of  both  courts  exerted  themselves  to  heal  the  wound,  but  all 
in  vain  because  the  promises  made  in  conclave  were  forgotten  on 
the  throne  and  a  popedom  once  grasped  was  not  so  easily  relin- 
quished. Innocent  VII.  succeeded  Boniface  IX.  in  140  4  and  for 
a  while  remained  quiet  at  Bome  and  \villing  to  continue  so, 
but  showed  no  signs  of  exerting  himself  to  heal  the  schism 
much  less  of  abdicating  for  a  purjiose  so  holy ;  he  had  mischiev- 
ous relations  too,  and  the  Romans  became  impatient  angry  and 
ready  for  sedition.  They  were  encouraged  by  Giovanni  Colonna 
and  King  Ladislaus  of  Naples,  a  young  imscmpulous  and 
ambitious  monarch  whose  eye  was  fixed  on  Bome  as  a  certain 
conquest :  tumults  soon  began ;  treacher}-,  murder,  and  pro- 
miscuous slaughters  as  usual  stained  the  scene,  and  Pope 
Innocent  ultimately  fled  for  safety  to  Viterbo.  Ladislaus  made 
an  attempt  on  Rome  and  occupied  the  castle  of  Saint  Angelo ; 
Innocent  soon  after  returned,  made  his  peace  with  the  king 
and  died  on  the  sixth  of  November  1400.  Gregoiy  XI I.  suc- 
ceeded, with  long  promises  and  short  performance  as  regarded 
the  schism,  yet  so  animated  a  correspondence  was  maintained 
between  the  rival  priests  that  for  some  time  the  world  began  to 
hope,  and  was  deceived  =5=. 

Savona  was  named  as  a  meeting-place  but  this  was  sulise- 
quently  changed  ;   Gregory  proceeded  to  Siena,  and 
even  to  Lucca  in  1408;  Benedict  to  Savona,  Spezia 
and  Protovenere ;  both  then  halted :  one  would  not  stir  from 


A.D.  1408. 


*  Muratori,  Annali,  Anni  1405, 140G,  1407 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


27 


dry  land,   the  other  would   not  quit  the  water,  and  neither 
were  sincere.    Pietra  Santa,  Carrara,  Lavenza,  Motrone,  Leg- 
horn and  Pisa  were  successively  proposed  for  a  conference  ; 
but  the  object  of  both  pontiffs  was  deceit,  not  reconciliation ; 
for  this  both  must  have  abdicated,  and  neither  was  disposed 
to  such  humility.     Benedict  was  the  more  active  :   with  the 
help  of  Boucicault  he  despatched  eleven  galleys  to  surprise 
Rome  but  Ladislaus  had  already  occupied  that  city  on  the 
sixteenth  of  April  1408  *.     It  was  a  decisive  stroke  and  dealt, 
as   is   supposed,   with  Gregoiy 's   concurrence  on  purpose  to 
disturb  the  negotiations  :  besides  which  he  wanted  to  make  a 
promotion  of  cardinals,  against  his  promise,  and  this  alarmed 
the  college  as  it  proved  his  insincerity  about  resigning  the 
tiara,  if  required  for  the  church's  welfare.     The  measure  was 
strongly  opposed ;  seven  cardinals  disgusted  with  his  conduct 
withdrew  from  court  and  retired  to  Pisa ;  they  were  coun- 
tenanced by  Florence  and  finally  appealed  to  a  futui-e  pope  and 
a  general  council.     This  rendered  Gregoiy  uneasy  at  Lucca  ; 
he  wrote  to  Ladislaus  for  an  escort  of  Neapolitan  troops  and  the 
latter  glad  to  prevent  the  council  l)y  gaining  a  militaiy  footing 
in  Tuscany  demanded  safe  conduct  from  Florence  for  seven 
hundred  lances  and  provision  for  himself  and  soldiers.     The 
Seignoiy  was  alarmed ;  ambassadors  were  sent  to  Rome,  and  the 
request  was  finally  refused  :  Ladislaus  gave  them  their  choice, 
either  to  comply,  or  manage  so  that  the  pope  should  withdraw 
his   requisition  which   he  as   a  feudator}^  of  the  church  was 
bound  to  obey;    or  else  expect  two  thousand  hostile  lances 
and  fifteen  hundred  inlantry  before  the  gates  of  Florence. 
He   then   departed   for   Naples  while  the  Florentines  made 
an    arrangement  with   Gregory  wliich   relieved   them    from 
this    dilemma:    and   the    Pope    quitted  Lucca  under   their 
escort  on   the   fourteenth  of  July;   on   the   seventeenth  he 

•  Buoninscjrni,   Stori.a,   Lib.    iv.,    p.     xxiv.,  cap.  vi.,  p.  322. — Scip.  Ammi- 
807. — Giannone,  Storia  Civile,  Lib.     rato,  Lib.  xvii.,  p.  941. 


28 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


reached  Siena  where  thinking  himself  safe  from  the  rebellious 
cardinals  the  Florentine  guard  was  dismissed  and  the  court 
established  *. 

Florence  meanwhile  allowed  a  conference  to  be  held  at  Pisa 
where  several  cardinals  of  both  parties  had  ;d  ready  assembled, 
and  urged  Gregory  to  fulfil  the  oath  he  had  so  solemnly  taken 
to  reunite  the  church,  by  now  attendinij  the  council  at  Pisa. 
But  the  pontiff  was  intlexible  and  his  antagonist  equally  angry, 
for  both  now  saw  themselves  forsaken  by  many  cardinals  who 
wished  to  close  the  schism,  wherefore  both  inmiediately  filled 
up  the  vacancies  thus  occasioned. 

The  Pisan  council  on  the  contrary  wrote  to  every  Christian 
court  complaining  that  the  pontiffs  wished  to  continue  the 
schism  and  simultaneously  uri^ed  both  the  latter  to  resign  as 
they  had  promised  previous  to  their  assumption  f . 

The  two  popes  on  the  other  hand  wanicd  all  Christian 
potentates  against  attending  to  the  cardinals  at  Pisa,  and  Gre- 
gory tired  of  these  repeated  exhortations  removed  to  Rimini, 
for  Bologna  had  been  wrested  from  him  by  Cardinal  Cossa 
who  also  offered  aid  to  Florence  against  Ladislaus,  to  whom 
the  former  had  already  sold  the  Romans  \ 

In  this  state  of  affairs  each  pontiff  strove  to  justify  his  own 
conduct  and  blame  his  rival :  Gregory  summoned  a  general 
coimcil  at  Aquileja  or  at  Rimini ;  Benedict  another  near 
Peq)ignan,  and  the  discontented  cardinals  a  third  at  Pisa. 
To  the  latter  King  Ladislaus  was  by  a  joint  embassy  from 
Florence  and  the  cardinals  urged  to  send  the  Neapolitan 
prelates,  but  having  already  purchased  Rome,  Boloj^iui,  I'aenza, 
Forli,  and  Perugia  as  far  as  Pope  Gregory  s  power  over  them 


*  Muratori,  Annali  1408. — S.  Amnii- 
rato,  Lib,  xvii.,  p.  94.'i. — Giiseppe  M. 
MecattijStoria  Cronologica  di  Fironzc, 
vol.  i.,  p.  350. — Poggio,  Lib.  iv.,  p. 
119. 


+  Giannonc,  Storia  Civile  di  Napoli, 

Lib.  xxiv.,  cap.  vi.,  j),  .330. 

X  Muratori,  An.    1408. — Poggio,  Lib. 

iv.,  p.  120. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xvii.,  p. 

944. 


tlUP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


29 


extended,  liis  policy  was  to  maintain  that  pontiffs  authority  at 
all  hazards,  not  only  on  this  account  but  because  he  had  a 
formidable  rival  for  the  throne  of  Naples  itself  in  young  Louis 
of  Anjou  whose  father  w^as  the  rightful  heir  of  that  monarchy 
by  Queen  Giovanna  s  testament  *. 

The  Florentines   in   concert  with   Boucicault   governor  of 
Genoa  had  determined  to  withdraw  their  obedience 
from   Pope   Gregoiy  X\l.  if  he  did   not   fulfil  his  ^^•^'- ^^^^• 
inaugural  engagement  by  tiying  everything,  even  to  abdication 
for  the  purjwse  of  uniting  the  church:    but  as  this  was  a 
serious  enterprise  the  Seignory  assembled  a  pariiament  and 
receiving  plenary  power  from  the  people  to  act  according  to 
their  discretion,  proceeded  with  great  solenniity.     A  meetmg 
was  summoned  of  all  the  doctors  in  civil  and  canon  law ;  all 
the  theologists,  abl.ots,  priors,  and  eveiy  other  learned  civilian 
of  Florence  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  twenty,  for  the 
due  consideration  of  this  question  ;  and  after  three  days'  dis- 
cussion Gregory  was  pronounced  heretical  and  schismatic;  and 
as  an  enemy  and  corrupter  of  the  Chiistiaii  faith  well  worthy 
of  being  deposed. 

Thus  saucti(»ned  the  Seignoiy  sent  one  more  invitation  to 
implore  his  presence  at  the  council  of  Pisa  and  on  his  refusal 
formally  withdrew  their  obedience  and  allowed  the  cardinals 
to  open  that  asseinbly  on  the  ^!5th  of  Februaiy  UOl)  f.  Tluis 
also  ended  their  friendship  ^vith  Ladislaus,  but  this  had  lon^^ 
been  waning,  for  his  ambition  was  too  dangerous,  his  objects 
the  conquest  of  Italy  and  the  acquisition  of  the  empire;  he  had 
already  taken  "  Aut  desar  aiit  nihil  "  as  his  motto,  with  the 
lofty-sounding  title  of  King  of  Rome  which  neither  Goth, 
Loml>ard,  nor  Frank  from  fear  or  reverence  of  the  Eastern 
emperors  had  ever  ventured  to  assume.  His  game  was  to 
keep  the  church  weak  by  discord  and  division  while  he  made 

*  Giannonc,  Lib.  xxiv.,   cap.  vi. — S.     f  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xvii.,  p. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  xvii.,  p.  94G.  945. 


30 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[hook  I. 


GrejTory  a  convenient  instmment  of  ambition.  Ambassadors 
were  sent  to  him  by  the  Florentines  to  ascertain  his  wishes 
which  were  briefly  given ;  that  they  shouhl  join  liim,  drive 
the  cardinals  from  their  territory  and  break  up  the  council : 
all  these,  being  against  their  own  interest  and  for  the  mani- 
fest aggrandisement  of  Ladislaus,  were  promptly  refused  and 
they  were  made  more  confident  from  an  expectation  that  any 
new  pope  would  instantly  attempt  to  recover  the  church  pro- 
perty which  Gregoiy  had  so  milawfully  sold,  and  thus  augment 
their  power  of  resistance  *. 

Ladislaus  became  enraged  at  this  short  and  resolute  answer 
but  was  tirmlv  withstood  bv  Bartolonnneo  Valori  who  told  him 
that  up  to  that  time  the  Florentines  had  defended  their  liberty 
against  many  emperors  and  tyrants  who  had  done  their  utmost 
to  reduce  them  to  slavery  ;  nor  had  they  alone  defended  but 
increased  their  dominion  and  power,  wherefore  they  would  in 
the  present  instance  follow  that  coui-se  which  was  deemed  most 
useful  and  would  defend  themselves  with  at  least  as  much 
vigour  as  they  were  attacked ;  perhaps  a  little  more.  On  this 
Ladislaus  became  more  violent,  and  demanded,  "  With  what 
troops  they  could  oppose  him  seeing  that  he  had  already  en- 
gaged most  of  the  Italian  generals  ?  "  "  With  yours  "  rejoined 
Valori  boldly  ;  and  by  these  words  left  a  strong  impression 
of  fear  on  tlie  king's  mind  lest  he  should  be  deserted  by  liis 
captains,  which  in  fact  was  subsequently  realised  f . 

This  resolute  aspect  however  indicated  no  diminished  alarm 
in  Florence,  which  had  but  three  hundred  and  ninety-six  lances 
m  pay,  half  of  whom  were  despatched  to  Siena  and  a  close 
alliance  concluded  with  Cardinal  Cossa  legate  of  Bologna: 
two  ambassadors  were  sent  to  confirm  Siena  in  her  faith,  and 
with  two  more  from  that  state  repaired  to  the  royal  camp 


*  Muratori  Annali,  Anno  1409. — 
Pietro  Giannone,  Istoria  Civile  di  Na- 
polij  Lib.  xxiv.,  cap.  vi.,  p.  332. —  Pog- 


gio  Brace! olini.  Lib.  iv.,  p.  12L — Sis- 

mondi,  vol.  vi.,  cup.  Ixi. 

-f"  Poggio  Braccioliiii,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  120. 


CHAI-.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


31 


near  the  river  Paglia  northward  of  Aquapendente.     This  of 
coui-se  was  a  vain  effort  to  turn  aside  the  storm  nor  did  the 
kings  embassies  to  Siena  and  Florence  produce  more  peaceful 
consequences :  the  fomier  was  ravaged  up  to  its  very  gates,  but 
held  finn  and  thus  saved  Florence ;  several  towns  were  then 
unsuccessfully  attacked  and  a  sudden  attempt  was  finally  made 
on  Arezzo ;  yet  all  remained  laithful  although  the  king's  army 
amounted   to    between  fourteen  and  eighteen  thousand  men 
besides  a  strong  squadron  wliich  alarmed  the  coast,  and  every 
preparation  was  made  for  vigorous  war.     Malatesta  of  Pesaro 
the  Florentine  general  had  arrived  near  Arezzo  with  a  large 
body  of  troops,  and  Ladislaus  it  does  not  appear  why,  moved 
on  towards  Cortona  ravaging  the  country  without  any  serious 
attempt,  so  that  he  was  called  in  derision  ''Be  Guastagrano'' 
or  -  Kwg  Spoil  the  Com ;"  but  he  finally  got  possession  of 
Cortona  by  treachery  on  the  thirtieth  of  June*.     Meanwhile 
the  Pisan  council  consisting  of  twenty-four  cardinals,  three 
patriarchs,  a  hundred  and  eighty  l)ishops   and  archbishops, 
more  than  three  hundred  abbots,  two  hundred  and  eighty-two 
masters  in  tlleolog)^  with  a  multitude  of  ambassadors  from 
various  Christian  states,  condemned  Gregory  XII.  and  Bene- 
dict XIII.  to  the  llanies  as  schismatics  and  heretics,  and  on 
the  twenty-sixth  of  June  proclaimed  Piero  di  Candia  as  the 
only  true  Vicar  of  Christ  and  Pontiff  of  God's  Church  under 
the  name  of  Alexander  the  Fifth.     This  gave  great  alarm  to 
Ladislaus  who  feared  what  afterwards  occurred,  a  union  of 
the  new  pope  and  the  Florenthies  ;  nor  was  his  alarm  diminished 
by  the  intelligence  of  a  fresh  league  between  them,  the  legate 
of  Bologna,  Siena,  and  his  rival  the  young  duke  of  Anjou, 
whose  ambassadors  were  then  at  Pisa,  by  which  a  large  force  was 
to  be  moved  both  by  land  and  sea  against  him.    The  two  other 
popes  also  held  their  councils  and  were  each  acknowledged  by 
many  states  of  Christendom  so  that  three  adverse  pontiffs  all 


♦  Jacopo  Salviati,  Cronaca,pp.  313,  314,  315,  &c*. 


32 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHIP.  XXiX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


Vicars  of  Christ  and  all  iufiillille,  vet  each  denouncinf^  the 
others  as  schismatic  and  heretical,  shocked  while  they  ruled 
the  Christian  world-. 

The  Florentines  having  again  failed  in  an  attempted  recon- 
ciliation with  Ladislaus  through  the  mediation  of  Venice, 
hurried  on  the  Duke  of  Anjous  prej^arations  and  soon  saw 
that  prince  arrive  with  five  galleys  and  live  or  six  hundred 
lances  at  Pisa,  where  he  was  immediately  acknowledged  hy 
the  pope  as  Khig  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  and  created  Gonia- 
lonier  of  the  Church :  the  league  Avith  Cardinal  Cossa  was  at 
the  same  time  confirmed  by  Alexander;  and  a  confederate 
army,  the  hulk  of  which  was  Florentine,  of  about  thirteen 
thousand  men  of  all  anns  commanded  by  IMalateski  di  Pesaro, 
Sforza,  and  Braccio  da  ^lontone,  prepared  to  march  against 
Ptome  in  different  directions f.  Ladislaus  after  distributing 
his  troops  throughout  Tuscany,  La  Marca,  and  other  places  in 
tlie  ecclesiastical  states,  had  returned  home  to  make  fresh  pre- 
pai^ations  against  this  fomiidable  array,  mn-  was  he,  though 
scoffed  for  his  Tuscan  exploits,  at  all  to  be  despised ;  he  had 
the  reputation  of  an  able  and  experienced  captain;  brave, 
fierce,  and  resolute;  patient  and  vigilant;  des|>ising  fatigue 
and  danger,  and  deeply  imbued  with  the  love  of  military  glorj\ 
He  had  subdued  his  own  rebellious  barons  and  enlarged  his 
state,  and  checked  at  no  means  for  this;  whether  bv  the 
sale  of  royal  lands  or  offices,  or  titles  of  nobility;  not  excepting 
that  of  knighthood  which  he  contemned  ;  or  of  forced  con- 
tributions;  and  even  on  the  slightest  suspicion,  the  seizure 
of  his  subjects*  property  :  and  thus  he  accumulated  money  for 
his  enterprises  :  besides  this  he  was  faithless,  irreligious,  libidi- 
nous, and  barltarously  cruel ;  yet  could  repress  eveiy  j)assion  at 
the  voice  of  pohcy.  Tii'ed  of  his  wife  the  beautiful  and  virtuous 

•  Muratori,  Anno  1409.— Giannonc,     f  Jturopo  Salviati,  Crouaca,  pp.  315, 
Lib.    xxiv.,   cap.    vi. —  S.    Ammirato,     3*21. 
Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  xvii.,  p.  949. 


33 

Constance  of  Chiaramonte  he  secretly  procured  a  divorce  from 
Gregory  XII.  and  harl  the  cruelty  to  cause  the  first  intimation 
of  It  to  reach  her  from  the  pulj.it  in  face  of  an  astonished  and 
mdignant  congregation.     He  then  approached  the  unhapin- 
queen,  publicly  took  the  marriage  ring  from  her  finger,  confined 
her  in  a  convent,  and  subsequently  gave  her  in  marriage  to 
Andrea  di  Capua  son  of  the  Count  of  Altavilla.     She  had  borne 
her  misfortunes  with  exemplary  dignity  and  virtue  but  never 
would  acknowledge  tlie  div(.rce,  and  when  on  horseback  and 
about  to  depart  for  Capua  after  the  marriage  ceremony    she 
turned  to  Andrea  and  in  presenco  of  an  immense  multitude  of 
nobles  and   people  assembled  to  do  her  honour,  said  aloud 
"  Amhra  ch  Capua,  thnu  >n<'yrst  hnhUhy.elf  the  nw.t  fortunate 
-  geutleuuui  vf  this  khuvhnu  siuce  thou  hast  for  th,/  ^concubine 
*'  the  legitimate  ui/e  of  Kiu,,  Ladislaus  thy  hnir 

Such  was  the  enemy  that  Florentines  had  now  to  combat 
Iheir  anny  soon  assembled  near  .Monte  Pulciano  to  the  num- 
ber of  ab.,ut  nine  thousand  horse,  and  on  the  eighteenth  of 
September  were  before  ( )n  ieto,  Jacopo  Salviate  and  Veri  Gua- 
dagni  being  the  commissaries;  for  although    the   army  ;vas 
nommally  confederate  the  givater  part  was  paid  bv  Florence  at 
the  rate  of  about  •:>«>,(i(i(i  florins  a  month  ^.  The  Conte  di  Tro'ia 
who  commanded  for  Ladislaus  seeing  this  formidable  movement 
assembled  all  his  f-r.-es  and  maivhed  to  the  defence  of  Rome 
while  the  allies  were  detained  before  Orvieto  negotiatin^r  for 
provisions,  to  procure  which  they  were  forced  to  engage  Paulo 
Orsini  who  commanded  in  Rome  for  Ladislaus,  with  six  hun- 
dred lances  besides  inf\intry,  at  fourteen  florins  and  a  third  for 
each  lance  monthly,  and  i>aying  for  sixty  more  than  he  was 
obliged  to  supiJy,  his  own  salary  being  000  florins  a  month. 
After  this  Urvieto  submitted  to  the  church ;  Monte  Fiascone 

l^itr'T^'^r"''^  ^^' V?''^-'- ^-     ^■'^''''''^  I'-  '"^-^--S.  Ammimto,  Lib. 
J51,&c.— I'letroGiannoncLib.  xxiv.,     xviii.,  p.  953. 

«ap.  V.  and  viii., pp.  31 7-352.-— Jacopo 
VOL.    III.  D 


34 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[buuk  1. 


CHAP,  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


followed  and  Viterbo  opened  its  gates  ;  at  Rome  Orsini  joined 
the  allies  and  with  Bmccio  da  Montone  entered  that  city  by 
Borgo  San  Piero  followed  by  all  the  amiy,  but  could  not  suc- 
ceed in  forcing  the  bridge  of  Saint  Angelo  which  was  strongly 
fortified  and  gallantly  defended.     Ladislaus  had  more  than 
four  thousand  horse  in  Rome  and  the  peo[de  headed  by  Colonna 
were  against  the  allies  from  hatred  to  Paulo  Orsini,  so  that 
Malatesta  after  some  delay  and  a  slight  Init  unsuccessful  change 
in  his  opemtions  put  the  troops  uito  winter  quarters,  and  Louis 
returning  to  France  the  campaign  finished,  but  after  an  expense 
to  the  republic  of  400,000  florins  in  seven  months  besides  the 
capture  of  -200,000  florins'  worth  of  Florentine  merchandise 
by  the  enemy's  cruisers  •-.     -Malatesta  however  who  remained 
in  the  Campagna  with  the  Florentines  was  far  from  idle  either 
as  a  general  or  negotiator  and  succeeded  in  bribing  a  Roman 
citizen  of  some  distinction,  called  Lello  Xeru-io,  to  commence 
a  tumult  at  a  time  agreed  upon  when  he  would  be  supjwrted  by 
Paulo  Orsini,  who  still  held  the   Rorgo  and  castle  of  Stiint 
Anf^elo,  on  one  side;  and  bv  the  Florentine  army  on  the  other : 
(jiano  Colonna  and  the  Conte  di  Troia  became  suspicious  ol 
the  plot  and  Malatesta  withdrew  to  lull  them  :   the  former 
attacked  Orsuii  with  all  their  force  and  were  repulsed ;  on  which 
Nello  offered  in  the  name  of  the  people  to  deliver  Rome  into 
the  hands  of  the  latter  and  so  alarmed  the  Neapolitan  that 
both  he  and  Colonna  evacuated  the  city.     The  people  then 
unanimously  declared  for  Pope  Alexander,  tore  down  the  arms 
of  Gregoiy  and  Ladislaus,  and  retunied  to  tlieir  allegiance  on 
tlie  last  day  of  December  1400.     IMalatesta  appeared  on  the 
first  of  January  and  after  some  parl(\v  was  allowed  to 
enter  with  his  whole  army,  and  the  Florentine  lily  for 
the  first  time  was  seen  triumphantly  floating  on  the  Forum  ot 
ancient  Romef. 

*  Jacopo  Salviii'.i,  Cronaca,pp  317,  31  P>,  &r.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,p.  954. 

-j-  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  935. 


35 


A.D.  1410. 


This  caused  as  great  rejoicing  at  Florence  as  grief  to 
Laiskus,  for  it  was  followed  by  the  mpid  submission  of 
Ostia,  Tivoh,  and  the  neighbouring  towns  as  well  as  of  all  the 
Roman  barons  except  Colonna  and  his  family.  The  kin-r  sent 
ambassadors  to  negotiate  a  peace  but  the  Florentine  conditions 
were  too  hard :  Alexander  V.  was  now  at  Pistoia  beset  by  the 
Florentines  on  one  side  to  move  at  once  towards  Home  and 
by  Cossa  on  the  other  to  repair  to  Bologna  and  first  tranquiUise 
Eomagna:  the  latter  succeeded ;  Alexander  went  to  BoW„a 

theXV  f  T'''"'l  '""  ''"^""'  "'"  *^'^^"  "'•  -d  died  on 
the  t  u  d  of  May  with  srrong  suspicions  of  having  been  poi- 

soned  by  Cardma    Cossa  who  succeeded  him  under  the  name 
01  (jiovanni  XXIII.  *. 

This  pope  being  a  bitter  enemy  of  Ladislaus  joined  heartily 

n.  the  war,  and  Lou.s  of  Anjou  arruing  soon  after  with  a  strong 

quadron  of  galleys   which  acted  against  tlie  now  combined 

ZT.  1  Tt  ''"^J'f'''  ''''  --  --  renewed  mher  omi- 
noush  by  a  defeat  of  the  Provencal  squadron  f.  In  a  short 
time  money  began  to  fail,  Louis  was  forced  to  borrow  from  the 
Fpeand  l-lorence;  Sfor^a  became  suspected,  and  the  other 
oaptams  mactive  for  want  of  pay;  so  that  Salviati  and  Buon- 
accorso  Put.  were  sent  to  arrange  matters  and  finally  succeeded 
m  enabling  the  Duke  of  Anjou  to  leave  Siena  and  proceed  to 
Kome  where  he  began  his  preparations  for  an  invasion  of 
Aaples. 

In  the  meantime  Ladislaus  became  more  alarmed  and  Flo- 
rence less  able  to  suppoit  the  war ;  overtures  of  peace  were 
made  by  the  former  and  accepted  :  the  treaty  was  completed  on 
the  seventh  of  January  Mil,  by  which  Ladislaus  re- 
nounced all  interference  with  Rome  or  the  states  ^•^•^^"• 
north  of  it  except  Perugia  which  he  still  held ;  Cortona,  Pierli 
and  Mercatale  were  to  be  sold  to  Florence  for  60,000  florins' 

*  Muratori,  Anno  1410.  Platina  calls     xviii.,  p.  05G 

him  John  XX1L~S.  Ammirato,  Lib.     f  Jacopo  Sahiati,  Cronaca,  p.  339. 


36 


FLOREN'nNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


and  her  captured  merchandise  restored.  These  were  the 
principal  conditions  but  they  were  still  to  remain  inoperative 
until  the  term  of  the  Florenthie  league  with  Louis  of  Anjou 
had  expired.  The  latter  finding  himself  without  money  or 
support  had  retired  to  Prato  and  though  used  as  a  tool  by  the 
Florentines  acquiesced  with  a  good  grace  and  made  his  mind 
up  to  the  consequence,  after  which  he  joined  the  pontiff  at 

Bologna--, 

Drained  and  weakened  by  their  long  struggles,  f<n'  Florence 
had  ^rith  but  little  intermission  been  almost  one-and-twenty 
vears  at  war,  the  Florentines  determined  to  fetter  their  own 
future  movements  as  closely  as  human  intercourse  would  per- 
mit, and  cause  war  to  be  at  least  slowly  and  cautiously  under- 
taken though  it  were  ultimately  inevitable.  They  had  attempted 
this  before  but  present  passions  overcome  past  resolutions  and 
cases  are  ever  occurring  that  apparently  but  delusively  justify 
a  departure  as  well  from  the  wisest  and  strictest  laws  as  from 
the  most  virtuous  intentions.  Under  the  i  xisthig  itrcssure  a 
decree  passed  all  the  councils  that  prohibited  any  hostilities 
beyond  the  state,  as  well  as  any  league  or  confederacy  where 
the  public  had  no  jurisdiction  :  also  the  receivnig  of  any  state 
or  chieftain  under  their  protection  by  what  was  called  "  Puicco- 
mendazknie,''  which  was  in  fact  purchased  by  a  species  of 
vassalage  for  stipulated  periods ;  also  the  acquisition  of  any 
town  or  fortress  by  the  community  and  the  increase  of  the 
standing  army  of  mercenaries  to  more  than  five  hundred  lances 
and  fifteen  hundred  infantry  between  crossbnw-men  im^Favesi 
or  heav\'-anned  foot.  These  and  many  otlicr  provisions  already 
made  and  as  ofteu  broken  were  again  ((mfirraed  and  no 
measure  contrary  to  them  could  now  be  passed  unless  it  were 
first  proposed  and  carried  in  a  new  council  of  two  hundred  citi- 
zens and  thence  named  the  "  Council  of  Tiro  Ilumlred."  To 
form  this  council  a  puree  was  made  up  for  each  (juarter  of  the 

*  Poggio,  Lil>.  iv.,  p.  127. — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  9G1. 


37 


ctty,  m  which  was  contained  the  names  of  all  who  had  passed 
the  scrutmy  or  who  liad  been  dmwn  for  the  principal  state  dig- 
nities, provided  they  were  thirty  years  of  age  and  that  there 
were  not  already  tliree  members  elected  of  the  same  family  * 

The  manner  of  selection  was  probably  tliat  established  for 
the  pnors  and   Buonomini  after  the  plague  of  1348.     Fifty 
wa.xen  balls  were  placed  in  the  purse  eacli  containing  a  slip  of 
parcliment  w.th  the  names  of  eight  priors,  six  taken  amongst 
the  unoccupied  citizens  and  seven  superior  arts  ;  and  two  from 
the  fourteen  inl.nior  trades  :    besides  this  there  was  another 
pui^e  of  'S}.caola,i "  or  tlie  loose  names  of  those  who  had  not 
sufhcient  votes  for  election  to  the  above  offices;  and  out  of  this 
were  supplied  the  names  of  any  candidates  that  might  be  re- 
quired to  replace  tliose  that  happened  to  have  the  Divieto. 
The  gonfaloniers  of  justice  had  a  separate  purse  for  each  quar- 
ter f.     in  this  coun,il  which  was  renewed  half-yearly,   only 
those  measures  could  be  proposed  that  had  already  been  dis- 
cussed and  passed  by  two-thirds  of  the  SeignoiT:  after  havin-r 
passed  these  two  councils  tliey  were  to  go  to  the  council  of  a 
hundred  and  tl,irty-one,  which  was  composed  of  the  Seignon- 
jmd  colleges ;  the  captains  of  tlie  Party  Guelph ;  the  ten  of 
liberty;  the  six  .omicillors  of  commerce  ;  the  twenty-one  con- 
suls of  the  arts,  and  forty-eight  other  citizens.     The  ne.xt  stage 
was  the  council  of  the  people,  and  finally  that  of  the  commmiity 
before  any  measure  relating  to  war  became  valid  for  execution  ;. 
Ihis  law  was  deemcl  wise :    it  received  much  praise  and 
asted  a  while,  until  again  undermined  and  corrupted  by  the  arts, 
knavery,  and  ambition  of  asi)iriiig  citizens.    The  rule  of  the  Al- 
bizzi  faction  though  able  and  j.artially  disguised,  was  absolute 
to  a  degree  quite  inconsistent  with  liberty ;  and  whatever  were 
the  faults  of  Cosimo  de'  ]\Iedici,  in  despotic  acts  there  was  little 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xriii.,  p.  nonicnicoBoninscgni.dair  Anno  1410 

J.  r>'  ,.  „  "I  14(>0.  Lili,   i",  n.  2. — S  Amminitn 

t  C,o„aca  d,  D„„.^t„  Velluti,  p.  8.5.  Storia,  Lib.  .xviii.,V  %1     ^"'""'^'°' 
+  Mernone  della  Citta  di  Firenze  da 


38 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.   XXI\.] 


FLORENTINE    TITSTORY. 


39 


A.D.  1412. 


to  choose  between  them.      In  the  gonfaloniership  of  Vannozzo 
SeiTagli  who  entered  on  his  office  m  November  1411,  he  and 
his  colleagues  wishing  to  cai'ry  a  tax  which  both  the  council  of 
the  people  and  that  of  the  community  had  rejected,  imprisoned 
the  members  of  both  until  through  mere  exhaustion  they  were 
forced  to  pass  the  bill.      This  tax  wa^s  aftenvards  called  the 
"  Blspiacente"  or  the  Displeasing,  and  SerragU's  conduct  as 
Ammirato  remarks  was  much  blamed  by; — '' thosir  who  had  no 
part  in  the  f/ovfrnment:'      At  this  time  also  either  for  a  real 
or  supposed  conspiracy  the   whole  race  of  the  Alberti  were 
banished  and  one  of  them  decapitated  as  has  been  already 
mentioned.      Another  conspiracy  was  also  detected  which  cost 
a  few  heads  and  the  captivity  of  a  priest  with  whose  blood  the 
government  was  unwilling  to  stain  its  hands :   a  third 
soon  followed  and  more  heads  fell ;  for  Florence  when 
at  peace  without  was  never  long  quiet  \nthin :  but  a  dispute 
with  Genoa  once  more  occupied  the  public  attention  *.     The 
discord  of  tliat  turbulent  commonwealth  had  driven  it  mider 
French  protection  and  Boucicault  in  the  name  of  France  mled 
there  for  several  years  with  a  rod  of  iron  :    treating  Genoa 
almost  as  a  conquered  province  until  her  citizens  became  im- 
patient of  the  yoke.      In   1400,  this   chief   interfered  with 
Milanese  politics  and   moved   at  the  head  of  some  soldiers 
nominally  to  succour  Gian-Maria  Yisconte,  but  really  to  usuq) 
the  dukedom  ;  while  thus  employed  Facino  Cane  and  Theodore 
Marquis  of  IMonferrato  appeared  bef«)re  the  gates  of  Genoa 
from  different  directions,  and  l)Oth  being  at  war  with  Boucicault 
soon  produced  a  revolt:  the  Lieutenant-*  iovenior  and  French 
garrison  were  massacred  and  the  jMarquis  of  Monferrato  made 
captain  of  the  Genoese  republic  with  ducal  power,  on  the  sixth 
of  September  1409  f. 

This  led  to  a  close  alliance  with  Ladislaus  and  consequent 

*  Memoric  dclla  Citta  di  Fircnzc,  dal     f  Muratori,    Anno   1409. — Sismondi, 
1410  al  14G0,  Da  Boninscgni,  Lib.  i",     vol.  vi.,  p.  130. 
p.  4. 


hostility  to  Ilorence  and  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  nor  did  peace 
with  the  first  reestablish  tranquillity :  much  Florentine  mer- 
chandise had  been  captured;  the  Genoese  were  jealous  of  the 
incipient  maritime  power  of  Florence ;  Porto  Venere,  Lerici, 
Porto  Fino,  and  Sarezzanello  had  either  revolted  or  been  pur- 
chased and  in  Mil  placed  themselves  under  Florentine  pro- 
tection;   so  that  constant  but  petty  warfare  continued   untH 
April  UV\,  when  by  the  pope's  mediation  tranquilhty  was 
restored  *.     While  these  disputes  were  warm  from  commercial 
jealousy  the  unfortunate  nation  whose  spoils  had  occasioned 
them  was  fast  melting  away ;   Pisa  was  already  so  de- 
populated that  in  the  beginning  of  1413  an  act  ap-   ^'^'  "^^* 
peared  for  encouraging  strangers   to  settle    there  by  several 
exemptions  and  privileges,   and  other   encouragements  of  a 
smiilar  nature  were  offered  to  attract  agricultural  labourers 
back  to  the  Florentine  territory  which  still  writhed  under  the 
effects  of  war  f . 

Urged  both  by  Anjuu  and  the  Romans,  Pope  John  XXIII. 
and  that  prince  repaired  unwillingly  to  Rome  in  March  1411. 
Louis  had  assembled  a  strong  army  of  ill-paid  and  therefore 
discontented  veterans,  but  able  for  any  enterprise  ;  and  no  time 
was  lost  in  leading  them  against  LadisLms  whom  he  attacked 
and  defeated  witli  great  slaughter  at  Ponte  Corvo.     Had  this 
blow  been  ably  followed  up  l)oth  king  and  kingdom  would  have 
fallen ;  but  the  interest  of  Italian  condottieri  was  not  peace, 
and  if  at  any  time  they  haply  found  tliemselves  sui-prised  into 
a  victoiy  it  was  seldom  made  more  use  of  than  to  ransom  pri- 
soners or  let  them  go  without,  according  to  former  intimacy  or 
rivdn- ;  for  to-day  they  miglit  be  lighting  side  by  side,  to- 
niorrow  in  adverse  ranks,  and  again  be  friends  and  comrades 
without  any  consequent  dishonour ;  as  they  engaged  for  short 
periods  and  had  no  party.     Delays  and  excuses  were  now  made 

*  D.    Boninscgni,  Mem.  della  Citta     f  S.  Ammirato,  Stor..  Lib.  xnii     d 
ai  Fircnzc,  Lib.  i",  p.  6.  965.— Mecatti,  vol.  i.,  p.  356^        ' 


40 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   I. 


by  Anjou's  captains  until  Ladislaus  having  mnsomed  most  of 
his  troops  appeared  again  in  arms  and  saved  his  kingdom. 
"  The  first  day,"  said  he,  "  l>oth  life  juul  kingdom  were  in 
"jeopardy;  the  second,  only  my  kin_i:fdom,  and  the  third 
'*  neither."  Anjou  thus  baffled  retired  in  disgust  to  Rome 
whence  in  August  1411  he  proceeded  to  Pisa  and  thence  to 
France,  where  he  died  in  1417  without  again  seeing  Italy. 
Meanwhile  Bologna  t(5ok  advantage  of  the  })o])('*s  n])sence  to 
recover  its  libertv,  which  hv  the  mediation  of  Morence,  without 
entirelv  renounciuj'  everv  allegiance  to  the  church  it  for  a  while 
presened ''-. 

Difficulties  now  accumulated  on  the  pontiff,  who  found  him- 
self alone  with  a  fierce  enemy  in  front,  rebellion  in  his  rear, 
and  all  the  apprehensions  of  a  general  council,  which  was  a  con- 
dition of  his  election,  hanging  over  his  hoiul.  Thus  circum- 
stanced and  eager  for  revenge  on  IViulo  Orsini  whom  he 
considered  as  the  real  cause  of  his  ill  su*  ..>>  against  Ladislaus, 
he  bought  a  peace  and  the  expulsion  of  Pope  Gregory  with  the 
adhesion  of  the  Neapolitan  derg}'  for  1(Mi.(M)0  florins,  and  dis- 
missing Oi^sini  to  his  estates  hi  La  Marc  a  >ecretly  gave  notice 
to  Ladislaus  that  this  man's  removal  would  not  be  displeashig. 
The  treaty  was  signe«l  in  June  1 4 1  '-i,  but  did  not  last ;  for  Ladis- 
laus feaiiiig  the  pope's  intrigues  to  l)nng  the  emperor  to  Rome 
for  the  purj^ose  of  crushing  him,  lost  no  time  in  sending  Sforza 
against  Orsini,  while  he  prepared  to  follow  with  an  army  ap- 
parently to  support  the  former,  but  turning  suddenly  on  Rome 
while  his  flotilla  occupied  the  Tiber  hi  vested  that  city  in  May 
1413.  After  a  feeble  resistiuice  the  town  surrendered  and 
Pope  Giovanni  retired  in  alarm  towards  Florence  f . 


*  S.  Ammirato,  Stor.,  Lib.  xviii.,  p. 
962. — Giannonc,  Lib.  xxiv.,  cap.  vii. 
— Sismondi,  cap.  Ixi.,  vol.  vi.,  p.  1.32. 
—  Salviati,  p.  357. — S.  Ammirato, 
Lib.  x>-iii.,  p.  963. 

f  Giaiinone  (Lib.  xxiv.,  cap.  viii.)  says 
that  the  pope  left  Rome  before  the 


attack  of  liailislaiis  but  I  have  followed 
all  the  otlicr  autliors  coteinjioi-arv  and 
subsequent.  Amongst  them  Buon. 
Pitti.  Cronaca,  p.  96. —  Muraton,  Anno 
1412. — Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  p.  136. — 
Pofrpio,  Lib.  iv..  J).  129 — S.  Ammi- 
rato, Storia,  Lib.  .wiii.,  p.  967. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


41 


Ladislaus  had  made  peace  but  not  friends  with  the  Floren- 
tines ;  his  object  was  to  frighten  them  into  a  league  with  him, 
wherefore  one  of  his  first  acts   was   to  seize  all  Florentine 
property  in  Rome  and  promise  the  future  plunder  of  tlieir  city 
itself  to  his  soldiers.    The  Seignoiy  on  hearing  this  immediately 
formed  a  new  war  council  of  Ten  in  which  we  see  the  names  of 
Giovanni  de'  Medici   and  Xicolo   d'  IV.zano,    and  reengaged 
Malatesta  of  Pesaro,  who  had  already  proved  himself  so  able  a 
captain,  for  their  general.     ]\Iany  feudal  barons  alarmed  at  the 
progress  of  Ladislaus  claimed  protection  from  Florence  which 
though  prepared  f(jr  war  endeavoured  by  a  special  embassy,  by 
refusing  the  pope  an  asylum  within  her  walls,  and  in  everj^ 
other  manner  to  i)revent  it :  the  pontiff  was  lodged  in  one  of  the 
episcopal  villas,  did  not  even  enter  the  city  for  several  months, 
and  departed  in  November  for  Bologna  which  another  revolution 
had  again  brought  under  his  jurisdiction  in  September  14P^  *. 
While  these  negotiations  were  in  progress  Ladislaus  mastered 
all  the  ecclesiastical  cities  and  stretchfd  his  conquests  along 
tlie  confines  of  Florence  and  Siena  without  however  violating 
their  territory ;  he  nearly  succeeded  in  securing  the  services 
of  Nicolas  d"Este  and  made  him  his  fronfalonier  bevond  the 
Apennines  but  was  batlied  by  I'lorence  and  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
mond,  whose  joint  remonstrance  induced  Nicolas  to  return  the 
royal  gonfalon  and  join  the  church.     Early  in  1414  Ladislaus 
assembled  ;i  large  army  by  e^  ery  sort  of  injustice  and 
persecution  ;  by  sales  of  titles,  oiiices,  confiscation,  and 
all  the  various  expedients  of  oppressive  governments,  and  then 
mtirched  witli  a  threatening  countenance   towards   Florence. 
The  Seignory  nevertheless  persisted  in  tlieir  negotiations  and 
finally  succeeded  in  concluding  a  peace  at  his  camp  near  Assisi 
on  the  twenty-second  of  June    1414,  much  to   the   popular 
discontent,  for  suspicion  and  fear  had  full  possession  of  the 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.     Muratori,  Anno  1412  and  1413. — B. 
968. — Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  p.    138. —     Pitti,  Cronaca,  p.  97. 


A.D.  1414. 


43 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


public  mind  and  although  Ladislaus  was  not  without  his  friends 
the  pope  had  a  strong  and  influential  party  in  the  common- 
wealth. An  earthquake  of  some  strength  about  this  jjeriod 
shook  the  city  and  with  it  the  supei-stitious  minds  of  tlie  people, 
who  were  foreboding  nothing  but  misfortunes  when  intelligence 
anived  that  Ladislaus  had  been  taken  ill  at  Perugia  and  was 
carried  back  to  Rome ;  thence  he  proceeded  by  sea  to  Naples 
and  died  in  great  agony  on  the  sixth  of  August  1414*. 

Giannone  gives  a  different  account  of  this  tniiisaction  and 
asserts  that  Ladislaus  being  determined  on  the  subjugation  of 
Florence  pretended,  in  order  to  deceive  that  people,  to  tuni 
his  ai-ms  in  other  directions  and  remained  himself  at  Penigia 
to  conceal  his  intentions  for  a  while  and  thus  terrify  the  Tus- 
can, Piomagnian,  and  Lombard  towns  so  thoroughly  as  to  levy 
contributions  from  all.  Ambassadors  soon  arrived  from  Flo- 
rence, Siena,  Bologna,  and  other  places,  and  all  were  received 
graciously,  but  the  King's  speech  was  ambi<,nious  and  a  design 
of  passing  into  Lombardy  was  occasionally  uianifested.  From 
the  other  cities  he  fimilly  accepted  prtscnts  but  continued 
treating  with  Florence,  and  so  impressed  her  ambassadors 
with  the  notion  of  his  hostile  determination  that  it  was  said 
they  bribed  a  Perugian  physician  whose  daughter  was  his 
mistress  to  poison  him  through  her  means.  The  girl  herself 
was  deceived  by  the  supposition  that  she  was  communicatmg 
a  philter  that  would  retain  the  King's  .itlVotioiis  and  soon 
expired  of  the  same  poison  that  destroyed  Iter  lover  f.  The 
atrocity  of  a  father  in  thus  sacrificing  his  own  daughter  makes 
us  dismiss  this  storj-  in  disgust,  but  whether  the  Florentines 
secretly  caused  Ladislaus  to  be  poisoned  remains  in  the  same 
state  of  uncertainty  as  their  other  alleged  crimes  of  a  similar 
nature  against  the  emperor  Henry  VI L  and  Gian-Galeazzo 

•  Muratore,    Anno    1414. —  Pogjrio,  f  Giannone,   Stor.  Civile  di  Napoli, 

Lib.  iv.,  p.^  1 30— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  Lib.  xxiv.,  raj),  viii. — Angelo  di  Cos- 

xviii.,  p.  971.— Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  p.  tanzo,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  vol.  ii.,  Lib. 

139.  xii.,  p.  221. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


43 


Visconte.  We  know  that  men  even  in  the  present  day  will 
agree  to  perpetrate  crimes  in  a  body  and  at  a  distance,  for 
public  pui-poses,  that  none  of  them  would  individually  commit, 
and  how  much  more  likely  then  wlien  the  commonwealth's 
existence  was  at  stake  and  assassination  or  the  poisoned  chalice 
not  in  the  worst  repute.  Be  this  as  it  may,  these  murders 
have  never  been  proved  and  the  fears  of  Florence  were  now 
ended ;  but  thus,  says  ^Lacchiavelli,  and  the  remark  is  curious, 
was  death  ever  more  favourable  to  her  than  any  other  of  her 
friends,  and  more  powerfully  conducive  to  her  safety  than  any 
virtue  of  her  own  -. 

During  this  unhappy  period  Lombardy  was  a  prey  to  every 
species  of  villanv  and  Germany  rivalled  even  Italy  in  troubles: 
Winceslaus  driven  from  the  imperial  throne  still  reigned  in 
Bohemia :  Piobert  his  successor  tried  hard  to  reconcile  con- 
tending factions  and  almost  fell  a  victim  to  the  turbulence  of 
his  vassal  princes.  Death  relieved  him  from  further  vexation 
in  1400,  and  his  successor  Sigismund  warred  against  Venice 
on  account  of  Zara  which  that  republic  had  bought  from 
Ladislaus ;  but  after  vainly  attempting  to  force  a  passage  into 
Italy  made  peace  in  April  141;3.  He  then  passed  quietly  into 
Lombardy  during  that  time  full  of  every  horror ;  the  condot- 
tieri  unsatiated  with  their  numerous  and  bloody  usurpations 
contended  in  arms  against  each  other  for  the  scraps  and  crumbs 
that  were  still  left  to  tlie  Milanese  princes  ;  town  after  town 
was  given  up  to  plunder  and  suffered  the  most  horrible  tor- 
ments from  a  savage  and  rapacious  soldier}-;  history,  says 
Sismondi,  presents  no  period  more  calamitous  than  that  which 
followed  the  death  of  Giaii-Galeazzo:  all  that  has  been  told 
of  the  most  barbarous  nations  is  entirely  surpassed  in  cruelty 
by  the  soldiers  of  this  period :  not  a  spark  of  enthusiasm,  not 
a  generous  sentiment  ever  found  access  to  their  mind :  they 
felt  no  warlike  passion  but  the  desire  of  wealth  and  the  licence 


Maccbiavelli,  Stor.  Fiorcntine,  Lib.  iii. 


44 


FLORENTINE   IIISTORf. 


[book  I. 


of  blood.  No  patriotism,  no  party  spirit,  no  religious  zeal 
had  put  anns  in  their  hands,  and  no  respect  divine  or  human 
could  ever  make  them  lay  their  weapons  down :  the  people 
exposed  to  their  rapacity  suffered  so  niucli  the  more  because 
they  were  more  civilised ;  strangers  to  danger,  to  piivation, 
and  to  suffenng,  people  who  lived  in  easr  and  train|uillity, 
"who  were  acquainted  with  the  arts  and  the  charms  of  social 
life,  passed  in  a  moment  without  provncatiun,  without  motive, 
from  opulence  to  the  deepest  poverty,  li\»in  a  life  of  luxury 
to  a  prison  or  the  headsman's  tixe. 

Gian-Maria  Visconte  Duke  of  ]\Iilan  cared  only  for  that 
power  that  indulged  his  taste  for  blood  :  full  of  the  most  infer- 
nal propensities  he  became  himself  the  public  executioner  and 
in  fiendish  revelry  hunted  with  hounds  and  tore  to  pieces  the 
criminals  within  his  reach.  His  huntsman  and  chief  favourite 
"  Squarvia  G'namo"  by  name,  trained  the  dogs  and  fed  them 
on  human  flesh  expressly  for  this  purpose,  and  when  convicts 
became  scarce  the  Duke  to  supply  more  game  declared  that  he 
would  revenge  his  mother's  death  to  which  he  himself  had 
most  contributed ;  and  exposed  many  susjiected  nobles  to  the 
fangs  of  liis  blood-hounds.  Amongst  these  victims  was  Giovanni 
di  Posterla  whose  son  a  boy  of  only  twelve  years  old  threw 
himself  on  his  knees  in  agony,  imploring  mercy  of  this  human 
monster;  even  the  very  dogs  themsclv.s  were  sensiltle  to  pity 
and  after  first  smelling  at  him  could  wA  Ik-  brought  to  harm  the 
innocent  child:  not  so  their  masters  :  Scjuarcia  liy  the  Duke's 
order  cut  his  throat  and  exposed  his  en t mils,  but  these  gene- 
rous animals  even  then  would  neither  lap  his  blood  nor  devour 
his  reeking  flesh  I  Such  are  lordly  reason  and  l)rutish  instinct! 
The  names  of  these  two  noble  creatures,  the  titrctst  of  the 
pack,  were  "7/  Guerzo  "  and  ''La  Sibilliiut ;"  and  why  should 
they  not  be  recorded  ?  It  is  not  the  first  moral  lesson  that 
man  has  received  from  dogs  !  * 


*  D.  Boninscgni,  Memorio  della  Citta     Corio,  Historic  Milanese,  Parte  iv«,  p. 
di  Firenze,  Lib.  i",  p.  6. — Bernardino     303. — Sismoudi,  vol.  vi.,  p.  146,  &c. 


CHAP.  XXIX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


45 


Facino  Cani  of  Alexandria  after  seizing  on  the  dominions  of 
Filipi)o  Maria  Visconte  forced  himself  with  mailed  liand  into 
the  Duke's  councils  and  usui-ped  the  sovereignty,  reduchig  both 
brothers  to  such  poverty  as  even  to  be  distressed  for  food  and 
clotlung.     He  was  struck  by  a  mortal  sickness  in  141-^,  and 
the  Milanese  dreading  a  renewal  of  visconte  s  tyranny  murdered 
the  latter  a  few  liours  before  Facino  died.    Filippo  showed  un- 
expected energ^^  and  althinigli  only  twenty  years  of  age  secm-ed 
the  mercenaries  by  taking  them  into  hV  pay  and  manning 
their  generals  widow  a  woman  of  forty;  he  then  revenged  his 
brother's  death  and  firmly  seated  liimself  on  the  throne  of 
Milan.     Sigismund  meanwliile  took  up  his  residence  at  Lodi, 
where  he  was  entirely  oi-cupied  in  setthng  ecclesiastical  affiiirs,' 
and  in  concert  with  Pope  John  s  ambassadors,  though  against 
the  pontiff's  wish,  convoked  a  general  council  to  meet  at  Con- 
stance on  the  first  of  November  1414.     It  was  opened  on  the 
tifth  of  that  month  by  (iiovanni  XXII 1.  in  person. 


CoTEMPORARv  MoNARCHs.-Lngland  :  Henry  IV.  to  1413;  Henry  V.  to 
1422-Scotland:  Kobcrt  111.  to   1405;  James  I.   1406,  (prisoner  in  Eng- 
land.)—tninre  :  Charles  VI.  (the  maniac  and  the  beloved.)— Spain    Castile 
.ind  Leon:  Henry  HI.  to  140G;  John   H.— Aragon  :   Martin  V.  to   1410- 
then   Ferdmand  of  Castile   (elected   1412   by  nine  arbitrators.)— Portn<ral ' 
John  I.— German  Emperors:   Robert   (Count  Palatine)  to  1410  •  then  slffis- 
mund   of  Luxemburg.— Naj.les  :    Ladi>luus   to   1414;  then  Joanna    II    (his 
sister.)- Sieily  :  Martin  of  Aragon,  husbund  of  Maria,  to  1409  ;  when  Sicily 
becomes  a  province  of  Aragon.— Greek  Emperors  :  Manuel  II.— Turkish  Em- 
pire :   Bajazet  (Ilderim)  to  I WA  ;  then  made  prisoner  by  Timur  •  ten  vc-irs' 
anarchy;  then  Mohammedl.  141.3.— Popes  :   Boniface  IX.  to  1404  •   Innocent 
VH.  to  UOO";  Gregory  Xli.  to  140<);  Alexander  V.  to  1410;  Jolin  XXIH 
to  1415;  deposed  by  the  Council  of  Constance.     The  Council  of  Constance' 
the  second  for  Church  Reformation  lasted  from  1414  to  1418,  and  passed  its 
famous  decree  which  declared  the  superiority  of  councils  over  the  papal  chair 


46 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHArXER  XXX. 


FROM    AJ).    1415   TO    A.D.    1428. 


A.D.  1415. 


About  the  time  tliat  Ladislaus  expired  Florence  was  shaken 
by  an  earthquake  that  in  aJditiun  to  its  natural  terrors  filled 
the  community  with  dread  as  the  supposed  foieininner 
of  greater  calamities :  certain  intelligence  of  the 
former  event  soon  calmed  their  inquietude  and  unexpectedly 
reUeved  them  from  anxiety  and  danger,  for  his  enmity  had 
once  threatened  their  veiy  existence,  and  their  resoui'ces  were 
singly  inadequate  to  maintain  a  long  struggle  against  the  power 
of  any  absolute  monarchy  when  \nelded  by  an  able  and  unspar- 
ing hand.  By  this  event  their  incipient  tranquillity  was  con- 
firmed and  lasted  until  the  year  14'23,  when  a  new  war  ^vith 
Milan  brought  fresh  troubles  and  hea\ier  burdens  on  the 
people*.  The  dominion  of  Florence  now  embraced  half  Tus- 
cany and  part  of  Romagna,  and  her  influence  spread  over  a 
considerable  portion  of  Italy,  an  inlluence  more  of  necessity 
than  good-will,  for  in  proportion  as  her  powers  unfolded  so  did 
jealousy  augment,  and  what  her  energy  acquired  awakened 
only  envy  in  her  less  enterprising  neighbours.  During  this 
quiet  interval  she  applied  herself  to  the  revision  of  intenial 
regulations  :  a  board  called  the  *'  Ten  of  Peace''  with  opposite 
functions  to  the  "  Ten  of  War "  was  again  voted  as  a  sort  of 
counterpoise  to  the  latter  whenever  a  necessity  occuri'ed  for 

•  Poggio,  Storiu,  Lib.  v.,  p.  132. — Boninscgni,  Mcmorie,  Lib.  i.,  p.  7. 


CHAP.  x.\.\-.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


47 


their  reappointment ;  but  we  hear  nothing  afterwards  of  its 
operations  or  the  precise  nature  of  its  duties.  Additional  reve- 
rence was  paid  to  religious  houses  by  an  exemption  from  military 
billets  and  the  prohibition  of  music,  singing  and  gaming,  in 
their  vicinity ;  but  during  ^le  vacancy  occasioned  by  Pope 
John's  deposition  at  Constance  in  1415  the  administration  of 
unoccupied  benetices  was  intrusted  entirely  to  secular  hands 
and  the  superintending  ofFicers  of  finance  after  supplying  all 
spiritual  wants  were  ordered  to  invest  any  surplus  ecclesiastical 
revenue  in  public  securities.  To  the  Executor  of  the  Ordinances 
of  Justice  was  consigned,  along  with  the  title  of  *'  Conservator  of 
the  Statutes  and  pnbUv  Decenn/:'  the  su2)erhitendence  of  public 
morals  which  had  previously  belonged  to  a  special  magistracy, 
and  a  curious  half-reasoning  law  was  about  tbe  same  time  pro- 
mulgated for  better  supplying  the  blorentine  fish  market. 
By  this  regulation  vendors  were  allowed  to  put  any  jirice  they 
pleased  upon  that  commodity  but  without  the  power  of  sub- 
sequent alteration  either  way,  however  scarce  or  plentiful  the 
fish  might  l»e  :  we  are  not  informed  ;ibout  the  periodical  altera- 
tion of  this  assize  but  the  law  continued  in  force,  though  not 
unblamed,  during  the  Medician  dynasty-. 

From  14l:J,  a  commission  of  five  citizens  along  with  Volpi 
da  Soncino  and  Paulo  di  Castro  two  eminent  juris- 
consults, had  been  occupied  in  forming  a  new  code  of 
law  which  was  now  comjdeted  and  published  under  the  title  of 
the  ''Florentine  Statute."  It  was  first  brought  mto  activity 
about  this  period  but  though  very  minute  and  interesting  like 
other  codes  that  exclude  the  priiuiide  of  arbitration,  soon  became 
inapplicable  to  all  the  variety  of  human  transactions.  To  remedy 
this  the  custom  of  granting  to  eacli  new  magistracy  a  peculiai- 
statute  adapted  to  the  special  nature  of  its  functions  was  after- 
wards resorted  to,  or  perhaps  continued,  and  thus  filled  the 
commonwealth  with  that  vast  entanglement  of  judicial  opera- 

*  Ammiruto,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  974. 


AD.  1416. 


43 


FLORENTINE    IITSTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHAF,   XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


49 


A.D.  1417. 


tions  which  cost  Peter  Leopold  of  Aiisiiia  so  much  time  and 
labour  to  remove  *. 

A  plague  which  lasted  eight  months,  and  incrta>ing  with  the 
summer  heats  carried  otf  sixteen  thousand  souls  and 
caused  accumulated  miseiT  amongst  the  poor ;  for  on 
these  all  public  burdens  and  calamities  ultimately  fall,  and  with 
aceelemted  force  like  heavy  bodies  to  the  centre  of  gravity.  To 
mitigate  this  the  Seignory  besides  liberal  grants  of  money  food 
and  medicine,  suspended  all  taxation  for  two  years  in  the  rural 
districts,  and  it  was  during  this  mortality  that,  either  by  pesti- 
lence or  natm'e  Maso  degli  Albizzi  a  man  of  great  intellect  and 
vast  influence  over  the  destinies  of  his  country,  was  relieved 
from  the  pains  of  life.  He  had  lived  and  laboured  through  a 
stormy  day ;  had  seen  his  race  in  high  consideration  ;  rich, 
fortunate,  and  powerful:  he  next  l)eheUl  their  dwellings  burned, 
their  fortunes  ruhied,  their  chief  beheaded,  himself  banished, 
and  his  family  divided  even  to  the  assumption  of  other  arms 
and  surname.  Times  again  changed ;  the  Ciompi  and  all 
their  leaders  fell;  Maso  was  recalled;  he  entered  with  more 
vigour  than  justice,  but  according  to  the  spirit  of  the  age,  into 
party  politics  ;  imd  fiercely  led  a  fiercer  factiitn  :  revenging  him- 
self on  the  once  towering  Alberti  and  all  otlier  foes  he  absorbed 
the  supreme  powder  and  after  a  long  reign  died  in  peace  ojiulence 
and  public  reputation.  Maso  left  chiblren,  and  his  son  Kinaldo 
endeavoured  to  replace  him,  but  though  an  eloquent  and  able 
man  he  was  not  equal  to  the  task,  perhaps  was  not  so  honest 
as  his  father  and  finally  sunk  before  the  ascending  star  of 
Cosimo  de'  Medici. 

Niccolo  d'  Uzziuio,  Bartolommeo  Valori,  Nerone  Dietisalvi, 
Neri  and  Gino  Capponi  and  Lapo  Niccolini  still  secretly 
governed  the  state  :  not  that  they  enjoyed  any  of  the  regular 

*  Foro  Fiorcntino,  da  Tommaso  Forti,     Fiorentine,  MS.  in  author's  possession, 
MS.,  Magliubcchiano,  Library. — Pom-     j>,  54. 
pco  Ncri,  Relazion  dcUc  Magistraturc 


official  dignities  out  of  their  turn,  but  they  influenced  all  that 
were  chosen  and  initiated  every  public  measure  in  their  private 
chambers;  on  their  speeches  was  formed  the  character  „f  the 
debate   and  scarcely  a  Balia.  or  a  Decemvirate  of  war,  or  any 
extraordmao-  council  or  important  embassy,  or  superintendent 
commissaries  of  the  republican  armies,  or  any  public  office  of 
high  authority,  was  ever  appointed  without  one  or  more  of  their 
names  being  included.  Nevertheless  they  had  a  powerful  though 
calm  and  gentle  opponent  in  Giovanni  di  Bicci  de'  Me.bei 
a  man  of  great  h.Huence  and  honesty  who  now  began  to  take 
a  more  active  part  in  public  affairs;   and  a  far  more  litter 
morse  in  his  sou  the  celebrated  Cosimo  now  also  beginnina  to 
show  iimselt  i„  the  higher  circles  of  politics  *.     Bat  as^he 
civil  domestic  transactions  will  be  explained  in  a  sepa- 
rate chapter  we  will  now  resume  the  narrative  of  ''•"■""'• 
foreign  affairs  until  permanent  peace  was  restored  by  the  treaty 

tl  !"■""  ";  p'"'-     ^^^^"'"S  «'--"°  <'«'  l"'-tebracci  da  Mon- 
tone  to  guard  Romagna  and  Antonio  bishop  of  Siena  as  legate 
f  Bologna,   Pope  John  XXIII.  proceeded  to  Const^ce   in 
4U  and  was  there  received  by  the  emperor  Sigismond.  his 
attendant  prmces  prelates  and  other  followers,  to  the  number  of 
thirty  thousand  people  on  hoi-seback.    This  council  commenced 
"•peace,  yet  was  soon  troubled  by  dissensions  between  the 
spiritual  and  temporal  monarehs,  so  that  after  four  months'  dis- 
putation  Pope  Joli.i  by  the  duke  of  Austria's  advice  sre-etk 
withdrew  from  it  but  was  afterwards  arrested  by  that  trea- 
dierous  potentate  and  brought  back  to  Constance  in  1415 
llie  pontiffs  absence  and  misfortunes  encouraged  Bologna  to 
revolt  and  under  the  auspices  of  Battista  da  Cannelotti  declare 
lier  ludepeiideiice.      On  this  Braccio  da  Montone  was  sum 
moned  to  the  rescue ;  he  soon  answered  the  call,  but  made 
terms  with  the  citizens  and  at  once  sacrificed  legate  church 
and  pope  fur  100,000  florins  which  he  received  as°the'  price  of 
*  Gio.  Civalcnti,  Istoric  Fiorenth.c,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  i",  MS.  also  Ed.  Fircnze,  1 83S. 

» UL,   III.  pi 


w^m 


50 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X\X.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


51 


Bolo<tnese  liberty.     He  then  departed  to  conquer  that  of  Pe- 
ni<na"for  himself  an  enterprise  lung  meditated  and  accomplished 
in'july  U16,  but  after  a  sanguinaiy  contest  of  six  hours  with 
Carlo  Malatesta  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber.     Braccio  extended 
his  conquests  even  to  Rome  itself  and  became  w'hile  he  hv^ed 
and  imder  Florentine  protection,  a  most  powerful  tyrant ;  for 
these  republicans  were  not  always  shocked  at  the  subjection 
of  an  independent  neighbour,  nor  witli  all  their  reverence  for 
the  church,  were  they  displeased  to  see  Perugia  and  Bologna 
completely  beyond  its  control*.     Pope  John  XXIII.  was  de- 
posed in  1415.    Gregory  XII.  resigned  the  following  year,  but 
BenecUct  XIII.  would  never  relinquish  his  hold  of  the  diadem. 
In  1417   Oddo  Colonna  Wiis  raised  to  the  Popedom  under  the 
name  of  Martin  V.  and  early  in  14 IS  a  Florentine  embassy 
was  sent  to  offer  anv  part  of  their  dominions  as  a  residence 
but  recommending  the  deposed  pontiff  and  their  own  favourite 
Braccio  da  Montone  to  his  protection.     These  w^re  bold  re- 
quests because  a  deposed  pope  who  hud  not  acknowledged  Ins 
successor  was  an  object  of  extreme  jealousy,  and  Braccio  had 
not  only  been  false  to  the  church  in  tlie  affair  of  Bologna  but 
had  actually  usurped  one  of  its  most  important  and  undisputed 
iiefs,  besides  many  other  ecclesiastical  possessions.     Neverthe- 
less   shut  out  from  Rome,  which  had  been  recovered  by  the 
Neapolitan   army;    excluded  from    Bologna;    which    though 
nominally  free  was  ruled  by  Antonio  lientivoglio ;  deUuTcd 
from  Perugia  and  other  ecclesiastical  cities  by  Braccio  da  Mon- 
tone, and  almost  every  other  place  in  confusion;  :Murtin  gladly 
accepted  this  offer  and  entered  FloieiKo  on  the  tifteenth  of 
March  15101. 


•  Dom.  Boninsegni, Lib.i.,  p.  1 1 , Mem. 
— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  wiii.,  p.  976. — 
Sismondi,  vol  vi.,  p.  179. 
t  Gio.  Morelli  says  on  '26  February 
("  Ricordi,"  p.  43.)  —  Cumbi,  ditto, 
p.  Ul,  in  whose  hi>tor}-,  vol.  xx.,  Del. 


Er.  Tos.,  at  p.  147  may  be   seen   an 

artoinit  <.f  Pope  John's  death  and  the 
disj^sal  of  his  fortune.  So  far  from 
the  Mediri  deriving  any  money  from 
this  ])oiititf  as  they  are  accused  of,  there 
is  still  extant  a  confession  of  his  debt 


A.D.  1419. 


This  was  a  crowning  triumph  to  all  her  late  success  :  after 
withstanding  the  formidable  Ladislaus,  materially 
promoting  the  assembly  of  both  councils,  renouncing 
Pope  Gregory  XII.  and  making  so  long  and  strenuous  exer- 
tions  to  heal  the  schism  ;  now  to  iind  herself  chosen  as  the  first 
dwelling-place  and  asylum  of  a  legitimate  pope  after  so  many 
years  of  discord,  was  an  honour  duly  appreciated  by  this  devout 
and  zealous  community  -. 

Extraordinary  preparations  were  made  for  Martin's  recep- 
tion and  he  to  reward  this  devotion  elevated  the  see  of  Florence 
to  an  archbishopric  that  it  might  at  least  equal  that  of  the 
conquered  Pisa.     The  deposed  iwntiff  after  escaping  from  a 
German  prison  determined  to  avoid  further  persecution  by 
doing  reverence  to  :\lartin  at  Florence  and  trusting  entirely  to 
his  magnanimity.     He  was  not  disappointed :   an  honourable 
reception,  a  restoration  to  the  cardinalato  with  preeminence 
over  all  the  sacred  college,  together  with  the  sympathy  of  Flo- 
rence  soothed  the  remaining  days  of  his  existence  for  he  died 
in  a  few  months  after,  leaving  but  little  of  worldly  goods,  and 
appointing  three  Florentine  citizens  as  his  executors.     The 
names  of  Niccolo  d'  Uzzano,  Valori,  Guadagni,  and  Giovanni 
de'  Medici,  at  once  repel  the  scandal  of  Cosimo  de'  Medici's 
having  secretly,  and  as  Filelfe  says  infamously,  derived  the 
great  bulk  of  his  riches  from  this  unfortunate  pontiff f. 

The  influence  of  Florence  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  fevour  of 
Braccio  who  had  been  already  anathematised,  but  with  so  little 


to  Giovanni  de'  Medici  (6  December, 
1418,)  of  38,500  florins  paid  to  Duke 
Lodovick  of  Austria  for  his  liberation, 
and  other  things  connected  with  his 
ransom.  Also  the  order  for  payment 
by  the  house  of  Giov.  de'  Medici  at 
Venice  to  that  of  Romel  and  Co.  of 
Noremberg,  and  an  autograph  letter 
from  the  de[»osed  pope  to  Giov.  de' 
Medici,  (June  5th  1419,)  all  preserved 


in  the  INIediccan  Archives,  and  pub- 
lishotl  for  the  first  time  in  Archivio 
Storico    Italiano   (vol.  iv.,   page  433, 
Documenti,  i.,  ii.,  and  iii.,)  in  1843. 
*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib,  xviii.,  p.  951. 
f  Tenhoven,   Memoire   Genealogique 
de  la  Maison  de'  Medici,  Lib.  iv.,  p. 
30.— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  985. 
— Muratori  Annali,  An.  1419. — Gio. 
Cambi,  pp.  146,  147. 


E  2 


52 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


A.D.  1420. 


effect  tliat  he  excommunicated  the  pope  in  return  and  retained 
his  cities ;  peace  was  however  ultimately  estal)lished,and  Braccio 
invited  to  reverence  ^lartin  at  Florence  where  he  was  enthu- 
siastically received  hy  ever\^  class  of  the  community. 
Puhlic  spectacles  and  entertainments  were  given  in  his 
honoiu',  poets  chanted  his  praise,  and  nothing  short  of  a  Roman 
triumph  could  have  exceeded  the  magnificence  of  his  reception. 

This  was  sufficiently  grating  to  a  pontiff  whose  estates  he 
held  and  whose  authority  he  had  derided  ;  hut  when  the  praises 
of  Braccio  were  mingled  with  jests  and  sarcasms  on  himself ; 
when  the  children  m  the  streets  were  encouraged  to  echo  under 
his  windows  the  doggerels  ^'^^  that  those  of  higher  station  had 
made  on  him ;  and  when  he  saw  these  insults  unnoticed  by  the 
puhlic  authorities  on  pretence  of  their  being  nu  iv  childish 
wantonness,  Martin  felt  his  dignity  cont*  inned  as  a  man,  a 
prince,  and  a  pontiff;  and  resented  it  accordingly.  "'  Dunque,^' 
he  was  frequently  overheard  repeating  to  himself,  *'  Dunque,'' 
*'  Papa  Martiuo  non  vale  un  lupino,''  and  from  tliat  moment 
he  determined  to  abandon  Florence  and  the  Florentines.  The 
original  cause  of  this  unpopularity  does  not  appear,  but  so  great 
was  his  mortitication  that  from  the  ninth  to  the  fifteenth  of 
April  1 4-20  the  city  was  laid  under  an  interdict  and  ho  quitted 
it  in  the  following  September  f . 

The  first  war  with  Pisa  began  by  a  trifling  quarrel  about  a 
lap-dog,  and  a  silly  rhyme  now  threw  Pope  Martin  into  the 
arms  of  the  Ghibelines  and  brought  lasting  misfortunes  on 
Florence.  Braccio  nevertheless  managed  to  make  his  peace, 
was  appointed  ecclesiastical  vicar  in  several  towns  which  he 
already   possessed,  sun-endered  others  of  minor  importance, 


*  **  Papa  Martino,  non  vale  un  quat-  thority  of  Fabroni  who  in  liis  notes  to 

triuo,"  or"unlupino" — Pope  Martin  t!ie  Lifo  of  Cosinio  ciict^  the    Diary  of 

is  not  worth  a  farthing — was  the  most  Ci-rctani  in  the   Riccardianu   Library, 

offensive  couplet.  — Fabroni,  Vita  Mag.  Cos.  Med.,  vol. 

■f*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  087,  says  ii",  p.  IG. 
OTie  day :  but  the  above  is  on  the  au- 


CHaP.  XXX. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


53 


A.D.  1421. 


undertook  to  reduce  Bologna  to  obedience,  and  accomplished 
all  in  a  brief  space  as  the  declared  champion  of  the  church*. 

During  some  negotiations  with  Genoa  about  the  piratical 
conduct  of  Giovanni  Grimaldi  Lord  of  Monaco,  the  cession  of 
Leghorn  to  Florence  as  a  parcel  of  the  Pisan  territory  was 
concluded  and  thus  a  nest  of  pirates  always  dan- 
gerous to  Florentine  commerce  in  its  departure  from 
the  port  of  Pisa,  became  on  the  contrary  a  secure  harbour  at 
the   price  of    KM), 000   florins   and  drew  more   attention   to 
naval  affairs.     A  board  called  "  The  Six  Consuls  of  the  Sea  " 
was  accordingly  created,  who  residing  at  Pisa   immediately 
opened  a  direct  trade  with  Alexandriji  and  constmcted  two 
large  merchant  and  six  war  galleys  for  that  i)urpose ;  but  the 
Florentine  genius  although  commercial  was  not  maritime  ;  and 
their  navy,  with  all  the  physical  means  and  more  than  the 
power  of  Pisa,  never  rose  to  much  importance  even  under  the 
care  of  the  ^ledicean  princes  and  kniglits  of  San  Stefano  ;  for 
in  this  art  as  in  many  of  tbcir  virtues,  the  Florentines  were 
rather  speculative  than  i)ractical  +.     With  the  theor}^  of  virtue 
especially,  they  seem  to  have  been  more  familiar  than  witli  its 
habits  if  we  may  judge  of  the  subsoil  by  what  is  turned  up 
on  the  surface  of  historv :  there  as  elsewhere  both  ffood  and 
evil  deeds  were  often  agreed  to  in  public  assemblies  which  by 
the  individuals  that  composed  them  would  in  private  life  have 
been  either  loathed  or  neglected  :  in  public  assemblies  each 
member  liears  only  a  fraction  of  the  crime  on  his  own  shoulders 
and  is  rarely  its  immediate  executor ;  hence  that  public  odium 
which  accumulates  on  the  single  head  of  the  despot  is,  in 
popular  states,  sprinkled  over  a  thousand  that  scarcely  feel  or 
know,  and  never  acknowledge  their  iniquity. 

About  this  period  several  wholesome  laws  were  promulgated 


*  Giov.  Morelli,  Ricor.,  p.  51. — Gio. 
Cambi,  Stor.,  p.  1.51. — Doin.  Bonin- 
segni,  Mem.  di  Firenzc,  Lib.  i.,|).  14. 
— Ammirato,   Lib.  xviii.,   p.    i>87. — 


Muratori,  Anno  1420. 

f  Dom.  Boninscgni,  Lib.  i.,  p.  17.- 

Giov.  Cambi,  Stor.,  p.  155. 


54 


FLORENTCNE   HISTORY. 


[book   I. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


55 


which  show  a  stricter  attention  to  private  morality,  population, 
and  public  decency  than  became  apparent  in  their  effects; 
and  yet  thev  probably  sprang  from  tlie  quiet  uiMorworking  of 
a  mass  of  latent  moral  feeling  and  principle  that  held  society 
together  more  firmly  than  the  writings  of  cotemporary  authors 
would  lead  us  to  suppose  ;  the  sentiments  of  these  writers  are 
generally  wise  gentle  and  humane  ;  occasionally  bitter,  Imt  often 
imbued  with  more  of  modera  principle  than  ancient  barbarity; 
the  universal  approval  of  the  law  of  retaliation,  however  cruelly 
executed,  being  periiaps  one  of  their  greatest  faults.     For 
instance  Cavalcanti,  a  man  apparently  of  honour  and  feeling, 
tells  us  without  any  marks  of  disapprobation  that  Count  Car- 
magnola  ordered  a  farrier  of  his  army  to  be  shoed  like  a  horse, 
only  because  he  had  raised  the  price  of  iron  so  much  as  to 
prevent  one  of  the  troop-horses  from  being  shod  in  time,  by 
which  the  services  of  a  man-at  arms  were  lost  fur  the  day  !  The 
farrier  of  course  died  not  lung  after  of  this  cruel  operation  ^'. 

One  of  those  measures  above  alluded  to.  arising  from  re- 
laxation of  conventual  discipline,  was  the  .rtation  uf  a  board 
of  nine  married  citizens  not  under  fifty  years  of  age  to  super- 
intend the  female  convents  of  Florence  and  the  neighbourhood, 
and  about  the  same  time  a  decree  i)a>sr>d  the  cuuucils  which 
rendered  all  those  citizens  ineligible  to  public  olhce  who  had 
not  paid  up  their  portion  of  the  taxes  or  loans  f..r  thirty  years : 
tliis  shaft  was  probably  directed  against  the  artisms.  who  under 
the  favour  of  Giovanni  de'  3Iedici  were  r.suiiiing  strength  in 
the  councils,  and  was  aimed  by  the  Popohiiu  (irassi  a  powerful 
class  almost  exempt  from  taxation,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see. 
But  another  and  more  curiuus  bill  was  iutruduced  and  only 
rejected  in  its  last  sUige,  which  excluded  every  man  between 
thirty  and  fifty  yeai-s  of  age  from  publii-  ufiice  who  was  not  or 
had  not  been  manied.  As  this  embraced  ;i  great  mass  of 
eligible  citizens  considerable  agitation  arose   during  its  dis- 

•  Cavalcanti,  Storia  Fiorcnt.,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  x. 


cussion ;  yet  it  nearly  succeeded,  and  although  ultimately  lost, 
is  mentioned  to  show  what  earnest  attention  was  paid  to  popula- 
tion and  morals  for  no  doubt  both  were  here  contemplated ; 
and  moreover  there  is  reason  to  suspect  that  the  latter  had 
suffered  in  consequence  of  large  marriage-portions  a  heavy  tax 
and  doubtful  gain  in  consequence  of  the  necessity  of  repayment 
under  certain  conditions  :  these,  added  to  severe  and  unequal 
taxation  together  with  the  subdivision  of  inheritances,  had 
reduced  many  fomilies  to  extreme  poverty  and  therefore  checked 

man'iages*. 
About  this  period  also  and  for  the  first  time,  a  regular 

official  salary  was  given  to  the  priors  and  their  notaiy:  hitherto 
•  these  situations  had  been  filled  without  pay ;  a  custom  more 
honourable  in  appearance  than  practically  beneficial,  for  there 
were  but  few  Florenthies  who  devoted  themselves  like  Gino 
Capponi  to  their  country  :  abandoning  not  only  every  private 
worldly  benefit  but  even  higher  aspirations  he  left  as  a  maxim 
to  his  son  Xeri,  that  even  his  own  soul  should  be  sacrificed  to 
the  good  of  Florence  f. 

Gino  died  on  the  nineteenth  of  May  1421  and  was  honoured 
with  a  public  funeral.  Bold,  able,  and  determined ;  not  lettered, 
but  sagacious  in  government  and  well  acquainted  with  the 
worid,  Gino  lived  for  liis  country  and  died  without  riches  at  a 
time  when  peculation  was  the  handmaiden  of  war  and  high 
official  dignity.  Xeri  succeeded  to  the  ability  and  virtues  of 
his  fiither  and  soon  became  a  conspicuous  actor  in  the  ^^^^32. 
political  drama  of  Florence,  and  Gino's  management 
of  the  Pisan  war  renders  his  name  memorable  in  Florentine 
history  as  the  conciueror  of  a  powerful  state  whose  fall  first 
opened  the  direct  sea-trade  of  the  Levant  to  native  enterprise, 
for  whicli  the  first  galley  was  about  this  time  built  and 
launched ;.     TrilUng  as  this  circumstance  now  appears  it  was 

*  Cavalcanti,  Stor.Fior.,Lil».i",  cap.  xi.,  X  Gio.  Cambi  p.  153.--Amrniratn, 
+  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  x^-iii.,  p.  im.-  Lib.  xvin.,  p.  99L-Cavalrant..  Lib. 
Gio.  Cambi,  pp.  156,  157,  &e».  i.,  cap.  x. 


56 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book    I. 


then  hailed  as  a  great  event  in  Florence,  and  puhlic  rejoicings 
and  solemn  religious  processions  ushered  in  the  day ;  a  new 
outlet  for  commercial  industry  was  opened,  a  new  naval  power 
had  commenced,  and  the  republican  flag  was  thereafter  to  be  its 
own  protector  on  the  blue  waters  of  the  Mediterranean. 

This  Florentine  Argo  was  manned  with  a  crew  of  two  hun- 
•Ired  and  lifty  souls  including  twelve  young  men  of  the  highest 
families,  now  sent  to  receive  their  first  lesson  in  maritime 
affliirs.    iVIoreover,  to  facilitate  trade,  and  knowing  how  difficult 
it  was  to  reconcile  people  with  a  strange  coinage  and  reckoning, 
more  especially  foreigners  who  had  been  used  for  ages  to  the 
Venetian  currency ;  that  species  of  florin  called  on  diis  occa- 
sion the  "  Fiorhw  lan/o  di  Galea  "  or  Broad  GulUij  piece  was 
struck  to  the  exact  size  and  weight  of  the  Venetian  ducat. 
Ambassadors  were  at  the  same  time  despatched  to  the  Soldan 
^^  Egypt ;  or  Babylonia  as  he  was  then  denominated  ;  witli  full 
powei-s  to  treat  on  commercial  affiiii-s,  while  another  embassy 
opened  the  portals  of  trade  in  the  Morca  at  the  courts  of 
Antonio  Acciaiuoli  lord  of  Corinth,  and  the  Duke  of  Cepha- 
lonia:    a  third    mission    proceeded  to   Mnjona   in    order   to 
render  the  Florentine  flag  respected  in  that  .piartc  i\  and  thus 
was  fairly  commenced  the  naval  power  of  republican  Florence. 
Her  position  in  Italy  now  stood  high,  lier  dominions  were 
wide,  her  friends  and  subjects  numerous,  and  both  Poggio  and 
Ammirato  assure  us;  the  latter  more  from  tb.^  authority  of 
private  records  than  public  archives;  that  slie  ncvtr  was  m  so 
flourishing  a  condition  or  so  full  of  wealth  as  during  tlic  inter- 
val between  the  death  of  Ladislaus  and  the  ]\IilaiK>e  war  in 
1420.      In  those  streets  alone  which  surround  the  ]\Iercato 
Nuovo  there  were  no  less  than  seventy-two  ''  lUinchi  di  Tavo- 
lello  e  Tappeto  "  or  regular  banking  establishments ;  and  the 
gold  currency  alone,  as  it  would  appear;    but  certaiidy  the 
metallic  currency  was  estimated  at  ':^,000,000  florins,  which  at 
the  lowest  computation  woidd  now  equal  more  than  that  number 


CHAP.   XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


57 


of  pounds  sterlmg  -.  The  value  of  merchandise,  of  real  and 
moveable  property  and  public  stock  is  described  as  enomious, 
but  the  necessity  for  so  vast  an  amount  of  metallic  currency 
alone  indicates  the  rapid  exchange  of  commodities  and  conse- 
quent prosperity ;  yet  we  shall  soon  see  how  all  this  was  dis- 
sipated by  war. 

Meanwhile  aits  and  sciences  partook  of  the  general  vitality  : 
new  manufiictures,  and  amongst  them  that  of  golden  thread, 
were  introduced  or  invented  ;  the  cloth  of  gold  and  silk  trades 
received  a  fresh  imiadsc,  tlie  powers  of  architectural  genius 
were  carried  to  an  extraordinary  height  in  the  majestic  cupola 
of  the  Duoino  which  Brunelleseo  raised  without  a  centering  in 
the  fiice  of  all  the  baflled  arcliitccts  of  Europe :  the  arts  of 
sculpture  and  metal-casting  then  astonished  the  world  in  the 
hands  of  Gliiberti,  and  still  fiscinate  all  those  who  now  gaze  on 
the  l)eauty  of  his  brazen  portals.  Neither  did  painthig  tariy  ; 
for  under  the  fostering  hand  of  IMassolino,  Massaccio's  bolder 
genius  was  fast  approaching  the  higher  regions  of  art.  Leonardo 
Bruni  of  Arezzo,  l)etter  known  as  Leonardo  Aretino  the  his- 
torian, had  revived  cbxpicnce  and  promoted  the  study  of  Greek 
and  Latin  literature,  and  Florence  was  altogether  full  of  saga- 
cious citizens  :  many  of  the  ancient  nobility  had  gradually 
become  incoq)orated  with  the  people  and  the  whole  community 
enjoyed  an  unusual  period  of  comfort  and  repose  f. 

Sucli  were  tlie  fruits  of  peace  and  such  the  state  of  Florence 
when  the  distant  sounds  of  war  again  rolled  amongst  the  Apen- 
nines, and  the  Lombard  i)lains  scarce  dry  from  native  slaughter 
prepared  once  more  for  foreign  hostilities. 

This  new  breach  with  Milan  seems  to  have  originated  in  the 
ambition  of  Philip  Visconte  supported  and  encouraged  by  Pope 

*  (irain    for    grain    it    would    equal  only  22  carats. 

1,200,000  sovereigns  taking  each   of  f  Boninscgni,  ATcnioric,  Lib.  i.,  pp.  16, 

them  roughly  at  120  gniins  of  gold  of  17. — Aniinirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  9.07. — 

24  carats,  and  the  florin  at  72  of  the  Poggio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  135. — Gio.  Cambi, 

same  fineness;    but  the  sovereign  is  p.  150. 


58 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[took  I. 


Martin's  intense  animosity  against  Florence  which  spurred  him 
on  to  exalt  the  Ghibeline  and  humble  the  Ouelphic 
faction  in  Italy ;  hut  more  especially  was  he  bent  on 
chastising  the  Florenthies  for  those  indignities  wliich  they 
had  encouraged  or  at  least  permitted  to  be  practised  against 
him  *.  As  this  war  was  a  powerful  etfort  of  the  republic 
under  discouraging  circumstances,  and  comprised  both  naval 
and  military  operations  to  as  great  an  extent,  if  not  greater 
than  in  any  former  quarrel,  some  introductory  notice  becomes 
necessary. 

Philip  Maria  Visconte  was  a  faint  reflection  of  his  father  Gian- 
Galeazzo  in  everxthing  except  cruelty,  but  still  more  waj'ward 
and  unsettled  in  his  designs  f.  One  of  his  first  ruts  of  domestic 
tyranny  was  to  sacrifice  his  wife  Beatrice,  the  first  autlior  of  his 
greatness,  whose  only  fimlt  seems  to  have  been  that  of  giving 
her  hand  to  so  unworthy  a  man :  Beatrice  Tenda  the  widow 
of  Facino  Cane  had  brought  him  a  dower  consisting  of  Tortona, 
Novare,  Alexandria,  Vercelli,  Como,  and  several  other  places, 
together  with  100,000  florins  and  a  fhie  army  of  veterans, 
and  is  described  as  a  noble-minded,  gentle,  patient,  and  generous 
woman ;  but  all  this  was  lost  upon  a  man  of  opposite  character 
and  twenty  yeiu's  younger  than  lierself  *.  When  lirmly  seated 
therefore  and  independent  of  her  aid,  as  most  of  his  father's 
dominions  were  recovered,  Beatrice  who  probjibly  never  was 
an  object  of  affection  ceased  to  be  one  of  policy :  she  became 
an  obstacle  that  required  displacement  and  was  accused  of 
infidelity :  her  supposed  admirer,  tortured  into  the  admission 
of  a  crime  as  false  as  the  charge,  gave  colour  to  tliis  accusation  : 
she  also  was  tormented,  but  in  vain;  she  acknowledged  no 
guilt :  both  were  condemned  to  the  block,  where  some  lingering 
hope  of  ultimate  pardon  induced  the  feeble-minded  Orombelli 
to  repeat  his  former  avowal.     He  was  rebuked  by  the  noble 


*  Poggio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  141. — Gio.  Mo-     t  Pogjzio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  14L 
relli,  Ricord.,  p.  5L  t  Corio,  Parte  i\%  p.  306. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


59 


Beatrice.  *'  Are  we  then,"  exclaimed  she  disdainfully,  "  Are 
"  we  then  in  a  place  where  human  fear  is  to  overcome  that  of 
"  the  living  God?  I  also  have  suffered  as  you  have,  Michele 
"  Orombelli ;  I  have  undergone  the  same  torments  that  have 
*'  torn  this  shameful  confession  from  your  lips  ;  but  all  this 
."  cruelty  has  not  succeeded  in  making  me  calumniate  myself ! 
"  An  honourable  pride  would  ever  have  preserved  me  chaste 
"  even  had  my  own  virtue  not  been  sufficient  to  do  so :  never- 
"  theless  whatever  disUmce  there  is  between  us  I  do  not  yet 
•*  believe  that  you  will  be  so  base  as  to  dishonour  yourself  at 
"  the  only  moment  ofiered  you  wherein  to  acquire  some  glory. 
"  The  world  abandons  me ;  the  sole  witness  of  my  innocence 
"  gives  his  testimony  against  me  ;  it  is  thee  0  my  God  in  whom 
"  I  will  put  my  trust !  Thou  seest  that  I  am  without  stain, 
*'  and  to  thv  fjrace  I  am  indebted  for  having  alwavs  been  so  : 
"  thou  hast  preserved  my  thoughts  as  thou  hast  my  conduct 
"  from  all  impurity,  but  perhaps  thou  dost  now  punish  me  for 
"  violating  by  n  second  marriage  the  respect  that  was  due  to 
"  the  ashes  of  my  former  husband,  and  I  receive  with  submis- 
"  sion  the  reproof  at  thy  hand  !  I  recommend  to  thy  mercy 
"  him  who  owes  his  greatness  to  me  ;  and  I  expect  from  thy 
"  goodness ;  as  thou  hast  preserved  my  life  innocent ;  that 
"  thou  wilt  also  preserve  my  memory  unsullied  in  the  eyes  of 
*'  men."  So  savinj:  she  laid  her  neck  meekly  on  the  block 
and  with  two  of  her  female  attendants  and  Orombelli  w^as 
immediatelv  executed  --. 

By  the  great  military  talents  of  his  General  Francis  Bussone, 
suniamed  Carmagnola  from  the  place  of  his  nativity,  whose 
early  merits,  although  only  a  swine-herd's  son,  Philip  had  the 
discernment  to  appreciate;  he  had  recovered  most  of  the 
Milanese  dominions  and  amongst  them  the  walls  and  houses 
of  riacentia :  the  city  had  remained  desolate  a  whole  year ; 
three  inhabitiints  alone  were  found  in  three  different  quarters 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  ri.,  p.  20G.— Corio,  Parte  iv",  p.  315. 


60 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


of  tiie  luvvn ;  grass  waved  knee-deep  in  the  streets,  and  tall 
plants  of  hemlock  grew  rankly  in  the  doorways.      Such  peace 
as  this  having  heeu  restored  to  Lomhardy  Philips  arms  were 
in  1418  turned  un  Genoa,  then  as  ever  distracted  by  the  clash 
of  opposing  factions  -:'-.      She  had  driven  forth  the  French  in 
1411  and  the  JMarquis   of  Monferrato  in  1II.">  and  was  at 
this  time  goveraed  hy  the  new  Doge  Tonnnaso  C  ampo  Fregoso 
a  man  of  considerable  tiilent  but  unable  to  r.  -train  the  wild 
and  stonny  elements  of  a  Genoese  aristocracy.      Apprehensive 
of   Florentine  opposition    Philip    despatched  aniltassadnrs    to 
secure  neutrality  by  the  formal  ratification  (»f  a  pe:ice  that  had 
been  tacitly  maintained  almost  ever  since  his  father's  death 
and  the  consequent  distraction  of  Lomhardy.      3 Inch  specious 
reasonhig  and  peaceful  language  were  used  by  both  sid(\s,  and 
long  discussions  ensued  in  the  Florentine  councils.      Nicholas 
d'Uzzano,  Gino  Caj^poni,    with   other  leading  citizens   were 
opposed  to  a  formal  treaty  which  by  binding  tliciii  would  leave 
him  free  to  give  full  scope  to  his  ambition  and  whicli  they 
firmly  believed  he  only  sought  for  that  piiipMse.      Florence 
being  once  lulled,  so  great  was  his  pertiily,  an  invasion  of  Tus- 
cany might  be  expected  on  the  hrst  favourable  occasion  and  it 
was  therefore  proposed  either  to  dismiss  the  enil.a>sy  with  an 
equivocal  answer  or  openly  assist  Genoa,  but  imt  abandon  her 
for  a  hollow  and  deceitful  peace:  better  tb.  y  >aid  io  do  what 
was  really  useful  and  safe  even  at  the  exi)*  ii><-  of  cxistin*' 
comforts  than  tnist  to  doubt  suspicion  and  uncertainty.      The 
opposition,  in  which  was  the  great  mass  of  tlie  poorer  citizens, 
declared  that  existing  quiet  was  not  to  be  lightly  sa.riliced :  that 
Genoa  would  not  be  easily  tjiken,  and  even  wwo  she  to  fall 
Lomhardy  itself  was  in  no  condition  to  undertake  a  new  war 
against  those  who  had  withstood  the  more  able  and  powerful 
Gian-Galeazzo  when,  besides  his  transaj  win  line  states,  he  pos- 
sessed half  Tuscany.      This  opinion  prevailed  and  a  treaty  of 


*  Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  p.  20u. 


CHAP.   XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


61 


peace  was  signed  in  January  1  IvJO,  by  which  Philip  engaged 
not  to  send  a  soldier  bevond  the  Magra  towards  Tuscany,  or 
across  the  Pnnaro  towards  P)ologna ;  nor  pass  the  Modenese 
frontier,  nor  liold  .any  possessi(jns  nor  assist  any  state  l)eyond 
those  limits  :  the  liolognese,  the  Lord  of  Forli,  and  the  Males- 
pini  of  Lunigiana  being  included  as  allies  of  llorence  in  this 
treaty.  Leghorn  as  we  have  seen  was  purchased  by  the  latter 
in  14-21,  and  <ien.>a  pressed  by  the  united  forces  of  Visconte 
and  Alfonso  of  Anigon  soon  after  capitulated  and  became  a 
province  of  Milan.  The  Doge  was  deposed  and  received 
Sarzana  from  Philip  as  a  compensation,  but  as  this  town  was 
on  the  Tuscan  side  of  the  Magra  he  was  cliarged  with  a  viola- 
tion of  the  treaty.  ]\Iartin's  enmity  was  kept  warm  not  only 
by  the  Florentines'  continued  support  of  Braccio,  who  was 
again  his  enemy  and  asserted  that  before  he  finished  the  pope 
should  say  :i  hundred  masses  for  a  penny ;  but  because  they 
had  repeatedly  refused  to  join  with  him  for  his  own  political 
purposes  -'-.  This  feeling  was  still  more  emljittered  by  a  recent 
refusal  to  unite  with  Alphonso  legate  of  Bologna  against  the 
intrigues  of  Antonio  Bentivoglio  who  was  in  the  neighlxjur- 
hood,  and  which  threw  Alphonso  into  the  arms  of  Viseonte  : 
the  latter  inunediatelv  sifjjned  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  3Iartin 
although  Florence  j^artly  through  fear  of  offending  him  and 
partly  througli  fidelity  to  Braccio,  who  must  have  been  aban- 
doned, had  refused.  Visc(jnte"s  conduct  was  deemed  a  second 
and  graver  breach  of  the  peace,  and  occasioned  strong  remon- 
strances jind  long  discussions,  until  the  death  of  Giorgio  degli 
Ordilaffi  Lord  of  h\n'Vi  brought  the  matter  to  a  crisis.  He  left 
his  widow  Lucrezia  degli  Alidosi  of  Imola  and  an  infant  son 
Tedaldo  under  the  guardianship  of  Visconte ;  but  she  fearing 
her  husband  s  sister  Caterina  and  the  people,  who  were  all 
GhibeUnes,  renewed  the  Florentine  alliance  while  Caterinas 
husband  Bartuloiinneo  da  Campo  Fregoso  aspiring  to  the  lord- 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  986.— Pcgtrio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  13o. 


62 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


63 


ship  of  Forli  embraced  the  :Milanese  party.  Philip  who  was 
the  lawful  guardian  and  wanted  possession  of  both  the  young 
child  and  its  inhentance,  dexterously  played  one  sister  against 
tlie  other  bv  secret  nowtiations  with  each,  and  putting  doubt 
and  dissension  between  them  ;  while  he,  in  conseipieMce  of  his 
Bolomiese  alliance,  was  enabled  to  throw  several  bodies  of  horse 
into  that  territoiy  but  ready  for  action  elsewhere. 

These  transactions,  the  most  flagrant  breach  of  the  Floren- 
tine treaty,  ended  in  the  exile  of  Lucrczia,  and  Caterina's 
occupation  of  Forli  with  the  aid  of  Mihuiese  troops.  All 
Florence  was  now  in  connnotion,  a  detachment  of  soldiers  was 
sent  to  protect  Lucrczia  in  Forlimpopoli  ;  letters  and  envoys 
were  despatched  to  Visconte  and  Martin,  with  no  other  residt 
than  the  removal  of  Alphonso  from  Bologna  and  plausible  words 
from  both-.  Milanese  ambassadors  arrived  at  Florence  to 
justify  their  master  who  appealed  to  tlie  lloman  law,  which 
even  bv  the  Florentine  doctors  was  secret  Iv  owned  to  be  in  his 
favour;  but  the  Seignoiy  laughed  at  law  in  opi)Osition  to  treaties, 
describing  it  as  soft  leather  capable  of  being  stretched  into  any 
form  at  the  holder's  will.  A  proposition  in  the  councils  sug- 
gested the  reference  of  this  question  to  a  select  committee 
when  Piinaldo  Albizzi  rose  and  loudly  asserted  that  it  was  the 
business  of  the  manv,  not  the  few,  and  therefore  needed  the 
counsel  of  many;  adding,  *'  Let  the  case  be  (Ictcrmiiied  by  law 
**  and  if  that  sanction  the  duke  s  treaty  let  us  be  quiet  and 
**  contented  :  if  not,  and  Philip  still  persist,  tin  n  let  the  sword 
"  be  drawn  from  the  scabbard,  let  the  purse  strings  be  loosened, 
"  and  let  monev  flow  out  in  such  a  stream  as  to  make  the 
"  soldiers  drunk  with  our  riches  "f. 

The  final  result  was  that  on  the  twenty-third  of  August  14'23 
at  four  hours  after  simset ;  this  being  the  auspicious  moment 


♦  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.   1000.     iii.  nml  iv. 

— Pojrgio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  1  ;i().— Cavalcanti,     f  Caval<  anti,  Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  i«,  cap. 

Lib.  i",  ^^'cw^/y/i. — Lib.  ii*^,  cap.  i.,  ii.,     ix.,  p.  IB. 


indicated  by  public  astrologers  ;  the  truncheon  of  military  com- 
mand was  formally  presented  to  Pandolfo  IMalatesta  with  orders 
to  invest  Forli :  but  these  sages  miscalculated ;  for  he  or  his 
lieutenant  according  to  Andrea  Bigli  and  the  annals  of  Forli, 
as  quoted  by  Muratori,  though  omitted  by  Florentine  writers, 
was  completely  routed  before  that  city  on  the  sixth  of  Sep- 
tember U-^>:3.  Whether  this  defeat  is  the  same  with  that  re- 
corded by  Morelli  as  having  taken  i)lace  just  before  the  capture 
of  Imola  by  the  Milanese;  when  Niccolo  Tolentino  was  discom- 
fited at  Ponte-a-Pionco  about  two  miles  from  Forli  with  the 
loss  of  six  hundred  cavalry;  is  difficult  to  say,  because  the 
date  of  the  last  is  wanting.  Cavalcantis  silence,  although  he 
seldom  spares  liis  countiynicn,  proves  notliing,  for  he  is  also 
silent  on  that  of  Faggiola  although  he  mentions  Anghiari  which 
occurred  withhi  the  same  district  and  nearly  at  the  same  time ; 
and  he  tells  us  himself  that  he  has  not  recorded  all  the  events 
of  this  war-. 

Florence  allowed  no  time  to  pass  idly :  Braccio  was  engaged 
in  case  of  need ;  the  Balias  of  war  and  peace  were  appointed ; 
sj^ecial  embassies  excited  tlie  neighbouring  Swiss  and  the  Duke 
of  Savoy  against  Philip ;  the  malcontents  both  in  and  out  of 
Genoa  were  encouraged  to  revolt,  and  Alfonso  of  Aragon  then 
fightinj?  for  the  crown  of  N aides  was  invited  to  assist  in  curb- 
ing  the  ambition  of  Visconte. 

Alfonso's  connection  with  Naples  arose  from  the  troubles  of 
that  kingdom  after  the  death  of  Ladislaus  :  this  last  monarch's 
sister  (,>ueen  (liovanna  II.  a  woman  as  loose  and  licentious 
as  himself,  was  along  with  lier  kingdom  ruled  l)y  the  favourite 
of  the  day ;  but  feeling  the  necessity  of  a  legitimate  protector 
against  the  house  of  Anjou,  she  in  1115  married  James  of 
Bourbon  Count  de  la  ]\Iarclie  who  soon  asserted  his  right  and 
more  than  his  right  to  the  sovereign  power  while  he  kept  the 

*  Gio.  Morelli,  p.  5L— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  lOOG.— Muratori,  Anno 
1423. 


64 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  i. 


CHAP.  X.\X.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


65 


queen  in  confinement.  Reinstated  in  authority  by  a  popular 
tumult  she  resumed  all  her  licentiousness,  and  Ser  Giovanni 
Carraccioli  became  the  favourite  :  after  much  contention  James 
disgusted  with  his  position  returned  to  France  and  died  a  monk, 
while  Louis  of  Anjou  still  contested  the  Neapolitan  monarchy. 
Giovanna  bemg  hard  pressed  tinally  resolved  to  adopt  Alfonso 
of  Castille  the  youthful  king  of  Aragon,  Sardinia,  and  Sicily, 
and  accordingly  implored  his  aid ;  but  the  latter  kingdom  for 
many  years  had  scarcely  a  name  in  Italian  story ;  a  succession 
of  feeble  princes,  minors  or  oafs,  had  annihilated  all  external 
influence  and  engendered  internal  distraction.  Frederic  II., 
the  sixth  Aragonese  king,  died  in  l:»r«^  leaving  one  child 
Maria,  wife  of  Martin  Prince  of  Ara<]fon  who  dvinj:j  in  14()1)  botli 
realms  were  united  by  the  king  his  father  and  descended  in 
the  following  year  to  Ferdinand  his  sister's  son  l»y  John  of 
Castille  whose  son  Alfonso  or  according  to  Mariana  Alonso  V. 
began  to  reign  in  1410. 

Young,  warlike,  and  aml»itious  he  attempted  to  wrest  Corsica 
from  the  Genoese  but  being  baffled  by  Tommaso  da  Campn 
Fregoso  at  the  siege  of  Bonifazio,  he  quitte<l  that  enterprise  at 
Giovanna's  invitation  and  ordering  his  army  to  Naples  in  14'20 
followed  in  ])erson  the  succeeding  year.  By  fomially  adopting 
him  as  her  heir  Giovanna  reunited  the  two  Sicilies  and  laid 
the  foundation  of  those  strui^'des  for  Italian  sovereimitv  be- 
tween  France  and  Spain  which  closed  in  the  monarchy  of 
Charles  V.  accompanied  by  the  annihilation  of  all  republican 
liberty.  The  houses  of  Aragon  and  Anjou  were  now  fiiirly  at 
issue  but  as  yet  contended  principally  with  Italian  troops,  and 
availim'  themselves  of  Braccio  and  Sforza's  rivaliy  ^vere  fob 
lowed  bv  raanv  of  the  native  condottieri,  Giovanna  and  her 
adopted  son  soon  disagreed ;  she  was  tenacious,  he  ambitiou.> 
of  power;  she  would  not  yield  and  he  formed  the  design  of 
carryhig  her  off  to  Spain  ;  this  was  discovered,  she  kept  herself 
safe  at  Capua  and  Aversa ;  he  imprisoned  Carraccioli  and  open 


A.D.  1424. 


war  commenced  between  them ;  Alonso  was  disinherited  and 
Louis  III.  of  Anjou  adopted  in  his  place*. 

This  divided  the  khigdom  into  two  factions  which  soon 
spread  over  Italy  and  embraced  its  conflicting  interests :  the 
pope,  Sforza,  and  Viseonte  were  for  Louis,  Braccio  for  Alonzo, 
but  still  more  busy  for  himself  hi  besieging  Aquila  with  the 
design  of  adding  it  to  his  own  dominions.  The  Florentines 
also  looked  to  an  alliance  with  Alonzo  as  more  conducive  to 
their  interests  in  consequence  of  his  naval  force  and  therefore 
laid  the  foundation  of  a  treaty  with  him  at  Leghorn  on  his 
way  to  Cataloniji  in  Octol)cr  1  Iti.'Vf-. 

As  the  :\Iilanese  had  already  occupied  Tmola,  Forli,  Lugo  and 
Forlimpopoli  there  was  no  time  to  lose,  yet  Florence 
made  a  fruitless  attempt  to  reconcile  Bracri..  with  Pope 
Martin  for  the  sake  of  placing  him  at  th.'  head  of  her  array,  but 
this  fiiilhig.  Carlo  Malatesta  Lord  of  llimini  was  through  his 
brother  Pandolfo^  means  made  captain  of  the  republican  forces, 
having  under  liis  connnand  Lodovico  degli  ()l)izzi  of  Lucca,  and 
Niccolo  da  Tolentino  who  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  most 
respected  and  sagacious  of  the  Italian  condottieri:  besides 
these  we  find  the  ntnnes  of  Binnuccio  Farnese,  Cristofano  da 
Lavello,  and  Orso  degli  Orsini  of  Monte  Bitondo,  all  officers 
of  high  distinction,  with  an  army  of  >e\(  n  tliousand  horse  and 
three  thousand  infantry  encanq)ed  under  Forli.  The  citizens 
thus  pressed  had  recourse  once  more  to  Philip  who  instantly 
despatched  Agnolo  della  Pergola  a  leader  of  great  reputation, 
with  four  thousand  cavalry  into  Bomagna,  and  the  town  of 
Zagonara  b<3loiiging  to  Count  Albcrigo  da  Barbiano  an  ally  of 
Florence  was  innnediately  invested.  In  tliis  state  of  affairs, 
with  a  strong  war  and  a  strong  ^'cace  party  at  Florence,  the 
whole  community  was  terror-struck  about  the  fall  and  fracture 

*  Si>moiuli,  vol.  vi.,  p.  201.— Amiiii-     xi.,  and  xiii.— Madrid,  1678. 
rate,  Lib.   xviii.,  p.  1008.--Mariana,     f  S.  Aniniirato,  Stor.,  Lib.  xviii.,  p. 
llistoria  de  Kspana,  Lib.  xx.,  cap.  vi.,     1008.— Muratori,  Anno  1423. 
VOL.    Ill,  p 


66 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


of  one  of  the  poqiliyry  columns  at  the  Baptistiy  gate,  an  event 
deemed  so  portentous  that  great  disasters  were  looked  for  and 
the  peace-party  became  more  cUimorous  m  their  denunciations-. 
The  war  the  Uxxes  and  the  government  were  ahke  condemned ; 
the  Popolani  Grassi  were  accused  and  perhaps  not  unjustly,  of 
seeking  fame  and  riches  at  the  public  cost,  and  the  general 
bui-st  of  discontent  at  so  much  new  and  increased  taxation  is 
forcibly  described  by  Cavalcanti.  By  these  imposts  he  says 
the  citizens'  property  became  unstiible;  and  as  liigh  winds  blow 
the  sand  from  one  place  to  another  so  liew  the  people  s  sub- 
stance from  the  weak  to  the  powerful  under  the  guise  of  taxa- 
tion, rendered  necessaiy  by  the  war.  This  change  of  property 
he  adds  is  further  augmented  by  the  marriage  portions  that 
are  given  and  not  less  by  those  that  are  returned,  which  bring 
poverty  and  misery  into  families.  As  war  was  ma<le,  taxes 
became  necessaiy,  and  they  were  placed,  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
rich  and  powerfid,  on  the  shoulders  of  the  poor  and  weak,  who 
without  enjoying  the  himours  were  made  to  bear  the  burdens 
of  the  state.  "  When  the  new  scale  of  taxation  was  promul- 
gated,'* continues  this  author,  "weeping  and  wailing,  wi'inging 
of  hands  and  l»eating  of  cheeks,  were  everywhere  seen  and 
heard.     '  O  cui-sed  comitry '  exclaimed  one  '  why  art  thou  the 

*  nurse  of  such  men  ?'  Another  in  naming  liim  who  caused 
his  taxation  cries,  '  He  knows  too  well  that  it  is  impossible  for 
'  me  to  pay  this  unreasonable  taxi  If  he  wanted  my  home  why 
'  did  he  not  ask  me  to  sell  it?  and  for  less  tluui  its  value  I 
'  would  have  sun'endered  all !'  A  third  cries  out  '  Thty  count 
'  even  my  very  mouthfuls,  they  will  not  leave  me  what  is  abso- 

*  lutely  needful,  but  deny  me  the  common  necessaries  of  life 

*  only  to  drive  my  family  to  crime  and  dishonour  !  0  God  why 
'  dost  thou  delay  thy  vengeance  on  these  cursed  people  !'  A 
fourth  uttered  unprecations  on  the  authors  of  the  tax,  declaring 
it  'more  tolerable  to  ily  to  the  caves  and  the  rocks  where 


*Gio.  Cambi,  p.  160. 


CHAP.  SXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


67 


'  Totila's  cruelty  had  driven  their  ancestors  than  remain  in 
'  such  a  city.'  "  And  thus  throughout  Florence  the  poor  and 
weak  bewailed  these  searching  imposts  while  the  powerful  and 
their  followei-s  "  adopted  the  maxim  of  Cecco  d'  Ascoli  where 
he  says  'It  is  expedient  to  he  silent  on  what  lies  ivithin:  in  the 
'soul  war,  hut  peace  upon  the  tongue:  Their  soul  was  glad  for 
they  saw  the  stream  run  smoothly  to  then-  mill ;  their  gains 
were  certain  and  to  their  heart's  content,  and  everything  con- 
spired to  gratify  their  wishes  "*. 

Neither  discontent  nor  superstition  were  lessened  by  the 
intelligence  of  Braccio  da  Montone  s  defeat  and  death  before 
Aquila,  a  real  calamity  to  Florence  which  deprived  her  of  pro- 
bably the  ablest  captain  in  Italy.  This  celebrated  leader  fell 
in  battle  with  the  i)apal  generals  Jacopo  Caldora  and  young 
Francesco  Sfurza,  then  about  three-and-twenty,  whose  father 
had  been  recently  drowned  while  endeavouring  to  save  his 
attendant  in  crossing  the  river  Pescara. 

Meanwhile  Count  Alberigo  da  Barbiano  closely  pressed  in 
Zagonara  by  Guide  Torelli ;  one  of  the  best,  most  loyal,  and 
noble-minded  captains  of  the  age ;  and  by  Agnolo  della  Per- 
gola ;  called  loudly  on  Florence  for  assistance  before  a  certain 
day,  on  which  if  not  succoured  he  had  agreed  to  capitulate. 
Some  thought  his  loyalty  doubtful,  but  Malatesta  was  reenforced 
and  ordered  to  raise  the  siege  :  he  was  willing,  nay  eager  to 
obey  but  the  condottieri  were  of  a  different  opinion  and  Lodo- 
vico  degli  Obizzi  protested  boldly  and  wisely  against  leaving 
the  greater  for  the  lesser  conquest,  the  main  object  of  the 
campaign  for  a  secondary  one  and  that  doubtful  from  inclement 
weather  and  an  inundated  country.  The  silence  of  his  compa- 
nions proved  their  absent,  but  Cario  IMalatesta.  perhaps  irritated 
at  this  general  disapproval  of  his  design  rebuked  Obizzo  in  a 
taunting  speech  which  as  it  inferred  a  want  of  kniglitly  spirit 
hi  this  leader,  silenced  his  better  reason  so  that  he  oniv  mut- 


Cavalcanti,  Storia  Fiorent.,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  xi.,  p.  24. 

F  2 


68 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tcreil,  "  If  all  do  as  I  shall,  few  of  us  will  escape,  and  still 
"  fewer  of  the  enemy  will  ever  return  to  Lombardy." 

Thus  determined  the  array  began  to  move  on  a  tempestuous 
night  when  the  sky  was  entirely  clothed  in  heavy  clouds  from 
which  had  fallen  a  steadv  rain  whicli  so  flooded  the  whole  coun- 
try  that  the  horses  were  up  to  their  knees  in  water:  roads  fields 
and  ditches  were  equally  covered ;  all  indications  of  path  or 
danger  were  obliterated ;  stragglers  were  numerous :  everj-  sol- 
dier was  wet  wearied  and  dejected  :  horses  could  scarcely 
r^tafjcfer  under  the  wei«:fht  of  knidit  and  armour;  the  whole 
anny  was  disorganised  and  in  no  condition  to  contend  with  a 
fresh  and  vigorous  foe.  Nevertheless  Malatesta  persisted,  and 
on  a  powerful  war-hoi'se  with  truncheon  in  hand  marslialled  his 
soldiers,  although  from  the  depth  of  water  no  crossbows  could 
be  .stnmg  and  were  consequently  useless  in  the  fight :  he  then 
atterapteJ  to  animate  his  men  in  an  intlated  speech  that  told 
lightly  on  veterans  who  knew  both  their  duty  and  danger  but 
llinched  from  neither-'-.  Guido  Torelli  also  addressed  the 
Milanese  but  in  a  graver  style  and  with  surer  prospects :  plac- 
ma  a  reserve  out  of  sidit  on  one  flank  under  Agnolo  della  Per- 
gola  he  steadily  received  the  impetuous  attack  of  Florence  and 
ordeiing  his  troops  to  yield  ground  without  disorder  he  gra- 
<lually  drew  the  enemy  on  until  the  reserve  was  able  to  charge 
their  flank  and  real* ;  but  as  the  Florentines  were  superior  in 
number  means  of  flight  were  studiously  left  open  ;  a  common 
practice  in  those  days ;  and  tired  dispirited  and  beaten  they  were 
soon  taken  advantage  of  by  the  enemy.  Tlie  Florentine  army 
was  finally  dispersed,  a  great  victory  gained,  three  thousiuid  two 


*  Cavalcanti  licrc  mentions  a  circum- 
stance Vvliich  he  says  is  so  marvellous 
that  to  himself  it  even  ajipears  a  fable 
but  because  he  hcanl  it  from  men 
worthy  of  credence  he  writes  it,  more 
especially  because  he  feels  that  nature 
has  reserved  to  herself  so  much  power 
that  what  &he  wills,  she  does  and  can 


do.  Amongst  the  Florentine  leaders 
Mas  Count  Antonio  da  Pontadera  who 
had  a  horse  U'ltlt  horns,  which  was  of  a 
high  spirit  and  well  formed,  and  he 
belonged  to  the  troop  of  IMesser  Ba- 
tista da  Campo  Fregosa.  (Lib.  ii",  cap. 
xviii.j  p.  GO.) 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


69 


hmidred  prisoners  tiiken,  but  strange  to  say  witli  the  loss  of 
only  a  few  lives  !  Lodovico  dcgli  Obizzi  stung  by  Carlo's  reproof 
sprung  foremost  to  the  charge  and  died  gallantly,  figliting  to 
retrieve  the  error  of  the  man  who  had  insulted  him.  The  oidy 
other  of  note  was  Orso  Orsini  who  fell  from  his  horse  and  was 
drowned;  but  the  prisoners  were  sufficient  both  in  number 
and  quality  to  render  this  battle  famous  over  all  Italy. 

The  Lombard  writers,  whom  Muratori  follows,  say  that 
many  lost  their  lives  and  it  is  hard  to  conceive  such  a  defeat 
without  bloodshed  :  its  cost  in  money  the  Florentines  estimated 
at  300,000  florins,  erpial  to  movo  \\ian  that  number  of  pounds 
sterling:  Carlo  Malatcsta  was  made  prisoner,  Pandolfo  with 
twenty-five  followers  escaped  to  Cesiiia,  Xiccolo  Tolentino  with 
forty  more  to  Orivolo,  besides  a  few  others  in  divers  quarters  ; 
and  thus  was  the  month  of  July  rendered  lamentably  notorious 
in  Florentine  annals  by  the  decisive  Imt  apparently  blo(.)dless 
battle  of  Zagonara.  The  day  of  its  occurrence  is  doubtful,  for 
amongst  eight  diflerent  writers  six  of  whom  are  cotemporaries 
some  do  not  mention  the  date  and  the  rest  vaiy  in  tlieir 
accounts  from  the  twentv-first  to  the  twentv-ninth  of  Julv ; 
so  difiicult  is  it  to  find  the  truth  even  about  so  simple  and 
notorious  an  event  -•-. 

Had  (iuido  instantly  pushed  into  Tuscany  Florence  might 
liave  been  reduced  to  extreme  difficulty,  but  time  was  lost 
in  dividing  the  booty  and  })risoners,  while  she  was  preparing; 
yet  the  shock  was  great  and  filled  every  body  with  ariger  and 
alarm.  The  great  citizens  who  had  counselled  war  felt  the 
inconvenience  of  defeat  where  victory  alone  could  have  silenced 
their  opponents,  and  puljlic  clamour  was  consequently  loud 
against  them:  success  would  bave  been  shared  by  all,  but 
defeat  was  their  own  peculiar  inheritance.     Those  who  valued 

*     Gio.   Morelli,    Ricordi,    p.   G4. —  Croiuua,  p.    133. — Cavalcuntc,  Storia, 

Gio.  Cambi,  p.  160. — Poggio  Braccio-  Lib.    ii.,  cap.   xiv.    &c.  —  Ammirato 

lini,    Lib.    v.,  p.   144.  —  Boninsegiii,  Lib.  xviii.,  ]).  1012. — Muratori  Ann ali, 

Mem.,  Lib.  i.,  p.  *23. — Buon.  Fitti,  Anno  1424. 


70 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


(( 


{( 


the  comforts  of  a  ten  years'  peace  and  strove  for  its  preserv^ation 
now  fjoaded  bv  new  contributions  and  irritated  by  misfortune 
were  unmeasured  in  abuse  of  the  government :  shops,  churches, 
markets ;  eveiy  pubhc  place  rang  with  ^'itupe^ation,  mockery,  and 
complaints  of  what  were  termed  their  proud  and  wicked  rulers. 
"  Is  this  then,"  was  asked,  "  is  this  the  great  and  glorious 
"  victory  which  our  ten  wise  men  promised  us  over  the  duke  of 
"  Milan?     Is  tliis  the  recover)-  of  Imola  and  Forli?     Is  this 
'•  the  vaunted  correction  of  Viscontes  pride  and  power?     To 
"  whom  shall  we  now  turn  for  assistance?  Without  soldiers,  with- 
"  out  genei*als,  without  money,  and  almost  without  allies !     To 
queen  Johanna  ?  she  whom  these  same  ^ise  men  deserted  and 
by  so  doing  forced  her  into  the  power  of  Aragon  which  has  dis- 
*'  tracted  her  kingdom  with  war  and  deluged  it  with  blood  ?   To 
"  the  pope  ?  They  well  know  how  he  loves  us  for  exalting  Braccio 
"  da  Montone  to  the  skies,  that  man  who  in  the  very  blaze  of  his 
"  glory  was  stricken  as  by  a  thunderbolt  and  miserably  perished ! 
'*  To  the  Genoese?  whom  we  might  have  succoured  and  sustained 
"  but  whom  we  allowed  to  fall  an  easy  prey  to  our  most  deadly 
"  enemy  ! "    Such  exclamations  were  heard  at  everv  turn  accom- 
panied by  a  degree  of  public  excitement  so  great  as  to  cause  the 
assembly  of  a  general  council  where  Rinaldo  Gianllglazzi  an 
aged  and  respected  knight  of  the  ancient  race  in  an  encouraging 
speech  implored  his  countrj-men,  whatever  might  have  been 
the  errors  of  government  or  other  sources  of  existing  evil,  not 
to  increase  it  by  mere  clamour  when  manly  resolution  and  moral 
dignity  were  only  required  to  meet  it  and  overcome.     The 
army  he  asserted  was  not  destroyed,  no  blood  had  been  shed ; 
leaders  were  forthcoming,  Florence  had  always  stemmed  by 
her  own  steady  resolution  the  tide  of  eveiy  misfortune  and 
nothing  was  required  but  money.     This,  he  contniued,  could 
be  easily  spared  by  those  who  had  it  without  oppressing  the 
poor,  if  theV  would  only  discard  their  avarice ;  and  it  was  but 
reasonable  that  men  who   enjoyed   public  power  and  public 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


71 


honours  should  defend  the  public,  not  those  who  were  excluded 
from  both*.  These  words  from  a  distinguished  citizen  of 
ninety  years  old  had  some  calming  influence  on  the  public 
mind,  and  as  the  Milanese  general  delayed,  more  time  was 
gained  for  preparation  in  Tuscany  wiiile  the  wvar  was  actively 
progressuig  in  llomagna.  A  forced  loan  of  50,000  florins  was 
immediately  raised  and  several  condottieri  engaged,  amongst 
whom  were  Oddo  the  natural  son  of  Braccio  da  Montone,  and 
Niccolo  Piccinini  his  most  celebrated  pupil,  both  saved  with 
four  hundred  lances  from  the  battle  of  Aquila.  Besides  these, 
all  the  disarmed  and  dismounted  prisoners  released  from 
bondage  who  had  found  their  way  into  Tuscany  were  quickly 
reequipped  and  remounted,  so  that  a  new  force  was  soon 
in  the  field,  but  not  before  all  the  Florentine  possessions  in 
Romagna,  except  Castrocaro  and  Modigliana,  had  been  cap- 
tured, some  by  force  but  most  by  treacheiy;  and  so  much 
had  discord  and  defeat  lowered  Florence  in  public  opinion  that 
even  women  left  their  distatfs  and  took  the  field  against  her. 
Gentile  the  mother  of  Guido  Antonio  lord  of  Faenza  actually 
summoned  Modigliana  at  the  head  of  her  followers  and  attendant 
damsels,  but  was  defeated  and  some  of  the  latter  paid  deai'ly 
for  their  temerity  f . 

In  the  account  of  these  transactions  Macchiavelli,  who  follows 
Cavalcanti  and  is  copied  by  Ammirato,  gives  us  two  instances 
worthy  of  record  from  their  contrast ;  one  of  low  treacher}^  the 
other  of  high-minded  generous  devotion,  equal  to  any  example 
of  antiquity. 


*  Jacopo  Pitti,  Deir  Istoria  Fiorcn- 
tina.  Lib.  i.,  p.  14. — Cavalcanti,  Lib. 
ii.,  cap.  xxiii. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  iv. 
— S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1015. — 
Dom.Boninsegni,  Mem,,  Lib.  i'\,p.  23. 
This  address  is  attributed  by  Mac- 
chiavelli, and  by  Ammirato  after  him, 
to  Rinaldo  depli  Albizzi,  but  Caval- 
canti a  cotempoi-ary  distinctly  gives  it 
to  Rinaldo   Gianfiglazzi,  and   as  the 


others  produce  no  authority  we  have  a 
right  to  follow  him.  Macchiavelli, 
who  evidently  made  great  use  of  Ca- 
valcanti's  work  must  have  mistaken 
the  words  *'  II  Magiiifico  Messer 
Rinaldo  chhcjyiii  amore  alia  patria" 
kc,  as  refening  to  Albizzi  instead  of 
Gianfiglazzi.  {Cavalcanti^  Storia, 
Lib.  ii",  cap.  xxii.) 
f  Gio.  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  x. 


'2 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


Zanobi  dal  Pino  podesta  of  Galeata  surreiulered  that  fortress 
to  Agiiolo  della  Pergola,  not  only  without  resistance  and  trea- 
cherously, but  at  the  same  time  strongly  urging  an  innnediate 
invasion  of  Tuscany  where  as  he  asserted,  war  niiglit  be  waged 
with  less  peril  and  more  prolit  than  in  llomagna.  Agnolo 
althougli  belonging  to  a  class  whose  good  faith  was  n.ot  prover- 
bial, detesting  such  baseness,  turned  him  over  to  his  servants  who 
when  weaiy  of  other  mockeiy  fed  him  on  i)apcr  paintod  all  over 
with  vipers,  Visconte's  cognizance,  saying  "  Zauol>i,  thou  art  an 
arch-Guelph.  but  we  will  soon  make  thee  an  arch-Ciliibelhie :" 
as  he  received  no  other  nourishment  a  few  days  put  an  end  to 
his  sutferings  and  in  this  cmel  maniitr  trcaclH  ly  was  punished 
by  the  man  who  scrupled  not  to  accept  the  trcasun  !  There  is 
some  pleasm*e  though  a  melancholy  one,  in  tinning  from  this 
mixture  of  crime  and  barbarity  to  the  conduct  of  l)iagio  del 
Mehmo  governor  of  ]\[onte  Petroso,  who  al"t<'r  a  gallant  defence 
found  himself  cagod  up  in  the  citadel  and  so  begirt  with  fire 
and  foes  that  eveiy  hope  of  preserving  it  luul  vaniNlicil.  Making 
up  his  mind  he  hastened  to  throw  a  quantity  of  straw  and  soft 
(dothing  from  the  only  unfired  portion  of  the  battb-ments  and 
then  taldng  up  his  two  children  cast  thtiii  o\(M'  on  top  of  it 
wliile  he  exclaimed :  *'  0  cmel  and  perveiso  men  take  those 
*'  treasures  that  until  this  moment  I  ha\e  cninved  as  mv  own, 
•'  and  for  which,  after  you  have  taken  them  from  me,  I  shall 
"  be  doubly  remunerated  by  the  fame  and  iidelily  with  wliich  I 
"  shall  satisfy  my  republic!  Certes,  more  than  ileath  I  cannot 
•'  receive  at  your  hands,  wherefore  this  separation  of  tlie  soul 
''  and  body  which  toothers  is  connnon  niortalily  to  hk^  will  be 
■'  perpetual  life.  I  shall  be  an  example  to  the  weak  and  give 
•'  boldness  and  comfort  to  the  stront,'  ;  the  former  will  be 
''  taught,  the  latter  rewarded  with  cvcila-vtiiig  fame  and  glory." 
And  so  he  remained  and  perished  !  Who  }»erislied  with  him  we 
know  not,  they  have  received  no  meed  of  praise  ;  lait  although 
every  entreaty  and  endeavour  of  his  enemies  to  saM'  liim  proved 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


73 


unavailing,  all  that  could  be  saved  of  his  property  was  restored 
along  with  his  children  to  tlieir  friends,  and  the  children  them- 
selves were  ever  after  supported  l)y  Florentine  gratitude  '■-. 

This  state  of  affairs  in  Koniagna  was  impatiently  borne  at 
Florence  :  twenty  citizens  were  formed  into  a  coiiimitteo   of 
taxation,  and  as  the  existing  taxe>  liad  already  crushed  the  less 
opulent,  and  reduced  many  to  ])«J^'erty  who  were  excluded  from 
any  share  in  tlie  goverinnent,  it  was  determined  in  accordance 
with  Gianfiglazzi"s  advice  to  throw  the  principal  burden  on 
those  tliat  shared  the  jiower  and  honours  of  tla^  state,  and  a 
tax  of  twenty-live  per  cent,  was  imposed   on  their   incomes. 
The  noble  popolani  of  the  Alltizzi  or  Fzzano  faction  and  almost 
all  the  powerful  citizens  were    astounded    at    this    resolution 
which  sprang  from  the  iniluence  of  the  minor  trades  and  all 
that  new  mass  of  citizens  from  coimtrv  idaccs  whicli  before  the 
sedition  of  the  Ciompi  were  gradually  enriching  themselves, 
and  with  a  steadily  increasing  iniluence  were  in  constant  oppo- 
sition to  the  popolani.     Tlie  latter  seehig  themselves  likely  to 
be  reduced  by  this  law  to  that  comparative  poverty  into  whicli 
they  had  forced  others  by  a  long  war  and  grinding  taxation, 
made  strenuous  elforts  in  the  councils  where  the  ]\Iedici  fac- 
tion  were  gahiing   grovmd,  to    reverse  the    decree ;   lait   the 
Seignory  however  willing  were  never  able  to  carry  it.    lv\a<pe- 
rated  at  being  thus  compelled  to  take  their  share  of  the  public 
burdens  they  opposed  by  every  means  tlie  levying  of  their  own 
new  contribution  while  tliev  inusued  with  cruelty  all  those  who 
were  still  in  debt  for  former  taxes.    Neither  reason  nor  justice 
nor  equity  stopped  their  hand,  and  iii^teail  of  sparing  poverty 
as  Gianliglazzi  recommended,  the  public  collectors  were  now 
armed,  force  was  used,  struggles  <iisacd.  wounds  were  given  and 
received,  and  many  outrages  committed  by  all  parties,  so  that 
the  city  was  convulsed  with  the  action  of  a  tyrannical  adminis- 


*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxi.  — Maccliiavelli,  Lib.  iv. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xix., 
p.  1017. 


74 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tration.  Unable  to  gain  their  point  and  knowing  that  the 
influence  of  the  less  opulent  classes  and  artisans  prevented  it 
they  resolved  to  unite  in  a  series  of  measures  to  preserve  their 
power  for  the  future  as  they  had  done  in  j)ast  times.  Lorenzo 
Ridolfi  and  Francesco  Gianfiglazzi  son  of  Kinaldo,  both  of  their 
faction,  were  then  in  power,  and  the  former  being  Gonfalonier 
their  request  for  permission  to  call  a  meethig  to  consider  the 
state  of  the  republic  although  quite  irrcgidar  was  granted  with 
a  promise  to  support  whatever  they  detennhied.  Seventy 
principal  citizens  of  Uzzano's  party  accordingly  assembled  in 
the  church  of  San  Stefano  al  Ponte  under  the  CMuduct  of 
Matteo  Castellani,  Xiccolo  d'  Uzzano,  Vicri  Guailagiii,  who  all 
belonged  to  the  Ten  of  War,  and  Kinaldo  degli  Albizzi. 
Rinaldo  being  the  greatest  orator  was  commissioned  to  address 
the  assembly  and  as  his  speech  is  a  curious  and  vivid  sketch  of 
existing  parties  it  will  be  considered  in  the  fulknving  chapter 
where  the  domestic  transactions  of  Florence  are  resumed*. 

Meanwhile  she  again  endeavoured  to  awaken  a  feeling  of 
sympathy,  good  policy,  and  real  self-hiterest  amongst  the  Italian 
states  and  direct  their  ^'iews  to  ultimate  consequences  :  to 
Naples  she  could  not  apply;  but  Albizzi  and  Guadagni  were 
despatched  to  Kome,  Palla  Strozzi  and  Giovanni  de'  ]Medici  to 
Venice  ;  a  third  embassy  repaired  to  the  emperor,  and  with 
liberal  promises  of  support  mvoked  his  presence  in  Italy  to 
assume  the  Caesarian  crown  ;  but  like  the  hare  and  many 
friends  Florence  was  forced  to  be  contented  \\ith  false  com- 
miseration and  empty  excuses  from  all.  The  pope  had  not 
yet  recovered  Perugia  from  the  Fortebracci  whom  she  still 
favoured :  the  Venetians  were  at  peace  with  Philip  and  had 
no  legitimate  excuse  for  breaking  it ;  and  Sigismund  answered 
in  general  and  mimeaning  terms.  Nor  was  the  being  thus 
neglected  her  only  misfortune ;  long  peace  had  l)rought  the 
manufacturing  and  commercial  city  of  Florence  into  a  rich  and 


*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  i. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


75 


prosperous  condition  which  war  soon  altered,  but  the  contado 
and  district  do  not  appear  to  have  shared  this  benefit. 

There  is  some  difficulty  of  conceiving,  unless  coupled  with 
depopulation,  how  a  rich  and  populous  city  placed  in  the  centre 
of  a  fertile  district  could  have  failed  to  communicate  its  pros- 
perous influence  to  the  surrounding  lands  although  in  itself 
purely  trading  and  commercial:  but  when  we  consider  that 
war  in  most  countries  and  especially  in  those  times,  was  accom- 
panied by  a  grinding  taxation  within  from  domestic  friends ; 
and  unmitigated  de\  astation  without  from  destructive  enemies, 
the  two  notions  are  not  irreconcilable :  when  we  also  consider 
that  com  though  destroyed  may  be  rapidly  replaced,  but  that 
vines  and  olives  when  once  rooted  up  are  long  in  gi'owing, 
longer  in  reproducmg  their  fruits  ;  that  Florence  was  supplied 
by  the  rural  districts  with  these  necessaries,  but  depended 
more  on  commerce  for  her  wheat,  in  exchange  for  manufactures; 
that  these  manufactures  were  principally  of  that  costly  descrip- 
tion which  found  only  a  slender  market  in  the  state,  and  that 
she  was  thus  almost  independent  of  native  agriculture ;  when 
all  this  is  considered  we  may  imagine  the  unusual  picture  of  a 
flourishing  capital  with  a  distressed,  impoverished,  and  almost 
deserted  territory'.     Certain  it  is  that  through  war  pestilence 
and  taxation  the  rural  districts  still  remained  so  depopulated 
as  again  to  engage  public  attention  and  a  law  was  passed  which 
exonerated  all  agricultural  labourers  who  should  return  to  their 
dwellings  within  two  years,  and  who  had  been  assessed  for  the 
Esthno  retrospectively  from  1423,  from  any  further  taxation 
for  a  period  of  flve-and-twenty  years  after  the  date  of  their 
return.     One  soldo  per  lira  or  five  per  cent,  per  annum  being 
the  only  charge,  and  after  the  first  five  years  if  any  public 
debt  were  contracted  they  could  not  without  their  landlord's 
concurrence  be  molested  for  it,  either  personally  or  in  their 
agricultural  instruments  * . 

*  S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1018.— Gio.  Cambi,  p.  163. 


76 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


The  notice  of  this  law  hy  Cambi  and  Amiviirato  is  somewhat 
obscure   and  much  too  brief:    but   tlip    (Ll.ts   are  evidently 
public  without  any  relation  to  private  trMiisactiMiis  e\<Ti)t  be- 
tween the  "  Oste'  or  landlord,  and  his  lal>.iur<r,  over  whom  he 
had  gi-eat   power,   and  whom  he  for  his  uwii  sake  tocjk  care 
should  not   be  crippled  by  the  seizure   of  cattle   [dough  or 
person.      It  is  to  be  regretted  that  wading  as  lie  d(»os  through 
every  depth  and  shallow  of  Florentine  trrntir^ :  wliidi  excepting 
as  regards  their  main  course  have  now  little  or  no  interest 
and  even   then  vanished   with   tlie  passing  day;    Aunnirato 
scarcely  and  rarely  touches  on  the  more  imponani  and  endur- 
ing points  of  national  prosperity  as  it  atlectcd  the  peasantry 
and  city  poor;  nor  does  he  often  dwell  on  the  reasons  for 
specific  legislation ;  therefore  it  is  onlv  liv  <i<tarhed  and  scat- 
tered  notices  culled  from  the  private  Journals  of  the  day  that 
any  conceptions,  and  those  fiint  and   unsuti-lactoiy,    can   bo 
formed  of  this  interesting?  subject. 

The  Decemvirate  of  War  notwithstandijig  tlnij-  reicnt  failure 
still  imagined,  as  Ammirato  a--t'n>.  ihaL  they  could 
dictate  the  movements  of  a  distant  arniv  from  behind 
their  desks,  and  therefore  issued  orders  to  oddc,  and  Piccinino 
to  march  at  once  into  liomagna  by  the  pass  (.f  Lanione.  This 
road  led  do\Mi  on  Faenza,  which  ( hiido  :\lanfredi  still  held  for 
Philip,  and  they  had  ordei*s  to  invest  that  city ;  yet  as  Caval- 
canti  who  never  spares  his  govenimont,  niakrs  no  accusation 
on  this  point  but  on  the  contrary  attributes  what  happened  to 
the  confidence  and  impetuosity  of  Piccinino,  the  former  writer 
may  possildy  err  when  he  tells  us  tliat  in  des|)ite  of  every 
remonstrance  about  the  danger  of  threading  uairow  mountain 
passes  in  iiice  of  a  warlike  enemy  and  a  ]i..^tih'  })o[)ulation 
in  the  depth  of  winter;  the  generals  were  forced  to  march-. 
Passing  the  river  Laraone  at  Fagnano  about  two  miles  above 
Brisighella  before  dawn  of  day  Piccinino  left  a  strong  guard 

*   Amuiirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1013.— Cavalcanti,  Lil).  iii.,cap.  xi. 


A.D.  1425. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


77 


at  the  bridge  to  secure  his  retreat  and  senduig  on  Antonello 
da  Siena's  brigade  of  cavaliy  followed  by  a  corps  of  infantiy 
to  crown  the  heights,  advanced  through  the  pass,  strictly  en- 
joining all  parties  to  refrain  from  pillage  until  the  way  were 
won.  He  was  everywliere  disobeyed ;  plunder  commenced, 
the  bridge  guard,  eager  to  share,  ijuitted  their  post  which 
was  instantly  seized  b}'  the  peasants  and  the  bridge  destroyed : 
thus  engnged  the  fight  closed  thick  around,  man  and  horse, 
knight  and  armour,  were  pitched  headlong  from  the  rocks; 
there  was  no  resisting  distant  missiles,  and  the  mountain 
detachments  on  which  their  salvation  depended  instead  of 
clearing  the  heiglits  were  busily  engaged  in  plundering.  The 
whole  army  with  the  exception  of  Antonellos  corps  was  dis- 
persed and  almost  annihilated  ;  young  Oddo  according  to 
Ammirato  died  fighting  bravely;  but  according  to  Cavalcanti 
while  vainly  supplicating  for  liis  life:  Piccinino  with  his  son 
Francesco  were  made  prisoners  and  carried  to  ]\Ianfredi  of 
Faenza  whose  confidence  he  gained,  and  backed  by  the  sub- 
sequent advice  of  that  chief's  uncle  Carlo  ^Malatesta  at  Milan, 
persuaded  Inm  to  abandon  the  distant  and  mortal  friendship  of 
a  single  potentate  fur  the  permanent  good-will  of  a  near  and 
undying  republic  ■'-. 

The  conse(]uence  of  this  advice  was  a  treaty  with  Florence 
which  compensated  in  some  measure  for  the  recent  disaster ; 
but  still  fear  and  excitemi  nt  increased  and  money  became  more 
than  ever  necessarv :  two  new  stocks  were  created  called  the 
"  Montr  (Jc  Fdiiciulli  "  and  the  "  Moiile  delle  Fanciulle  "f  in 
which  if  a  chikVs  [)arents  invested  W^  florins  it  was  entitled 

*  Poggio,  Lib.    v.,  p.    14G. — Ammi-  "  Ziw/av/'<t>;/'i?rt',"  was  practised  by  the 

rate,  Lib.  xix.,  p.   lOlf). — Cavalcanti,  ancient  Human  children  .^  A  large  heap 

Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xii.  and  xvii. — Cajinola,  or    *'  Mimtc  "    of  bran  is    placed    on 

Storia  di  Milano,   Lib.  ii",   p.  25. —  the  tabic,  mixed  up  with  which  are  the 

Corio.    Hist.  Mil.,  Parte  v%  tblio  .'i2.5.  various  pieces  of  money  to  be  played 

+  Can  this  name  for  the  public  stocks  for.     This   is    divided    into  as  many 

(Monti)  be  derived  from  the  Floren-  smaller  heaps  ("  Monticelli ")  as  there 

tine  children's  game  of  "  CruschtrclhC^  are  jdayers,  who  leaving  out  the  person 

which  some  think,  under  the  name  of  that  distributed  the  heaps  (because  he 


78 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


either  at  the  expiration  of  fifteen  years  or  on  marriage,  if 
beyond  that  time,  to  receive  five  times  the  amount  and  more 
in  proportion  according  to  the  exceeded  period.  This  was  fol- 
lowed hy  two  more  forced  loans  of  100,(H)0  llorins  each  with 
severe  penalties  for  non-payment  inihiding  the  forfeiture  of 
the  right  to  be  heard  in  any  court  of  justice  *. 

With  these  helps  the  war  proceeded  ;  ji  licet  of  twenty- three 
Catalonian  galleys  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Tuscany  in  April  and 
there  embarking  a  strong  Florentine  force  imd  the  deposed 
Doge  Tommaso  da  Campo  Fregoso,  appeared  before  Genoa  but 
could  eftect  nothing  like  a  revolt ;  so  hated  and  distmsted  were 
the  Catalonian  name  and  banner.  Several  descent->  were  how- 
ever made  on  the  Kiviera  and  diverb  places  surrendered,  so 
that  with  the  exception  of  a  very  severe  check  at  Rapallo  the 
war  in  that  quarter  was  tolerably  successful.  An  unexpected 
attack  by  the  ^lilanese  in  the  squadron's  absence  nearly  dis- 
comfited the  Florentines  at  Sestri,  but  scared  by  the  sudden 
shout  of  the  troops;  occasioned  by  their  belief  in  the  appearance 
of  a  real  or  imagined  reenforcement  under  Aluiso  dal  Fiesco 
from  Pontremoli ;  the  Milanese  gave  way  and  were  completely 
defeated  with  the  then  very  unusual  circumstance  of  seven 
hundred  being  killed  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  more  than 
twelve  hundred  made  prisoners  :  had  this  victory  the  only 
counterpoise  to  so  many  misfortunes,  been  skilfully  improved, 
Genoa  might  have  been  wrested  from  A^isconte  ;  but  he  soon 
ensured  its  fidelity  by  exacting  numerous  hosUiges  of  high  rank 
and  the  fleet  returned  to  Naples  f . 


is  tlie  last  to  choose)  all  draw  lots  for 
the  first  choice  and  so  on  in  succes- 
sion. After  all  have  chosen  each 
searches  in  his  own  heap  for  the  money 
that  fortune  has  sent  him.  (Vide 
**  Malmantile,  Rcwquistato  dl  Ptr- 
lone  Zipoli ;  betttr  known  as  the 
painter  Lorenzo  Lippi.  Note  Stanza 
v.,  Canzare  iii%  p.  128.)  The  slings 
of  the  Paris  children  gave  their  name 


to  a  great  political  faction,  that  of 
Monte  might  own  as  trifling  a  source. 
*  S.  Ammiiato,  Storia,  Lib.  xix., 
p.  1020,  &c. 

t  Paulo  Interiano,  Ristretto  delle 
Ilistorie  Genovesi,  Lib,  vi,,  p.  172. — 
Giiistiniani,  Annali  di  Genoa,  Lib.  v*', 
p.  187. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.  ,p.  1021. 
— Corio.,  Parte  v-*,  folio  '626. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


79 


In  Romagna  Piccinino  on  being  liberated  had  resumed  his 
former  command,  a  free  passage  was  opened  into  Tuscany,  and 
Faenza  now  a  friendly  town  became  the  bulwark  and  rallying 
point  of  the  republic  in  that  quarter  *.  Opposed  to  Piccinino 
was  Francesco  Sforza  who  now  though  scarcely  four-and- 
twenty  yeai-s  of  age,  began  to  make  a  conspicuous  figure  in 
Italian  warfare  ;  and  the  belligerent  armies  being  nearly  equal 
little  was  performed  for  some  time  on  either  side  until  an 
incursion  by  the  Count  of  Anghiari  on  the  territory  of  Borgo 
San  Sepolcro  obliged  that  place  to  demand  Milanese  aid  from 
Romagna,  and  thus  the  war  was  gradually  attracted  to  the 
Aretine  provinces.  Into  this  district  the  IMilanese  captain 
Guide  Torelli  carried  Visconte  s  good-fortune  by  gaining  two 
victories  over  Florence  within  the  short  space  of  nine  days 
during  the  month  of  October  1425 ;  one  at  Anghiari  the  other  at 
Faggiola,  making  altogether  since  the  commencement  of  hostili- 
ties no  less  than  six  victories  with  the  sole  reverse  of  Sestri  f. 

The  Ten  of  War  l)eing  somewhat  doubtful  of  Guide  Antonio 
lord  of  Faenza,  placed  Piccinino  with  four  hundred  lances  in 
garrison  there,  two  hundred  under  the  nominal  command  of 
Guide  himself,  who  being  young  and  inexperienced  was  per- 
suaded by  Florence  that  the  former  was  only  stationed  there  for 
the  sake  of  his  great  experience  and  counsel  in  war,  therefore 
entirely  subordinate  ;  and  the  impatience  of  Piccinino  at  this 
arrangement  was  soothed  by  an  assurance  of  his  being  the  only 
safeguard  of  Faenza  J.  This  was  submitted  to  for  a  while; 
but  when  his  period  of  service  with  Florence  had  expired  and 
he  found  it  not  only  unrenewed  but  himself  undischarged, 
therefore  left  without  pay  or  emplo}inent,  he  somewhat  sternly 
demanded  either  instant  dismissal  or  a  fresh  engagement. 
Receiving  equivocal  answers  accompanied  even  by  a  notification 
of  his  being  indebted  to  the  state,  he  saw  there  was  no  time  to 


*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxiv. 

f  Ammirato,   Lib.  xix.,  p.    1018. — 

G.  Morelli,  Recordi,  p.  51,  68 — Ca- 


valcanti, Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxvi. 

J  Cuvakuuti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxiv. 


8Q 


FLORENTINE   HISTOEY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  xxx.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


81 


lose,  and  opened  immediate  negotiations  with  Guido  Torelli 
the  Duke  of  Milan's  representative  :  the  latter  was  too  happy 
to  engage  so  famous  a  leader,  and  Florence  now  seeing  her 
error  sent  ambassadors  to  him  with  tlie  most  liberal  offers. 
His  only  answer  was  a  loud  laugh  and  the  following  fable. 
"  Seignors  there  was  once  a  man  who  to  quench  his  thirst 
"  under  the  heat  of  a  burning  sun  plunged  his  face  into  a 
"  pool  of  water  and  in  the  eagerness  of  drinking  inadvertently 
**  swallowed  a  frog :  feeling  the  heat  of  the  human  stomach  the 
''  frog  began  to  croak  and  the  di-inker  made  answer  in  his  lan- 
"guage-'-.  '  Tardl  cidutes.'  *  You  sing  too  late  my  friend.' 
"  And  that  answer  gentlemen  you  may  cuiry  back  to  your 
" countiymen  from  me;  for  I  am  the  swallow*  r  and  they  ai'e 
"  the  swallowed.  Renounce  all  hope  of  my  ever  returning  to 
"  Florence ;  Count  George  and  Lodovico  de'  Manfredi's  fate 
"has  taught  me  wisdom,  who  for  their  fiiithful  service  have 
"been  cast  into  prison "f. 

After  this  conduct  wliich  from  some  not  clearly  explained 
transaction  was  justified  by  many  in  Florence,  Niccolu  repaired 
to  Peinigia  whence  he  continually  harassed  the  Aretine  territor}' 
and  then  offered  Guido  Torelli  to  scour  the  whole  country  up 
to  the  gates  of  the  capital  which  he  veiy  nearly  performed. 
Guido  would  however  follow  him  no  furtlier  than  the  Chiassa 
toiTent  and  Piccinino  continued  his  march  ravaging  all  the 
coimtr}'  against  the  Arno's  course  up  to  San  IMaina  and  even 
to  the  Rassina,  when  feeling  that  a  further  advance  unsup- 
ported would  be  dangerous,  he  rejoined  ( iuido  at  the  Chiassa 
and  returned  with  him  to  Borgo  San  Sepolcro. 

While  Niccolo  was  absent  Guido  said  to  one  of  his  officers 
"  Do  not  be  sui'j)rised  Fabricius  at  my  remaining  here,  for  it 
"  seems  to  me  impossible  tliat  Niccolo  in  so  short  a  time  should 
"  have  changed  from  a  foe  to  a  friend,  and  if  his  anger  were 
"  really  so  great  as  to  make  such  contrariety  possible,  even  the 

*  The  Proven9JiL  -f*  See  next  chapter,  on  the  wax  of  Marradi, 


"  shortness  of  time  would  scarcely  admit  of  this  public  expres- 
"  sion  of  hatred  and  inconstancy.  I  must  keep  this  pass  open 
"  by  all  means,  for  there  are  in  these  days  many  more  traps 
"  set  than  mice  to  be  caught  in  them  :  the  sword  no  lonrrgr 
"  graces  the  hand  of  gentlemen  who  seek  for  fume ;  low-bred 
'•  knaves,  enemies  to  virtue,  have  now  taken  it ;  men  who  call 
"  cruelty  boldness  ;  treacliery  superior  knowledge  ;  brutality 
"  courage  ;  avarice  gain  ;  and  so  forth.  Wlierefore  my  Fabri- 
"  cius  I  will  henceforth  hold  my  own  without  loss  or  gain 
"  mther  than  subject  myself  to  the  chance  of  all  those  dangers 
"  that  this  base  crowd  is  daily  causing  and  practising  "  *. 

The  defection  of  Niccolo  Piccinino  was  a  severe  blow  which 
together  with  repeated  disasters  aiul  growing  taxation  strongly 
affected  the  pubhc  mind,  but  ruled  as  it  was  by  a  pow^erful  fac- 
tion of  great  resolution  and  ability  there  was  no  wealmess  or 
vacillation  in  their  measures.     liinaldo  degli  Albizzi  was  again 
despatched  to  Rome  but  with  even  less  than  his  former  success, 
for  contempt  and  ridicule  are  not  so  easily  forgiven  as  injuries, 
and  Pope  Martin  complaining  of  both,  was  still  implacable. 
Lorenzo  Ridolfi  had  better   fortune   at  Venice,  but   in   the 
interim  Piccinino  with  five  more  deserters  were  painted  on 
the  walls  of  the  Bargello  as  traitors,  each  hanging  by  one  leg 
with  liis  name  written  beneath,  and  a  price  set  upon  the  heads 
of  all.     Misfortunes  now  fell  thick  and  fast,  taxes  became  more 
intolerable,  the  repeated  loans  oppressive  and  t^Tannical,  public 
credit  tottering,  and  when  no  more  confidence  existed  several 
mercantile  houses  were  compelled  to  disburse  their  ready  money 
by  the  sole  and  absolute  authority  of  government.     The  con- 
sequence of  this  was  a  panic  with  the  simultaneous  failure  of 
Pallo  Strozzi  and  eight  other  firms  of  high  reputation  :  then 
followed  a  general  uproar  and  universal  outcry  which  the  Seig- 
nory  and  Decemvirate  with  all  their  power  found  it  difficult  to 
pacify.     Nevertheless  these  exactions  were  not  less  rigorously 

*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxvii.  and  x.xviii, 
VOL.  III.  G 


82 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXX] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


83 


enforced,  while  intelligence  of  Venice  being  about  to  join  them 
assisted  in  allaying  the  storm  and  threw  a  gleam  of  doubtful 
comfort  over  the  people  --. 

Lorenzo  Ridolti  made  repeated  attempts  to  gain  over  the 
Venetians  by  representing  them  as  the  next  moi-sel  for  the 
Milanese  snake  after  swallowing  Florence;  but  finally  disgusted 
by  their  inditference  he,  in  a  conference  with  the  Doge  and 
Senate  thus  abmptly  addressed   them.      "  Seignors  ;    Genoa 
"  because  we  refused  to  assist  her  against  Duke  Philip  made 
"  him  her  lord ;  we  if  not  aided  by  yuu  now  in  our  present 
'•  necessity  will  make  him  a  king :  but  you,  when  all  the  rest  of 
*'  us  are  conquered  and  none  even  if  inclined  are  able  to  assist 
"  you;  you  I  say  will  make  him  an  emperor."    This  plain  truth 
which  he  had  otherwise  frequently  urged  in  vain,  startled  them 
when  thus  shortly  and  distinctly  announced ;  and  the  anival 
of  Carmagnola  full  of  enmity  against  Philip  confirmed  their 
decision.    Francesco  Carmagnola  was  amongst  the  fii-st  soldiers, 
if  not  the  tirst  captain  of  Italy,  and  well  acquainted  with  all 
the  troops  plans  secrets  and  resources  of  Visconte,  for  his 
talents  had  recovered  the  duchy  and  he  had  long  been  that 
prince's  chief  favourite  and  counsellor.     Seeing  Guide  Torelli 
and  others  preferred  before  him,  his  enemies  more  heeded,  and 
himself  deprived  of  the  Genoese  government,  he  retired  from 
court,  but  having  secret  notice  whether  tme  or  false,  that  Philip 
intended  to  poison  him  now  fled  to  Venice  and  proved  his  sin- 
cent  v,  of  which  that  government  doul)ted,  by  this  explanation. 
He  also  discovered  many  of  Visconte's  secrets  and  his  designs 
against  Venice  after  the  full  of  Florence,  most  of  which  seem 
to  have  been  corroborated  by  contidentiul  letters  of  Visconte 
unfairly  made  use  of  by  the  Florentine  govenmient  and  sent  to 
Pddolfi  for  that  purjx)se. 

*   Ammirato,    I.il..   xix..  p.   1024.—     Florence  by  attempting  to  seize  Cor- 
Corio,  Parte  v*.  fol.    3-26,  who  asserts     tona.     It  is  not  like  him. 
that  Piccinino  proved   treacherous  to 


A  gentleman  named  Perino  Turlo  who  enjoyed  the  favour 
and  confidence  of  Philip  was  taken  in  an  attack  on  Faenza  and 
being  carried  prisoner  to  Florence  there  received  liis  liberty 
accompanied  by  great  attentions  and  flattery  and  was  finally  dis- 
missed (after  declaring  his  belief  that  Phihp  wished  the  friend- 
ship of  Florence)  with  an  earnest  entreaty  to  make  peace  between 
them.  This  was  a  scheme  to  ascertain  Visconte's  real  desifms 
on  Venice  in  order  to  facilitate  the  pending  negotiations  ^th 
that  state  ;  but  Perino  soon  returned  with  various  propositions 
of  peace  which  Philip  he  said  most  earnestly  desired,  and  as  a 
proof  of  his  sincerity  produced  a  carte-hlanche  besides  several 
letters  which  the  Seignory  instantly  despatched  to  Venice  be- 
cause  they  contained  matter  of  infinite  danger  to  that  republic. 
Lorenzo  Ptidolfi  lost  no  time  in  showing  them,  and  the  ^Vene- 
tians seeing  the  liberal  ofl'ers  therein  made  to  Florence,  the 
bold  confidence  of  the  Florentine  ambassador  in  urging  the 
league,  the  important  communications  and  promises'^  of'' Car- 
magnola, and  the  temptation  of  conquering  Brescia  which  that 
captain  had  promised,  determined  to  accept  the  alliance,  and 
a  treaty  was  completed  early  in  14--i0  -. 

This  league  was  to  endure  for  ten  years  with  conditions 
extremely  favom-able  to  Venice  whose  real  sources  of 
strength  still  lay  in  commerce,  and  whose  geographical  ^'^'  "^''' 
position  gave  her  considerable  advantages  in  treating  with  Flo- 
rence to  whom  her  cooperation  both  in  force  and  situation  was 
of  the  last  import^mce  in  a  Loml)ard  war.  The  Venetian  ter- 
ritury  in  that  province  from  its  recent  acquisition  had  not  yet 
become  an  integral  portion  of  her  national  strength  ;  it  was  but 
a  lucky  addition  to  an  already  consolidated  power;  a  power  still 
nsn)g,  absorptive,  and  hitherto  unweakened  by  expansion,  and 
therefore  might  be  again  lost  without  much  dismay,  because  no 
national  interests  had  as  yet  taken  root  or  identified  themselves 

*  Corio,  Parte  iv.,  p.  325.— Boninscgni,  Lib.  i.,  p.  26.— Cavalcanti,  Lib  iii 
cap.  XXV.  '  ■' 

Cr   2 


84 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXX  ] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


85 


in  any  way  with  those  provinces.     But  for  Florence  war  with 
Milan  was  ever  a  matter  of  vitality,  and  especially  after  so 
many  disasters ;  wherefore  she  eagerly  consented  to  any  con- 
ihtions,  and  peace,  truce,  or  war,  were  now  equally  suhnntted 
to  the  hat  of  that  cunning  and  unbending  aristocracy.    Venice 
also  made  some  jealous  terms  about  the  Abxandrian  trade,  was 
moreover  to  have  eveiy  conquest  that  might  be  achieved  in 
Lombardv,  and  Florence  all  those  in  Romugna  and  Tuscany  not 
already  belonging  to  the  church.    Sixteen  thousand  cavaliy  and 
eight  thousand  infontry  were  to  constitute  the  minimum  of  the 
combined  force,  and  strong  armaments  of  galleys  on  the  Mam, 
and  flotillas  on  the  Po,  were  to  act  vigorously  against  ( ;  eiioa  and 
every  other  tangible  point  of  Visconte  s  territory.    Tope  ^Martm 
refused  to  join,  but  Siena  followed  Florence.    Niccolo  marquis 
of  Ferrara  accepted  the  command  of  the  Florentines,  and  united 
with  the  league  for  the  promised  acquisition  of  Lugo  and  Parma 
if  conquered.     Amadous  duke  of  Savoy  for  liis  own  especial 
objects,  the  lord  of  Mantua,  and  other  Loml)ard  seignors,  all 
signed  their  names  to  it,  and  Francis  Count  Carmagnola  was 
appointed  Generalissimo  ^^.     The  Venetians  alone  brought  into 
the  field  eight  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty  horse  and 
eight  thousand  foot,  the  Florentines  six  thousand  one  hmidred 
and  ten  of  the  former  and  six  thousand  of  the  latter  at  an 
expense  of  four,  and  three  florins  a  month  respectively,  for  every 
soldier  of  each  arm.    To  oppose  thorn  Philip  had  eight  thousand 
five  hundred  and  fifty  horse  and  eight  thousand  foot,  his  whole 
revenue  amounting  to  5  1,000  florins  monthly.     Other  authors 
and  among  them  Cagnola,  make  the  allied  annies  amount  to 
much  larger  numbers  and  by  the  testimony  of  all  there  were 
fuU  seventy  thousand  of  both  hosts  at  Casa  al  Secco ;   but 
Cambi  gives  the  name  and  following  of  each  particular  leader; 

*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxix—  scimi.  Lib  5,  P' 26.-Ca=:"!>^^' ^^;';. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1026.-rog-  Milan.,  L,  ..  n",  p.  36.-Cono,  Uric 
gio,  Lib.  Y.,  pp.  151  to  155.— Bouin-     v%  folio  o-b. 


those  of  Sforza,  Piccinino,  Pergola  and  Tolentino  being  by  far 
the  most  numerous  of  the  private  condottieri  and  equal  to  any 
of  the  sovereign  princes  -'. 

War  then  commenced  and  Philip  mthdrew  his  troops  from 
Romagna  :  Carmagnola  in  performance  of  his  promise  marched 
directly  on  Brescia :  by  means  of  a  secret  understanding  with 
the  Avogadori  f:imily  and  other  Guelphs  all  inhabiting  one 
particular  quarter  of  the  city  and  all  hating  Visconte,  he  easily 
excited  a  revolt,  and  on  the  seventeenth  of  March  made  such  a 
lodgment  there,  as  immediately  enabled  him  to  lay  close  siege 
to  the  rest  of  the  town.  Prcscia  ;  one  of  the  chief  cities  and 
most  celebrated  manufactory  of  arms  in  Italy  was  then  divided 
into  three  distinct  fortified  districts  each  commanded  by  its 
citadel ;  and  besides  them  a  strong  elevated  castle  wliich  over- 
looked the  whole  f . 

At  first  Carniiignola  was  only  master  of  the  ground  he  stood 
on,  but  the  battle  soon  began  with  all  the  fury  of  an  assault 
and  all  the  bitterness  of  civil  war  until  Francesco  Sforza  who 
defended  it  was  forced  to  yield  and  the  allies  completed  their 
lodgment.  As  this  news  spread  to  Milan  and  Florence  the 
whole  force  of  war  concentrated  round  Brescia;  Arezzo  and 
Romagna  were  soon  cleared  of  troops,  and  reenforcements  poured 
in  from  eveiy  quarter ;.  One  continued  scene  of  war  and 
blood;  of  fire,  rape,  and  robbery,  attracted  the  attention  of  all 
Italy  for  eight  successive  months ;  so  that,  to  use  the  words 


*  Cf io.  Cambi  Istoria,  p.  16!). — Caval- 
canti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xvii. — Poggio, 
Lib.  v.,  p.  1G4. — Cagnola,  Stor.  tli 
Milano,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  37. 
f  The  celebrity  of  Brescia  as  a  manu- 
factory of  arms  was  ])roverl)ial  :  when 
a  man  was  completely  anneil  it  was 
not  unusual  to  say  "i/f  has  all 
Bnscia  on  his  hack.''  "  //  tale  ha 
tutta  Brescia  adosso''  In  Lorenzo 
Lippi's  poem  of  Matmantile  Rarquis- 
tato  (Cantare  primo,  Stanza  30)  we 


have,  "  La  dove  Brescia  romorcggia 
c  splendc"  to  signify  a  battle  '^by 
])octically  substituting  the  place  itself 
tor  the  weapons  p.nd  armour  made 
there. 

Z  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxxi.  and 
xxxii. — Poggio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  155  to 
1.58. — Ammirfito,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1032, 
— Cagnola,  Lib.  ii",  p.  36,  who  places 
the  revolt  and  attack  of  Brescia  in 
1427. 


80 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


87 


of  Cavalcanti,  "  never  was  any  tavera  so  deluged  with  water 
as  this  unfortunate  city  was  with  blood."  A  ditch  encom- 
passed it  so  closely  without  that  no  succours  could  enter 
to  mitigate  the  general  suffering ;  within,  nothing  was  heard 
but  shrieks,  weeping,  and  lamentation  mingled  with  the  shouts 
of  struggling  warriors  and  the  clang  of  arms  :  with  a  masterly 
hand,  almost  incredible  perseverance,  and  in  face  of  the 
whole  Milanese  army  led  by  the  greatest  captains  of  the  day, 
did  Carmagnola  in  a  few  months  subdue  the  three  citadels 
successively,  and  finally,  aided  by  the  (jhibelines  themselves, 
in  November  14Q6  that  almost  impregnable  castle,  the  last 
stronghold  of  Visconte,  submitted  to  his  arms.  A  well-directed 
artillery  which  under  the  name  of  "  Bnmbanle "  was  now 
becoming  common  in  sieges  materially  assisted  him,  and 
the  castle  at  the  moment  of  its  surrender  is  described  as  exhi- 
biting the  appearance  of  a  porcupine  from  the  innumerable 
arrows  that  covered  its  walls,  idl  fixed  in  the  seams  of  mortar ; 
a  fact  that  does  more  honour  to  the  zeal  than  the  tniining 
of  Italian  archers  and  crossbow-men  -. 

Thus  fell  Brescia  as  much  to  the  shame  of  the  Milanese 
commanders  as  to  the  gloiy  of  Carmagnola,  for  its  capture  was 
admired  as  one  of  the  greatest  military  exploits  of  that  age  and 
added  a  noble  territor}^  to  the  Venetian  republic. 

Pope  Martin  who  in  consequence  of  his  alliance  with  Pliilip 
had  from  that  prince  s  necessities  recovered  not  only  the  papal 
cities  m  Romagna  but  others  that  never  had  legally  belonged 
to  the  church  ;  at  last  bethought  himself  of  reconciling  the 
belligerent  states  and  through  his  exertions  and  Philip  s  difii- 
culties  a  general  peace  was  signed  at  Venice  on  the  thirtieth 
of  December  14-26,  by  which  Savoy  retained  possession  of  all 
her  conquests  on  the  Milanese  state  ;  Brescia  and  its  territor}' 

•  Corio,Stor.  Mil.,  Parte  v»,fol.  326.  &c.— Cagnola,  Lib.  ii«,  p.  37,  who 
—Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.  and  says  with  Corio  that  the  citadel  held 
jiossim. — Poggio,   Lib.    v.,   p.    155,     out  for  thirteen  months. 


AD.  1427. 


remained  to  Venice  ;  all  places  captured  from  Florence  were 
restored  and  her  merchants  relieved  by  Philip,  as  lord  of 
Genoa,  from  the  obligation  hitherto  imposed  on  them  of  em- 
barking their  English  and  French  goods  in  Genoese  bottoms. 
Milan  was  once  more  bound  not  to  intermeddle  with  the  affairs 
of  Bologna,  Romagna,  Tuscany,  or  any  state  between  that  city 
and  Rome,  while  Florence  subscribed  to  the  same  conditions 
as  regarded  Bologna  and  that  part  of  Romagna  not  subject  to 
her  sway  -:-. 

To  the  great  satisfiiction  of  Florence  this  treaty  was  pro- 
claimed early  in  14;i7.  She  had  up  to  the  ninth  of 
November  with  little  or  no  advantage  expended 
2,500,000  florins  and  her  ordinary  war  expenses  were  esti- 
mated at  about  70,000  a  month  f .  Upon  this  Giovanni  Morelli 
a  cotemporary  historian,  exclaims,  "  Make  war,  promote  war, 
♦'  nourish  those  ivho  foment  ivar ;  Florence  has  never  been  free 
''from  war,  and  never  will  until  the  heads  of  four  leading  citi- 
"  zens  are  annually  chopped  off  upon  the  scaffold  y  So  true 
as  it  would  appear  if  any  credit  may  be  given  to  cotem- 
porarj^  writers  though  influenced  by  the  prevalent  spirit  of 
faction,  that  private  gain  was  the  great  ahment  of  foreign  and 
domestic  war  in  Florence.  Many  were  doubtless  excited  by 
this  motive ;  more  there  perhaps  than  elsewhere  because  those 
who  could  most  benefit  by  war  were  the  same  that  directed  or 
at  least  materially  influenced  their  country's  councils  and  were 
likely  to  be  personally  interested  either  commercially  or  officially, 
and  generally  fraudulently,  in  the  expenditure  of  public  trea- 
sure. But  such  facts  must  be  cautiously  received,  we  should  not 
be  wholly,  and  we  cannot  always  be  justly  swayed  by  them  : 
neither  ought  the  evidence  of  any  single  testimony  open  to 
and  perhaps  strongly  imbued  with  the  factious  sympathies  of 
the  time,  completely  command  our  belief  although  with  an 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.xix.,  p.  1032.  f  Amrairato,  Lib.xix.,  p.  1033. 

J  G.  Morelli,  Ricord.,  p.  73. 


88 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


apparently  honest  indignation  it  condemns  the  drama  and  the 
actors,  or  so  much  of  either  as  was  permitted  to  be  pubhcly 
shown.  The  historian  must  take  higher  ground;  he  must 
look  from  the  judgment-seat,  contemphite  the  broad  course 
and  current  of  the  age,  thence  foi-m,  and  impai'tially  pronounce 

his  opinion. 

In  this  view  it  would  appear ;  although  Morelli  is  not  sin- 
gular in  his  assertions  ;  that  whatever  might  have  been  the 
private  views  and  motives  of  certiiin  citizens  the  war  itself 
seems  to  have  been  justifiable  as  well  for  the  especial  safety  of 
Florence  as  the  general  independence  of  Italy.  The  power 
talents  and  ambition  of  the  Visconti  were  always  formidable, 
and  to  Florence  alone  was  due  the  credit  of  bafHing  both  their 
insidious  and  open  advances  to  universal  empire.  The  cause 
was  good  ;  the  mode  of  conducting  it  essentially  vicious ;  inter- 
nal corruption  led  to  external  disasters,  and  an  able  and  faith- 
less adversaiy  rendered  errors  dangerous  :  taxation  pressed 
unequally  and  cruelly  on  the  poor,  until  the  new  mode  of  con- 
tribution by  the  Catasto  descended  like  an  April  shower  on  a 
parched  and  withering  country.  This  law,  described  to  Vis- 
conte  as  being  calculated  to  insure  a  constant  supply  of 
money  for  the  war,  coupled  with  the  loss  of  Brescia  and 
general  success  of  the  allies  was  what  princi])ally  induced  him 
to  seek  a  momentaiy  respite  in  the  form  of  peace,  but  which 
seems  from  the  first  to  have  been  a  mere  stratagem  to  gain 
time,  dissolve  the  allied  army  and  afterwards  take  his  adversaries 
unprepared.  The  Catasto  worked  for  peace  in  another  way, 
inasmuch  as  it  threw  the  great  burden  of  expense  on  rich  and 
leading  citizens  who  had  almost  escaped  with  impunity  mider  the 
former  method  of  taxation ;  this  also  seems  to  have  sharpened 
their  sagacity  as  to  consequences,  and  made  them  consider  that 
if  Philip  fell,  the  Venetians  with  tlieir  growing  taste  for  con- 
tinental power  would  be  more  dangerous  as  an  unchanging 
ambitious  state  with  steady  views  and  determined  purpose,  than 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


89 


the  fluctuating  mortality  of  the  Dukes  of  Milan.  The  Vene- 
tians on  the  other  hand  although  quite  aware  of  the  Florentine 
policy  were  anxious  to  secure  tlieir  new  Brescian  territory, 
therefore  interposed  no  obstacle  to  the  negotiations  "•-. 

Such  were  the  various  reasons  that  facilitated  the  treaty  of 
Venice ;  but  the  ink  was  scarcely  dry  when  Philip  either  re- 
penting of  what  he  had  done  or  pursuing  his  secret  intentions, 
\\ith  the  certiiinty  of  for  ever  losing  Brescia  if  he  executed  the 
treaty,  invited  Carniagnula  in  person  to  take  possession  of 
Cbiari  a  fortified  town  forming  a  strong  outwork  to  that  city  on 
the  road  to  Milan.  Niccolo  Tolentino  suspecting  treachery 
dissuaded  his  general  from  doing  so  notwithstanding  ordei*s 
from  the  Venetian  Seiguoiy,  and  his  counsel  w^as  soon  justified 
by  information  that  the  detachment  sent  on  this  duty  was  sur- 
rounded and  cut  to  pieces  within  the  walls.  Visconte  followed 
up  this  by  the  equipment  of  a  large  llotilla  on  the  Po,  the  aug- 
mentation of  his  army  with  disbanded  soldiers  from  the  allies, 
and  a  sudden  renewal  of  hostilities  ■\.  The  astonished  league 
almost  immediately  touk  the  field  with  what  troops  remained, 
the  general  having  orders  to  make  fierce  war  while  a  strong 
armament  was  preparing  to  meet  the  enemy  afloat  and  attack 
all  the  vulnerable  ])oints  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Po. 

The  first  encounter  was  at  (lOttolengo:  Carmagnola  had 
asseral)led  his  military  cars,  (wliicli  in  tliose  days  were  an  indis- 
pensable portion  of  all  armies  for  the  rapid  movements  of  in- 
fantry) and  filling  them  with  crossbow-men  attempted  to  sur- 
prise the  enemy.  The  Milanese  however  were  too  experi- 
enced for  this  and  mustering  their  Avhole  force  attacked  him 
unexpectedly  wliile  in  some  confusion  on  his  march,  and 
nearly  defeated  the  wdiole  army  :  Carmagnola  however  rallied 
his  people  and  after  restoring  order,  began  an  obstinate 
contest. 


*  Cavaloanti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  x.  Cagnola  nor  Corio  seem  to  think  ne- 

t  So  short  was  the  peace  that  neither     cessary  even  to  mention  it. 


90 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[l'OOK  I. 


The  heat  was  excessive,  the  dust  intolerable,  the  visors  of 
helmets,  the  eyes  and  nostrils  of  the  combatants  were  all 
choked  up  so  that  respiration  became  almost  impossible.     The 
Milanese  were  supplied  with  wine  and  water  by  the  female 
peasantiy,  but  such  was  the  dust  and  obscurity  that  friend  and 
foe  seemed  alike  unknown  and  many  of  the  allies  received  re- 
freshment even  from  the  hands  of  their  enemies.     Numbers  fell 
from  their  horses  ovei-powered  by  heat  and  dust;  the  plain 
was  strewed  with  lances  shields  and  wounded  men ;  horses  were 
galloping  wildly  about    the   field,  some    with    saddles,  some 
without ;  others  had  them  turned  under  their  belly,  and  many 
men  threw  otTall  their  armour  to  escape  sutVucation.    Piccinino 
was  conspicuous  beyond  the  rest  in  knightly  daring,  and  his 
lance's  point  was  felt  throughout  the  throng  ;  for  this  battle 
excepting  amongst  the  infantry  seems  to  have  been  a  confused 
mass  of  single  combats,  more  like  the  mrhe  of  a  tournament 
than  a  scientific  tight  of  disciplined  soldiers  ;  but  the  footmen 
in  firm  well-ordered  battalions  with  lowered  spears  charged 
and  withstood  the   charges  of  the  men-at-arms  killing  both 
them  and  their  horses. 

When  the  struggle  had  lasted  some  hours  and  the  allies 
were  ready  to  give  way,  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  hitherto 
deceived  by  false  reports  from  a  cowardly  fugitive,  came  sud- 
denly up  with  his  followers  and  dashing  fcir^ard  saved  all 
the  cavalry  and  restored  the  day.  The  retreat  was  simulta- 
neouslv  sounded  on  both  sides,  each  host  had  been  three  times 
broken,  all  but  the  infantr}%  who  seem  to  have  by  their  disci- 
pline preserved  the  rest  *. 

The  ducal  forces  throughout  these  two  campaigns  were 
smaller  in  numbers  than  the  allies,  but  better  soldiers  and  with 
a  greater  number  of  more  able  commanders  ;  yet  tViey  were  un- 
successful for  want  of  a  common  chief,  while  Cannagnola  was 
implicitly  obeyed,  and  all  his  advantages  were  gained  by  bring- 

*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap  xii. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


91 


ing  superior  numbers  against  the  weakest  points  of  the  enemy. 
To  remedy  this  Visconte  appointed  young  Carlo  de'  Malatesti 
of  Pesaro  as  his  captahi-general ;  a  youth  of  no  experience  but 
whose  higli  rank  and  family  reputation  were  likely  to  restrain 
the  continual  bickering  of  the  chiefs. 

Meanw^iile  Carmagnola  angry  at  the  somewhat  disgraceful 
affair  of  Gottolinga  conceived  the  idea  of  surprising  Cremona 
a  thoroughly  (juelphic  city  and  disaffected  to  every  Ghibeline 
authority  :  with  this  view  he  took  up  a  strong  position  at  Sommo 
close  to  the  town,  intrenched  and  fortified  his  camp  with  a 
thousand  war-cars  as  was  his  custom,  and  trusted  to  those  within 
the  city  for  ultimate  success.  Philip,  for  the  above  reasons, 
became  alarmed,  wherefore  assembling  a  large  force  and  in- 
stantly embarking  on  the  Pu  he  at  once  occupied  and  saved 
Cremona.  A  council  of  war  was  of  opinion  that  the  enemy 
should  be  attacked  because  Cremona  secured  their  own  safety  in 
case  of  defeat  and  a  victoiy  w^ould  almost  insure  the  fall  of 
Mantua.  To  protect  that  place  the  army  was  encamped  in  an 
open  space  about  half  a  mile  wide  contained  between  the  city 
walls  and  the  surrounding  ditch,  called  '*  Le  Cerchie  di  Cre- 
mona "  the  defence  of  which  involved  that  of  the  city  itself : 
but  as  the  circuit  was  large  a  continual  stream  of  armed  pea- 
santry came  pouring  in  at  their  prince's  call,  ranged  imder 
various  flags  and  banners  jind  augmenting  the  aggregate  of 
both  armies  to  full  so  vent  v  thousand  combatants 'i^.  The  allies 
were  superior  in  the  number  of  regular  troops,  the  Milanese 
in  experience  and  discipline,  and  held  themselves  fully  equal 
to  their  antagonists  independent  of  the  peasantry :  these 
however  in  the  unsettled  state  of  that  time  and  country  knew 

*  Historians  do  not  positively  say  that  men  of  cavalry  and  infantry  alone  in 

this  enormous  force  included  the  armed  tlie  two  armies ;    Cagnola  says  posi- 

peasantry   but  from   their  own  state-  tively  that  Visconte  had  thirty  thou- 

ments  it  can  in  no  other  way  be  ac-  sand  and  Carmagnola  forty  thousand 

counted  for,  yet  easily  by    that ;  be-  men    under    condottieri.     (Lib.  ii**., 

cause    at    the    lowest    estimate    there  p.  37.) 
were  upwards  of  forty- five   thousand 


92 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


well  how  to  handle  their  weapons  though  despised  by  the 
condottieri,  who  represented  them  to  Philip  as  useful  to  fill  up 
ditches  and  as  convenient  marks  for  exhausting  the  adverse 
missiles  and  sparing  the  regular  troops  ;  however  their  vast 
nuuibei*s  would  it  was  said  excite  fear,  "  the  true  harbinger 
of  defeat." 

Battle  being  resolved  on,  a  corps  of  light-armed  troops  was 
sent  fonvard  to  begin,  but  these  were  quickly  driven  in  on 
the  main  body  by  Taliano  Furlano  one  of  the  adverse  chiefs 
who  seeing  the  ^Milanese  cavaliy  already  formed  and  the 
whole  countr}"  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  covered  with  ban- 
ners instantly  turned  to  give  the  alarm.  Carmagnola  Avas  soon 
in  his  saddle  and  pei'sonally  directing  the  defence  of  a  narrow 
pass  protected  by  a  broad  and  deep  ditch  which  the  enemy 
would  be  compelled  to  win  ere  his  main  body  could  be  attacked. 
This  was  thicklv  lined  with  veteran  soldiers  and  the  road 
within  it  flanked  by  a  body  of  eight  thousand  infantiy  armed 
with  the  spear  and  crossbow,  and  posted  in  an  almost  impe- 
netrable thicket  closely  bordering  on  the  pultlic  way.  This  pass 
was  called  "  La  Casa-al-Secco,''  and  Agnolo  delhi  Pergola  first 
appeared  before  it  with  his  followers,  supi>orted  by  a  crowd  of 
peasant ly ''•- :  the  ditch  was  deep  broad  and  well  defended,  and 
an  increasing  shower  of  arrows  galled  his  people  so  sorely  that 
he  at  once  resolved  to  use  the  rural  bands  as  a  means  of  lilliujr 
it.  Driving  the  peasant  multitude  forward  he  ordered  the 
regular  troops  to  put  every  luckless  clown  to  death  who 
turned  Ids  face  from  the  enemy;  so  that  these  wretches 
with  the  spear  at  their  back  and  the  crossbow  in  front  fell 
like  grass  under  the  scythe  of  the  husbandman.  But  they 
were  more  useful  in  death :  by  Agnolo's  command  both  killed 
and   wounded,  all   who    fell,  were  rolled  promiscuously   into 


•  Ammirato  who  copies  Corio  gives  his  manner  of  relating  it  would  appear 
the  leadincr  of  this  attack  to  Sforza.  I  to  have  been  preseutatthe  battle,  which 
have  followed    Cavalcanti  who   from     happened  on  12  July,  1427. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


93 


this  universal  grave,  covered  up  with  mould  and  buried  alto- 
gether. Here  were  to  be  seen  distracted  fa  titers  with  un- 
steady hand  shovelling  clods  upon  the  bodies  of  dead  and 
wounded  sons ;  sons  lie:i[>ing  earth  on  their  fathers'  heads  ; 
brothers  covering  the  bloody  remains  of  l)rothers ;  uncles  ne- 
phews' ;  nephews  uncles" ;  all  clotted  in  this  horrid  compost ! 
If  the  wi'ctches  turned,  a  friends  lance  or  dart  was  instantly 
through  their  body ;  if  they  stood,  an  enemy's  shaft  or  javelin 
no  less  sljar[)ly  pierced  them ;  alive  they  tilled  the  pit  with 
sons  and  brothers,  dead  or  wounded  with  themselves !  They 
worked  and  died  l)y  tliousands :  even  the  very  soldiers  that 
opposed  them  at  last  took  pity  and  aimed  tlieir  weapons  only 
at  armed  men.  "  And  as  a  reward  for  this,"'  exclaims  Caval- 
canti,  "  God  lent  us  strength  and  courage."  Nevertheless  so 
many  were  thus  cruelly  sacrificed  that  the  moat  was  soon  tilled 
to  the  utmost  level  of  its  banks  with  earth  and  flesh  and  human 
blood,  and  then  the  knights  givhig  spurs  to  their  steeds  dashed 
proudly  over  tliis  hifernal  causeway  !  It  was  now  that  the  light 
commenced,  fresh  scpiadrons  poured  in  on  every  side  and  all 
rushed  madly  to  the  comltat,  fur  on  this  bloody  spot  the  day 
was  to  be  decided.  *'  Here,"  says  Cavalcanti,  "  began  the 
fierce  and  mortal  struggle ;  here  every  knight  led  up  his  fol- 
lowers and  did  noble  deeds  of  arms;  here  were  the  shivered 
lances  Hying  to  pieces  in  the  air,  cavaliers  lifeless  on  the 
ground  and  all  the  field  bestrewed  with  dead  and  dying! 
Here  too  was  seen  voun{]f  Carlo  ]\lalatesta,  himself  and  courser 
cased  complete  in  maU,  and  a  golden  mantle  streaming  from 
his  shoulders !  Whoever  has  not  seen  him  has  not  seen  the 
pride  of  armies  !  *  Here  was  store  of  blood,  and  lack  of  joy  and 
fear  and  doubt  hung  hard  on  every  mhid  I  Nothing  was  heard 
but  the  clang  of  arms,  the  shock  of  lances,  the  tempest  of 

*  This  is  probably  intended  as  a  mere  ainoncrst  friends  or  enemies  who  both 

sarcasm   on   Carl*.   Malatesta's  vanity  blamed  Phili])  for  bis  choice  of  n  ^'c- 

and  imbecility,  for  he  had  neither  ex-  ncral.    (See  Corio,  Parte  v%  p.  328.; 
perience  nor  reputation  in  arms,  either 


94 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


cavaby,  and  the  gi'oans,  and  cries,  and  shouts  of  either  host ! 
The  sun  was  flaming,  the  suffering  dreadful,  the  thirst  intole- 
rable ;  eveiything  seemed  to  bui'u,  all  cons2)ired  against  the 
"wish  of  men,  but  the  Cremonese  women  brought  refreshments 
to  our  enemies." 

The  whole  battle  appears  to  have  been  concentrated  ui  this 
pass  so  that  numbers  made  but  little  difference  on  either  side ; 
nevertheless  the  Milanese  chivaliT  were  severely  handled  bv  the 
veterans  in  the  wood  who  kept  up  a  continual  discharge  of  arrows 
on  horse  and  man  from  the  moment  the  ditch  was  passed,  or  else 
ran  in  with  their  lances  and  speared  them.  As  many  died  from 
exhaustion  and  suffocation  as  from  blows,  for  the  battle  was 
fought  early  in  July  and  lasted  from  two  hours  after  sunrise 
imtil  evening;  othei's  it  is  said  expired  from  the  stench  of 
carnage  rapidly  corrupted  by  excessive  heat :  Carmagnola 
forced  by  circumstances  into  the  thickest  tight  was  unhorsed 
and  a  hard  conflict  between  those  who  tried  to  save,  and  those 
who  wished  to  take  him  prisoner  soon  concentrated  all  the 
knightly  prowess  of  both  iU'mies  round  his  person :  he  was 
remounted,  and  dust  and  confusion  saved  him  more  than  once, 
as  they  did  Niccolo  Piccinino,  besides  other  leaders  on  both  sides 
from  being  recognised  and  captured.  The  stjuadrous  charged 
and  recharged  in  dust  and  darkness;  no  standards  could  be 
seen ;  the  voice  alone  revealed  a  friend ;  and  v^hen  a  retreat 
was  sounded  whole  troops  of  cavalry  ranged  themselves  under 
adverse  banners  in  total  ignorance  of  their  o^vn  position.  One 
attack  was  made  by  a  strong  detachment  upon  the  baggage  and 
for  a  while  placed  the  allies  in  great  danger ;  but  being  finally 
repulsed  with  the  loss  of  five  hundred  prisoners  a  general  retreat 
was  sounded :  the  captives  were  equal,  yet  as  the  allies  held 
their  ground  and  saved  the  camp  the  victor)^  of  "  Casa-al- 
Secco  "  was  fairly  claimed  by  Cai-magnola*. 

♦  Gio.  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xiv.     — S.  Animirato,  Lih.  xix.,  p.  1037. — 
— Poggio  Bracciolini,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  166.     Mui-atori,  Annuli,  Anno  l4'J7. — Doui. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


95 


Philip  previous  to  this  battle  had  endeavoured  to  balance  his 
ill  success  by  a  naval  victor}^ :  the  Venetian  armament  on  the 
Po  had  been  extremely  active,  and  to  check  it  he  placed  a 
strong  squadron  under  the  orders  of  Pacino  Eustachio  of  Pavia 
with  instructions  to  lose  no  time  in  bringing  the  enemy  to 
action.  The  latter  commanded  by  Francesco  Bembo  did  not 
shun  the  encounter,  which  took  place  near  Brescello  ;  but  losing 
three  galleons  in  the  commencement,  Bembo  doubtful  of  con- 
sequences, with  that  rapid  and  bold  decision  that  marks  a 
superior  mind  suddenly  discontinued  the  contest  and  with- 
drawing all  the  crossbow-men  from  his  remaining  galleons 
maimed  them  with  the  crews  of  others  armed  only  with  spears, 
swords,  spontoons,  battle-axes,  and  short  arms  of  eveiy  descrip- 
tion. These  he  placed  in  the  van,  while  the  galleons  thus 
emptied  were  manned  with  crossbow-men  alone  and  stationed 
close  in  the  rear  of  his  first  line,  with  rigid  orders  under  the 
penalty  of  death,  to  Idll  either  himself  or  any  other  man  that 
should  turn  from  the  enemy.     He  then  renewed  the  attack. 

With  the  Milanese  in  front;  in  their  rear  the  levelled  cross- 
bows ready  to  shoot  into  the  first  vessel  that  gave  way  and 
themselves  armed  only  with  short  weapons,  the  Venetian 
sailors  were  compelled  either  to  fight  hand  to  hand  with  their 
enemies  or  be  transfixed  without  resistance  by  their  own  or 
adverse  missiles.  The  Lombards  were  thus  rendered  the 
less  formidable  of  the  two,  and  the  closer  the  fight  the  more 
safety,  because  free  from  the  arrows  of  either  squadron :  thus 
excited  tlie  galleons  were  resolutely  run  along-side  those  of  the 
enemy  and  lashed  there,  and  the  battle  became  more  fierce 
and  obstinate  ;  the  Venetian  mariners,  chiefly  Greeks  and 
Sclavouians,  are  described  as  displaying  all  the  courage  sagacity 
and  savage  fury  of  those  nations. 

The  scene  was  appalling ;  no  room  for  tactics,  no  hope  in 

Roninscjrni,  Mem.,  Lib.  i.,  p." 29.—     Gio.  Pietro  Cagnola,  Stor.  Mil,  Lib 
Bernardino  Corio,  Parte  v.,  p.  327.—     ii°,  p.  36. 


9j 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


97 


flight ;  man  encountered  man  with  the  eye  and  hand  of  death  ; 
the  struggle  was  personal,  unrelenting,  resolute ;  a  struggle 
for  existence,  not  for  victor}- :  the  Venetians,  pressed  by  a 
double  danger  had  no  other  hope ;  the  Greeks  of  Crete  and 
Negropont  with  the  Sclavonian  crews  perf(tniied  such  deeds  as 
have  been  rarely  equalled  and  never  yet  surpassed.  Springing 
with  the  force  of  tigers  on  their  prey  it  many  times  happened 
that  when  the  Italian  spear  had  pierced  a  Sclavonian  body, 
the  wounded  man  would  seize  and  draw  liimself  forward  on 
the  slippery  statf  until  he  grappled  his  eiuiny  and  then  both 
rolled  struggling  into  the  stream  below  I  Agjiin,  two  running 
each  other  througli  at  the  same  moment  and  ^t^rnly  follow- 
ing up  their  thrust  would  close  and  wrestle  as  long  as  life 
endured,  or  foil  while  yet  writhing  into  the  bloody  Po :  for 
that  great  stream,  full,  and  broad,  and  ample  as  it  was,  became 
strongly  crimsoned  !  Pacino  at  last  gave  way,  and  with  a  few 
as  yet  ungrappled  galleys  made  good  his  iliglit,  but  left  four- 
teen captured  vessels  in  the  hands  of  Venice*. 

After  the  battle  of  "  Casa-al-Secco "  Carmngnola,  who  a> 
Cavalcanti  asserts  was  now  at  the  head  of  r)<i,(MiO  lighting  men. 
laid  siege  to  Casal  Maggiore  on  the  Po  and  recaptured  Bina 
which  Sforza  had  suq)rised :  he  then  reduced  the  former  and 
both  armies  cautiously  mameuvred,  narrowly  watching  each 
other's  motions  mitil  the  beginning  of  October,  when  the  allies 
were  besieging  Pompeiano  a  town  situated  about  six  miles 
from  Brescia  on  the  high  road  to  Crema.  AMiile  Malatesta 
was  absent  with  Philip  the  Milanese  captains  had  so  placed 
their  army  as  to  impede  the  enemy's  progress  witliout  risking 
a  general  engagement,  but  when  Carlo  returned  he  posted 
himself  between  Macalo  (now  Maclodio)  and  the  allies,  with  an 
intention  to  succour  the  besieged.     The  two  camps  only  four 

*  Po^crio,   Ainiiiirato  and   Corio  say  v*,   p.  327.  —  Aminirato,   Lib.   xix., 

that  the  Duke  lost  but  eight  galleys  p.    1034.— Cnvulcanti,   Lib.   iv.,   cap. 

in   this   bloody   encounter   which   oc-  xv. — Pogiri<»,  Lib.  v.,  p.  IG3. — Mura- 

curred  on  2 1  May,  1 427.— Corio,  Parte  tori,  An.  1 427. 


miles  asunder  were  separated  by  what  then  was  an  extensive 
swamp,  now  a  fertile  plain ;    what  was  then  fetid  black  and 
stagnant  pools  full  of  reeds  and  thonis,  and  swarming  with 
snakes  and  every  loathsome  reptile ;  now  abomiding  in  com 
and  vines  and  nuil berries.     The  high  road  from  Orci  Xovi  on 
the  Oglio  to  Pompeiano   and  Brescia  ran   like  a  causeway 
througli  this  waste  and  passed  by  a  wooden  bridge  over  a 
channel  of  deep  water  tiiat  connected  the  opposite  marshes. 
Adjonnng  the  swamp  and  bridge  one  side  of  the  road  was 
flanked  by  an  extensive  wood,  so  thick  and  wild  and  full  of 
savage  beasts,  tliat  both  men  and  domestic  cattle  shunnea  it. 
Just  at  the  bridge-head  the  road  entered  a  sort  of  inclosed 
space  or  bason  of  solid  earth  in  the  midst  of  the  marshes;  a 
sort  of  trap  from  wliirh  no  army  un.-e  entered  and  cut  off  from 
the  bridge  could  hope  to  escape  except  by  the  destruction  of  a 
superior  enemy. 

Niccelo  Tolentino  a  leader  of  great  influence  having  examined 
this  ground  advise.l  Carmagnola  to  occupy  the  position  while 
he  and  his  friend  Bernardino  with  a  strong  division  of  the  army 
concealed  themsdves  in  tlie  wood  on  the  other  side  of  the 
bridge  and  awaited  Carlo  s  advaiue  who  it  wiis  supposed  would 
run  headlong  into  the  trai*.  This  suggestion  was  followed  ; 
the  ambuscade  was  posted  in  the  wood  that  night,  and  the 
other  troops  were  under  arms  at  daylight:  Carlo  Malatesta  on 
the  other  hand  whether  for  the  reasons  mentioned  by  Corio* 


*  Scarcely  two  antliors  agree  in  tlicir 
accounts    of   this    battle^  whii  h    w.ts 
fought    on    the    11th    Octohrr    1427. 
Cagnola,    whoui    C'<trio   cdpics,    Corio 
liimself,    and    Aniniirato    mIio    co])ics 
liiui,  say  that  Carlo  was  cntrapjx'd  into 
fighting  it  by  his  wish  of  being  pioint 
.It  a  single  combat  between  two  sol- 
diers one  from  each  army  to  which  he 
and  his  people  went  unarmed  although 
no  truce  existed.       Sismondi  quotint: 
Andrea  Bigla,  Simonctta,  Rcdusio  and 
VOL.  III. 


otiu  rs  (which  are  also  Muratori's  au- 
tlunitic'^)  gives  a    different    account : 
PogL'io  and    Canilcanti,   (the    latter 
evi.Unily  unknown  both  to  Ammirato 
and  .Sisiufuuii)  agree  more  nearly   are 
both  coteniponiiy  authors,  and  Caval- 
canti a|)parcntly  an  actor  in  the  scenes 
he  descrihis ;  wherefore  as  being  least 
known  and  more  minute,  though  some- 
what poetical,  1  have  principally  fol- 
lowed him. 


li 


08 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


99 


or  a  wilful  determination  to  fight,  was  on  his  march  by  dawn 
of  day :  he  soon  crossed  the  bridge  and  entered  the  trap  with 
loud  shouts  of  *'  Viva  il  Diica  "  *'  Viva  il  Jhiai."  Carmagnola 
had  marshalled  his  army  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent  and  slowly 
retired  before  him,  but  still  deepening  his  centre  as  if  fearful 
of  tlie  encounter.  When  he  heard  that  all  had  entered  he 
exclaimed,  "  T/iei/  are  ca)((jht,''  and  from  a  rising  ground  shortly 
addressed  his  people  before  the  battle. 

The  instant  that  the  enemy's  rear  was  well  over  the  bridge 
and  engaged  with    their  antagonists  Bernardino  darted  like 
lightnuig  from  the  wood  and  seized  it  at  tlie  head  of  a  thousand 
horse  :  he  was  rapidly  followed  by  Tolentino  with  a  much  larger 
force,  but  leaving  the  latter  to  defend  the  briilge  he  snatched  up  a 
heaNy  and  well-pointed  lance  and  with  two  Imndred  mcn-at-anns 
dashed  deep  into  the  ^lilanese  rear  with  loud  cries  and  great 
confusion.     The  two  bonis  of  the  crescent  then  rapidly  closed  in : 
Cannagnola  charged  in  front ;  the  crossbows  jilayed  unceasingly 
from  everv  thicket;  "  Sau  Marco,''  "  Diicc,"  and  "  Marzocco  "  'J' 
resounded  througli  the  field,  "  The  shouts  of  men  the  neighing 
of  horses,  the  shock  of  lances,  the  tein[»rst  of  swords  was  so 
great,"  says  Cavalcanti,  "  that  the  loudest  thunder  might  have 
rolled  above  unheeded.     The  \vild  beasts  fled  in  terror  through 
the  woods  and  in  these  infernal  swamps  many  swarms  of  sei*pents 
were  seen  iiistling  through  the  reeds  at  the  unwonted  uproar ! " 
*'  O  reader  think  how  cruel  nuist  have  been  this  conflict  when 
so  many  animals  enemies  to  our  nature  lied  in  so  wild  affi'ight  I 
All  was  terror  and  distraction ;  Niccol/*  lield  steadilv  to  tlie 
bridge  ;  many  were  driven  into  the  marslies  or  dragged  by  their 
stirrups  tlirougli  them;  the  flights  of  arntws  were  sometimes 
so  dense  as  to  obscure  the  sun.  and  this  deadly  archery  did  iuli- 
nite  mischief;  the  air  itself  seemed  changed  and  terrified,  and 
this  great  multitude  was  full  of  groaning,  blood,  and  death!" 
Every  hope  of  victory  at  length  vanished  and  the  Milanese 

*  "  Mm-zocco  "  was  the  lion  of  Florence  and  ihc  usual  liUtlc-cry  of  her  annic^. 


broke,  surrendere.],  and  fled  in  .all  directions :  Carlo  Malateste 
and  eigbt  thousand  prisoners  laid  down  their  arms,  but  strange 
to  say,  almost  all  were  then  or  subsequently  permitted  to  escape 
by  Carmagnola;  and  this  first  sowed  the  seeds  of  Venetian 
jealousy  -. 

Guido  Torelli,  riccinino.  and  Frmicesco  Sforza  escaped,  and 
by  the  next  morning  all  but  four  hundred  prisone,-s  had  ob- 
tamed  then-  uberty  :  this  produced  s.rong  remonstrances  from 
the\enet.an  commissaries,  upon  whi,h  Carmagnola  sent  for 
he  remannng  captives  and  said  to  them  '■  Since  my  soldiers 
_^  have  given  your  conn-ades  their  liberty  I  w,ll  not  be  behind 
them  m  generosity :  depart,  you  also  are  free."     This  battle 
was  the  chmax  of  Camagnolas  gloiy :  whether  he  were  unwill- 
ing  0  reduce  Ins  old  patron  too  low,  or  was  secretly  influenced 
by  the  desu-eo  peace  and  the  rccovcy  ,.fhis  wife  and  children 
who  were  m  \  .scontes  hands,  or  by  less  honourable  motives 
seems  uncertam  ;  but  his  subsequent  efforts  were  insignificant. 
There  ,s  no  doubt  says  I'oggio  that  he  could  that  day  have 
destroyed  Phihp  a  he  had  retained  the  prisoners  who  were  the 
flower  of  that  princes  army;  but  according  to  the  custom  of 
modern  s„hhers  they  renudned  as  lookers-on,  intent  only  on 
dividmg  the  booty  and  lot  the  men-at-arms  go  free  f 

None  of  this  was  lost  on  the  Venetians  ;  but  not  a  reproach 
was  heard,  not  a  sentence  uttered,  no  sign  of  displeasure 
reached  h.s  ear:  he  could  still  bo  useful,  was  adding  bit  by  bit 
to  then-  conquests  and  as  yet  in  too  furmidable  a  position  to  be 
struck  :  on  the  conti-ary,  .s  wa.  tlinr  usual  custom  when  medi- 
tatmg  the  sacrifice  of  a  victim,  more  deference  was  shown  him  ■ 
more  respect  paid  him  ;  but  Ik-  was  notforgotteu. 

The  liberated  army  of  ililan  was  soon  remounted  equipped 
and  m  the  field ;  for  most  of  these  battles  involved  the  waste 


»  Cavalranti,  Lib    iv.,  ca|,.  xvii.  —     Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  p  257- 
C„n„  Paru.  v%  p.  Zn.-V.r^,„,  Li,.     s.or.  Mil!,  Lib,  ii-  p'  38 

I    1041        m:,;  T^'T'   ^'h  V^'^"     +  ''"S«'°'  ^'■'-  "'■'  P-  16»- 
p.  HJ41.  —  Muraton,  Anno   1427, 

H  2 


-Cagnola, 


100 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


of  more  money  than  Llood  as  dead  men  paid  no  ransoms,  and 
Visconte   had   ample    resources.      He   nevertheless   became 
alarmed  at  his  actual  position  and  sought  new   strength   by 
rousing  the  emperor  Sigismund  against  Venice,  hy  marrying  his 
daughter  Maria  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  and  hy  stirring  up  the 
poor  remnants  of  the  Carrara  and  La  Scala  families  to  agitate 
Padua  and  Verona.  He  met  these  difficultits  with  an  able  head 
and  a  bold  countenance,  hut  was  in  fact  a  strange  character  and 
differing  according  to  cotemporaiy  writers  from  all  other  men. 
No  stability,  no  confidence,  no  belief,  no  firmness  of  purpose  ; 
mutable  as  the  wind,  no  regard  to  promises,  unsteady  in  his 
friendships,  and  prone  to  sudden  antipathies  against  those  who 
were  apparently  his  dearest  fiiends  :   cunning,  sagacious,  vain 
of  his   own  judgment,  despising  that  of  others :  whimsically 
pacific  and  warlike  by  turns ;  fond  of  a  solitaiy  life  he  was 
rarely  visible  but  governed  through  his  ministei-s  and  tempo- 
rar}^  favourites,  and  thence  no  doubt  proceeded  many  of  his 
worst  misfortunes*. 

A  slight  check  before  Genoa,  more  important  from  the  heroic- 
death  of  Tommaso  Frescobaldi  than  from  any  other 
injmy,  in  some  degree  damped  the  joy  of  Florence  for 
this  recent  victor}'.     Frescobaldi  had  distinguished  himself  as 
Florentme  commissaiy  in  the  Aretine  district  by  an  able  and 
vigorous  conduct  under  veiy  tiying  difficulties  and  a  total  neglect 
of  him  by  the  government:  nevertheless  h<-  perseveringly  with- 
stood the  Milanese  forces  until  the  siege  of  Pnescia  relieved  him. 
Indignant  at  tliis  treatment  he  personally  and  boldly  reproached 
the  Ten  of  War  with  their  conduct,  and  in  no  measured  terms: 
Niccolo  d'Uzzano  tried  to  soothe  him  and  was  respectfully  heard ; 
but  Vieri  Guadagni  so  impatiently  rated  liim  as  to  be  told  by 
Tommaso  that  nothing  but  his  high  official  dignity  was  a  protec- 
tion from  personal  chastisement.  Xiccolo  who  fully  appreciated 
the  worth  of  Frescobaldi  reproved  Vieri  for  his  intemperance 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  v.,  p.  361. 


CHAP.  XXX.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


101 


and  that  citizen  was  soon  after  sent  as  commissary  to  conduct  the 
war  against  Genoa  where  for  a  while  his  vigour  and  ability  were 
no  less  conspicuous  than  before.     At  last  Fregoso  and  the  Flo- 
rentines were  defeated  in   an   attempt  to  enter  Genoa  and 
Tommaso,  who  fought  to  the  last,  after  all  were  routed  was 
wounded  and  made  prisoner.    The  governor,  a  stern  and  cruel 
man,  promised  him  life  liberty  and  reward  if  he  would  divulge 
his  government  s  secrets  and  say  who  within  the  city  of  Genoa 
were  in  league  with  Caiiipo  Fregoso ;  but  the  alternative  of 
death  and  torture  if  he  refused.     To  this  Frescobaldi  firmly 
answered,    "Obizzhio,  if  for  my  silence  on  the  subject  of  state 
"  secrets  thou  wilt  put  me  to  death,  abandon  all  hope  of  knomng 
"  those  things  that  duty  to  my  countr}^  and  constancy  of  pur- 
"  pose,  even  did  I  know  them,  would  prevent  my  revealing  : 
"  and  as  I  have  no  hope  of  mercy  from  thee  so  thou  needest 
**  not  expect  any  disclosures  from  me,  for  even  if  I  were  informed 
"I  would  not  tell  thee/'    He  was  instantly  put  to  the  torture, 
his  wounds  broke  out  afresh  in  the  agony;  but  he  died  with' 
out  uttering   a   syllable.     A   noble   example    for   his   living 
descendants  I  - 

Florence  now  wished  earnestly  for  peace  because  she  could 
no  longer  expect  to  gain  anything  by  war  and  a  continually 
augmenting  expense  was  exhausting  her  resources :  the  more 
equal  action  of  the  Catasto  promoted  this  wish  because  the  rich 
and  great  now  bore  the  prim-ipid  burden.  They  again  argued, 
and  rightly  too,  that  if  war  continued  Philip  must  lose  his  state, 
which  Venice,  not  Florence,  would  gain  by  the  very  conditions 
of  the  league,  and  thence  with  augmented  power  become  more 
formidable  than  Visconte  himself,  for  there  would  then  be  none 
but  Florence  to  oppose  her.  Naples,  ruled  by  a  weak  licentious 
woman  was  distracted ;  the  pontiff  would  not  move ;  the  emperor 
would  be  shut  out  by  Venice  who  held  the  keys  of  Italy,  and 
France  was  far  too  distant :  better,  it  was  once  more  repeated, 

*  CavalcaDti,  Lib.  iv°,  cap.  ii«,  and  iv^.— Aminirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1043. 


102 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


to  have  an  unenduriiig  enemy  than  an  everhisting  and  uvei- 
powerful  neighhour.  Venice  had  nuw  aeqiiirt^d  a  taste  for 
Italian  conquest,  and  the  petty  acquisitions  of  (  .iniiagiuda  were 
still  adding  to  her  territory- ;  hut  her  suspicions  were  awake  and 
she  tinally  consented  to  treat  whik^  Visconte  was  really  anxious 
fur  peace  in  consequence  of  his  recent  overthrow.  Tlie  snicerity 
of  all  parties  soon  produced  its  effects  and  thr  cardinal  of  Santa 
Croce  at  last  restored  tranquillity  hy  accouipli>hing  the  signa- 
ture uf  a  treaty  at  Ferrara  ahout  the  middle  of  April  1  l-^s  after 
nearly  five  years  of  constant  hostilities.  The  «'Ost  of  this  long 
and  ruinous  war  according  to  Cavalcanti  amounted  to  three 
millions  and  a  half  of  llurins,  according  to  Ma.rhiavelli  three 
millions  and  fifty  thousand  -. 

The  Florentines  gained  nothing  hy  it  hut  a  h.avy  deht  and 
the  institution  of  the  Catasto  ;  the  Voiutiaii-  in  adilition  to 
Brescia  gained  part  of  the  Cremonese  stato  with  Bergamo  and 
its  teiTitoiT  as  far  as  the  Adda  which  now  ]»ecarae  their  western 
boundary.  Thus  says  Cavalcanti  hy  the  Mp.nitinn  ot  wicked 
citizens  our  people  were  loaded  with  poverty,  tlie  \'enetians 
with  riches  and  temtoiy  :  and  pride  and  covetousness  was  the 
cause  of  all  f. 


CoTFMPORARY  MoNAKCHs.-EnjrlaT'.l  t  lUnrv  V.  nnn    \42'2;  then  1  cnr^ 

TI._Scotlami :  Janus  I.- Franco  :  C'hark>  VI.  an<l  \  1     the    aM  n.  Ul 

CVtilc:  John  II.-Arau'on  :  Fenlinan.l  of  C'aMilc-  to  1410,  tlun  Al  onso  or 
Alonso  v.— Portucal :  John  I.-Gcrman  Kmi.cn.r :  SiiriMnun.  ..t  Luxcui- 
burg.-Greek  Emperor:  Manuel  II.  to  14-25;  then  John  \  II -Ottoman 
Emperor:  Mohammed  1.  to  14-21:  then  Mnrad  or  Amurath  II.->aplcs  : 
Giovanna  11.— Si.  ily  :  AlfonM.  or  Alon/o  V.  of  Aragon.— Papal  bee  vacant  from 
1415  to  1417  :  then  Martin  V.  to  1431. 


•Cavalcanti,  Lih.    iv.,   cap.   xviii.  -  p.  30_>la.rhiavc;lh.  Stor.  Pu>ren^na. 

Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  io43.-Pog-  Li»;;----^»;'-^-; ;^;-;'^;-  ;:;^*;^t;^'' 

gio,  Lib.  vi„  p.  166  -Corio,  Parte  v.,  -Cagnola,  St....  Mil.,  Lib.  n  ,  p.  ,9 

p.  3-2B.^Gio    Morelli,    p.  78.- Gio.  f  Cavakantu  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xix.-Mac- 

Cambi,  p.   173.— Dom".    Boninsegni,  chiavelh,  Lib.  iv. 
Mem^  della  Citta  di  Firenze,  Lib.  i., 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


103 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


FROM    A.D.     14-26    TO    A.D.     J  43(1. 


T.\XATroN  is  rerpiisite,  hut  all  taxation  is  essentially  unjust 
because  it  can  never  he  fairly  distrilmted  and  strikes  hardest 
on  those  who  are  most  helpless  and   iudij^cnt :   hy 
obliging  all  who  enjoy  more  ilian  the  necr^^uries  of   ^■^' "-^■ 
life  to  abridge  then-  superlluities,  thus  diminishing  employ- 
ment and  with  it  the  means  of  existence,  taxation  descends 
with  increasing  force  through  the  various  classes  of  society 
and  falls  with  n  criiNliing  weiglit  upon  the  poor.     These  pos- 
sessing no  superlluiti.s  luive  both  their  moral  and  physical  suf- 
ferings unduly  augmented,  and  being  deprived  of  a  sufficiency 
their  lives  aiv  sliortened  in  the  trial :  for  thoudi  they  seem  to 
wither  by  tlie  hand  of  (iod  man  accelerates  the  blow.     Yet 
extreme  evils  generally,  and  often  too  roughly,  work  out  their 
own  cure;  the  war  just  linished  brought  wars  usual  effects, 
expense,  debt,  and  unjust  taxation:  for  that  of  Florence  was 
disgracefully  abused  and  painfully  unerpial  in  its  distribution  : 
nevertheless  this  veiy  excess  of  sutfering  ended  like  the  pains 
of  labour,  in  great  consolation ;  and  the  birth  of  a  new  mode 
of  taxation  under  the  name  of  "  Cata<<lo  "  spread  a  smile  of 
satisfaction  over  the  whole  commonwealth. 

But  l)efore  we  describe  this  celebrated  act  of  national  justice; 
which  was  chietly  due  to  the  policy  or  patriotism  of  Giovanni 
de' Medici;  it  will  he  expedient  to  offer  a  short  recapitulation 


104 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


of  some  earlier  events  connected  with  that  subject.    The  revo- 
lutions of  1393  and  1394,  the  timidity  or  prudence  of  Vieii 
de'  Medici ;  the  banishment  of  Alberti,  Donato  Acciajuoli,  Ale- 
manno  di  Salvestro  and  others  of  the  Medici  family ;  together 
Tvith  the  failure  of  the  Cavicciulli  and  Kieci  conspiracy  in  1300, 
and  that  of  Galeazzo  Visconte  in  1400,  all  combined  to  add 
strength  and  firmness  to  Maso  degli  Albizzi's  able  but  despotic 
and  imscnipulous  sway.    Not  that  he  or  any  leaders  of  his  party 
usurped  or  held  the  regidar  magistracies  illegally,  but  they 
managed  to  till  the  election  purses  with  adherents' names,  and  not 
onlv  secured  their  own  appointment  to  every  Daliii  but  contrived 
also  to  retain  the  power  of  proposing  these  dictatorships  when- 
ever it  suited  them.      Their  aim  was  to  perpetrate  despotism 
by  repressing  the  middle  and  lower  classes  of  artisans  and 
subduing  their  leaders  amongst  the  noble  popolani,  such  for 
instance  as  the  Ricci,  Alberti,  and  others ;  but  more  especially 
the  Medici,  who  had  acquired  a  dangerous  distinction  by  the 
reputation  of  Salvestro  and  Vieri,  by  popular  attachment  and  by 
the  enmity  of  their  political  antagonists.      This  p(dicy  was  for 
a  while  most  rigidly  pursued,  but  finally  the  confidence  arising 
from  undisputed   power,  disagreements   amongst  themselves, 
mutual  jealousy,  and  above  all  the  death  of  Maso  degli  Albizzi, 
altogether  slackened  their  vigilance,  and  the  Medici,  who  had 
been  gradually  increasing  in  opulence  and  public  estimation, 
became  again  politically  conspicuous  and  were  silently  creeping 
into  the  highest  official  dignities,  when  as  it  were  to  crown 
their  triumph  Giovanni  di   Bicci  appeared  as  gonfalonier  of 
justice  in  14'21.      His  assumption  of  this  high  office  had  been 
foreseen  by  means  then  Avell  known  in  tlie  political  tactics  of 
Florence,  and  Niccolo  da  Uzzano  strenuously  endeavoured  to 
prevent  it :  but  either  from  jealousy  of  his  position  as  the  most 
powerful  citizen,  or  confidence  in  the  mild  and  upright  charac- 
ter of  Giovanni,  or  an  undue  reliance  on   their  own  power, 
Uzzano 's  advice  was  unheeded  and  the  appointment  took  place. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


105 


Nor  did  any  immediate  consequences  ensue;  Giovanni  was 
neither  revengeful  nor,  according  to  most  accounts,  ambitious ; 
nor  greedy  of  personal  gain  :  he  probably  saw  more  evil  in  the 
means  of  revolution  than  utility  in  its  accomplishment  by  the 
abasement  of  a  political  adversary ;  the  public  good  seems  to 
have  been  his  great  work  aiul  he  accomplished  it  more  quietly 
and  effectually  by  milder  ways.  Nevertheless  this  reopened 
the  door  of  public  honours  and  employment  to  that  ftmiily,  and 
his  son  Cosiuo  who  had  previously  conducted  some  diplomatic 
missions  became  one  of  tlie  Seiguory  in  14*28  :  but  it  ended  as 
Niccolo  da  Uzzano  had  foreseen  in  the  Albizzi's  destruction 
and  ultimate  downfall  of  tlieir  party  -. 

The  exaltation  of  Giovanni  inspired  new  hopes,  not  only  in 
the  artisans,  but  amongst  a  large  mass  of  superior  citizens  who 
were  tired  of  a  proud  and  imperious  oligarchy  regardless  of 
public  good  and  disdaining  to  conciliate  the  people  by  any  boon 
that  might  soften  the  recollection  of  all  that  excessive  rigour 
which  was  made  use  of  in  the  establishment  of  their  existing 
authority.  Neither  were  these  oligarchs  contented  with  nega- 
tive evil  nor  tlie  exclusion  of  a  large  mass  of  citizens  from 
every  chance  of  oilicial  enqtloyment,  but  even  the  latter's  pos- 
sessions were  no  longer  safe  from  rapacity  and  extortion,  from 
undue  and  unjust  taxation.  In  such  a  state  of  public  feeling 
Giovanni  grew  daily  more  popular,  and  as  the  acknowledged 
centre  of  all  men's  hope  became  the  confessed  though  involun- 
tary head  of  discontented  citizens. 

The  two  wars,  against  Philip  and  Ladislaus,  increased  public 
dissatisfaction,  not  however  so  much  from  aversion  to  hostilities 
as  arbitrary  taxation  ini[>osed  by  the  sole  will  of  the  ruling 
faction.  The  wealthy  were  spared  and  the  poor  oppressed; 
war  was  said  to  be  made  not  for  public  benefit  or  necessary  de- 
fence, but  without  any  real  occasion,  to  enrich  rulers  and  abase 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xviii.,  p.  992.  —  Filippo  di  Ncrli  Commentarj^  Lib.  ii., 
p.  35. 


106 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I, 


CHAP.   X-\M.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


107 


PI 


the  people ;  and  this  crv  was  loud  deep  and  general  *.  The 
effects  of  such  policy  on  public  opinion  have  already  been 
noticed!  as  well  as  the  "  Uzzaneschis  "  detennination  to  devise 
some  mode  of  retahiing  that  power  and  licence  wliich  they  had 
already  enjoyed  for  two-and-thirty  years;.  Kinaldo  Giantig- 
lazzi  had  died  in  I4t>.">,  but  Niccolo  da  Uz/ano  was  still  vigor- 
ous and  both  able  and  willing  to  take  a  lead  in  that  financial 
agitation  which  in  1  i'2()  convulsed  all  cla».  >;  the  rich  by  the 
last  severe  imposition  of  twenty-five  per  cent,  on  their  incomes ; 
the  poor  by  positive  suffering  and  inability  to  pay  up  their 
arrears.  The  former  were  resolved  if  possible  to  preserve 
their  ancient  exemptions  and  repel  tlie  audacious  crowd ;  men 
who  while  daily  gathering  political  strength  liad  by  their  hiflu- 
ence  in  the  councils  not  only  nominated  the  committee  of 
finance  which  imposed  the  new  tax,  but  defeated  every  attempt 
at  its  abolition. 

For  this  growing  power  of  the  plebeians  the  Uzzaneschi 
blamed  those  in  office,  as  bv  a  careless  admission  of  eveiT  new 
upstart  to  civic  honours  they  had  tilled  the  palace  with  men  of 
yesterday  who  only  looked  for  able  leaders  to  effect  an  entire 
revolution  §.  Thus  determined  they  waited  for  a  favourable 
occasion  and  this  came  with  the  election  of  Lorenzo  Ridolfi  and 
Francesco  Gianfiglazzi  respectively  as  prior  and  gon- 
falonier of  justice  in  July  14'^(j.  Seventy  principal 
citizens  of  their  party  assembled  by  permission  of  this  chief 
magistrate  in  Saint  Stephen's  church,  wIk^it  Kinaldo  degli 
Albizzi  in  a  long  oration  im[)lored  them  to  sink  all  fonner 
quarrels  in  oblivion  and  unite  for  the  common  good,  because 
said  he  disunion  had  given  them  such  colleagiK  s  in  political 
power  as  their  ancestors  would  hardly  have  accei)ted  for  domes- 
tic sen-ants.  "  You,"  exclaimed  Piinaldo^  "  are  the  communitv  ; 
"  you  are  the  honour,  you  are  the  council  of  this  city,  therefore 

•   Nerli  Commcntari  de'  Fatti  Civili     X  Amtnirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1026. 
di  Fireny.e,  Lib.  ii«,  p.  36.  §  Ibid,  p.  1027. 

"t*  Vide  ch.  xxx.,  p.  74. 


A.D.  1426. 


"  your  acts  are  those  of  the  commonwealth.  Through  enmity 
"  to  others  you  have  injured  yourselves ;  you  have  made  bad 
"  worse,  heaped  errors  on  errors,  and  filled  the  election  purses 
"  with  so  many  vulgar  and  mechanic  names  that  their  voices 
"  out-number  all  your  sulfrages.  Recollect  that  in  every  com- 
"  munity  there  is  a  never-ending  hatred  existing  between  the 
"  noble  citizen  and  artisan  ;  not  that  we  ourselves  are  strictly 
"  speaking  noble  ;  but  we  are  nol)le  compared  with  those  whom 
'•  we  have  made  our  fellows ;  men  from  Empoli,  the  Mugello 
"  and  elsewhere ;  some  even  who  came  here  as  servants  and 
"  are  now  our  equals  in  the  public  government.  Would  that 
"  they  were  content  with  that ;  but  tbey  want  to  be  masters 
"  and  to  make  us  their  ser\  ants  I  Why,  they  are  not  only  eager 
*'  to  favour  every  measure  that  may  injure  you  and  other  citi- 
"  zens  but  are  the  first  inventors  and  promoters  of  them.  If 
"  there  be  a  question  of  war  they  support  it,  and  whisper 
"  amongst  themselves,  '  We  cannot  lose  ;  because  if  it  succeed 
"  we  shall  be  along  with  them  in  office  and  will  fill  the  election 
'■  jmrses  with  our  own  people — and  if  not,  what  is  it  to  us  ? 
'*  We  run  no  risk ;  our  shops  bring  as  much  in  as  goes  out ; 
"  we  have  neither  lands  nor  funded  pro2)erty,  wherefore  our 
"  taxes  are  small  and  war  to  us  is  more  useful  than  injurious. 
"  Our  hope  of  gain  will  be  the  hope  of  victory,  because  then  we 
•'  shall  share  in  the  spoils ;  and  moreover  the  city  during  war 
"  is  full  of  soldiers  who  come  to  equip  themselves  ;  and  money 
"is  plentiful,  and  profits  good."  Citizens,''  continued  Pdualdo, 
"  consider  that  vour  ruin  is  their  '•lorv  and  exaltation ;  the 
"  war  of  wolves  is  the  peace  of  lambs  (and  they  call  themselves 
"  the  lambs  and  us  the  wolves,)  therefore  they  oppose  all  your 
"  measures  and  seek  your  ruin.  They  have  no  love  for  the 
"  republic,  it  costs  them  nothing ;  they  know  not  even  whence 
"  they  came  :  how  can  they  love  others  who  care  not  for  their 
"  own  ?  I  have  seen  a  peasant  from  the  contado  come  to  visit 
"his  son  in  Florence  and  have  heard  the  son  thus  welcome 


tV'H 


108 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP,  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


109 


(( 
ft 
li 
ti 
ti 
i( 
it 
t( 
(t 
(. 
(( 
(. 
a 


n 
it 


him.     *\Mien  did  you  come?     When  will  you  go?'     By 
which  he  plainly  showed  that  bis  father's  absence  was  by  far 
the  most  acceptable.     Again  I  have  seen  others  who  forbad 
their  parents  to  acknowledge  them,  ashamed  of  being  known 
as  the  children  of  ploughmen  and  day-labourers  !    Well  then 
what  love  can  such  as  these  bear  to  you  or  your  republic 
when  thev  have  none  for  their  own  nearest  kinsfolk  ?    CeHes 
those  who  believe  in  a  peasant's  love  are  most   lamentably 
deceived.     Between  gentle  and  simpb'  tliero  is  no  difference 
at  birth  or  death,  but  in  their  intermediate  life  luul  habits  the 
difference  is  immeasurable,  and  mostly  in  their  affections; 
the  gentleman  loves  and  the  peasant  fears,  and  between  the 
peasant  and  mechanic  I  say  there  is  little  dissimilarity,  so 
that  you  may  see  where  your  own  dissensions  have  placed 
vou.     Your  original  territorv  did  not  reach  beyond  Galuzzo 
and  Trespiano,  and  all  since  acquhed  can  scarcely  be  calkd 
your  dominion,  but  rather  that  of  the  people  whose  faithful 
vassals  these  upstarts  were  before  they  removed  to  Florence; 
wherefore  tbeir  affection  is  rather  with  our  primitive  enemiis 
than  in  your  republic  and  they  naturally  desire  your  ruin. 
You  must  protect  yourselves :  do  you  not  see  that  they  have 
imposed  extravagant   taxes  on  all  tliat   hold  the    reins  of 
crovemment?     Do  vou  not  see  that  these  will  not  satisfy 
them  ?  You  have  neither  demanded  new  customs  nor  strange 
laws,  but  ancient  long-standing  native  usages !     In  cases  of 
extreme  taxation  appeals  have  ever  been  received  and  listened 
to,  in  order  that  unreasonable  impositions  might  be  corrected 
and  abated;  yet  these  people  will  admit  notbing,  but  want 
rather  to  set  aside  our  ancient  habits  of  appeal.     You  arc 
aware  that  long-established  custom  is  identical  with  law  and 
whoso  departs  from  law  renounces  life  and  civil  liberty.    They 
onlv  seek  your  ruin  :    do  you  believe  that  tbey  forget  the 
brutality  of  their  fathers  ?  that  they  know  not  liow  their  per- 
fidy trampled  down  your  progenitors  ?    Search  your  cloisters 


and  there  you  will  fnid  the  festering  bodies  of  your  sires  and 
kinsmen  I  Look  at  the  palace  walls  still  stained  with  the 
blood  of  so  many  and  such  citizens  that  by  their  hands  all 
Italy  might  have  been  bravely  governed!  AVhat  place  is 
there  that  was  not  filled  with  the  cries  of  widows  and  of 
or})lians  ?  with  mourning,  with  tearful  eyes  and  dolorous 
aspects  ?  Do  ye  not  now  hear  the  voices  of  wretched  mothers 
and  orphans,  and  deserted  children  crying  aloud  unto  you, 
^ Hart'  no  cowpanhniHli'q)  iritJi  tJiosc  irJia  hure  niunfcrcd  our 
husbands  and  mir  fatlurs  the  honour  and  ijlonj  of  this  repuh- 
lic.^  Do  you  not  hear  tlieni  ?  Where  is  the  place  that  shows 
not  marks  of  their  devastiitions  and  burnings  ?  Forty  unhappy 
months  and  m<n'e  did  they  hold  this  people  in  servitude  ! 
How  many  exiles  ?  how  many  [lerpetual  banisliments  ?  how 
many  noble  citizens  were  falsely  accused  cuul  fell  by  the  axe, 
the  knife,  or  the  poison  ?  and  every  foreign  city  was  filled 
with  your  unhappy  forefathers  I  Wherefore  I  beseech  you 
not  to  persevere  in  yt»iu-  dissensions  lest  they  prove  the  match 
to  such  another  fire  as  Bardn  ^Mnncini  extinguished  (in  lo-s7). 
Commit  no  more  errors,  have  no  fellowship  witli  those  that 
want  to  tram])le  you  under  foot  and  already  indicate  vour 
danger  by  their  doings.  You  liave  mingled  the  clods  of  Cer- 
taldo  Fijjfline  and  such  towns  with  other  useless  races  in  vour 
government  and  not  even  to  your  own  peasiuitry  have  you 
vouchsafed  the  honours  of  the  ma<j;istracv  ;  but  a  barbarous 
mixture  of  pedlars  jmd  hawkers  with  their  shops  on  their 
slioulders  have  carried  y(tur  standard  of  justice  I  To  such  as 
these  vou  have  added  admonisht'd  citizens  and  rank  Gliibe- 
lines  who  as  you  well  know  wei'c  always  enemies  to  ( iuelphic 
rule ;  and  you  have  neglected  your  own  nobles  !  This  you 
will  say  \vas  for  the  insntrcraide  i)ride  of  their  ancestors: 
I  do  not  deny  that  such  pride  was  abominable  and  insutTer- 
able,  but  the  present  vexation  of  vile  plebeians  is  at  least 
equal  to  the  past  haughtiness  of  our  ancient  nobility.     Shall 


ii 
I   I 

4 


110 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


Ill 


"  we  now  term  it  intolerable  pride  if  one  of  the  Burdi  wishes 
"  to  be  greater  than  the  grandson  of  Piero  Raniini  or  the  sou 
"  of  Salvestro  the  baker?  Is  it  not  just  tluit  the  Rossi  should 
*' precede  the  Stucchi  rather  than  tlie  Stucchi  the  llossi?  or 
'*  that  a  dignity  should  not  be  denied  to  the  Frescobaldi  which 
'*  is  granted  to  Stupi)ino  ?  ''''  But  our  nobles  do  not  contend 
*'  for  this,  they  ask  oidy  equality,  and  I  say  that  this  is  not 
*'  pride  but  merely  natural  rights  commanded  by  the  greatness 
"  and  nobility  of  our  repul>lic.  And  yet  you  have  neglected 
"  the  nobles,  and  of  your  enemies  have  you  made  companions ! 
"  I  say  that  in  order  to  preserve  your  own  station  and  influence, 
*'  means  must  be  found  to  clear  the  election  pui'ses  of  the 
'*  low  depravity  of  these  evil  men :  you  know  that  the  city  is 
**  governed  under  the  (luelphic  name,  and  by  your  insensate 
'•actions  you  have  allowed  a  horde  of  barbarians  to  share  the 
*'  government  along  with  you.  You  know  tliat  the  city  is  divided 
'*  into  three  conditions  of  men;  namely,  the  '  Sc  tope  rati' \  the 
"  merchants  and  the  artificers  :  you  are  likewise  acquainted  with 
*•  the  laws  of  your  ancestors  which  declare  that  in  the  number 
"  of  priors  there  sliall  be  tw\)  of  the  minor  and  the  rest  of  the 
*'  major  arts  and  scioperati,  and  the  same  in  the  colleges.  But 
*'  in  the  council  of  the  people  where  all  votes  centre  and  where 
"  all  acts  are  terminated,  there  are  out  of  twentv-one  trades, 
**  seven  of  the  greater  and  fourteen  of  the  lesser*.  Now  take 
"  notice  that  there,  two  parts  out  of  tliree  are  of  the  inferior 
*'  arts,  and  the  remaining  third,  only,  of  the  sup«'rior;  and 
"  thus  the  law  is  infringed.  And  so  you  will  iind  every  publio 
*'  council  in  like  manner  corrupted,  tlie  law  uidieeded,  your 
"  measures  unsuccessful,  and  the  people  hating  you  but  with 

•  These  were  names  of  certain  low-  profession  tnidc  orofBciul  employracnt 

born  citizens  who  were  then  making  for  a  liveliho(»(l. 

their  way  into  the  mairistracy.  X  The  count  ils,  it  will  be  remembered, 

■f*  The  Scioperati  were  those  who  lived  were  tliut  of  the  two  hundred;  of  the 

on  their  rents  or  funded  pro[>erty  or  fo;«««r  wliich  I  have  translated  "Cowz- 

other  means,  without  exercising  any  7/i(m  6Vitnci7;"  and  that  of  the  people. 


(i 


u 


'•  a  majority  of  the  votes  in  their  hands ;  and  thus  do  you  peril 
"  your  own  power  and  the  public  liberty !  Tlie  remedy  now 
'•  sought  for  is,  that  these  fourteen  trades  should  be  reduced 
"  to  seven,  and  their  place  in  the  government  be  filled  by  the 
'*  Scioperati  and  greater  arts,  for  thus  we  sliall  exclude  thein 
"  from  the  magistracy  and  none  of  your  measures  will  be 
"  defeated-.  You  know  how  our  fathers  strengthened  them- 
selves by  reducing  the  two  additional  arts  (in  V}S-2)  let  us 
follow  their  example,  and  be  ye  sure  that  if  the  reduction  of 
•*  two  so  helped  them  what  m;iy  we  not  expect  from  a  diminu- 
"  tion  of  seven  ?  It  will  enable  us  to  restore  the  old  nobilitv, 
"  now  no  longer  formidable,  to  their  just  place  in  the  common- 
^*  wealth  and  thus  increase  our  own  power  of  keeping  down  the 
"  people  who  can  never  stand  against  siudi  union  :  and  lastly 
"  it  is  the  province  of  reason  and  prudence  to  make  a  various 
"  use  of  men  in  various  times  and  circunistaiices  ;  to  our  an- 
"  cestors  their  abasement  was  expedient ;  and  so  to  us  is  their 
'^  restoration  }.  .Ml  this  is  easy  to  accomplish  because  the 
"  votes  will  be  in  your  liivour  ;  for  as  inexperienced  men  they 
"  know  not  what  they  want  except  to  accomplish  your  ruin. 
"  They  will  believe  that  with  a  diminished  number  of  trades 
"  the  amount  of  public  power  will  not  be  lessened  and  if  two 
"  arts  be  reduced  to  one  that  single  one  will  enjoy  two  offices ; 
•'  wliich  however  may  not  lie ;  nor  will  their  expectations  be 
"  reahsed  ;  for  as  the  comments  of  him  who  made  the  text  are 
"  with  reason  preferred  to  every  ^ttlicr  gloss,  so  shall  our  own 
"  will,  and  our  own  interpretation  of  the  law,  be  directed  to 
"  one  and  the  same  object.  All  this  is  reasonable.  But  as  a 
"  proof  of  their  ignorance  take  tlie  mode  in  wliich  they  acted 
"when  Bardo  Mancini  was  in  office:  they  then  had  half  of 
"  the  public  honoiu-s  and  often  the  Gonlalon  of  Justice;,  and 


*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  ii". 
f  Ammii-ato,  Lib.  xix.,  ]>.  1028. 


13f>7,  the  minor  arts  hud  already  in 
l'MV2  lost  their  privilege  of  enjoying 
^  This  seems  to  be  an  error.       AVhen     half  of  the    })ublic    magistracies  'and 
Bardo    effected   so    many    reforms   in     were   reduced  to    one   third.       Bardo 


'^^SP 


112 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


113 


"  yet  they  all  voted  like  fools  and  lost  that  which  the  law  had 
"  both  promised  and  given  to  them !      Examine  their  works 
**  and  you  will  find  that  they  are  a  hmtal  ami  a  cruel  race  :  in 
'*  1:378  and  1380  they  made  a  clear  demonstration  of  them, 
"  for  cmelty  reigns  in  the  minds  of  those  who  by  nature  are 
*'  base,  bmtal,  and  cowardly ;  wherefore  you  may  be  assured 
"  that  fear  combined  with  poverty  of  intelh^ct  will  lead  them 
"  to  vote  blindly  against  their  own  interests.      Knights  and 
''  illustrious  citizens,  if  you  imagine  that  past  times  are  \\u 
''  guarantee   for  the  present  because  the  people  took   their 
"  remedy  when  the  office  of  gonfalonier  and  their  own  strong 
**  position  in  the  magistracy  were  taken  fiom  them,  and  that 
"  by  such  demonstration  they  showed  themselves  more  intelli- 
"  crent  than  their  predecessors  ;  wherefore  you  infer  that  this 
'*  frreat  work  for  the  restoration  of  our  eitys  honour  will  nut 
*'  succeed  -•.     Now  I  say  that  to  new  .  ;i-.  .  new  rules  must  be 
*'  applied,  and  difterent  means  and  unwonted  measures  must 
"  be  adopted :    this  emergency   does    not    entirely   resembl* 
*^  those  of  old ;    neither  is  there    that  force   in   the  present 
"  people  which  so  conspicuously  moved  their  predecessors  in 
"  past  times:   besides,  all  laws  however  just  and  elheient,  are 
"  still  subject  to  force,  and  the  sword  beeonu  >  the  last  and  most 
"  competent   arbitrator.       Now,   amongst    j/ou    this    war   has 
•'  placed  the  military  force  and  govenmient,  and  wliere  that  is 
"  there  will  doubtless  be  found  a  rnii* dy  for  every  danger. 
"  because  the  same  citizens  hold  along  with  the  oHence  of  the 
'•  enemy,  the  defence  of  the  connnon wealth  in  their  hands : 
"what  else  then  is  necessaiy  but   to  colleet   tw(.  or  thret 
*'  thousand    inlantr)',    pretend   to   make   a   secret    expedition, 
"  occupy  the  public  place  and  all  it>  avenuts.  cii  tlie  pretext  of 
"  militar}-  inspection  ;  and  then  let  the  Seignory  rouse  up  tin 

Mancini  reanred  tlK-m  to  one  fourth,  coiif^cquent  tumult  of"  the  Cionij*!  oc- 

(Vide  Araminito,  Lib.  xiii.,p.  78.%  ami  currcd  in  the  <.M.ntah.niershii.s  of  An- 

Lib.  xiv.  p.  759.)  ^oni"  Busini  and  Kinildo  (iiantigUiz/i 

*   This  reduction  of  power  and  the  in  1302.    Sec  vol.  ii. 


'  palace  itself  and  demand  all  the  votes  under  cover  of  the 
'  sword  ?  In  this  way  we  shall  come  to  the  right  conclusion. 
'  You  are  certain  that  the  palace  is  with  you  because  this 
'  meeting  is  not  unknown  to  the  Seignory  :  your  gonfalonier 
'  is  the  illustrious  knight  Lorenzo  Kidolfi,  and  from  him  and 
'  from  Francesco  Gianfiglazzi  you  have  permission  to  hold 
'  it.     How  then,  can  you  doubt  of  what  is  necessary^  being 

■  done  for  you  ?    It  only  remains  to  settle  the  plan  and  follow 

■  orders  iind  choose  our  time.  What  honour  could  so  worthy  a 
knight  as  Lorenzo  acfpiire,  if  after  thus  favouiing  us  he  did 
not  foll(»w  up  his  work  ?    Who  can  suppose  that  what  he  has 
already  conceded  has  been  done  so  in  ignorance  or  without 
deep  consideration  of  all  the  ])erils  of  such  an  enteqjrise  ? 
Tliis  is  not  to  be  believed  nor  apprehended;  for  by  nature 
he  is  sagacious,  skilled  in  law  and  science,  and  most  cele- 
brated for  his  learning ;  and  where  natural  ability  unites  with 
profound  knowledgti  and  exjierience  it  may  be  supposed  that 
every  provisii>n  has  been  made  from  beghming  to  end,  and 
that  the  eml  of  such  beginning  will  be  admirable  and  fortu- 
nate ;  and  thus  you  should  have  no  doubt  of  every  precaution 
having  been  taken  to  conduct  a  great  enterprise  to  its  suc- 
cessful coiulusion.     Ihit   what  are  you  doing?     What  are 
you  thinking  of?     Why  lose  a  moment  in  recovering  jonr 
liberty  along  with  tlie  assurance  of  enjoying  your  fortunes 
(juietly  with  your  tamilies?  Of  again  taking  pleasure  in  your 
expenses  and  of  being  the  real  dispensers  of  your  own  pro- 
perty ?     Doubt  not  that  if  you  continue  negligent  and  trust 
alone  to  vows  and   i)rayers  like  weak  and  foolish  women, 
you  will  fall  from  your  high  places  and  perish.     *  Ripe  pears 
do  not  fail  into  the  mouths  of  lazy  pi  js,^--  and  even  irrational 
creatures  tell  you  what  to  do,  for  liow  often  do  you  see  your 
dogs  in  fierce  battle  under  the  dinner  tables  for  tilings  of  no 

*  "^4  Porco pentoso  nmi  cade  !a  pera  mezza  in  bocca.^'' 
VOL.  III.  I 


114 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XX.Vl.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


115 


"  moment  ?  To  you  then,  who  are  men  in  reason  and  intel- 
"  lect,  the  defence  of  honour,  hberty,  greatness,  and  even' 
''  other  enjoyment  is  not  only  expedient  but  necessary  ;  and  if 
'*  need  be  we  must  not  avoid  but  enforce  our  cause  with  arms. 
"  But  to  what  will  these  vile  leaders  resort  ?  Why  the  bakers 
-  will  arm  themselves  with  their  stakes  and  lament  their  injuries 

•  in  comiumy  >vith  your  slaves*;  and  so  the  rest  will  with 
*'  their  customei-s ;  they  will  complain  and  sorrow  at  your 
*'  glory;  and  this  is  the  way  they  will  oppose  you.  What  then 
*'  are  you  about  ?  For  Heaven  s  sake  awake  and  no  longer  be 
'*  rruided  by  such  gentry !  Fortune  fiivours  the  bold  and 
**  shuns  the  timid ;  but  she  rouses  the  sleeper  with  all  the 
"  bitterness  of  wo.  I  have  now  touched  on  eight  principd 
"  points  each  of  which  would  alone  form  a  grt-at  portion  of  the 
'*  matter  wherein  you  have  acted  so  indiscreetly.  Wishing  to 
**  reduce  these  disorders  to  their  natural  level  and  to  ancient 
**  practice  I  hrst  insisted  on  public  and  private  enmities  being 
*'  buried  in  oblivion  and  on  all  being  of  one  mind  and  one  will. 
"  Secondly  I  asserted  that  with  your  ilisscn^ious  and  rivalr}', 
*'  each  striving  to  become  more  fiivoured  than  his  neighbour  ni 
*'  the  eyes  of  your  common  enemy,  you  have  abandoned  all 
"  well-considered  order  only  to  commit  new  errors  ;  so  that 
"  their  names  fill  the  election  lists  imd  tlu-y  cordially  unite  in 
"  your  destruction.  You  have  been  told  wliy  they  thus  hate 
"  Vou;  you  have  heard  of  the  mischief  and  cruelty  of  their 
"  fathers  when  the  govemment  fell  into  their  liands ;  and  of 
"  the  banished,  and  the  e.\iled ;  you  have  Inen  told  of  the 
"  remedy  that  lies  in  your  own  power ;  it  has  been  made  plain 
-  and  manifest ;  and"^  also  how  the  public  government  will 
'-  remain  completely  on  your  side  without  future  danger,  and 
•'  against  which  they  will  be  able  to  make  no  defence.     The 

•  HcreanrlinBuonaccorsoPittrschro-  fifteenth  centuries,  except  as  nien- 
nicle  are  the  only  two  direct  manifcs-  tioncd  amongst  other  property  in  the 
tations  of  the  cxiistence  of  slavery  in     Catasto. 

Florence  during  the    fourteenth  and 


"  power  therefore  is  undoubtedly  hi  your  own  hands  because 
"  amongst  you  are  those  that  can  do  everything  ^.'•.     The  last 
"  thing  that  has  been  shown  you  is  how  Fortune  favours  the 
"  adventurous  and  denies  boldness  to  the  timid  and  fearfid  : 
''  wherefore  hi  everything  she  prays  you,  and  me  along  with 
"  you,  to  settle  the  mode  by  which  worthy  men  may  have 
•'  honourable  places  in  the  commonwealth ;    and  how  these 
-  Iiawkers  may  be   dismissed  to  their  peddling,  and  gain  a 
"  hv4iig  for  their  ffimilies  by  a  total  exclusion  from  public 
"  honours  as  sowers  of  scandal  and  discord  in  the  state.     But 
"  if  a  more  efficient  remedy  can  be  suggested  let  it  be  so  ;  the 
*'  sooner  the  better;  and  let  the  most  useful  be  put  into  imme- 
*'  diate  execution.      By  promptness,  individual  citizens  from 
"  distant  parts  have  often  performed  great  deeds  in  their  own 
"  country  :  let  us  to  work  then  ;  let  what  is  uppermost  in  the 
"  mind  be  efficiently  carried  out  so  that  liberty  may  yet  remain 
"  U)  the  commonwealth  and  its  citizens  '" f . 

After  this  exposition  of  the  state  of  parties,  which  made  con- 
siderable impression  on  the  assembly,  all  eyes  were  turned  on 
Niccolo  da  Uzzano  whose  age  wisdom  and  experience  stamped 
him  as  their  Nestor  in  times  of  difficulty.     Uzzano  proposed 
the  formation  of  a  committee  to  carry  out  the  project,  but  fore- 
saw a  great  impediment   in  the  oi^position  of  Giovanni  de' 
Medici  the  steady  friend  of  the  plebeians,  the  chief  of  his  own 
numerous  and  potent  race,  the  sagacious  counsellor  of  the  arti- 
sans and  even  of  many  rich  and  powerful  merchants  wlio  consi- 
dered him  as  a  father  not  only  of  the  minor  trades,  but  also  as 
their   own  stay  and  champion.     With  his   comitenance   said 
Uzzano  their  course  would  be  smooth,  otherwise  doubtful  and 
almost  hopeless:  Niccolo  therefore  advised  that  an  attempt 
should  be  instantly  made  to  gain  over  Giovanni,  and  Binaldo 
degli  Albizzi  undertook  this  difficult  task.  He  instantly  rei)aired 


*  The  "Died  delta  Ouerra''  or  ten 

ministers  of  war. 

f  Caviikanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  ii. — Mac- 


chiavelli,   Lib.  iv». — Ammirato,   Lib. 
xix.,  p.  1028. 


I2 


t  ^^W%\WISiM^&^ 


116 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


117 


to  the  Medici's  house  and  declared  his  mission:    Giovanui 
listened  to  him  for  some  time  with  great  equanimity  and  then 
quietly  demanded  where  he  had  found  out  that  the  tumults  of  a 
discontented  people  would  produce  peace  and  tranquillity  to  tlio 
commonwealth  ?    His  father  Maso  never  would  have  desired  to 
remove  the  people  from  their  just  position  in  the  republic  except 
to  relieve  the  more  indigent  from  taxation  and  similar  allevia- 
tions, such  as  his  diminution  of  the  salt  duty  and  the  emanci- 
pation of  debtors  from  the  power  of  creditors  while  publi( 
councils  were  sitting,  in  order  that  they  might  freely  exercise 
their  rights  of  citizenship  ;  the  optional  payment  of  tiixatiou 
by  all  those  who  were  rated  at  only  one-third  of  a  florin  ;  and 
the  exclusion  of  bankmpts  from  public  office  as  men  who  were 
no  longer  their  own  masters,  who  moved  and  acted  at  the  will 
of  their  creditors  and  were  generally  full  of  injustice  and  cruelty. 
**  Many  other  public  benefits,"'  added  Gi(»vanni,  "were  due  to 
Maso  degli  Albizzi  and  yet  with  such  examples,  his  son  want> 
to  destroy  the  good  that  such  a  father  had  accomplished  :  '   The 
project  was  therefore  condemned  ;    Kinabli)  w:is  warned  by  tlie 
Medici  of  its  evil  conse<]uences  to  himself  and  othei-s ;  he  was 
told  that  as  unequal  taxation  was  the  cause,  so  a  system  of  just 
imposts  would  be  the  only  cure  for  discontent ;  that  means  must 
be  found  to  accomplish  this  ;   that  he  himself  would  endeavour 
to  leave  the  power  of  the  people  as  he  had  found  it  and  advised 
l^naldo  to  follow  his  example  "'•'. 

The  meeting  of  Saint  Stephen's  had  not  been  so  secret  as  to 
prevent  a  lumour  of  what  had  passed  from  spreading  through 
Florence,  when  immediately  all  the  poorer  citizens  and  artisans 
surrounded  Giovanni  de'  Medici  imploring  him  to  take  the  lead 
at  once  and  rule  the  commonwealth :  but  he  steadfastly  refused 
all  power,  denounced  faction,  advised  quiet  and  order;  and 
declared  his  determination  to  discountenance  any  citizen  that 

♦  Cavaloanti,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  v.— Am-     Pitti,  Dell'  Istoria  Fiorentiua,  Lib.  i., 
mirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.   1030.— Jacopo     p.  15. 


endeavoured  to  create  disturbances.  When  the  result  of  his 
interview  with  Rinaldo  became  known  the  Uzzano  fection  re- 
solved if  possible  to  humble  him  ;  for  although  he  himself  was 
peaceably  inclined,  his  son  Cosimo  and  still  less  his  nephew 
Averardo  were  little  disposed  to  remain  passive  spectatoi-s  of 
public  affairs,  and  both  employed  themselves  most  actively  in 
baffling  the  measures  of  their  antagonists  -. 

Although  the  absorbing  interest  of  the  Catasto  and  the  mili- 
tary successes  in  Lombardy  calmed  down  all  other  agitation  for 
the  moment,  live  years  of  constant  war  had  tired  both  weak 
and  powerful,  rich  and  poor,  and  there  was  an  universal  ciy  for 
the  cessation  of  taxes.  All  asserted  they  could  pay  no  more ; 
the  poor  with  truth  ;  the  wealtliy  not  only  to  destroy  the  former's 
hope  of  having  their  burdens  lightened  by  increased  taxation  on 
themselves  but  also  with  the  notion  of  exhibiting  a  false  example 
of  patience  under  apparent  hardship  to  those  who  were  suffer- 
ing in  reality.  The  tyranny  and  insolence  of  official  minions 
in  collecting  taxes  were  excessive,  but  it  was  rather  their  ine- 
quality than  extreme  and  general  weight  that  fretted  the  com- 
munity ;  this  arose  from  their  arbitrary  distribution  which  now 
becoming  intolerable  an  universal  outcry  for  more  just  imposi- 
tions rang  through  the  commonwealth.  The  Popolani  Grassi 
opposed  this  in  vain :  Giovanni  de  Medici  who  from  his  opulence 
it  was  hoped  w-ould  denounce  the  measure  stood  alone  amongst 
them  in  its  favour,  and  in  June  14-27  the  Catasto  appeared 
amidst  the  shouts  of  an  exulting  people  f . 

The  Catasto  was  a  property  tax,  measured  by  the  income,  at  the 
rate  of  half  per  cent,  on  capital :  whoever  possessed  100 
florins  of  property  above  the  cost  oj  Uvinfi,  paid  half  a 
florin,  and  whoever  had  1000  paid  five  florins;  seven  florins  of 


A.D. 1427. 


*  Mac<hiavclli,  Lib.  iv. — Nerli  Com- 
ment'., Lib.  ii.,  p.  37. — Cavaloanti, 
Lib.  iii.,  caps.  v.  and  vi. — Ammirato, 
Lib.  xix.,  p.  1030. — Confesione  di  Nic- 
rolo  Tinnuci,  MS. 


f  Dom.  Boninsegni,  Memorie  della 
Citta  di  Firenze,  Lib.  i.,  p.  28. — ■' 
Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  viii. — Brute, 
Istor.  Fioien.,  Lib.  i.,  p.  25. 


i 


us 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


declared  income  being  settled  as  the  representative  of  a  hundred 
of  principal  either  in  goods  or  money,  and  fourteen  florins  of 
untaxed  income  were  allowed  as  the  estimated  cu^t  of  mainte- 
nance for  each  individual,  hut  suhject  to  some  after  moditication 
according  to  age  and  circumstances  *. 

To  give  a  clearer  notion  of  this  impost  which  was  followed 
by  the  revolt  of  Volterra  and  other  important  consequences, 
and  as  far  as  our  slender  materials  admit  to  otTcr  a  general 
view  of  the  form  and  nature  of  Florentine  taxation  requires  a 
short  but  distinct  relation  that  will  perhaps  facilitate  tlie  under- 
standing of  subsequent  financial  measures  necessary  hereafter 
to  be  noticed. 

It  may  be  seen  by  the  balance-sheet  of  Florentine  revenues 
given  in  the  last  miscellaneous  chapter  that  in  the  years  F'jOO 
and  1:338  they  amounted  to  upwards  of  30(»,(Hl(i  florins,  and 
the  ordinary  expenses  under  40,(MMI  ;  tliese  revenues  were 
farmed  out  in  1337  but  superintended  by  six  citizens  as  guar- 
dians against  oppression:  such  a  surplus  more  than  covered 
ever}'  extraordinary  and  contingent  expen>«  >••  that  until  1330 
it  rarely  happened  that  any  necessity  arose  either  for  loans  or 
new  impositions  f.  This  revenue  was  principally  drawn  from 
the  duty  on  contracts  and  that  which  under  the  general  deuo- 


*  Cavalcanti,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  iv.,  cap. 
viii. — 25,.500  florins  were  thus  raised 
in  the  city  of  Florence  which  at  half 
a  florin  for  every  hundred  of  principal 
would  make  the  aggnrcgate  of  capital 
Wlonging  to  the  citizens  equal  to 
5,100,000  florins  or  between  5  and  G 
millions  sterling  exclusive  of  the 
estimated  cost  of  living  at  14  florins 
a  head  which  on  a  population  taxed 
for  the  Catasto,  of  37,225  citizens 
would  give  521,250  florins  of  income 
more,  representing  (at  7  florins  of 
income  for  every  100  of  capital) 
7,446,400  florins  additional  capital. 
So  that  the  whole  property  of  the 
Florentine  citizens  may  be  estimated 


at  about  12,.54f»,400^  sterling.  From 
the  first  25,500  florins  must  however 
be  dcjiucted  the  an)ount  of  a  trifling 
pole  tax,  levied  on  all  between  18  and 
60  years  old,  w  hich  would  diminish  the 
14  florins  a  head  for  living  income, 
and  hence  that  basis  of  calculation  ; 
but  not  a  groat  deal.  The  above 
population  nmst  I  tliink  be  taken  ex- 
clusive of  ecclesiastics  and  untaxed 
inhabitants,  wiio  though  subjects  were 
not  citizens,  but  mere  Plehs. — (Vide 
Patjnini,  Delia  Decima,  Sezione  ii., 
cap.  vi.) 

-f-  Ammirato,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  414. — 
Ben.  Varchi,  Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  ix  , 
p.  260. 


ClUP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


119 


mination  of  Gahelle ;  or  tolls  and  customs  paid  at  the  city 
gates ;  was  a  tax  upon  trade,  food,  and  agriculture.  As  comforts 
and  luxuries  increased  they  also  bore  their  burden,  and  much 
pains  were  expended  in  securing  a  fair  imposition  and  prudent 
expenditure  of  public  money.  But  as  war,  that  destroyer  of 
virtue  and  happiness  in  national  society,  became  more  frequent 
and  costly,  more  debt  accrued,  and  to  pay  it,  all  ordinary  re- 
venues were  mortgaged  :  the  contest  with  Mastino  della  Scala 
in  1330,  required  larger  supplies  than  before  ;  and  a  loan  was 
attempted,  intrinsically  light  but  grievously  unpopular  ;  for  the 
peoj)le  as  if  with  an  instinctive  feeling  of  future  wo,  received 
this  unwonted  visitor  with  murmurs  of  fear  and  dissatisfac- 
tion. The  year  1330  may  therefore  be  considered  memorable 
in  Florentine  histoiy  as  the  epoch  of  national  debt  and  dis- 
aster by  the  establishment  of  public  funds  under  the  name 

The  reason  for  resortuig  to  loans  instead  of  direct  taxation 
was  a  desire  not  to  increase  the  Gabelle  at  the  expense  of 
general  industry,  wlierefore  the  government  adopted  a  deceitful 
system  of  borrowing  at  a  certain  annual  interest,  partly  from 
companies  of  Florentine  merchants  and  partly  from  individual 
citizens  to  whom  the  ordinary  revenues  were  mortgaged ;  but 
these  debts  were  gradually  and  punctually  discharged  in  due 
succession.  That  portion  imposed  by  authority  on  individuals 
was  named  ''  Prestanza^'  or  '' Atcatto^^  or  loan",  and  when 
once  estaldished  continued  from  its  nature  to  increase  until 
public  credit  became  exhausted  under  the  augmenting  mass. 
The  distribution  of  these  "  Prestanze  "  rather  confonned  to 
the  nature  of  a  poll-tax  than  to  any  clear  estimate  of  income 
or  property ;  and  sometimes  the  whole  transaction  was  under- 
taken by  a  company  of  merchants  with  all  the  pubHc  revenue 
for  their  security.     Thus  in  the  war  with  Mastino  those  mer- 

•  From  "  Prcestaxfmm  "  a  barbarous     to  the  Glossaries  signified  a  tribute  or 
Latin  word  of  the  time  which  according     forced  loan. 


120 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  xxxi.l 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


121 


111 


chants  who  took  the  loan  received  fifteen  per  cent,  from  goveni- 
ment,  and  borrowed  on  their  o^vn  responsibility  for  eirfht  with 
immediate  payment ;  and  for  Jive  with  engagements  to  pay  up 
at  more  distant  periods  as  the  money  should  be  required ; 
while  those  who  without  ready  money,  but  having  sufficient 
credit  to  borrow  it,  received  twenty  per  cent,  per  annum  =-.  In 
geneml  the  Prestanza  or  Accatto  was  pulilished  by  proclama- 
tion, its  amount  stilted,  and  the  quota  of  each  individual  after- 
wards specified  and  ordered  to  be  paid  at  given  periods  into  the 
public  treasury  with  an  assurance  of  reimbursement  from  cer- 
tain revenues  as  soon  as  all  previous  loans  should  be  discharged 
In  these  cases  it  does  not  clearly  appear  whether  any  hiterest 
were  paid  before  the  principal  was  liijuidated,  or  whether  both 
principal  and  interest  were  paid  together  and  thus  became  a 
marketable  commodity  like  our  own  exchequer  bills.  To  faci- 
litate these  loans  many  expedients  were  adojited  ;  amongst 
others  a  certain  quantity  of  salt  proportioned  to  the  individual's 
taxation  was  granted  at  a  reduced  price  with  a  license  to  dis- 
pose of  it  in  Florence  or  the  contado  for  its  market  value  as  a 
government  monopoly  :  this  was  no  light  favour  if  received  and 
sold  at  the  state  profits,  which  until  ]Maso  degli  Albizzi  reduced 
them  were  above  thirteen  hundred  per  cent.,  that  is  a  prime 
cost  of  1'2  soldi  and  a  selling  price  of  100,  fur  each  staio  or 
Florentine  busheU. 

The  gross  amount  of  a  Prestanza  was  divided  amongst  the 
sixteen  gonfalons  of  companies,  of  which  there  were  four  in 
each  quarter  of  the  city,  in  proportion  to  the  number  and  riches 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  this  was  again  subdivided  by  the  local 
authorities  amongst  individual   citizens.     From  some  unfair 

*  See  Antonio  Pucci,  '■*■  Centiloquio^^  Vcrrhio'"  and  ^^Capitolo  Moi'ak'"  arc 

Canto  xc,  p.    169,   vol.   vi.,   Delizie  8ome  inttrestiri'^r  sketches  of  manners. 

degli  Eruditi  Toscani.     This  poem  is  f  Cavakanti,  Stor.   Fior.,  Appendice, 

a  versification  of  Giov.  Villani's  Chro-  vol.  ii",  p.  4f).'5.      The  gain    on   prime 

nicle  and  ends  in  1373.     Pucci  is  an  cost  by  this   royal  monopoly  in  1834 

enthusiastic  admirer  of  his  country  and  was  about  1 100  per  cent. 
Gio.  Villani ;    but  in  his   "  Mercato 


proceedings  in  these  distributions  great  complaints  arose  about 
a  loan  of  25,000  florins  made  in  138'2,  which  on  another  being 
exacted  in  MOO,  produced  an  attempt  to  remove  their  cause. 
For  this  purpose  a  committee  was  formed  under  each  gonfalon 
to  point  out  where  reductions  ought  in  justice  to  have  been 
made  in  the  former  loan,  in  order  to  guide  the  forthcoming  dis- 
tribution. In  F^OO  therefore  each  gonfalon  sent  four  deputies, 
who,  formhig  altogether  a  board  of  sixty-four  persons,  investi- 
gated the  whole  principle  of  distril)uti(»n  and  sent  their  report 
to  the  government:  this  settled  the  grand  division  amongst  the 
sixteen  gonfalonierships.  The  sub-division  was  first  arranged 
by  seven  local  boards  called  the  '' Sette  Scttine''  or  seven  com- 
mittees of  seven  members  cacli,  who  separately  formed  seven 
distinct  distribution  lists  and  sent  tliem  sealed  up  to  the  prioi-s. 
The  Seignory  then  consigned  them  to  the  monks  of  some  spe- 
cified convent,  who  after  rejecting  the  two  most  severe  and  the 
two  most  moderate  lists  struck  an  average  of  the  remainder ;  by 
which  the  portion  of  each  individual  was  determined  ;  and  of 
this  distribution  distinct  registers  for  every  quarter  and  gonfalon 
were  drawn  up  with  great  care  by  the  above  named  ecclesiastics, 
and  deposited  in  the  treasury  for  puldic  use. 

Taxation  is  never  popular,  and  even  the  form  of  loans  with 
the  promise  of  ultimate  restitution  worked  no  real  cliange  in  its 
character ;  for  being  compulsory  they  checked  trade,  in  which  the 
money  could  have  been  turned  to  greater  advantage.  Where- 
fore to  make  the  Prestanze  more  palatable  as  they  increased  in 
number,  premiums  and  benefits  for  punctual  payers;  pains  and 
penalties  for  sluggards,  defaulters,  and  those  who  had  only 
partially  acquitted  themselves,  were  awarded.  The  benefits 
consisted  in  being  placed  as  state  creditors  on  the  books  of  the 
public  funds  or  ''Libri  del  Monte"  \\\iic\i  in  1345  were  first 
kept  alphal)etically,  and  promised  sure  reimViursement  of  both 
principal  and  interest  within  a  specified  period,  but  varying  ac- 
cording  to  the  original  promptness  of  payment;  and  the  interest 


122 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bo.jk 


thus  acknowledged  ranged  from  eight  to  twenty  per  cent,  per 
annum.  Secondly  in  complete  eligibility  to  eveiy  public 
office  and  honour  ;  and  this  was  probably  the  door  by  which  so 
many  low  and  strange  families  entered  the  republic  and  influ- 
enced all  its  councils,  to  the  great  mortitication  of  the  Popolani 
Grassi. 

The  penalties  were  of  two  kinds ;  one  incurred  l)y  those  who 
defen*ed  their  payments  until  the  last  moment  and  were  there- 
fore placed  last  on  the  public  books ;  the  uther,  against  those 
that  exceeded  the  legal  period  without  any  |)ayment,  consisted 
of  a  more  rigorous  taxation  and  compulsory  nlMMlieiice  with  a 
total  forfeiture  of  the  loan ;  the  loss  of  their  civic  privileges ; 
and  an  entire  exclusion  from  the  benefit  of  public  justice  in 
courts  of  law  besides  the  nullity  of  any  sentence  given  in  their 
favour.  Those  who  had  paid  up  a  tliird  of  their  rate,  if  not 
more  than  two  golden  floiins,  were  exempt  from  the  last  penalty 
but  incurred  the  others  ;  and  thus  many  of  the  poorer  citizens 
were  first  ruined  bv  ai'bitrary  taxation,  then  as  defaulters,  lost 
their  political  privileges,  and  finally  were  oppressed  or  made 
tools  of  by  the  rich,  who  either  paid  up  their  arrears  or  saved 
them  from  ruin  at  the  expense  of  conscience  and  liberty.  Thus 
it  was  that  Cosimo  de'  Medici  acquired  umch  of  his  influence, 
and  actually  purchased  the  Florentine  republic  -. 

A  poorer  class  as  we  have  seen  were  excused  altogether  from 
payment,  except  at  their  own  option  by  a  law  t)f  Maso  degli  Al- 
bizzi,  and  all  defaulters'  names  were  placed  in  a  public  register, 
*'  a  specchio,''  as  it  was  termed ;  which  forfeited  their  right  to 
office  if  elected ;  and  this  was  extended  by  the  Albizzi  faction 
to  those  who  had  failed  in  payment  at  any  time  for  thirty  years 
previous  to  14-21.  But  a  peculiar  feature  in  this  law  was  the 
obligation,  by  which  any  purchaser  of  property  became  liable 
for  all  the  public  debts  of  his  predecessor  due  from  it,  although 
the  latter,  as  it  would  appear,  might  be  actually  sufiering  in 

*  Delia  Rcpublica  Fiorentina  diDonato  Giannotti,  Lib.  i",  cap.  v.,  p.  7G. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


123 


prison  for  them  at  the  time.  Accordmg  to  the  above  regula- 
tions and  under  the  various  names  of  Prestanze,  Prestanzone, 
Accatto,  Balzello,  Lotto,  Sega,  Piacente,  Dispiacente,  Cinquina, 
Settina,  Nonhia,  Decina  and  Ventina,  all  the  loans  between 
1390  and  1427  were  efl'ected.  The  appellations  of  Piacente 
and  Dispiacente  seem  to  have  been  given  in  bitter  mockery  by 
the  people ;  those  of  number  proceeded  in  all  probability  from 
that  of  the  assessors,  like  the  ''  Sette  Settine"  of  1390,  and 
others  called  the  "  Xoriiw  '"  of  1400. 

Pagnini  in  his  researches  on  this  subject  could  discover  no 
existing  documents  which  describe  with  any  perspicuity  the 
particular  rule  and  measure  that  regulated  the  assignment  of 
each  contingent,  either  to  the  gonfalon  or  the  individual ;  so 
that  there  is  ample  grounds  for  belief,  and  the  flict  seems  con- 
firmed by  Cavalcanti,  that  it  depended  on  the  conscience  of 
those  who  presided,  and  therefore  in  a  community  so  distracted 
by  faction  must  have  been  continually  and  excessively  abused. 
No  real  justice  could  have  been  done  by  the  most  impartial 
assessors  without  full  inquisitori;i^l  powers  applicable  to  all  sorts 
of  property,  and  in  professional  incomes  this  Avas  in  Florence 
considered  so  objectionable  that  combined  with  other  causes  all 
attempts  of  the  government  foiled  for  a  long  time  to  establish 
it,  until  the  gi'eater  evil  of  unjust  taxation  overcame  every  other 
consideration ;  and  whether  from  the  opposition  of  rich  and 
powerful  citizens  or  a  prying  injustice  in  its  execution,  this 
method  was  rarely  pursued,  but  on  the  contrary  the  old  one 
generally  adopted. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  first  registration  of 
property  for  the  purpose  of  taxation  was  proposed  by  Count 
Guido  Xovello  in  1200,  and  proved  the  main  cause  of  his 
expulsion ;  but  the  first  real  introduction  of  such  a  measure 
occurred  in  1288,  another  was  ordered  by  the  Duke  of  Calabria 
in  1320,  when  a  foreign  judge  presided  in  each  quarter  of 
Florence  with  the  power  of  examining  seven  citizens  of  the 


1.1^.  wii 


^fm 


124 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


vicinity  on  their  knowledge  of  the  state  of  each  indix  i(hiars  in- 
come and  real  property.  For  each  of  these  a  certain  percent- 
age was  changed,  and  it  hegan  well ;  hnt  the  judges  soon  Itecani. 
corrupt  and  great  hijustice  followed.  A  fourth  attempt  (»t  ihr 
same  nature  w;ls  unsuccessfully  made  in  1:»'>1.  antl  sulix;- 
quently  renewed  uiulorthe  name  nf  "  /></  >V /// :"  then  followed 
a  hearth  tax.  which  ceasing  in  l:i:»:»  wa-  MKvrcd.^.l  hy  a  more 
senous  attempt  at  registratitm  nmlcr  >.  \crc  p.  nahii  s  hoth  in 
the  citv  and  contado  :  hut  the  rapid  <h:nci<'  and  nn  ulation  ol 
property  alone  hatlled  all  attempts  at  jm  lirciimi  ..r  stability, 
and  after  great  expense  and  troulde  it  wa-  ahandoned.  a»  liad 
been  foretold  hy  experienced  citi/en> ;  prohahly  liccau^e  the  pres- 
sure of  extreme  tjixation  had  not  yet  nacli'  d  ii>  ht  iijiit.  Ilii^ 
suems  to  have  heen  the  ])rototype  of  tiie  (  iia-ti  ot  1  l\!7,  and 
is  in  fact  thus  named  hy  Homenico  Bonin>egni  when-  he  telK 
US  that  there  wits  a  discussion  in  the  council>  alM.ut  the  ^rr<  at 
heneth  Floninv  would  derive  from  the  "  r..n-ini(  ti>>n  ut'  a 
table  or  '  Ottnstft'  or  register  where  all  th*  {M.^^es^ioji>  and 
moveable  property  of  the  city  and  contado.  and  ot  tho^  uh' 
resided  therein  shnuld  be  described:  and  it  wa^  ..pposed  by 
manv  ojil  exjurienced  men  as  an  imj»o3silde  thiiii  and  ihii- 
it  turned  (»ut :  for  alter  imieh  writing  an<l  expense  ii  wi^ 
abandoned  *'*. 

Some  <•{■  ihr  most  sagaciou-^  and  rea-onaldf  demands  ot  lin 
(iompi  were  that  sueh  a  register  or  **  Es!nii»»  should  l»e  niu<l«'; 
that  no  forced  lo.ms  should  i»e  levied  f  r  -  \  months,  and  that 
all  people  then  taxed  at  and  un<ler  fnur  tl(<rin-  slimild  br  aband 
tu..-thir'U.  NM  Nharply  was  taxation  felt  by  ih--  1mv\.  r  .  la-^  "1 
rui/.ciis  Mi  those  davs ;  but  this  was  oidv  tli.  r.".t  .f  thai 
rancer  which  spread  afterwards  s<»  widt  ly  t'ni  want  «'i  ^  .in. 
such  regulation.  This  necessity  seenn  always  t..  liave  Imcu 
acknowletlgtMl  in  the  councils  when*  th«'  plebeian  inlluence  was 
greatfbl.  and  an  attempt  was  again   mad.-   m    lU.Mi,   with  ii" 


*  Doiii.  BotiiiiM-gni,  Sloria  I'ior.,  I-il'.  n\.,  yy. 


llf). 


niAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    IIISIORY. 


125 


better  success  than  bef<»re  ;  but  as  the  "  Ksti}no"  had  lon^^  been 
in  actual  ttperation  throughout  the  c<.ntado  it  is  probable  that 
besides  the  in<piisitorial  power  and  its  inevitable  train  (d'altuse, 
the  self-interested  itpposition  <d'  tlie  wialthy  proved  a  main 
obstacle  to  the  introduction  (d*  the  (  atasto  in  any  f(trm  until 
furc«'d  on  them  by  joiblie  indignation-:-,  'iduir  exemptions 
from  taxation,  the  sun  barges  of  the  poor  and  middle  (djisses, 
and  all  the  injustice  tluit  in  ^pii.'  of  rvery  precaution  was  -ure 
to  attend  any  system  ol"  lorced  loans  una«'companied  bv  a 
general  estimation  of  property,  su(di  as  the  ('ata>to  contem- 
plated, wen;  ^('\erely  fill  in  idon-nce:  and  all  these  were 
aggravatral  by  tho  inci-easing  number  of  loans  occasioned  bv 
the  war  with  Thilip,  whi(di  literally  lorced  that  important  act 
into  a  tardv  e\i>it n.o  '. 

If  the  an>^wel•  of  (lioNanni  de'  Modi(  i  to  liinaldo  de-ili  AI- 
biz/i  i^  genuine  he  would  appear  to  havo  be»-n  the  immediute 
author  as  he  certaiidy  was  tin;  most  poweilul  »uj'pnrter  of  the 
(  atilsto.  "  .'//  ///''  '  I'lls  i>f  tjii-  ri'jmhli<\"  said  he,  "  ruttif  from 
iHtsI  HHil  Jill  St  lit  fii.ri  .\  iiiitl  if  IS  iitct  ssiif'if  In  ihris''  siniir  iiiniiis 
firr  ah^iltslini'i  inifnsl  (in>l  miKftud  tu.iiititn  :"  but  the  real 
author  \\a->  I  ili[tp'i  tli  <iliiacceten,  a  man  of  subtle  geniu»  and 
soiuiil  n<'tion'>,  who  lir^t  cunciis.  ,1  and  proptoNed  it,  and  at  the 
same  time  pointed  eut  the  manv  i  \iK  ef  ilic  evi-iin-j  >\-tem  : 
Mijiougst  them  \\iv  fici  of  nnmer-an  nel.lc  familio  being  reduced 
l(t  absolute  povejiy  t  \ e!)  In  \\\r  tilliu'/of  their  owil  lauils  lor  R 
sustenance  :  ihelice  arn^e  the  hatred  of  p(i\(|-l\  In  ri(dies  ;  and 
the  wealthy  wmdd  reilr.  --  nti  wrifue  le^t  tin  \  llanistdNes  s}i,,uld 
l>c  invoKed  in  the  gemial  relMi-inalmn  \ 

Giovamii  de  Mediti  had  al\va\s  hone-tly  paid  the  full 
ainoimt  ef  his  jusi  taxation,  and  to  him  Pagnini  attributes  the 
glory  «if  bringing  this  b(dd  antl  ardtinit>  enterprise  to  a  >ucca->s- 


'   .VmniinilM.  Lilt.  \i.,  p.  aial.  :^   Ainininito,    Lib.    xix.,    p.    lO.'^O. — 

+  Varclii,   Storia    l*"inr..    Lil*.    xiii. —  ru\;il<unti,  Sfcond.  Storia,  \til.  ii.,  Ap 

iVnini.DfUulKi  iiiia, toiiioi  .^  .     :ic  pciitlitL  -!<>,['.   luO. 
I'riiuo,  i»afiini. 


126 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CIUP.  XXM.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


127 


fill  conclusion  :  what  his  real  motives  were  we  know  not ;  whe- 
ther from  genuine  patriotism,  or  from  a  long-sighted  project 
for  exalting  his  family  hy  enslaving  Florence,  as  was  afterwards 
accomplished  by  Cosimo,  is  a  matter  of  doubt  with  many :  two 
very  different  characters  are  given  of  him  but  even  the  least 
favourable  is  full  of  good  qualities.  Therefore  when  enemies 
can  lind  but  little  fault;  when  almost  universal  respect  at- 
tended his  steps  ;  where  a  long  life  seems  to  have  been  little 
troubled  by  ambition  and  was  inistained  by  crime  ;  where  peace 
abroad  and  tranquillity  at  home  were  the  constant  objects  of 
his  mind  ;  where  continual  beneficence  marked  his  steps,  and 
where  his  last  words  to  his  sons  were  a  strong  exhortation  to 
shun  faction  and  neither  seek  eagerly  for,  or  avoid  public  em- 
ployments ;  we  may  fairly  give  Giovanni  de'  Medici  credit  for 
honest  motives  hi  his  political  conduct.  He  was  heard  to  ex- 
claim with  a  joyous  aspect  when  this  great  measure  had  passed 
the  councils,  "  When  the  commonwealth  is  safe  and  the  poiver- 
^"^  less  content^  every  honest  citizen  owjht  to  he  satisfied  '  '^'. 

The  Catasto,  which  derived  its  name  from  the  word  ''  Area- 
tastare  "  to  heap  up  or  gather  together,  was  a  book  containing 
the  descriptions  of  all  persons  and  property  subject  to  taxation 
in  Florence.  It  was  composed  of  four  volumes  arranged  under 
the  heads  of  quarters  and  gonfalons,  and  divided  amongst  the 
four  quarters  of  San  Giovanni,  Santa  Croce,  Santa  Maria  Xo- 
vella,  and  Sa)ito  Spirito.  Sixty  citizens  were  chosen  by  lot, 
out  of  which  ten  were  selected  as  a  committee  of  management. 
In  these  books  they  were  instinicted  to  enter  the  name  of  every 
family  liable  to  be  taxed,  \vith  that  of  each  individual  belonging 
to  it ;  their  age,  health,  capacity,  industry,  trade  profession  or 
employment :  to  describe  their  real  and  moveable  property 
within  and  without  the  citv,  and  even  in  foreij^jn  countries ; 

*  Gattesclii,  Translat".  of  Brnti  Stor.     Lib.  i.,  p.  14. — Cavalcanti,  Lib.  iv., 
Fiorent.,    Lib.    i.,   p.    22,   vol.   i". —     cap.  ix. 
Jacopo  Pitti,  Dcir  Istoria  Fiorentina, 


including  their  ready  money,  credits,  slaves,  cattle,  and  mer- 
chandise ;  and  the  value  of  their  business.  In  like  manner 
other  Catasti  were  formed  for  the  rural  population,  the  various 
societies  of  art  and  learning,  the  foreigners  residing  under  Flo- 
rentine jurisdiction,  and  finally  a  sweeping  one  for  all  other 
persons  not  usually  subject  to  taxation.  In  these  registers 
were  noted  the  profits  made  by  every  species  of  property  ; 
that  is  to  say,  the  quantity  of  food  produced,  with  its  average 
value ;  the  rents  of  lands,  dwelling-houses,  and  other  build- 
ings; and  after  a  general  estimate,  seven  florins  of  income 
were  settled  as  the  index  or  representatives  of  100  florins 
of  capitid,  proportionate  sums  being  placed  against  the  name 
of  every  party.  From  this  valuation  was  deducted  all  neces- 
sar}^  outgoings,  such  as  rents,  just  debts,  the  hire  of  dwelling- 
houses,  shops  where  an  establishment  was  maintained,  the 
value  of  horses  and  mules  kept  for  private  use,  and  200  florins 
of  capital  represented  by  14  of  income  for  eveiy  mouth  they 
had  to  feed. 

After  all  these  deductions  were  made,  half  a  florin  of  tax  or 
the  tenth  part  of  five  per  cent,  on  eveiy  100  florins  of  capital, 
measured  as  above  by  the  income,  was  imposed.  Upon  all  the 
mouths  thus  deducted  who  fell  between  the  ages  of  eighteen 
and  sixty  an  arbitrary  sum  or  poll-tax  of  small  and  limited 
amount  was  levied,  and  varied  according  to  the  estimated 
value  of  their  services,  considered  as  productive  capital.  After 
these  deductions,  if  no  surplus  remained  for  taxation,  the  as- 
sessors wTre  empowered  to  fix  such  a  rate  as  should  be  agreed 
upon  between  them  and  the  tax-payer  ;  wherefore  at  this  point 
the  imposition  became  unequal  if  not  unjust ;  because  it  in- 
fringed on  necessaries,  whereas  superfluities  alone  were  touched 
in  all  superior  stations.  To  sthnulate  the  ^^eople  to  a  fair  and 
honest  exposition  of  their  means  any  concealed  property  was 
liable  to  confiscation ;  and  in  all  cases  of  dispute  the  commis- 
sioners had  a  summary  jurisdiction  without  any  form  of  law. 


128 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


None  of  their  assessments  could  be  diminished  by  any  appeal 
unless  sanctioned  by  the  great  council,  until  the  regular  trien- 
nial period  for  renewing  the  Catasto  had  arrived,  and  this  not- 
withstandinjt  any  deterioration  of  the  property  ;  but  it  might 
be  augmented  without  such  authority  ;  and  a  final  decree  made 
it  illegal  to  levy  any  taxes  not  imposed  according  to  the  above 
regulations. 

The  advantages  of  this  Catasto  were  obvious  and  at  once  felt 
by  the  sutfering  people  :  it  arrested  all  clamour  and  brought 
taxation  to  a  nearer  degree  of  equality ;  but  like  eveiT  other 
form  of  impost  after  a  certiiin  point,  acted  as  a  direct  check  on 
industry-  and  by  its  frequent  recurrence  often  deprived  com- 
mercial enteiinise  of  the  veiy  funds  destined  to  its  fan*  and 
honest  action.  According  to  Antonio  Tucci  the  Prestanzf 
sometimes  came  every  month-,  and  in  the  war  with  Gian- 
Galeazzo  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  llorins  were  paid  over 
and  above  the  sum  that  each  citizen  was  originally  taxed  with ! 
As  much  as  fifty  per  cent  of  each  man's  revenue  had  been  paid 
in  eleven  months,  and  seventy  on  the  whole  year  s  income  ^. 
This,  even  had  it  been  impartially  distributed,  was  almost 
intolerable  ;  hence  the  suffering  and  lamentations  of  Florence  : 
hence  the  accumulated  load  of  public  debt ;  and  hence  the 
ultimate  breaches  of  faith,  and  national  bankruptcy.  To  save 
itself,  the  Florentine  nation  destroyed  public  credit,  and  wa^ 
forced  to  do  so  by  the  consequences  of  her  own  extravagance  ; 
an  extravagance  so  great  that  with  an  ordinary  revenue  of  little 
more  than  three  hundred  thousand  llorins  there  were  spent  in 
war  alone  between  UTT  and  1400  no  less  than  eleven  milliou> 

♦  «  E  quasi  d'ogni  Mesc  una  Prcstanza 
Abbiamo  avuta,  e  ciascuna  riscossa 
Abilmente,"  &c\  CintiloquiOj  Canto  xci. 

And  well  nigh  cv'rj'  month  we  had  a  loan 
And  each  man  ably  paid  his  own. 

t   Jacopo    Pitti,    Storiu    Fiorcntina,     Lib.   i",   p.    15.— Dom".    Boninscgni, 
Lib.  iv.,  p.  719. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


129 


and  a  half  independent  of  ordinary  state  expenses  and  the 
enormous  cost  of  public  buildings  and  other  embellishments, 
which  by  some  authors  are  estimated  far  above  the  prodigality 
of  war,  and  nearly  all  raised  by  these  forced  and  repeated  loans 
on  the  citizens  *.  The  Catasto  therefore  could  not  be  expected 
to  restore  national  credit  nor  pay  off  any  portion  of  the  debt, 
or  even  insure  a  punctual  discharge  of  all  the  interest :  it  only 
gave  confidence  for  the  future  with  present  satisfaction  and  re- 
lief by  a  more  equal  distribution ;  but  commerce  always  suffered 
by  these  continual  drains  on  its  aliment ;  drains  which  imparted 
a  distant  and  doubtful  value  to  money  that  would  have  realised 
far  greater  quicker  and  more  assured  profits  in  trade.  This 
was  so  well  understood  that  the  small  merchants  and  artisans 
who  were  not  taxed  at  a  higher  rate  than  two  florins  of  surplus 
income,  generally  preferred  paying  the  tliird  part  and  losing  it 
while  they  employed  the  remainder  in  trade  than  becoming 
public  creditoi's  with  a  promised  interest  for  the  whole. 

Loans  were  first  made  in  Florence  to  meet  particular  con- 
junctures ;  they  were  repaid  at  stipidated  periods  by  appro- 
priated branches  of  revenue  and  differed  materially  from  the 
rapid  succession  of  *'  Prestanze  "  that  followed  :  they  were  all 
extraordinai-y ;  but  when  once  this  destructive  system  became 
ordinary  and  peraianent  its  character  changed  into  that  of  a 
regular  but  severely  impoverishing  tax,  a  diniinisher  of  profits, 
an  unsafe  investment,  and  a  caterpillar  of  industry,  uncertain  in 
amount  and  variable  m  its  periods :  for  like  our  own  poor's- 
rate  it  was  frequently  repeated  even  to  twelve  and  sometimes 
double  that  number  of  times  in  a  year  f . 

The  nature  of  Florentine  liberty  has  been  made  apparent 
throughout  this  work ;  but  of  the  civic  equality  which  accom- 

*  Varchi,  Storia  Fiorentina,  Lib.  ix.,     venue  being  about  140,175?.  annually 
p.  1 15.    Forty-four  and  a  half  guineas     or  8,700,000/.  in  the  above  period, 
make  1  lb.  Troy,  so  that  1 1 ,500,000     f  Pagnini,  Delia  Decima,  Sezione  ii*, 
florins  are  equal  to  5,373,375/.  of  our    passim.  —  Cavalcanti,  ii*  Storia,  cap. 
money  in  actual  weight  of  metal,  the  re-     xxviii, 
VOL.  in.  K 


130 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


panied  it,  especially  as  affected  by  taxation,  and  of  the  Catasto's 
vast  importance ;  a  more  distinct  idea  may  be  formed  from  the 
smgle  fact  that  Niccolo  da  Uzzano,  the  ablest  and  perhaps  one 
of  the  honestest  of  the  Albizzi  faction,  whose  share  of  taxatiou 
had  never  previously  exceeded  sixteen  florins,  after  the  esta- 
blishment of  that  system  paid  no  less  than  '250,  or  between 
fifteen  and  sixteen  times  the  former  amount !  And  this  exemp- 
tion from  public  burdens  was  audaciously  claimed  by  the  noble 
Popolani  as  a  compensation  for  the  necessar)^  pomp  of  those 
public  offices  from  which  they  so  strenuously  endeavoured  to 
exclude  the  poorer  citizens  and  every  other  man  that  did  not 
belong  to  their  party  *. 

This  great  financial  revolution  was  followed  ere  long  by  the 
death  of  its  illustrious  supporter  Giovanni  de'  Medici, 
A.D.1428.  ^j^^  however  has  not  escaped  the  charge  advanced 
agamst  his  family  of  fomenting  war  for  private  ends.   For  such 
reasons,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  somewhat  doubtfid  confession 
of  Niccolo  Tinuccif,  an  expedition  agamst  Marradi  was  pro- 
moted, and  that  fortress  with  Castiglione  and  all  the  estates  of 
Lodovico  de'  Manfredi  were,  with  the  exception  of  Gattaia, 
unblusliingly  annexed  to  the  republic  ;    even  that  town  was 
ceded  to  the  lord  of  Faenza  who  claimed  it  as  a  family  inherit- 
ance.    Although  a  mere  episode   in  Florentine  history  the 
conquest  of  Marradi,  inasmuch  as  it  was  disgraceful  to  national 
honesty,  merits  some  notice  t- 

*  Cavalcanti,  Storia  Fiorent*.,  Lib.  iv.,  of  seekincr  v\-«r  and  even  the  banish- 

jjii  mem  of  r//ano  while  the  latter  ex- 

t  As  Niccolo  Tinucciaformer  adherent  pressly  praises  him  for  loving  ])cace 

of  the*  Medici,  made  his  "C(Wi/mio>i€0  and  acquits  him,  as    d«.es  Cavalcanti, 

t;era£'a;a»iJ  »a'*  in  September  1 433,  un-  of  seeking  the  downfall  of  anyone. 

der  the  influence  of  a  Seignory  enemies  Yet   Bruto   (Lib.  i",   p.   '20,)   repeats 

to  the  exiled  Cosimo  and  to  procure  this    charge,     on   Tinucci's  assertion, 

his  own  discharge  from  prison  where  with  great     confi<lence     and    evident 

he  had  been  committed  for  high  trea-  satisfaction,    although    a     few    pages 

son    it   may  be  reasonably  supposed  fiirther  on  he  seems  rather  doubtful  ot 

that  his  evidence  was   suited   to   the  this  authority  (p.  51). 

taste  of  his  examiners  and  as  adverse  X  Cavalcanti,  Storiu  Fiorcntina.,  Lib. 

as  possible  to  those  whose  secrets  he  vii.,  cap.   xxxviii.— MorcUi,   Ricoidi, 

was  betraying.     He  accuses  Giovanni  p.  81. 


Shortly  before  the  battle  of  Zagonara  Lodovico  de'  Manfredi 
da  Faenza  son  of  Giovanni  d'Alberghettino,  offered  his  services 
to  the  Florentmes  but  not  being  able  to  come  to  an  agreement 
returned  to  Marradi,  a  strong  mountain  fortress  in  the  Val  di 
Lamone  of  Romagna.     The  subsequent  disaster  of  Zagonara 
made  Florence  more  tractable  ;    Lodovico  s  aid  was  eagerly 
sought  and  with  liberal  offers ;  the  lordship  of  Faenza  if  re- 
duced, being  especially  promised  as  a  place  to  wliich  he  had 
some  family  claims,  and  with  whose  reigning  chief  no  terms 
unsanctioned  by  him  were  to   be    made.      Notwithstanding 
this  the  defeat  of  Niccolo  Piccinino  in  the  Val  di  Lamone 
led,  as  already  mentioned,  to  a  treaty  between  the  lord  of 
Faenza  and  Florence :  indignant  at  this  proceeding  in  which 
he  had  no  voice,  Lodovico  retired  to  Castiglione  and  brood- 
ing over  his  grievances   hesitated  whether  to  remain  steady 
or^jorn  her  enemies,  but  finally  and  unwisely  exhibited  his  ill- 
humour  by  various  petty  annoyances  to  Florentine  trade  which 
his  position  enabled  him  to  offer.     The  Seignory  became  so 
alai-med  at  the  prospect  of  his  admitting  an  enemy  into  the 
Mugello  that  a  resolution  was  passed  to  secure  his  person  : 
after  vainly  tempting  him  for  some  time  to  visit  Florence,  with 
the  most  flattering  promises  and  protestations  of  amity  he,  ni 
an  evil  hour  being  over-persuaded  by  an  old  and  confidential  fol- 
lower, repaired  to  that  city  and  was  instantly  imprisoned.     Such 
a  hostage  secured  the  unwilling  obedience  of  his  clan  imtil  it 
suited  Cosimo  and  Averardo  de^  Medici  with  their  party,  whc* 
now  seemed  to   govern  Giovanni,   to  incorporate  Lodovico  s 
states  with  the  republic.  It  is  asserted  by  Bruto  that  Giovanni 
de'  Medici  loved  war  because  it  enabled  him  to  bind  Florence 
by  her  pecuniaiy  necessities  ;  he,  according  to  this  author,  cal- 
culated on  the  Seignory  being  forced  to  levy  new  taxes  or  bor- 
row from  opulent  citizens,  and  either  of  these  courses  would 
.  favour  his  views  :  being  the  richest  citizen  Giovanni  would 
he  first   apphed  to,  and  while  gaining  public   applause  for 

K  '2 


■IR^Pf^ 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


promptness  in  thus  risking  his  fortune  he  would  be  really 
reducing  the  country  to  a  dependence  on  him  for  its  military 
success  and  thus  acquire  the  power  of  prolonging  hostilities 
at  his  pleasure.  If  on  the  contrary  new  taxes  were  im- 
posed he  could  then  create  a  host  of  dependants  by  loans  that 
would  enable  them  to  pay  their  share  of  taxation.  Thus  either 
by  continual  mortgages  on  the  public  revenue,  which  would  be 
a  daily  augmentation  of  riches  power  and  reputation ;  or  by 
private  loans  to  necessitous  individuals  of  rank  and  influence  who 
would  become  liis  humble  sonants ;  he  was  sure  to  gain.  He 
had  besides  a  number  of  enemies  without  the  means  of  paying 
up  their  share  of  taxation ;  and  as  this  incapacitated  them  for 
public  office  he  would  thus  possess  the  power  of  putting  them 
"  a  Specchio  "  which  necessarily  brought  them  amongst  the 
''  Stracciatiy''  and  being  in  this  way  excluded  from  public  ho 
nours  they  remained  powerless  *.  The  "  Specchio  "  or  mirror, 
was  an  invention  of  Benedetto  degli  Alberti  for  compelling 
great  citizens  to  pay  their  taxes  ;  as  in  his  time  their  power 
and  insolence  were  at  such  a  height  tliat  they  either  effec- 
tually avoided  or  flatly  refused  to  pay.  Public  discontent 
rose  in  proportion  to  the  wrong,  which  became  an  esta- 
blished custom  until  Alberti  in  declaring  that  all  the  great 
citizens  paid  when  they  pleased  but  that  the  greater  the  citi- 
zen the  more  ought  to  be  required  of  him,  proposed  a  law  for 
the  formation  of  a  Specchio  or  book  in  which  were  recorded 
quarter  by  quarter,  and  gonfalon  by  gonfalon,  the  names 
of  all  those  citizens  who  from  not  having  paid  up  their  taxes, 
or  from  any  other  cause,  were  considered  as  public  debtors; 
and  no  one  who  was  "  a  Specchio  "  or  recorded  as  a  debtor 
in  that  book  could  accept  or  exercise  any  public  office ;  but 
on  a  citizen  s  name  being  drawn  for  official  situations,  if 
found  in  the  above  record  it  was  instantly  "  Stracciato  " 
or  torn  up,  and  the  office  forfeited ;  and  this  law  good  in 

*  Bruto,  Storia  Fiorentina,  Lib.  i.,  p.  29. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


133 


theory  was  also  effectual  in  practice  until  made  an  instrument 

of  faction  *.  . 

All  these  charges  were  repeated  with  more  truth  agamst 
Cosimo  ;  but  a  war  on  Marradi,  whether  by  Medician  influence 
or  not  was  decreed  in  the  public  councils ;  Bernardino  della 
Carda  being  named  captain  and  Averardo  de'  Medici  commis- 
sary •  Marradi,  and  soon  after  Castiglione,  with  the  rest  of  Lo- 
dovico's  estates  capitulated  in  the  autumn  of  1428,  but  under 
certam  conditions,  the  principle  of  which  was  this  chieftam  s 
restoration  to  liberty.  As  generalissimo  Bernardino  had  autho- 
rity to  make  any  capitulation  he  pleased ;  but  he  neverthe- 
less  strengthened  himself  with  Averardo's  approbation  and 
Lodovico's  territory  became  a  Florentine  province.  Although 
willing  to  receive  the  spoil,  the  governing  party  was  opposed 
to  the  above  condition  and  shamefully  refused  to  set  the  pn- 
soner  free,  wherefore  Bernardino  although  domiciled  in  the 
countrj'  indignantly  quitted  their  serxice f. 

The  principal  official  adherent  of  the  Medici  was  Martmo 
Martini  notary  or  chancellor  of  the  reformations ;  but  the 
mass  of  Giovanni  s  strength  lay  in  the  middle  and  poorer 
classes  of  citizens :  these  had  neither  forgotten  the  times  of  the 
Ciompi  nor  their  o^ti  grievances  ;  for  the  former  were  compa- 
ratively recent  and  the  latter  still  unremoved.  Incessant  dis- 
cord had  given  no  breathing-time  for  society  to  resume  its 
tone,  the  people  looked  for  a  vindicator,  and  provided  that  he 
only  curbed  the  insolence  of  their  enemies  were  ready  to 
sacrifice  even  their  long  dream  of  freedom  to  present  revenge  : 
they  now  perceived  that  Liberty  was  only  the  rallymg  c^  ot 
personal  ambition  and  themselves  the  mere  instruments  of  its 
accomplishment ;  and  this  at  the  very  moment  that  they  were 

•  Varchi,  Stor.  Fiorentina,  Lib.  viii.,     -Ammirato    Lib.   xix.,  p.   1045.- 

p.  278.-Cavalcanti,  vol.  ii'',  Appen.  Cavalcanti,  f!r\^'^:Z\TL^^^^ 

99  n  MO  and  xviii. ;  Lib.  vu.,  cap.  xxxvui.— 

+  cLessiine  o  Vera  Examina  di  Ser  Ncri  Capponi,  Commcntan  Rer.  Ital. 

Niccoli)  Tinucci,  Notaio  del  X.,  MS.  Scrip.,  torn,  xvni.,  p.  llt)5. 


134 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


flattered  pitied  and  deluded  by  the  craft  of  designing  poli- 
ticians. In  such  a  state  the  despotism  of  one  who  would 
punish  their  oppressors  became  preferable  to  continual  suf- 
fering, and  Giovanni  de'  Medici  who  had  every  necessaiy 
quality  for  such  a  conjuncture  was  welcomed  as  the  people's 
champion. 

The  custom  of  filling  the  election  purses  by  secret  scrutiny 
with  the  names  of  those  citizens  who  for  a  given  number  of 
years  were  eligible  to  public  office  has  been  frequently  men- 
tioned :  every  Seignorj'  lasted  two  months,  and  any  man  who 
once  sat  in  it  became  ineligible  until  the  next  scrutiny  took 
place.  In  order  to  keep  unknown  the  names  of  those  citizens 
which  still  remained  hi  the  purse  after  each  succeeding  elec- 
tion, and  thus  prevent  the  previous  briber}^  of  the  members  of 
government,  the  officers  and  assistants  at  these  periodical 
ceremonies  were  forbidden  by  law  and  by  a  sacmmental  oath, 
to  divulge  the  names  of  the  elected.  For  these  once  known, 
and  those  of  the  bimensal  Seignoiy,  being  successively  with- 
drawn from  the  original  number,  the  chances  could  be  cal- 
culated (particularly  towards  the  termination  of  the  period 
of  scnitiny)  of  who  were  likely  to  be  drawn:  and  as  the 
residue  diminished,  the  facility  of  bribing  increased,  so  that 
when  any  revolution  was  contemplated  it  only  became  neces- 
sary to  wait  for  a  favourable  Seignory  to  insure  its  accomplish- 
ment. This  like  many  other  regulations  was  theoretically 
good  but  easily  circumvented  by  the  same  ingenuity  that  con- 
trived it  and  entirely  rested  on  individual  honesty,  which 
however  will  act  conscientiously  without  the  vain  formality  of 
all  those  oaths  and  legal  prohibitions  that  may  uphold  rights 
but  not  teach  duties. 

Martino  Martini  therefore,  according  to  the  questionable  con- 
fession of  Tinucci  and  the  decided  assertions  of  Bruto,  being 
imder  great  obhgations  to  Giovanni,  revealed  to  him  the  names 
of  those  who  were  in  the  election  purses  and  indicated  all  that 


m        c,.>r..xx..l 


FI.OBEKn>"E   niSTORT. 


135 


he  conceived  would  be  most  likely  to  govern  under  Medic.an 
nfluence      The  scrutinies  of  14-21  and  14-i6  were  m  this  way 
dt"  led  to  Giovanni  and  of  course  enabled  him  to  frame  all 
his  poUtical  and  personal  conduct  with  that  profound  dissimu- 
lation  which  Bruto  attributes  to  him,  and  which  was  absolutely 
„eces.arv  to  work  out  his  designs.      Hence  therefore  his  appa- 
rent disregard  of  office,  whicli  he  knew  would  be  pressed  upon 
him-    his  absence  from  the  palace,  where  he  was  sure  tx.  be 
called ;  his  courtesy,  liberality,  and  general  forbearance :  he 
>vas  powerful,  and  naturally  benevolent;  and  could  afford  to 
be  liberal  because  it  increased  his  strength :  but  nearty  all 
this  might   have   also   proceeded    from  innate   mtegrity   of 
chai-acter  combined  wth  the  spirit  of  the  time  and  the  pobucal 
customs  of  his  country ;  or  it  might  be,  as  Bruto  endeavours  to 
prove,  a  deep-laid  scheme  of  usuiTation  :  the  same  symptoms 
often  attend  the  most  opposite  maladies  *. 

However  this  may  be,   Giovanni  and  Cosimo  de  Medici 
moved  onward  with    mcreasing  power  until  14-28   when  the 
health  of  the  former  began  to  decline,  and  accordmg  to  Bru^o 
and  Tinucci,   his   death  was   accelerated    if   not  caused,  b, 
a  strong  apprehension  of   what  might  personally  happen  to 
him  by  the  sudden  dismissal  of  Martino  from  office  and  lus 
own  exclusion  from  the  public  palace  which  had  just  been 
decreed  \.     If  he  had  ever  been  base  enough  to  use  Martmo  s 
treachery  as  the  instrument  of  his  own  exaltation,  tiie  sudden 
fall  of  this  man  gave  sufficient  cause  for  fear  because  the  torture 
which  usually  followed  suspicion,  woidd  have  elicited  aiiy  tale 
the  torturers  required:  but  the  testimony  of  Giovanni s  great 
antagonist  Niccolo  da  Uzzano  one  of  the  best  and  ablest  of  the 
Albizzi  faction  is  far  less  questionable  tl>an  the  prejudu-e  of  a 
Venetian  writer,  or  the  mterested  evidence  of  a  discarded  fnend 

Tu    -o     TTlnrPtitine    Lib.  i.,  p.  31.— Tinucci, 
.  Bruto,  Istor.  Fiorentma,  L.b.  .»,    ^Xllone.  -  Ammirato,  Lib.  .i... 

t  Gio.Cambi,  p.  133.-Bruto,  Istorie    p.  1047. 


KW'SI^SPi^i 


136 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[cook  1. 


and  state  prisoner,  whose  principal  object  was  his  own  delivei*ance 
from  torture  and  incarceration*. 

Feeling  the  approach  of  death  Giovanni  assembled  bis 
friends  and  kindred  and  thus  addressed  Cosimo  and  Lorenzo. 
'•  My  beloved  sons,  neither  I  nor  any  other  person  that  enters 
"  this  world  should  grieve  at  the  exchange  of  mun- 
"  daue  anxieties  for  eternal  repose.  I  feel  that  my 
*'  last  hour  draws  nigh,  and  from  what  might  alarm  timid 
"  women  and  cowardly  men,  I  draw  comfort;  because  it  comes 
*'  in  the  course  of  nature  and  not  from  my  own  imprudence. 
"  To  this  I  owe  my  length  of  years,  and  I  have  more  than 
*'  my  share  of  fortune  when  I  consider  how  joyfully,  in  the 
*'  triumph  of  peace  and  victory,  my  last  movement  is  made 
*'  from  mortal  to  immortal  life.  1  leave  you  with  the  ample 
"  riches  which  God  and  my  own  exertions  have  given  me 
*'  and  which  your  excellent  mother  has  so  much  assisted  to 
*'  acquire  and  preserve.  I  leave  you  with  the  fairest  prospects 
"  that  ever  Tuscan  merchants  had;  with  the  favour  and 
"  benevolence  of  every  worthy  citizen  and  the  affection  of  a 

people  which  has  ever  chosen  our  family  as  their  polar  star; 

and  if  you  forsake  not  the  customs  of  our  progenitors  the 
"  people  ^vill  always  favour  you  and  confer  their  dignities 
"  upon  you.  In  order  to  secure  this  be  compassionate  to  the 
"  poor  and  assist  them  with  your  alms  ;  to  the  rich  be  gracious 
"  and  obliging,  especially  if  in  honest  adversity.  Never  give 
"  your  counsel  against  the  people's  will,  unless  they  are  bent 
"  on  ignoble  or  impolitic  actions.  I  advise  and  I  pray  you  not 
"  to  frequent  the  public  palace  so  as  to  make  it  appear  like 
"  your  shop,  but  rather  wait  until  called  upon  by  the  palace 
"  itself,  and  then  be  zealous  and  obedient  to  the  Seignory :  let 
"  your  counsel  be  friendly,  not  dictatorial;  and  be  not  rendered 
"  proud  and  arrogant  by  public  honours  or  popular  applause. 
"  Exert  yourselves  to  keep  the  people  at  peace  and  the  markets 


(( 


(( 


*  Confessione,  &c*,  di  Niccolo  Tinucci. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


137 


u 


(( 


<i 


abundant :  avoid  being  seen  in  the  law  courts  lest  your  pre- 
sence should  endanger  justice ;  for  whoever  proves  an  obstacle 
to  justice,  by  justice  will  ultimately  perish.     I  leave  you  free 
"  from  any  moral  stain  because  by  me  none  has  ever  been 
"  acquired ;    I  leave  you  the  heirs  of  glory,  not  of  infamy. 
"I  leave  you  with  cheerfulness;  but  I  should  be  still  more 
"  happy  if'l  did  not  see  you  mixed  up  with  sects  and  factions. 
"  To  your  care  I  commend  Nannina  my  wife  and  your  mother; 
"  see  that  my  death  diminish  not  her  accustomed  honours  and 
"  respect ;  and  when  I  am  no  more  do  you  my  children  pray 
"  to  God  that  he  may  be  the  salvation  of  my  soul :  and  now 
"  take  my  paternal  blessing ;   and  thou  Cosimo  be  kind  to 
"  Lorenzo  ;  and  thou  Lorenzo  be  obedient  to  Cosimo  as  if  he 
"  were  thy'father."      Having  concluded  this  discourse  after  a 

few  hours  he  died  *. 

Giovanni  must  be  considered  as  the  founder  of  Medician 
greatness :  before  his  time,  although  an  illustrious  influential 
family  and  occasionally  distinguished  in  national  politics,  they 
were,  with  the  exception  of  Salvestro  and  Vieri,  historically 
miim'portant.  After  Giovanni  their  stur  shone  with  fitful  but 
enduring  brightness ;  veiled  in  clouds  or  obscured  by  storms 
its  light""  still  streamed  through  the  murky  atmosphere  of  na- 
tional politics  until  it  finally  settled  into  a  steady  but  falla- 
cious  ray  which  rather  dazzled  than  enlightened  the  worid. 
Giovanni  was  a  long-sighted  and  sagacious  man  who  knew  his 
fellow-citizens  and  the  way  to  lead  them  ;  who  saw  then'  errors 
and  had  the  prudence  to  avoid  them  by  steering  a  steady  but 


*  This  report  of  Giovanni's  last  words 
taken  from  an  old  MS.  in  the  author's 
possession  agrees  nearly  word  for  word 
with  that  given  hy  Cavalcanti  and 
nearly  so  with  Ammirato's  account : 
Macchiavelli's  though  abridged  is  sub- 
stantially the  same  ;  and  as  Ammirato 
says  that  he  had  seen  it  in  MSS.  older 
than  Macchiavelli's   birth,  it   is   evi- 


dently no  fanciful  oration.  (Vide 
MS. ' Memorie  di  Oiovanni  di  Ave- 
rardo  detto  Bicci  de"  Medici,  aUa 
viorte  smt  nelly  1428  {U2^).— Caval- 
canti, Stoma  Fiorentina,  lAh.  v., 
cap.  iii.,  ^<^.  awrf  since  printed. — 
Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,p.  \0A7.—Mac- 
chiavelli,  Storia  Fiorentlna,  Lib.  iv"., 
also  Toscaria  lllastrata. 


138 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


unusual  course.     He  made  his  own  fortune,  knew  the  force  of 
gold,  and  whether  artfully  or  undesignedly,  worked  it  through 
all  the  intricacies  of  Florentine  character  into  a  mightv  and 
extended  web  which  ultimately  enveloped  the  liberties  of  Flo- 
rence.   His  nature  was  benevolent :  and  he  soon  perceived  that 
popularity  would  do  more  than  pride,  generosity  than  avaiice ; 
beneficence  than  rapacity:  and  as  he  naturally  leaned,  even 
by  the  admission  of  his  enemies,  towards  these  virtues,  inclina- 
tion and  interest  spontaneously  imited  for  his  advancement; 
other  men's  misfortunes  served  but  as  a  foil  for  his  own  virtues 
and  as  such  he  may  have  used  them.     Apparently  unsolicitous 
and  even  unambitious  of  honours  he  yet  enjoyed  their  sub- 
stance, and  sagaciously  based  the  greatness  of  his  family  on 
pubUc  affection.     His  ambition  was  perhaps  less  personal  than 
prospective;  less  for  himself  than  his  posterity,  for  he  well 
knew  the  talents  of  Cosimo ;  and  while  he  steadily  upheld  the 
people  s  rights  and  opposed  the  rich  Popolani  he  appears  to 
have  escaped  the  general  hatred  of  the  latter.    His  own  interests 
were  apparently  so  identified  with  the  public  good  that  his  mea- 
sures were  generally  popular,  and  he  thus  laid  deep  foundations 
for  that  edifice  of  family  gi'eatness  which  Cosimo  was  destined 
to  erect  and  Lorenzo  to  finish.    What  Giovanni's  secret  motives 
were ;   whether  for  himself  or  his  descendants ;    or  whether 
they  resulted  from  innate  moral  rectitude  we  know  not,  for  few 
have  been  so  differently  represented ;  but  they  wore  the  garb 
of  virtue  ;  and  the  following  character  from  Ids  great  and  able 
opponent  Xiccolo  da  Uzzano,  a  man  whom  say  Bruto  and 
Tinucci  he  attempted  by  every  means  to  ruin  and  drive  into 
exile,  may  not  be  liditlv  treated ;  nor  should  the  motives  and 
actions  of  his  successors  be  suffered  to  cast  retrospective  oppro- 
brium on  his  name*. 

"  This  illustrious  man,"  said  Uzzano  with  tears  in  his  eyes, 
as  we  are  told  by  Cavalcanti  a  cotemporary  historian  "  this 

•  Tinucci,  Confessione,  &c. — Bruto,  Storia  Fior.,  Libro  i**,  p.  25. 


CHAP,  xxm] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


139 


-  illustrious  man  loved  the  good  and  pitied  the  bad,  for  he 

-  held  that  the  latter  were  unfortunate,  the  fomer,  nrtuous 
"  only  by  divine  grace  and  their  own  exertions.     This  man 

-  never  complained  of  other  citizens,  and  no  one  had  any  com- 
"  plaint  against  him.     He  was  ever  compassionate  to  the  poor 

-  and  was  the  succour  of  the  rich ;  a  striver  against  the  ad- 
"  versity  and  a  friend  to  the  prosperity  of  men  wherever  shame 
"  did  not  thereby  attach  itself  to  the  unfortunate  person  or  the 
"  repubhc.  His  hands  were  always  clear  of  bribes,  and  he 
"  chose  rather  to  make  others  great  than  to  be  made  so  himself 
"  by  any  man.     He  never  asked  for  preeminence  in  the  state, 

-  but  strenuously  exerted  himself  for  the  exaltation  of  others. 
"  The  less  he  demanded  the  more  he  received :  he  never  went 
«  to  the  palace  except  when  summoned :  he  ever  deprecated 

-  war  and  favoured  peace,  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  Never 
"  did  he  ask  any  reward  for  the  benefits  that  he  had  conferred 
"  on  the  community,  and  they  were  great  and  many;  wherefore 
"  let  none  of  you  his  kinsfolk  weep,  or  lament  his  loss ;  because 

-  a  man  so  just  leaves  you  rich  in  glory,  and  you  are  made 

-  more  illustrious  by  the  death  than  by  the  life  of  so  good  a 

-  pei-son ;  it  is  after  death  that  works  are  made  manifest.  But 
"  thou,  0  city  weep !  thou  hast  cause  to  weep,  and  to  clothe 
"  thyself  in  sorrow  and  vexation  ;  for  even  as  thy  walls  encircle 
"  thy  people,  so  did  the  virtues  of  this  man  adorn  thy  citizens. 
"  This  city,  deprived  of  his  light  remains  in  darkness ;  but 
"  those  remedies  that  the  Almighty  God  and  good  men  have 
"  conceded  to  us,  to  them  we  must  have  recourse  and  implore 
-  the  most  high  and  immortal  Creator  that  as  he  vouchsafed 
"  the  grace  of  giving  us  so  just  a  man,  he  may  now  please  to 
"  crown  him  with  divine  and  everlasting  glory"*. 

Such  is  the  praise  of  a  political  enemy  addressed  to  the  two 
sons  of  the  deceased  at  a  time  when  death  exile  and  rum  were 
generally  the  consequences  of  political  defeat ;  and  if  msmcere, 

*  Cavakanti,  Storia  Fioreiitina,Iib.v.,cap.  iv. 


140 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[boor  I. 


■which  Uzzano  s  character  forbids,  it  was  a  mockery  too  cruel 
and  insulting  to  be  addressed  with  impunity  in  the  first  moments 
of  affliction,  even  by  that  powerful  chief,  to  such  a  man  as  Cosimo 
de'  Medici. 

Giovanni  was  tall  and  well  knit,  with  a  long  face  and  dark 
complexion  but  not  much  colour.  He  had  more  humour  than 
was  promised  by  a  melancholy  countenance,  and  was  gracious 
when  in  office;  not  eloquent,  because  unendowed  by  nature 
with  lingual  fluency,  but  a  clear  arguer  and  sagacious  counsellor 
on  public  measures.  He  received  general  praise,  and,  says 
Cavalcanti,  if  his  rival  lauded  him  so  eloquently  what  must 
have  been  the  eulogiums  of  his  friends  !  Yet  it  must  not  be  sup- 
posed that  the  rest  of  Uzzano  s  faction  had  their  leader's  mag- 
nanimity ;  as  an  individual  he  was  generally  regretted,  but  he 
had  been  an  impediment  and  a  formidable  rival,  sins  not  easily 
forgiven,  and  his  memory  suffered  accordingly.  Giovanni  is 
praised  by  his  friends  for  never  having  sought  the  downfall  of 
any  man  but  only  his  owti  legitimate  exaltation,  and  that  by 
simple  gentleness  of  conduct  which  according  to  its  real 
motive  might  be  either  pure  Christian  virtue  or  a  deep  and 
artful  policy*. 

The  latter  part  of  IA'2^  and  the  commencement  of  the  pre- 
sent year  were  also  distinguished  by  some  liberal  commercial 
advantages  granted  to  Siena,  less  from  any  good-will  or  broad 
views  of  trade  than  with  the  object  of  securing  her  friendship 
through  fear  of  Visconte,  and  perhaps  with  some  relation  to 
their  own  design  of  punishing  Lucca  for  her  treacherous  conduct 
in  the  late  war.  These  were  followed  l^y  a  modification  of  the 
duties  on  the  produce  of  Ilomania  and  the  rest  of  Greece,  in 
order  to  attract  the  commerce  of  those  countries  to  Pisa,  wliich 
however  did  not  flourish  under  Florentine  dominion.  A  law 
against  buying  and  selling  by  any  but  Florentine  weights  and 
measures  also  distinguishes  this  period  as  well  as  the  creation 

*  Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  v. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


141 


of  an  office  called  "  The  Conservators  of  the  Laws  "  composed  of 
ten  citizens  and  rendered   necessary  by  the  neglect,  oppres- 
sions, and  general  maladministration  of  public  offices.    Like 
most  Florentine  reforms  it  worked  well  for  some  years  by 
creating  a  strong  and  wholesome  fear  of  its  authority ;  but  a 
good  spirit  is  more  easily  invoked  than  permanently  maintained, 
and  reforms  only  last  until  Imman  ingenuity  has  had  time  to  cir- 
cumvent them  :  this  was  remarkably  the  case  in  Florence,  and  is 
perhaps  what  impressed  Macchiavelli  so  strongly  with  the  ne- 
cessity of  periodically  reducing  institutions  to  first  principles*. 
Some  severe  enactments  were  also  about  this  period  renewed 
which  excluded  illegitimate  children  from  all  public  honours 
and  offices,  laws  essentially  unjust  without  the  advantage  of 
efficiency ;  but  a  milder  spirit  shone  forth  perhaps  from  the 
ascending  influence  of  the  Medici,  in  the  restoration  of  the 
long-persecuted  Alberti  to  their  native  city  ;  and  an  attempt  to 
recover  that  city  and  contado  from  the  injuries  of  war  by  allow- 
ing all  foreigners  who  settled  there  to  hold  real  property,  shows 
that  the  country  suflered  in  its  population  more  severely  than 
appears  on  the  surface  of  historical  records  ;  but  this  law  ceased 
in  1454  f. 

The  Catasto  was  too  searching  a  medicine  for  opulent  citi- 
zens to  swallow  in  peace,  and  Giovanni's  death  became  a  signal 
for  fresh  discussions  ;  but  even  before  this  they  had  used  eveiy 
art  to  make  it  hateful  and  while  enforced  with  unusual  severity 
at  home  they  insisted  that  the  whole  territory  beyond  the  con- 
tado should  be  made  sul)ject  to  its  action  ;  this  was  ostensibly 
to  reach  a  mass  of  property  said  to  be  held  by  Florentine  citi- 
zens under  other  names,  but  really,  as  was  believed,  to  make 
the  measure  still  more  unpopular:  nor  is  this  unlikely,  for 
Niccolo  da  Uzzano,  no  friend  of  the  Catasto,  directly  supported 
the  proposal,  while  Giovanni  and   Cosimo  de'  Medici  were 

•    Boninscgni,  Istor.   Mcmorie   della     f  Confessione,  &c*,  di  Tinucci,  MS. 
Citta    di  Fircnze,  Lib.  i",  p.  31.—     — S.  Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1046. 
Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1046*. 


i^ms 


142 


FLORENTTNE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


strong  in  opposition.  The  poorer  classes  of  Volterra  were 
generally  favoumble  to  this  system,  but  the  richer  citizens  as- 
serted their  national  equality  with  Florence ;  declared  them- 
selves allies  under  her  protection,  not  subjects;  and  stoutly 
refused  to  suffer  any  breach  of  the  international  convention 
which  guaranteed  an  independent  self-government.  The  ques- 
tion ;  probably  tlirough  the  influence  of  Giovanni  de'  MecUci; 
was  at  first  decided  in  their  favour,  but  ultimately  against 
them;  and  after  much  discussion  eighteen  of  the  principal 
citizens  who  had  been  sent  to  plead  the  cause  of  Volterra  were 
imprisoned  for  refusing  to  abide  by  the  decree  :  their  incarcer- 
ation lasted  six  months  until  wearied  out  with  sutfering  they 
bv  the  advice  of  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  yielded  to  the  obnoxious 
demand*. 

The  deputies'  return  did  not  calm  Volterra  but  on  the  con- 
trary increased  the  agitation  ;  they  were  at  once  accused  of 
sacrificing  their  countrj-'s  cause  to  personal  inconvenience  and 
the  people  called  loudly  on  Giovanni  Contugi,  a  citizen  of  some 
note  to  head  an  insurrection.  Contugi  pmdently  declined, 
yet  proposed  Giusto  Liuidini,  a  yoimg  and  pojudar  citizen  of 
humble  origin  but  unquiet  and  aspiring  character,  in  his  place : 
he  had  little  difficulty  with  Giusto  who  havhig  bein  one  of  the 
imprisoned  deputies  burned  to  revenge  liis  inihvidual  wrong 
and  was  nobly  ahve  to  all  the  glor>^  of  emancipating  and  mling 
his  native  country.  The  revolt  soon  becaine  general ;  Giusto 
assumed  the  government ;  the  Anziani  acquiesced  fur  the  mo- 
ment ;  and  the  cry  of  liberty  and  inde[»endence  was  echoed 
from  the  ancient  battlements  of  Volterra:  this  news  flew 
rapidly  to  Florence ;  a  commission  of  ten  was  immediately 
nommated  to  quell  the  revolt ;  but  the  country  was  at  peace, 
and  the  people  were  not  alarmed.  ^ 

•  Neri    Capponi,    Commontarj    Rer.  Stor\  flclla  Tosrana,  Lib.iv.,  rap.  ix.— 

Ital.  Scrip,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  llGt).— Gio.  Cavalcanti.  I/ih.^v,,  cap.  vi.— Cauihi, 

Morelli,    Ricordi,  p.  82.— Ammirato,  1st.  Fior.,  p.  177. 
Lib.  xix.,  pp.  1048,  1049.— Pignutti, 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


143 


Amongst  the  ten  of  war  were  Niccolo  da  Uzzano,  Pdnaldo 
de^li  Albizzi,  Palla  Strozzi,  and  Puccio  Pucci  the  friend  and 
able  adviser  of  Cosimo  :  Palla  Strozzi  and  Rinaldo  were  made 
commissaries ;  and  Nicolas  Fortebraccio  called  Niccolo  della 
Stella  who  then  happened  to  be  at  Fuceccliio  with  his  followei-s, 
was  appointed  general  of  the  Florentines.     They  soon  laid 
sie^e  to  Volterra  and  had  Pomerancia  and  all  other  dependen- 
cies in  their  favour,  but  a  general  amnesty  was  offered  on  con- 
dition of  surrender ;  Giusto  confident  in  the  strength  of  liis 
position  and  the  public  union  resolved  on  defence  but  demanded 
assistance  from  Lucca  and  Siena ;  the  latter  refused  as  an  ally 
of  Florence ;  and  Paulo  Guiuigi  of  Lucca  still  dreading  her 
resentment  for  his  treachery  in  the  Milanese  war,  not  only  fol- 
lowed this  example  but  made  a  merit  of  revealing  to  Florence 
what  she  was  already  acquainted  with*. 

Clamours  against  the  Catasto  and  its  unjust  extension  to 
Volterra  were  loudly  and  industriously  echoed  by  its  more  opu- 
lent enemies  at  Florence  in  order  to  increase  their  own  ranks 
and  destroy  this  saluUiry  act ;  but  the  poorer  people  of  Volterra 
who  saw  its  justice  and  required  its  protection,  declared  their 
(tood-will.     They  were  informed  that  Florence  did  not  wish  to 
Ux  their  property  but  only  that  of  Florentine  citizens  fraudu- 
lently concealed  under  Volterranian  names ;  that  native  rights 
would  not  be  disturbed,  and  that  truth  alone  was  sought  for, 
without  which  justice  became  impossible  f.     Meanwhile  the 
aspect  of  affairs  began  to  alter  in  Volterra  :  Ercolano,  the  bro- 
ther or  kinsman  of  Contugi,  seeing  no  prospect  of  success  deter- 
mined to  propitiate  Florence  by  the  murder  of  Giusto  and  the 
consequent  temiination  of  hostilities  :  wherefore  on  the  seventh 
of  November  1421f  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  citizens  he  sought 
an  interview  with  this  chief  who  being  a  man  of  frank  and 
feariess  character  and  heedless  of  danger,  especially  from  Con- 

*  Orl°.    Malavolti,    Stor.    di    Siena,     f  Cavalcanti,  Storia  Fiorent.,  Lib.  v„ 
Parte   iii%    Lib.   ii".  — S.    AmniinUo,     cap.  viii. 
Storia,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1031. 


144 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tugi  s  brother,  was  walking  half-armed  in  the  apartments  of  the 
palace  :  Ercolano  led  him  in  earnest  conversation  amongst  the 
conspirators  by  whom  he  was  almost  instantly  despatched,  but 
not  before  several  had  fallen  under  his  determmed  hand.  The 
corpse  wrapped  in  a  mantle  was  cast  from  the  palace  wnidows 
and  his  followers  token  l»y  sui-prise  and  terror-struck  gradually 
disappeared;  Volterra was  offered  conditionally  to  the  Florentme 
commissaries  and  everything  fell  back,  not  to  its  former  state 
of  freedom,  but  with  an  additional  fortress,  the  uievitable 
Catasto,  a  diminished  territory',  and  lost  independence  --. 

At  Giovamii's  death  Cosimo  became  at  once  the  leadmg 
citizen  of  Florence  :  Uzzano  was  verging  towards  the  grave ; 
Rinaldo  degli  Albizzi  with  great  talents  and  all  the  influence 
of  his  fathers  name  was   intellectually  inferior  to  Cosimo; 
prouder ;  perhaps  more  honest ;   but  infinitely  less  opulent ; 
Neri  Capponi  deservedly  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  and  had 
strong  personal  influence  both  from  his  own  and  his  fathers 
virtues  but  was  comparatively  poor;  his  power  therefore  was 
less  anrl  had  it  been  more  he  might  have  been  too  honest  to 
use  it  with  the  unscnipulousness  of  Cosimo.     The  latter  was 
invariably  supported  by  his  cousin  Averardo  and  Puccio  Pucci 
a  citizen  of  low  rank ;  both  men  of  talent,  but  the  last  preemi- 
nent   and  the  first  compensating  in  boldness  and  energ}^  for 
what  he  lacked  of  superior  genius.     AVithout  the  advice  of  these 
two  says  Bruto,  "  Cosimo  never  moved  a  leaf."     At  his  acces- 
sion to  power  Cosimo  found  the  city  distracted  by  political  fac- 
tions and  had  himself  been  no  idle  spectator :    he  at  once 
aspired  to  lead  the   people  and   govern   the   commonwealth 
ac^ainst  all  the  opposition  of  the  great  and  he  possessed  the 
requisite  qualities;  youth,  sense,  genius,  a  powerful  eloquence, 
becoming  gravity,  constancy  of  purpose,  gentle  manners,  end- 
less riches,  Uberality,  splendour,  and  a  solid  magnificence  m  his 

*  Oio.  Morelli,  Ricordi,  p.  82.-Ca-  p.  178.-Neri  Capponi,  Cpn^n^ejijarj, 
valcanti,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  xiv.-Macchia-  Rer.  Ital.  Scnp.,  torn,  xvm.,  p.  1100. 
velli,   Lib.  iv.— Gia.  Canibi,  Istone, 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


145 


establishment;  all  these  caught  the  favour  of  the  multitude, 
and  the  more  so  because  he  was  considered  as  their  own.  His 
ambition  too  was  veiled  under  an  unassuming  courtesy  of  de- 
meanour which  in  so  distinguished  a  person  won  every  heart 
but  did  not  blind  the  eyes  of  his  enemies,  for  his  power  over 
the  lower  classes  whenever  it  suited  him  to  agitate  shook  the 
magisterial  authority  to  its  centre.  Tlius  the  union  of  princely 
riches  and  more  than  princely  talent ;  the  memory  of  paternal 
fame ;  his  frank  and  social  bearing  which  put  no  distance  be- 
tween him  and  his  fellow-citizens ;  his  extensive  charities  and 
general  beneticence  as  well  as  the  peculiar  times  hi  wliich  he 
lived,  when  the  whole  nation  was  ready  to  be  bought ;  all  con- 
spired to  lay  the  foundation  of  that  great  power  wliicli  mider- 
mhied  republican  liberty  and  in  his  cliildren's  hands  completed 
the  su1)jugation  of  their  countr}'.  Yet  says  Bruto  ;  and  his 
favourable  testimony  to  a  Medici  is  important ;  "  All  the  au- 
thors of  those  times  agi'ee  that  no  man  in  any  city  into  whose 
hands  public  liberty  ever  fell  was  able  by  arms  and  violence  to 
acquire  that  authority  to  which  Cosimo  in  a  free  city  and  in  a 
cause  hateful  to  all  (wliicli  greatly  increased  his  difficulty) 
achieved  by  public  favour  and  esteem  "="'^.  Nor  was  it  easy 
even  for  those  who  had  succeeded  in  penetrating  his  intentions 
and  discovering  his  real  o])jects  to  rebuke  or  repress  them : 
they  were  checked  by  a  certain  air  of  blended  gravity  and 
moderation  that  never  outstepped  the  bounds  of  civic  equality 
and  either  deceived  or  disarmed  the  greater  part  of  his  coun- 
trymen. 

No  sooner  was  Niccolo  Fortebraccio  again  left  free  by  the 
submission  of  Volterra  than  he  retired  to  his  old  quarters 
about  Fuceccliio  and  recruitnig  his  army  with  half  the  ruffians 
of  Tuscany  whom  he  allured  to  his  standard,  prepared  in  the 
month  of  November  to  ravage  Lucca.  To  this  he  was  probably 
encouraged  by  the  known  anger  of  Florence  against  that  state 


Bruto,  delle  Istorie  Fiorciitine,  Lib.  i ',  p.  33. 


VOL.  in. 


146 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAF. 


xxxr.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


147 


and  the  prospect  of  being  adopted  as  her  general ;  but  h.s 
ostensible  reason ;  for  even  these  lawless  miscreants  alleged 
reasons  for  their  deeds ;  ^as  to  recover  some  arrears  o  money 
due  since  U18  to  his  uncle  Bracoio  da  Montone  ot  whom  he 
was  the  heir*.     Ta.do  Guiuigi  from  whom  tins  money  had 
been  simikrly  extorted  by  Bracoio,  despatched  Jacopo  \  iviaui, 
,a  man  ^vhose  life  he  had  formerly  spared  lor  a  conspuacy  to 
murder  him)  with  complaints  against  ForteUacr.o  s  conduct : 
the  ambassiidor  delivered  his  remonstrance  m  pubhc,  but  pri- 
vately excited  all  Florence  to  hostility.     T.^  >b>eUl  hnnsell  Irom 
Panl'os  resentment  he  procured  from  tlie  Seignmy  an  order  to 
prohibit  his  retm-n ;  and  thus  did  he  betray  a  master  who  had 
mercifully  spared  Ids  life  when  he  n.ight  lu.ve  legally  and  con- 
scientiously taken  it,  so  sure  is  it  that  a  man  rarely  lorg.ves 
the  pei-son  whom  he  has  deeply  nijured. 

The  eager  and  exciting  representations  of  Vivani  backed  by 
encouraging  accounts  from  Fortebraccio  of  bis  own  rafwl  po- 
gress  and  tie  disposition  of  the  people  ;  and  sull   urther  curro- 
Lrated  by  the    various   Florentine  agents   n>  the  Lucches^ 
state,  inflamed  the  public  ndnd  so  as  to  engender  an  umve«ul 
desire  of  making  the  war  its  own.     Ileseutnient  of  f«mer  m- 
juries  and  the  ambition  of  conquering  a  weaker  stale  that  bor^ 
dered  their  «hole  frontier  and  was con.uUred  both  n>.,rally  and 
geographically  as  the  portal  of  their  enemies,  excited  such  a 
spirit  in  Florence  that  nothing  could  stand  against  it  f  _  It  « 
said  that  Xeri  Capix„ii  encouraged  Furtebracco  seciet.y  to  be 
enterprise;  but  as  ^I-^^avelli, Nerli   Fuggio,  Malayolt      nd 
AmnTirato  principally  inculpate  Uinaldu  degli  Alb.zzi,  the  t^ 
latter  giving  his  speech ;  while  Bn.to  evidently  following  U- 
nuccis  Confession,  entirely  exonerates  bin,,  and  even  ass  r^» 
that  he  was  an  active  advocate  for  peace,  it  is  diflicult  now  to 
name  all  who  urged  on  this  wr,  and  still  more  so  to  discover 

♦  Neri  Cannoni,  Comment.  Rcr.  ml.     t    ^m     ^JP1">'"»    ...  ^ 

a  tnm     XV     n    lien.-Poirgo     Hal.  Scrip.,  tumo  xvm..  p.  Ub^. 

Strip.,   torn.    XJX-,  V'   A*""-      „.-*' 
Bracciolini,  Stoiia,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  U  1. 


what  party  incited  Forteliraccio  to  commence  it ;  for  Neri  Cap- 
poni  tells  us  that  some  person  did  do  so,  and  his  manner  of 
relating  it  leads  to  the  belief  that  it  might  have  been  himself. 
It  is  improbable  that  this  general  would  have  ventured  on  so 
bold  a  step  unless  well  assured  of  Florentine  approbation  if  not 
support,  and  because  various  personal  and  party  views  induced 
the  leading  factions  to  plunge  Florence  into  hostilities,  it  may 
be  believed  that  all  except  Uzzano  and  a  veiy  small  minority, 
as  will  be  seen  by  the  votes,  joined  in  this  warlike  agitation  *. 
Nevertheless  as  these  intrigues,  if  they  existed,  were  secretly 
conducted  unknown  and  unsanctioned  by  the  state,  the  Seignory 
asserted  in  answer  to  Paulo  that  Fortebraccio  was  no  longer  in 
their  pay  and  therefore  acting  without  their  orders  on  his  own 
responsibility  :  yet  says  Giov.  ^lorelli,  a  cotemporary,  *'  all  was 
done  in  order  to  bring  the  people  under  the  yoke  "  f. 

Cosimo  and  his  faction  were  not  indifterent  spectators  of 
these  things  and  their  intrigues  if  we  credit  Tinucci  may  be 
thus  shortlv  narrated.  Cosimo  and  Averardo  de'  Medici  being 
determined  to  ruin  Uzzano  whom  Niccolo  Soderini  one  of  their 
own  faction  had  unknown  to  them  designed  to  assassinate  ; 
after  promising  him  protection  when  discovered,  took  the 
opportunity  of  another  partisan,  Nastagio  Guiducci  s  election 
to  the  priorship  and  made  him  promise  to  arrest  and  accom- 
plish the  ruin  of  Uzzano,  for  which  he  received  a  present 
bribe  and  the  promise  of  what  more  might  be  wanted.  This, 
had  Nastagi  been  able  to  accomplish  it,  would  have  at  once 
cleared  the  w\ay  for  Cosimo  ;  but  the  scheme  failed  and  he  re- 
sorted to  v;ar  as  a  secure  road  to  political  supremacy  because 
the  "  Spccvlilo  "  and  his  ample  resources  enabled  him  either  to 
win  over  or  neutralise  the  opposition  of  a  majority  in  the  public 
councils  but  more  especially  in  the  Seignory.     The   Medici 

*  Docnmcnti,    Cavalcanti,   vol.  ii. —  iii*,Lib.ii'',p.l9. — NerH,Com.  Lib.  ii°. 

Neri   Capponi,    Comnicntarj    Rcnim.  — Poggio,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  172. 

Ital.  Script.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.    IKUJ. —  f  Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,p.  1053. — Ri- 

Oil".  Malavolti,  Storia  di  Siena,  Parte  cordi  di  Giovan.  Morelli,  p.  87. 

l2 


FXORENTINE   HISTORY. 


BOOK  I. 


CHAP.  XXXI  ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


149 


14S 

therefore  rejoiced  when  Niccolo  Tinucci  first  told  them  of  For. 
tebmccio  s  aggi'ession,  and  immediately  tried  to  secure  the  co- 
operation of  Tommaso  Barbadori  the  gonfalonier  of  justice  in 
their  prosecution  of  a  war  against  Lucca.  B^irbadon  ^^.ls  un- 
willing to  act  openly  as  chief  instigator;  wherefore  ^^astagi 
Guiducci  and  Tommaso  Franceschi  were  by  means  ol  Nic- 
colo Soderini  and  Puccio  Pucci  established  as  the  movers  of 

this  question  *.  ,    ,      x^,        .•  m 

Fortebraccio  s  rapid  progress  excited  the  Florentines  witli 
the  prospect  of  new  conquests  although  still  faint  from  the  late 
wars  exhaustion  and  the  recent  expeditions  against  ^Vlarratli 
and  Volterra;    wherefore   a   miited   assembly   of  the    three 
councils  was  by  the  exertion  of  Nastagi  summoned  to  discuss 
the  subject.    The  first  meeting  was  curly  in  November,  at  which 
a  hoarv  citizen  named  Lorenzo  Bosso  seems  to  have  had  mucli 
influence  in  promoting  war  while  many  inilu.ntial  member^ 
were  bribed  bv  the  war  party  to  stay  away:  tlu-  s-vMnd  ^vas 
summoned  for  the  fourth  or  ninth  of  De.ember:  but  the  day 
previous,   Xastagi,  Soderini,  and  Ser  Martino  Mastini  bad  a 
secret  consnltation  with  the  Medici.     Avorardo  advised  an 
energetic  adherence  to  their  actual  plan,  and  C  osimo  oflered  all 
his  dd  to  cany  it  out:  the  three  former  endeavoured  to  bnng 
Fanaldo  degli  Albizzi  into  their  opinion,  but  ho  was  advei-se 
to  their  mode  of  acting   though  not  to  the  enterprise,  aiul 
beincr  told  that  the  Medici  advised  it  said  he  objected  because 
he  thought  it  should  at  first  be  more  carefully  pondered: 
but  adding,  -  Do  what  vou  think  good,  for  you  of  the  Selgnor^• 
should  no't  be  opposed;  yet  I  do  not  approve  of  it  "    The 
Comicils  of  the  People,  the  Community,  and  the  Two  Hundred : 
in  all  four  hundred  and  ninety-eight  members :    assembled 
the  next  morning,  and  after  much  discussion  war  was  tormailN 
voted  with  only  ninety-nine  dissentients,  and  even  these  wheu 
they  rose  to   speak  were  insidted,  spat   at,  and  their  words 

•  Tinucci,  Coufefebione.— S.  Ammirato,  Stor.,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1053. 


rendered  inaudible  by  long-continued  knocking  and  coughing-. 
Ashamed  of  this  disorder  the  Seignory  imposed  silence,  and 
Amiolo  Pandollini  a  citizen  of  exalted  cnaracter  and  influence, 
rising;  first  demolished  the  warlike  arguments  of  Rinaldo  degli 
Albizzi,  then  demonstrated  the  impolicy  of  war,  and  if  made, 
asserted  that  domestic  factions  would  render  it  ruinous  to 
Florence,  because  eveiy  individual  was  resolved  to  adhere  ob- 
stinately to  his  own  opinion.  "It  is  enough  for  me"  said 
Pandollini  "  that  I  have  striven  to  preserve  the  honour  and 
prosperity  of  my  native  city :  I  know  that  all  is  useless,  yet  the 
authors  of  this  enterprise  will  be  the  first  to  repent  of  it,"  Nor 
was  there  one  who  had  the  boldness  to  speak  so  wannly  against 
the  war  as  Aguolo  Pandollini  did  for  the  public  good,  which  he 
put  before  all  other  considerations  f. 

It  was  marvellous,  says  Ammirato,  to  see  those  who  had 
hitherto  opposed  war,  now  ardently  promoting  it,  and  on  the 
contrary  it  was  loudly  Idamed  by  those  who  before  had  been 
its  warmest  supporters !  which  perhaps,  adds  the  historian, 
'•  arises  from  the  greater  desire  that  men  have  to  seize  the 
property  of  others  than  to  take  care  of  their  own  ;  because  the 
hope  of  gain  is  always  greater  than  the  fear  of  loss."  But  the 
more  equal  distribution  of  taxation  caused  by  the  Catasto,  ren- 
dered this  burden  generally  lighter  and  the  great  mass  of 
citizens  more  willing  to  bear  it  for  so  alluring  an  object  as  the 
conquest  of  Lucca :  and  moreover  the  Medician  or  war  faction, 
was  the  most  powerful  and  energetic,  and  the  multitude  of 
both  factions  who  shouted  along  with  them  enormous.  In  this 
conjuncture  Niccolo  da  Uzzano  rose  and  spoke  strongly  against 
it  as  impolitic,  unwarrantable,  and  difficult  to  accomplish.  It 
was  unwarrantable  because  the  only  shadow  of  an  excuse  for 

*  "  Anchiennes  Croniqucs  de  Pise  en  1456,  Rer.  Ital.  Scriptorcs,  vol.  xviii., 

Ytalie,"from  MS.  No.  p.  377,  Roval  p.  1162,  &c.     Giov.  Morejli,  Ricordi, 

Lib.,   Paris.  — Cavalcanti,    Lib.   vii.,  p.  87.— Giov.  Cambi,  p.  1/9. 

cap.  viii.— Neri  Capponi,   Comment",  t    Vide    note  2,  Cavalcanti,    Stona, 

di  Cose  scguite  in  Italia  del  1419  al  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  vii.,  p.  306. 


150 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


hostilities  was  the  treachery  of  Paulo  in  the  Milanese  war,  an 
act  not  unprovoketl,  and  which  had  been  completely  cancelled 
by  admitting  him  into  the   late    treaty  with   that  state  as  a 
friend  and  adherent  of  Florence;  but, said  his  enemies,  expressly 
to  deprive  him  of  Philip  s  protection  and  give  Florence  the 
opportunity  of  revenge  without  offending  the  Duke  of  ]Milan*. 
It  was  difficult  said  Uzzano,  because  our  enemies  will  instantly 
support  Lucca,  and  above  all  Duke  Philip  will  and  can  easily 
assist  that  state  without  any  hostile  dcniunstratiou.     Venue 
he  said  was  verj^  little  to  be  trusted,  Siena  doubtful,  and  on 
seeing  Pisa  conquered  and  Lucca  about  to  fall  would  provide 
for  her  o\mi  safety.     He  finally  urged  the  Florentines  to  be 
satisfied  with  their  actual  dominion  and  give  up  conquest :  but 
was  answered  that  if  this  reasoning  were  always  good  Flo- 
rence would  then  have  been  only  a  petty  conununity  comprised 
within  her  original  boundaries  instead  of  a  powerful  republic  K 
Wai*  and  the  siege  of  Lucca  liaving  been  determined,  appa- 
rently with  the  intervention  and  consent  of  subordinate  cities, 
and  a  Balia  of  Ten  nominated,  two  commissaries  repaired  to 
the  anny  and  found  Xiccolo  Fortebraccio  l>efore  Vilhi  l^asiliea 
where  he  was  instantly  proclaimed  General  of  the  Floren- 
tmes.     The  town  soon  surrendered,  the  captured  places  were 
delivered  up  to  Florence  and  the  army  soon  after  marched  to 

Collodi. 

Thenceforward  the  war  began  to  languish;  not  from  any 
want  of  force  talent  or  military  skill,  or  any  peculiar  virtue  of 
the  enemy  ;  but  entirely  from  the  interested  selfish  ambition 
of  individuals  and  the  clash  of  opposing  factions.  Those  of 
Uzzano  and  the  Medici  were  now  at  their  full  height ;  and  the 
former,  because  it  was  entirely  opposed  to  hostilities  wished 
for  their  failure  even  to  the  dishonour  of  Florence,  rather  than 

*  Neri    Capponi,    Commentarj     Rer.  held  out    to  the  \ii&i.—(Vide  Bocu- 

Ital.  Scrip.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  ll(J6-7.—  menti,  vol.  ii.,  Sforiadi  Cavakanti.) 

This  seems  doubtful:   the  Florentine  +  Animirato,   Lib.  xix.,    p.    105o. 

ambaswdors  were  strong  against  it  and  Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib,  vi.,  cap.  vi. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


151 


success  with  the  glory  of  their  political  antagonists  and  against 
their  own  recorded  opinions. 

The  I^Iedici  on  the  other  hand  seeing  many  of  their  rivals 
employed  in  directing  the  war,  became  jealous  of  such  exalta- 
tion and  therefore  exaggerated  their  failures  and  disparaged 
their  success  ;  yet  both  chiefs  were  able  and  prudent  men,  both 
competent  to  conduct  the  state  ;  the  one  waxhig,  the  other 
waning ;  but  each  struggling  to  acquire  or  preseiTe  the  ascend- 
ant, and  perhaps  both  turned  somewhat  from  their  natural 
course  by  the  intemperance  of  their  followers-.     The  result 
was  a  fierce  encounter  of  f:ictions ;  the  object,  exaltation  of  party ; 
the  victim  public  good :  national  energy  was  distorted  to  party 
pui-poses,  national  rulers  were  paralysed  even  when  honest,  for 
they  were  forced  to  employ  the  partisan,  not  the  individual. 
The  country  suffered,  the  war  was  cruel  beyond  the  age,  pro- 
crastinated,' and  proportionably  feeble ;  an  imp  of  faction  fos- 
tered by  treachery  and  hate. 

Amongst  the  "  Ten  of  War,"  who  were  elected  on  15th  De- 
cember, we  find  Giovanni  Pucci,  Martino  Martini,  Giovanni 
della  Stufa,  and  Xeri  Capponi ;  a  majority  of  them  being  either 
direct  partisans  or  under  the  influence  of  Cosimo.     His  brother 
Lorenzo  was  immediately  appointed  ambassador  to  Milan  and 
Venice  where  he  had  opportmiities  of  protracting  the  war  at 
the  pleasure  of  Cosimo  by  a  secret  understanding  with  both 
governments.     But  ere  all   this  happened  Fortebraccio  had 
made  terrible  progress :  his  soldiers  swarmed  over  the  whole 
couutiy  like  pismires  hurrying  to  and  fro  and  loaded  with 
prey :  throughout  all  the  valleys  of  Lucca,  says  Cavalcanti, 
nothing  was  heard  but  the  tocsin's  sound,  the  shouts  of  men 
the  screams  of  women  and  the  cries  of  children ;  even  the 
very  beasts  of  the  field  added  to  the  fearful  scene  by  their  low- 
ing and  bellowing  :  the  whole  country  was  driven  to  ruin ; 

*  Anchiennes  Croniques  de  Pise  en  Ytalie.— Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib.  vii.,  cap. 
viii,,p.  387. 


152 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


*»  for  in  tlu3  perverse  man  "  says  the  same  author,  "  not  only 
was  there  no  pity  but  he  gave  not  the  slightest  pause  or  respite 
to  his  cruelty."  Town  after  town  fell  beneath  him  and  was 
crushed  :  Pontetetto  first  yielded  ;  then  San  (,)uirieo,  Lucchio. 
Castellare,  Monte  Fcgatese,  Ghivizzano,  Casole,  llocca  dal 
Borgo,  Lughano,  Cotrone,  and  several  others,  were  all  suc- 
cessively taken  and  ravaged  even  before  the  Florentine  standard 
was  unfurled  in  the  vales  of  Lucca*. 

Rinaldo  degli  Albizzi  was  made  commissar}-,  and  his  suc- 
cesses would  quickly  have  l)rought  the  war  to  a  iiisis  had  he 
not  on  that  very  account  been  removed  through  Medician  influ- 
ence :  this  removal  was  some  time  after  followed  by  defeat. 
and  Averardo  apprehensive  of  its  iutluence  on  the  pvildic  mind 
hurried  from  the  :\Iugello  to  the  capital,  and  amidst  a  round 
of  private  entertainments  given  for  this  sole  object,  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  citizens  that  if  a  new  Balia  were  appointed 
Lucca  would  soon  be  conquered  :  the  suggestion  was  taken  :  a 
fresh  Balia  named ;  and  Cosimo  and  Puccio  Pucci  were  of  the 
number^.     This  gave  the  Medici  complete  conmiand  of  the 
war ;  new  measures  were  adopted  ;  Xiccolo  Tolentino  and  Mi- 
chellotto  were  engaged  with  their  respective  followers  :    the 
military  expenses  of  course  increased  and  so  heavy  and  conti- 
nued a  dmin  of  taxation  was  established  that  but  few  unas- 
sisted by  Cosimo,  could  pay  up  in  time,  wheref(»re  numbers 
were  placed  "  Alio  Specchio  "  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
Medici.     Averardo  kept  constantly  with  Michellotto  secretly 
directing  his  movements,  and  after  an  abortive  attempt  to  con- 
demn   Giovanni    Guicciardini  for  supposed  peculation  wliile 
with  the  army,  because  he  obstructed  their  projects  and  was 
likely  to  expose  them,  the  Medici  created  an  "  Office  of  Rebel 
lion'  to  intimidate  and  persecute  their  opponents  under  legal 
forms  which  searched  out  those  who  had  been  sentenced  but  had 


*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  iv. 
t  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxix.,  p.  1070.— Tinucci,  Coiifessione. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


153 


escaped  punishment,  in  order  to  carr>^  all  the  rigour  of  the  law 
into  action  against  them ;  and  because  Tinucci,  as  he  asserts, 
refused  to  be  instrumenUil  in  injuring  a  certain  Piero  del  Caro 
and  was  moreover  the  means  of  his  learning  their  adverse  in- 
tentions, he  was  never  more  trusted  by  the  Medici 'i^.     Cosimo, 
Averardo,  Puccio  Pucci,  Piero  Ginori,  Lorenzo  Verezzano, 
Mccolo  Bussini,  Giovanni  de'  Pucci  and  Tinucci  usually  met 
at  the  houses  of  these  two  Medici  to  settle  the  proceedings  of 
Ihe  "  Ten  of  War  "  and  other  magistracies,  Averardo  being 
always  described  as  chief  actor  in  all  these  intrigues.     Nor 
were  they  idle  abroad ;  for  while  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  was  at 
UWm  he  kept  up  a  close  intercourse  and  friendship  with  the 
Duke  and  had  frequent  nightly  interviews  with  him  and  his 
secretaiT,  the  account  of  which  he  used  to  wi'ite  with  his  own 
hand  in  cvpher  to  Cosimo ;  so  that  his  private  secretar}^  who 
was  Tinucci's  informant  remained  entirely  ignorant  of  what  had 


Astorri  Gianni  the  other  commissary,  who  wished  to  finish 
the  war,  intended  to  possess  himself  of  all  the  passes  through 
which  succom-s  might  arrive  for  Lucca  and  therefore  nivested 
Pietrasanta  the  capture  of  which  would  have  given  him  Mog- 
gano  and  so  closed  up  that  entrance  against  any  foreign  aid ; 
but  Averardo  remonstrated  through  ^Martini  with  the  Balia, 
alleging  that  they  could  only  gain  Pietrasanta  with  the  loss 
of  Pisa  wliich  was  daily  threatened  by  the  enemy.  Gianni 
was  immediately  ordered  to  desist  and  reprimanded  for  hesi- 
tating to  obey  this  treacherous  mandate ;  wherefore  the  road 
remained  open  to  Francis  Sforza,  and  then  followed  a  defeat  and 
subsequent  disasters.  But  Avemrdo  would  allow  of  no  success 
m  the  army  :  Rinaldo  at  his  instaaice  was  recalled  from  the 
Val  di  Luni  where  conquest  attended  him :  Neri  Cappom  who 

*  Brute,  Stor.Fiorent.,Lib.i.  p.  74-5.  aggcrates  f ^'^  f  ^^; ^^f  f j/^^^^^^^^^^ 

t  Brino  not  satisfied  even  uith  this  ing  it  with   that  ^f^*^^^  "f^^^/^^^^  .^^ 

and  other  parts  of  Tinucci's  evidence  be  observed  towards  a  man  in  such  cir- 

against  the  Medici,  amplifies  and  ex-  cumstances. 


wmm 


154 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


followed  in  his  steps  also  felt  the  influence  of  Averardo's 
jealousy,  and  Alemanno  Salviati  the  man  he  most  wanted  was 
finally  put  in  their  place.  The  war  then  languished  according 
to  the  intention  of  Cosimo,  but  the  expense  increased  and 
Medician  power  along  with  it :  Salviati  became  rich,  but 
Rinaldo  wlio  was  still  ser\ing  and  still  successful  in  other 
quarters,  was  finally  through  Averardo's  inlluence  removed 
altogether ;  the  same  jealousy  kept  Xcri  ('nppuni  unemployed 
for  Cosimo  feared  his  abilities  and  dreaded  the  power  and 
popularity  which  success  would  give  liim  with  the  people. 

The  next  expressly  created  obstacle  to  a  termination  of  the 
war  was  the  vain  attempt  through  Brunelleschi  to  swamp 
Lucca  bv  turning  the  river  Serchio  ajrainst  its  walls :  it  is 
improbable  that  so  able  an  engineer  should  have  expected  this 
to  be  successful,  but  he  was  perhaps  a  partisan  and  probably 
influenced  by  Cosimo,  though  Neri  Capponi  strongly  objected 
to  and  laughed  at  the  undertaking*. 

Cosimo  left  no  stone  unturned  to  support  his  own  greatness. 
and  used  to  say  to  his  confidants,  tliat  a  drain  of  the  money 
market  and  a  loan  of  the  produce  to  goveniment  on  good 
security  was  the  wav  to  effect  this,  because  he  gained  much  bv 
it  and  at  the  same  time  secured  the  people's  admiration  of  his 
patriotism  for  thus  risking  fortune  in  tlie  public  service  f . 

No  sooner  had  war  begun  than  an  embassy  was  despatched 
from  Siena  to  remonstrate  against  it ;  but  the  Florentines 
declared  tliat  their  hostility  was  directed  against  the  tyrant 
alone  not  the  people  of  Lucca;  that  on  his  abdication  peace 
would  be  instantly  restored,  and  if  he  refused  the  Sencse 
were  free  to  demand  any  other  security  they  deemed  necessar}* 
for  their  own  safety  which  would  be  instantly  given  by  the 
Florentmes.  This  quieted  Siena  for  the  moment,  and  Flo- 
rence having  sent  ambassadoi*s  to  justify  her  own  conduct  at 


*  Commentario  di   Ncri  di  Gino  Capponi.     ( Vide  Rcrum.  Ital.   Scriptorcs, 
torn,  xviij.,  p.  1166.  "t  Coiifessione  di  Tinucci. 


CHAP.  XXXI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


155 


]\Iilan  Venice  and  Rome,  as  well  as  to  the  other  potentates  of 
Italy,  all  of  whom  except  Visconti  returned  doubtful  answers, 
commenced  the  year  14:30,  by  the  continuance  of  a  war  which, 
begun  in  injustice,  produced  nothing  but  misfortune  *. 

This  sketch  of  Medician  intrigue  as  given  by  Tinucci  will 
throw  some  light  on  the  subsequent  history  of  the  war,  and  is 
so  far  unobjectionable  as  it  agrees  in  its  outline  with  other  nar- 
ratives :  nor  is  there  anything  in  the  more  minute  details  to 
induce  a  suspicion  of  its  general  authenticity  as  in  the  case 
of  Giovanni:  Cosimo's  conduct  bears  Tinucci  out;  Giovannis 
did  not :  the  latter  was  universally  liked  and  respected ;  and 
those  who  rejoiced  in  liis  death  as  a  political  adversary,  mourned 
Mm  as  a  man,  and  soon  found  themselves  in  a  worse  condition 
than  before.    '*  For  Cosimo,"  says  Nerli,  "  knowing  the  reputa- 
tion that  Giovanni  had  bequeathed  to    him   and  his   house 
amongst  the  citizens,  the  people,  and  minor  artisans ;    and 
aware  of  the  gi'eat  nund)er  of  his  friends  and  partisans  in  many 
families  of  noble  popolani ;  began  to  attend  with  greater  eager- 
ness to  state  affairs  and  take  a  livelier  interest  in  them  than 
his  father  had  done,  wherefore  the  number  of  his  adherents 
became  more  manifest  and  to  the  heads  of  the  government  it 
plainly  appeared  that  he  was  advancing  without  impediment 
direct  to  the  sovereignty  "  f. 

This  was  Cosimo 's  grand  political  movement,  and  Tinucci's 
Confession  casts  some  light  on  the  springs  that  worked  it :  he 
is  evidentlv  Brute's  great  authority ;  but  Bruto  himself,  bom 
about  fifteen  years  before  the  fall  of  the  republic,  and  associatmg 
with  the  bitterest  enemies  of  the  Medici  especially  at  Lyon 
(where  he  first  published  his  work  in  1573)  seems  to  have  im- 
bibed much  of  that  party  spirit  which  so  disfigures  almost  every 
pacre  of  Florentine  histoiy.  He  was  a  Venetian,  and  the  Doge 
IVtoo  Foscarini  thus  writes  of  him.     "  To  render  this  work 


♦  PocrgioBracciolini,Lib.vi.,pp.l72     t  Comraentarj   del    Nerli,  Lib.   ii", 
— 18(C  P-^^- 


156 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


157 


I 


one  of  the  most  complete  amongst  the  number  that  have  ap- 
peared since  the  restoration  of  literature,  Bruto  perhaps  wants 
that  single  condition  which  he  wished  for  in  others  ;  namely,  a 
soul  unintlucnoed  hy  passion  ;  for  he  never  ceases  hiting  at  the 
house  of  jVIedici,  and  moreover  adopts  a  style  in  writing  of  them 
that  discovers  his  adverse  spirit  more  than  is  becoming  to  a  wise 
and  considerate  author.  It  is  credible  that  such  a  party  spirit 
may  have  gradually  possessed  Giovanni  ]\Iichele  Bruto  in  con- 
sequence of  his  intimacy  at  Lyon  with  several  Florentine  refu- 
gees enemies  to  the  Medician  sovereignty. "  His  history  there- 
fore, now  our  principal  guide  mitil  the  deatli  of  Lorenzo,  must 
in  all  that  is  adverse  to  the  Medici,  be  received  with  that  in- 
stinctive caution  which  usually  spiings  up  in  the  unbiassed  mind 
as  a  natund  protection  against  the  higli-wrought  vehemence 
of  party  men.  Like  Gibbon  with  priests  and  Hume  \rith 
Stuarts  is  Michael  Bruto  with  the  Medici  *. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs. — No  change. 


*  Vita  e  Operc  di  Giov.  Michcle  Bruto,  p.  25. 


CHAPTER  XXXIL 


FROM    A.D.    1430    TO    A.I).    143a. 


The  ultimate  destination  of  jdl  the  so-called  Italian  republics 
was  a  real  monarchy  under  democratic  forms  which  blinded  the 
people's  eves  to  the  veritable  nature  uf  their  govern-      ^  ,,„^ 
ment  and  so  far  answered  the  purpose  oi  lilierty  by 
a  persuasion  that  they  were  incontestably  free.     Lucca  was 
not  an  exception  to  this  rule  :  the  family  of  Guinigi  was  one  of 
the  tirst  in  that  republic,  and  its  chief  Francesco  had  taken  a 
conspicuous  part  in  the  restoration  of  his  country's  indepen- 
dence.    After  his  death  their  power  alamied  the  jealousy  of 
otliei-s;  manv  ambitious  citizens  united  to  diminish  it  and 
were  for  a  while  successful,  until  Lazzaro  his  son  recovered  the 
ascendant :  still  a  fierce  enmity  existed  between  the  Guinigi  on 
one  side,  and  the  Fortiguerri  and  Uapondi  on  the  other,  which 
in  139*2  burst  into  open  war  and  ended  by  the  death  of  Forte- 
guerri  and  the  exaltation  uf  Lazzaro  to  the  chief  place  in  the 
commonwealth.     He  governed  Lucca  with  great  prudence  for 
many  years  but  at  last  fell  by  the  hand  of  his  own  brother  in 
the  following  maimer :  having  a  ward  of  eight  years  old,  the 
only  remaining  descendant  of  the  famous  Castmccian  race,  she 
became  the  object  of  his  brother  Antonio's  aspirations,  but 
whether  from  her  extreme  youth  or  other  cause  Lazzaro  refused 
his  consent  to  the  marriage  and  promised  her  to  his  younger 
brother  Paulo.     Fmious  at  this  rcbuil  and  encouraged  by  their 


158 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXMI.l 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


159 


common  brother-in-law  Xiccolao  SLarra,  he  conspired  with  the 
latter  and  murdered  Lazzaro  while  writing  in  his  cabinet;  but  so 
far  from  bein^  seconded  when  they  called  on  the  people  to  rise, 
they  were  on  the  contrary  delivered  over  to  the  tribunals,  con- 
demned, and  beheaded.  '  Paulo  succeeded  to  all  his  brother  s 
authoritv.  and  aided  by  the  Duke  of  IMilan  became  captain  and 
lord  of  the  Lucchese  republic  which  he  nded  with  mildness  if 
not  wisdom  for  thirty  years,  until  ruined  by  this  dispute  with 
the  Florentines.    Paulo  Guinigi  never  was  a  frien<l  to  Florence, 
and  if  conjecture  may  be  substituted  for  historical  facts  when 
the  latter  are  unexplained,  the  real  causes  of  this  war  seem  to 
have  been  the  public  antipathy  to  h'nn  ;  a  strong  desire  for  con- 
quest; individual  ambition  ;  intrigue,  agitation  ;  and  tempting 
opportunity.     Fortebraccio  made  his  incursions  with  the  true 
spirit  of  a  condottiere  and  as  regarded  Florence  with  the  saga- 
city of  a  statesman,  relying  on  national  hatred  f(.r  impunity 
and  on  national  ambition  for  ultimate  support.     The  gi'eat  ma- 
jority of  Florentines,  dazzled  by  the  success  of  a  handful  of 
brigands  and  urged  by  Lorenzo  Rosso,  panted  for  conquest ; 
tlie  Medici  whose  game  was  war  worked  every  engine  to  stimu- 
late the  prevailing  humour;   but  their  object  was  prolonged 
hostilities,  while  the  mass  of  citizens  was  for  a  rapid  and  bril- 
liant conquest,  with  perhaps  ulterior  views.     Hence  alternate 
success,  failure,  accusations,  removals,  and  indecisive  events, 
until  time  was  given  for  other  actors  to  enter  on  the  scene  of 

this  disgraceful  drama. 

Amongst  those  who  were  onginally  oppo'^ed  to  hostilities 
may  cerUiinly  be  placed  Xeri  di  Gino  CapiM.ni;  before  Forte- 
braccio's  inroad  he  had  in  consequence  of  tlie  long  and  recent 
war  advised  peace  and  an  entu-e  forgiveness  of  former  injuries : 
when  or  why  he  changed  is  now  unknown ;  perhaps  tempted 
like  many  others  by  Fortebraccio  s  victories ;  ami  Cavakanti 
not  only  repeats  the  very  credible  rumour  that  the  latter  acted 
under  the  auspices  of  Neri,  but  expressly  names  him  as  one  ot 


(( 


(( 


the  four  audacious  citizens  who  impatiently  rose  and  offered  to 
take  the  consequences  of  the  war  upon  themselves  ='•- :  Averardo, 
Ilinaldo,  and  Martini  were  the  others.  "What,"  said  they, 
"are  you  about?  Why  is  time  lost?  Everything  may  be 
"  recovered  l)ut  loss  of  time.     Heed  not  those  citizens  who 

come  here  well  stutied  with  Paulo's  gifts.  Let  not  that  which 
"  belongs  to  all  be  denied  by  a  few,  neither  allow  horses  and 
"  lich  velvets  to  be  the  defensive  armour  of  your  enemy. 
♦'  Be  ye  assured  that  he  will  get  no  foreign  aid,  for  the  ink  is 

hardly  dry  that  signed  the  peace  of  Milan,  and  Philip  has  not 
"yet  ceased  trembling  at  the  dangers  of  that  war.  What 
"then  are  you  thinking  of?     Why  delay  so  glorious  an  en- 

"  terprise?" 

Such  was  their  language  as  given  by  a  cotemporaiy  ;  and  yet 
Bruto,  without  ever  having  seen  Cavalcanti's  history,  rates 
Macchiavelli  who  drew  Lirgely  from  it,  for  making  Rinaldo  the 
warm  advocate  of  war ;  in  which  the  latter  is  also  borne  out  by 
Poggio  IJracciolini  another  cotemporaiy  historian.  Cavalcanti 
himself  decidedly  condemns  the  war  as  unjust,  rapacious,  and 
impolitic ;  and  he,  though  a  state  prisoner  at  the  time,  was  a 
diligent  inquirer,  and  could  scarcely  have  Iteen  in  error  as  to 
the  persons  or  language  of  four  such  citizens  in  a  public  assem- 
bly whose  proceedings  were  no  secret ;  wherefore  his  testimony 
may  be  fairly  received  as  true  f. 

The  forces  immediately  asseml)led  for  this  war  were  im- 
mense :  besides  Niccolo  Fortebraccio  and  Guido  Antonio  Lord 
of  Faenza,  there  were  no  less  than  ten  condottieri  of  the  first 
rank  and  many  inferior  leaders  engaged  in  the  Florentine 
service.  This  military  aristocracy  was  however  anything  but 
united  or  obedient,  and  a  family  feud  between  Bernardino 
della  Carda  of  the  Ubaldiui,  and  Fortebraccio,  increased  the 

•  Neri  Capponi,  Commentarj  Rerum.     p.  295  ;  cap.  vi.,  p.  305. 

Ital    Scrip,  torn,   xviii.,  p.  IIGG.-     f  Cavakanti,  Stona,  Lib.  vi    cap.  xv., 

Cavalcanti,  Sto    a    Lib.   vi.,  cap.  ii.,     and  Lib.  vu.,  c^p.  vui.,  p.  ^»5. 


160 


FLOREN'HNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


disorder  so  much  that  Astorre  Gianni  was  ordered  to  take  tlie 
supreme  command  of  these  arrogant  leaders  in  the  name  of 
the  Florentine  people.  Gianni  from  his  rapacity  cruelty  and 
corrupt  inclinations,  was  called  the  "  UcccUaccw'  or  bird  of 
evil,  and  his  gratuitous  barbarity  at  Serravezza  more  than 
justified  the  appellation. 

The  thoroughly  Guelphic  inhabitants  of  that  valley  hating 
a  Ghibeline  ruler  were  desirous  of  withdrawing  from  Paulo 
Guinigi's  authority  and  placing  themselves  under  Florentine 
protection  :  they  accordingly  named  one  13arzo,  a  man  of  rough 
eloquence  and  some  distinction  in  the  community,  to  offer  the 
sovereitnitv  of  their  vallev  to  the  commissarv  Astorre  Gianni. 
then  investing  Pietrasanta,  for  the  Florentine  republic.  J3arzo 
was  instructed  to  inform  liim  that  the  to^^^l  could  hardly  be 
taken  without  their  assistance  and  vet  was  altsolutdv  necessarv 

ft  %  % 

to  any  successful  attack  on  Lucca ;  for  no  aid  coidd  reach  that 
city  from  the  Pisan  frontier,  and  the  valley  of  Seravezza  gar- 
risoned bv  Florentines  could  exclude  all  succours  from  Lorn- 
hardy ;  so  that  Lucca  and  Pietrasanta  were  equally  dependent 
on  Seravezza  which  was  in  fact  their  citadel.  The  territory 
of  Seravezza  is  entered  and  defended  by  a  naiTow  pass  which 
gradually  expands  into  a  broad  and  spacious  valley  encom- 
passed by  lofty  mountains,  and  through  this  ran  the  road  from 
Lombardv  to  Pietrasanta  and  Lucca.  Barzo  in  an  animated 
speech  offered  this  important  position  with  the  lieails  and 
hands  of  its  people  to  Florence,  at  the  same  time  telling 
Astorri  that  no  imworthy  fears  had  moved  them  to  the  step,  for 
they  could  easily  defend  themselves  agahist  every  attack,  even 
though  his  army  were  far  more  numerous ;  l)ut  they  thus  acted 
because  the  anger  of  fortime  was  fierce  against  Lucca  and 
they  had  no  means  of  turning  it  but  by  endeavouring  to  save  all 
the  country  in  their  power  from  devastation.  If  therefore 
their  offer  were  accepted  Lucca  and  all  its  territory  would 
quietly  fldl  into  the  hands  of  Florence  and  the  country  remain 


CllAF.  XXVII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


161 


uninjured ;  and  the  sooner  done  the  less  the  evil,  and  the 
more  beneficial  to  Florence.  "  For  when  was  it  ever  before 
"  known,"  exclaimed  Barzo  with  energ}%  "when  was  it  ever 
"  known  that  a  defensible  country  was  reduced  to  submission 
'•  without  a  frightful  slaughter  of  the  human  race  ?  It  is 
"  reserved  for  thee  0  general  of  the  Florentines,  to  accomphsh 
"  this ;  wherefore  lose  not  thy  time  but  tiike  the  offered  good." 

The  gift  was  accepted  and  the  valley  occupied;  but  how? 
Not  by  friends  and  allies  as  was  expected,  but  by  a  jealous 
suspicious  soldier}%  who  after  garrisoning  every  post  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  all  natives  summoned  them  to  the  church,  where 
they  were  to  hear  the  commands  of  the  Florentine  people 
and  formally  confirm  their  allegiance.  The  order  was  strictly 
obeyed,  but  no  sooner  were  the  inhabitants  assembled  in  and 
about  the  sacred  edifice  than  they  were  startled  by  a  sudden 
gleam  of  arms,  with  loud  shouts  and  shrill  cries  of  death  to 
the  Seravezzans  ringing  through  the  aisle  :  those  who  resisted 
fell,  the  men  were  made  prisoners,  the  women  shamefully  dis- 
honoured, the  dwellings  plundered,  and  the  valley  devastated  ! 
No  cause  seems  to  have  been  assigned  for  the  peiT;)etration  of 
this  atrocious  deed,  and  we  should  with  Bruto  be  inclined  to 
reject  the  tale  were  it  not  minutely  related  by  a  cotemporar}- 
author  w^hom  Bruto  never  saw,  followed  by  Macchiavelli,  con- 
firmed by  Ammirato,  and,  as  to  the  main  fiict,  by  Tinucci 
also  and  the  public  displeasure  of  Florence.  Unscrupulous  as 
they  generally  were  when  successful,  the  Florentines  expressed 
great  indignation  at  this  treachery  and  loudly  demanded  As- 
torre s  punishment!  it  was  granted,  and  the  decemWrate  of 
war  despatched  the  following  characteristic  letter  as  recorded  by 
Cavalcanti. 

"  To  Thee.— Unbeloved  of  thy  Countr}\" 

"  The  numerous  acts  of  infamy  that  are  attributed  to  thee  by 
'*  loj^al  citizens  have  for  many  days  past  been  stunning  our 
"  ears;    wherefore  we  enjoin  and  expressly  command,   that 

VOL.  III.  M 


162 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


"  after  having  seen  our  letters  no  interval  of  time  shall  be  con- 
"  ceded  to  thee  for  thy  appearance  at  our  residence.      And  if 
"  thou  dost  not  obey,  thou  wilt  fiill  and  deservedly,  under  our 
"  displeasure,  which   will    not  pass  away  without  thy  most 
'*  grievous  punishment/'     Astorre  Gianni  returned,  was  con- 
demned, and  admonished,  by  which  he  became   ineligible  to 
public  office,  and  was  moreover  compelled  to  restore  some 
plunder  to  the  Seravezzans  who  were  otherwise  indemnilied 
as  circumstances  allowed,  but  nothing  could  compensate  the 
tarnished  honour  of  their  wives  and  daughtei*s  ^'.      Rinaldo 
degli  Albizzi  a  bold  and  able  man,  succeeded  Gianni :  he  was 
proud,  unpopular,  and  deemed  by  the  vulgar  avaricious,  for  he 
despised  luxury  and  sensuality :  but  he  infused  a  lietter  spirit 
into  the  army,  invested  Lucca,  and  reduced  it  to  such  straits 
as  alarmed  the  jealousy  of  his  rivals  who  accused  him  of  trad- 
ing with  the  soldiers  for  their  plunder.    This  made  him  re- 
turn without  peiTuissitm  to  Florence  and  indignantly  throw  up 
his   appointment:  Giovanni   Guicciardini  succeeded,  followed 
up  Piinaldo's  success,  and  was  forced  to  return  by  a  similar 
process,  perhaps  in  this  case  with  more  reason ;  but  he  was 
absolved  in  defiance  of  the  Medici  by  Uz/imo's   inlluence*. 
These  accusations,  civil  broils,  and  military  failures  augmented 
the  general  disorder  and  so  ecpial   were  parties  that  every 
election  was  minutely  analysed  and  the  relative  nutnbers  com- 
pared, with  all  the  eagerness  of  individual  interest ;  so  that  by 


*  As  an  illustration  of  the  mililary 
licence  of  that  age  take  the  following 
anecdote  from  Michele  Bruto's  History, 
Lib.  i.,  p.  6.5  ( Volganzzate  da  Stanid- 
lao  Gatteschi).  "  Ed  io  Stcsso  {do  e 
^ru<o)  trattenutonii  un  tempo  in  Lucca 
rurioso  di  saper  le  cose  dell'  eta  pas- 
sata,  udii  raccontarmi  da  alcuni,  come 
giovanetti  saputo  avevan  dai  padii 
loro,  che  i  soldati  eran  usi  riuiandare 
ai  parenti  le  bennati  donne,  avanzo  di 
lor  libidine,  dope  averc  a  quelle  scor- 


ciato  fin  dove  men  ronveniva,  la  gonna ; 
perche  cosi,  in  aumonto  degli  altri 
guai,  le  pungcssepiii  vivauicnte  V  onta 
del  violato  piidore." 

Orlan.  Malavolti,  Storia  di  Siciiu, 
Lib.iii.,  Parte  ii%  p.  19.— Macchiavelli, 
Stor.  V'lOT.,  Lib.  iv.--Cavalcauti,Storia 
di  Firenze,  Lib.  \i.,cap.  ix.,  x.,  xi.,  xii. 
— Ammirato,  Lib.  xix.,  p.  1058. 
+  Nerli  Commcntarj,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  39. 
Fol.  Ed.— Cavalcauti,  Storia  Fiorent., 
Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xv.,  xvi. 


CHAP.   XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


163 


disunion  and  other  obstacles  the  stream  of  public  business 
became  impeded  disordered  and  overswollen,  and  a  crisis  was 
evidently  at  hand. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  Medician  party  in 
concert  with  the  great  architect  Brunelleschi  conceived  the  bar- 
barous idea  of  overwhelming  Lucca  by  turning  the  river  Ser- 
chio  against  her  walls,  and  Tinucci  asserts  that  it  was  pro- 
posed, not  witli  any  idea  of  succeeding  but  expressly  to  prolong 
the  war :  success  indeed  could  scarcely  have  been  expected  ; 
mihtary  men  were  silently  opposed  to  it ;  Xeri  Capponi  openly 
ridiculed  it,  withstood  it  in  council  for  two  days,  and  predicted 
its  failure  :  he  insisted  that  Paulo  would  at  any  moment  be 
able  to  destroy  the  works  jind  send  the  water  back  to  the  Ser- 
chio.  Brunelleschi  at  his  desire  was  despatclied  to  examine 
the  ground,  and  was  t(X)  powerfully  supported  to  receive  much 
opposition  from  the  army.  The  architect  of  the  gi-eat  dome  of 
Florence  was  no  light  authority  and  he  reported  the  feasibility 
of  this  scheme  ;  the  thoughtless  multitude  shouted  gallantly 
for  the  swamping  of  Lucca  btrause  tlie  pl:ni  was  novel  and 
destmctive  as  well  as  plausible ;  and  the  ten  thus  urged  com- 
manded its  immediate  execution  =!-.  Some  plausibility  was  in- 
deed attached  to  the  notion  tliat  no  common  ramparts  could 
withstand  the  mighty  pressure  of  the  Serchio's  waters,  and  a  sort 
of  barbaric  grandeur  to  the  idea  of  washing  a  whole  city  away 
in  its  wave ;  but  the  result  belied  it  and  the  Lucchese  destroved 
these  works  as  often  as  they  pleased.  Their  mode  of  stopping 
the  enemy's  labour  was  ingenious  :  Guinigi  ordered  a  great 
number  of  pits  to  be  dug  during  the  niglit  near  an  unlhiished 
part  of  the  dike  each  deep  enough  to  cover  a  man  to  the  eye- 
brow and  long  enough  for  two  crossbow-men  to  stand  and  ply 
their  weapons.  JMorning  brought  the  Florentines  in  dense 
masses  to  labour  at  the  works  but  they  were  received  with 
showers  of  arrows  by  the  half-buried  invisible  enemy  and  felt 

•  Neri  Capponi,  Comm.  Rer.  Ital.  Scr.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  1170. 


'WPPSP^SOPffW 


164 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


the  shaft  even  before  they  heard  the  twaug  of  the  crossbow ; 
they  looked  fearfully  around  but  no  foe  was  visible  yet  arrows 
flew  thick  and  fast,  striking  upwards  as  if  from  the  infenial 
regions,  and  a  superstitious  fear  came  over  all  the  host.    Thus 
stupefied  they  knew  not  whether  going  or  staying  would  most 
favour  the  enchantment,  but  the  longer  tliey  remained  the 
sharper  the  shower  and  the  quicker  they  fell  imder  this  invisi- 
ble  archerv,  until  at  last  all  fled  in  terror  from  their  work :  the 
idarai  soon  became  general,  for  unable  to  discover  the  source 
of  so  inevitable  a  death  they  believed  it  pure  devilry  and  would 
in  nowise  face  it.     The  dikes  were  eventually  broken,  the  ene- 
my's camp  swamped,  the  army  compelled  to  dislodge,  and  Bru- 
nelleschi  retired  with  shame  and  mortification  to  Florence, 
where  the  inconstant  stream  of  popularity  which  before  had 
Lome  him  up  as  a  god,  now  rushed  over  him  and  the  ver}^boys 
in  the  streets  sang  sconiful  ballads  in  ridicule  of  his  failure-. 
This  as  may  be  supposed  hurt  him  deeply,  nevertheless  thert; 
was  no  diminution  of  the  excitement  and  sanguine  expecta- 
tions of  Florence.     The  conquest  of  Lucca  was  not  only  consi- 
dered certain  but  bore  puldic  ambition  onward  to  more  distant 
objects,  and  even  the  future  acquisition  of  Siena  floated  in  vision- 
ary splendour  before  the  people  :  the  reduction  of  that  state  was 
now  so  familiarly  discussed,  that  the  ver}^  children  chanted  pro- 
phetic distichs  on  the  subject  f.    As  smoke  warns  us  of  fire,  said 
the  Senese,  so  do  these  trifles  indicate  evil,  wherefore  let  us  suc- 
cour the  seimiior  of  Lucca,  render  tliis  chanting  harmless,  and 
revenge  all  the  injuries  we  have  received  from  the  Florentines. 
Such  ebullitions  of  public  feeling  were  prudently  repressed  by 
the  government,  and  Antonio  Petmcci  was  despatched  as  a 
mediator  between   the   belligerent   states.     Antonio   on  his 
arrival  demanded  an  audience,  but  was  repeatedly  rebufted  by 

*  Coment.  di  Neri  Capponi,  Rcr.  Ital.  f  Such  as : — 

Scrip.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  1 169. — Tinucci,  "  Ave  Maria  grazia  picna 

Confessione,  MS. — Ammirato,  Storia,  Aviitu  Lucca  avremo  Siena."  and 

Lib.  XX.,  pp  1061,1 062.— Cavalcauti,  "  G  uarii  (iruardati)  Siena 

Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xvii.  Chti  Lucca  trieiua." 


CHAP.  XSXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


165 


frivolous  excuses  and  recommendations  to  return  at  a  more 
convenient  season.     This  mockery  of  the  war  party  was  ren- 
dered more  pungent  by  their  adversaries,  who  told  him  that  he 
was  designedly  scorned  and  insulted  ;  whereupon  after  many 
days  of  vain  expectation  Antonio  indignantly  quitted  the  town, 
repeathig  a  common  proverb-.     "You  have  reckoned  without 
your  host,"  said  he  to  those  that  accompanied  him  to  the  gate, 
"  and  I  say  so  that  you  may  repeat  it  from  me  to  your  Seignory 
''  as  most  suitable  to  their  proud  demeanour.     Tell  them  how 
"  Antonio  Petrucci  demanded  peace  for  Lucca,  and  now  from 
"  the  Senese  he  flings  you  menaces  of  war."     He  then  quitted 
the  city.     The  Senese  were  furious  at  this  treatment  and  An- 
tonio tried  to  stir  up  their  passions  to  immediate  hostilities 
but  the  govennnent  still  prevailed  :  burning  with  anger  he 
raised  a  considerable  force  for  Guiuigi,  but  Florence  remon- 
strated and  fearing  the  result  he  mustered  them  on  the  eccle- 
siastical frontier,  passed  the  Pisan  territory'  unchecked,  entered 
the  Lucchese  state,  and  aided  by  a  company  of  Genoese  cross- 
bows broke  though  the  Florentme  legions,  their  bastions  and 
their  dikes  and  entered  Lucca  in  triumph.     This  was  the 
first  fruit  of  his  indignation,  nor  did  it  end  there ;  on  the 
coutraiy  he  so  worried  the  besiegers  by  his  activity  that  Flo- 
rence despatched  another  embassy  to  insist  on  his  recal :  the 
request  was  complied  with,  but  Antonio  refused  obedience  as 
inconsistent  with  the  honour  of  a  condottiere  engaged  in  his 
lords  service ;  he  then  left  Lucca  well  supplied  and  repaired 
to  Milan  with  the  Lucchese  envoys  for  the  pui'pose  of  engag- 
ing Philip  Visconte  in  defence  of  that  state.     Petrucci  was 
further  exasperated  because  the  Florentines  had  prevented  his 
being  Podesta  of  Lucca   therefore  had  double   cause  to  act 
against  them  and  all  the  vigour  of  Guinigi  s  defence  was  in 
fact  the  result  of  his  spirit,  for  though  nearly  every  fortified 

*  "  Una  cosa  pensa  il  ghiotto 
E<1  un'  altra  il  tavernajo 
E  altra  colui  chc  spende  il  mal  denajo." 


166 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


town  in  the  provinces  of  Lunigiana,  Garftignana,  Valeriana  and 
other  places  was  captured  Lucca  still  stood,  undaunted  un- 
injured and  alone*. 

A  new  Baliii  was  appointed  by  Florence  in  June  and  ambas- 
sadors despatched  to  Milan  and  Venice  to  reexplain  her  con- 
duct and  justify  the  war ;  the  latter  was  friendly,  and  from  the 
former  came  assurances  of  approval  and  oiTers  of  assistance  which, 
though  duly  appreciated,  prevented  the  ambassador's  recal. 

The  troubles  of  war  were  now  feaifully  augmented  by  pes- 
tilence ;  the  Florentine  poor  suffered  miserably,  and  in  conse- 
(juence  of  the  great  drain  of  money  to  support  this  contest  no 
aid  could  be  administered  to  them  nor  any  funds  procured.  The 
interest  of  money  was  in  fact  so  enormous  that  to  alleviate 
public  distress  a  decree  issued  for  the  admission  of  Jews  to  a 
permanent  domicile  in  Florence  and  the  privilege  of  lending 
money  at  an  interest  not  exceeding  four  denari  for  each  lira 
per  month,  or  from  twenty  to  nearly  twenty-two  per  cent,  per 
annum,  according  to  lunar  or  solar  reckoning |. 

At  Lucca  Paulo  Guinigi,  persuaded  against  his  own  opinion 
by  his  son  Ladislaus  and  some  principal  counsellors,  espe- 
cially Piero  Cenami  and  Giovanni  da  Ghivezzano,  sent  Lo- 
renzo Bonvisi  and  Salvestro  Trento  to  Milan  for  the  purpose 
of  soliciting  aid  against  Florence  ;    but  they  were    secretly 
instructed  by  some  distinguished  citizens  to  offer  the  sove- 
reignty of  Lucca  to  Visconte  and  to  deliver  Paulo  into  his 
hands,  under  the  belief  that  he  was  secretly  negotiating  for 
their  sale  to  Florence;.     This  suspicion  was  artfully  niised  by 
a  stratagem  of  the  ten,  who  addressed  two  apparently  respon- 
sive letters  to  Paulo  Guhiigi,  and  to  the  principal  citizens  of 
Lucca.     The  first  lauded  Paulo's  imi>licit  faith  in  the  Floren- 
tines and  large  offers  were  added  if,  according  to  the  hopes  he 
had  already  given,  Lucca  should  be  surrendered  :  the  last  was 

•  Cavalcanti,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.     folio  xix. 

from  xix.  to  xx.— Orlando  Malavolti,     +  Ainmirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  lUo^. 

Stor.    di    Siena,  Lib.  ii.,    Parte    iii%     t  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xx.,  xxi. 


tH\P.    XWlI.j 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


16: 


in  praise  of  a  resolution  supposed  to  have  been  taken  by  the 
citizens  to  kill  or  expel  their  tyrant,  which  it  was  affirmed 
would  at  once  terminate  the  war  because  Florence  fought 
only  against  Paulo,  not  against  the  Lucchese  nation.  These 
despatches  were  sent  with  wrong  directions,  the  last  reaching 
Paulo,  the  first  fiilling  into  the  hands  of  the  citizens.  By  this 
unworthy  trick  one  of  two  results  was  expected;  either  Guinigi, 
from  not  knowing  whom  to  trust,  would  come  to  terms  with 
them ;  or  the  citizens  by  violently  getting  rid  of  him  would 
fall  into  dissension  and  be  more  easily  mastered  *. 

According  to  their  open  instructions  the  Lucchese  ambas- 
sadors first  demanded  in  Paulo's  name  a  sufficient  force  to  repel 
the  Florentines  :  in  that  of  the  people — nothing.  But  instead 
thereof  was  proffered  the  state's  sovereignty  which  from  Paulo's 
treachery  they  declared  their  right  to  dispose  of,  as  the  sale 
of  themsehi'S  and  countiT  was  the  return  he  had  made  for 
thirty  years'  obedience  after  placing  the  sceptre  in  his  hands. 
They  further  pledged  themselves  to  deliver  Paulo  and  all  his 
family  in  chains  to  Visconte,  and  Visconte  accepted  the  offer 
but  without  rejecting  Paulo's  demand,  which  he  thought  would 
facilitate  its  accomplishment  f . 

The  result  of  this  interview  was  immediately  communicated 
to  Xiccolo  Piccinino  then  in  Visconte's  service  who  was  com- 
manded to  march  and  achieve  so  glorious  an  enterprise.  "  Be- 
"  lieve  me  O  Niccolo,"  said  Philip,  "  events  proceed  conjointly 
"  from  the  gods  and  the  working  of  sagacious  men ;  for  by 
"  the  latter  are  known  both  the  disposition  of  the  heavens 
•'  and  the  powers  of  the  human  mind :  assemble  thy  soldiers  ; 
"  give  thy  victorious  banners  to  be  sported  with  by  jEoIus 
"  the  god  of  winds ;  seek  the  frontiers  of  Tuscany ;  refresh 
''  thyself  in  the  Hmpid  waters  of  the  Magra ;  pass  the  full  stream 

*  Anchiennes  Croniqucs  de   Pise  en     f  Cavalcanti,  Stor.    Fiorcn.,  Lib.  vi. 
Ytalie. — Mazzarosa,  Storia  di   Lucca,     cap.  xxii.,  xxiii. 
torn,  i",  pp.  27a,  279. 


168 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


'*  of  the  Sercliio ;  and  thrust  thy  lances  into  the  livers  and 
•*  bowels  of  our  cowardly  enemies  !  Go,  and  reside  where  the 
'*  chief  citizens  call  thee :  enter  the  city ;  from  Paulo  thou 
*'  will  have  the  reward  of  thy  labour ;  they  will  deliver  him 
''  into  thy  hands ;  and  then  brmg  him  and  every  other  that 
•  they  give  thee,  under  a  powerful  escort  to  Milan  I  0  Xiccolo 
"  thv  jjloiT  NNill  transform  thee  from  mortal  to  immortal,  and 
••  thv  fame  shall  endure  for  ever  I  "  This  address  wa»  strongly 
seiisoned  with  promises  and  flattery,  for  in  both  Visconte  ex- 
celled ;  but  Piccinino  was  of  too  rough  a  stamp  to  ghde  easily 
into  such  treacheiy.  *'  The  brighter  my  fame,"  said  he,  "  the 
'•  more  palpable  will  be  the  slightest  stain ;  and  hitlierto  it 
"  has  been  unsullied  with  anything  but  what  falsehood  has 
"  uttered  against  me  :  by  the  senseless  multitude  I  have  been 
*'  calumniated,  but  that  I  consider  as  praise ;  and  my  fame 
''  would  be  so  much  the  more  tiiniished  by  tliis  enterprise  as 
'*  I  am  more  clear  in  fidelity  and  loyalty.  Wherefore  I  pray 
"  thee  O  prince  to  excuse  my  not  moving  hi  this  matter.  I 
"  will  renimd  thee  of  a  saving  rife  in  Tuscany  on  the  subject 
••  of  national  character.  They  are  wont  to  exclaim,  *  Tosco 
'*  rosso,  Lomhardo  nero,  e  Roma ff nolo  iVotjni  pelo.'  1  am  a 
•'  Tuscan  from  the  veiy  lap  of  the  Tuscans ;  but  my  colour  is 
"  written  Bruno ;  wherefore  I  am  not  a  reputed  master  of 
"  such  mattei^s  ;  but  search  Komagna  which  according  to  the 
'*  proverb  is  fruitful  in  them  ;  or  you  may  haply  find  amongst 
•*  your  own  followers  those  who  are  admirably  adapted  to  such 
"  service  and  will  feel  proud  in  doing  that  which  to  me  is  replete 
"  with  sin  and  infamy.  I  believe  that  the  gods  have  given  me 
''  so  many  victories  only  for  my  zeal  fidelity  and  frankness : 
*'  perhaps  I  have  not  more  of  these  than  others  and  if  l)etter 
*'  men  exist  would  to  God  I  were  equal  to  them !  When  the 
'•  Florentines  see  Paulo  and  Ladislaus  led  away  captives  their 
'*  forces  and  efforts  will  be  redoubled,  and  then  it  will  be  my 
• '  dutv  to  march  because  all  will  be  open  war ;   and  it  will 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


169 


*'  moreover  be  just  and  merciful,  to  succour  the  distressed  and 
"  protect  the  women  and  children"*. 

As  the  embassy  of  Petrucci  and  liis  coadjutors  was  secret  it 
is  uncertain  whether  the  fact  l)ecame  known  at  Florence  or  not, 
but  it  was  about  this  time  that  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  arrived  as 
ambassador  at  Milan ;  and  whether  his  conduct  were  honest 
but  imbecile,  or  that  he  merely  played  Cosimo's  game  as 
Tinucci  asserts,  is  difficult  to  prove ;  if  the  latter  his  supine- 
ness  is  simply  explahied ;  and  as  no  effectual  step  seems  to 
have  been  taken  by  him  to  check  Visconte  there  is  strong 
reason  to  believe  in  that  intrigue,  fur  he  is  described  by  Caval- 
canti  as  a  sharp  investigator  who  was  proof  against  all  the 
Duke  of  ^lilan's  tlattery  and  deception  f. 

On  Picchiinos  refusal  Philip  despatched  Trenta  and  Bonvisi 
to  Francesco  Sforza  at  Tortona  with  their  origmal  instructions 
strengthened  by  his  own  approbation,  and  simultaneously 
released  that  general  from  the  ^Milanese  service  on  pretence  of 
his  engagement  being  expired,  with  permission  to  look  after 
Ills  own  interests  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples  for  which  a  mili- 
taiy  force  was  requisite.  Sforza,  then  generally  called  the 
''Contecino,''  was  not  troubled  with  Piccininos  scruples  there- 
fore engaged  himself  nominally  in  Paulo's  service  while  really 
acting  for  Visconte .  t  This  intrigue  became  known  to  the  ten 
who  being  principally  of  the  Uzzaneschi  faction  immediately 
sent  Boccacini  Alamanni,  an  old  friend  of  the  elder  Sforza  and 
therefore  su}>posed  acceptable  to  the  younger,  with  ample  fmids 
to  tuni  his  march  from  Lucca.  Sforza  looked  only  to  his  own 
interests  and  avoided  committing  himself  but  managed  to  create 
a  favourable,  or  at  least  uncertain  Ijelief  of  his  friendly  inten- 
tions in  the  envoy  s  mind  until  all  was  ready  and  Ids  movement 
cautiously  begun  §.     He  was  on  one  side  incited  to  a  shameful 

*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxvi.  xx.,  p.  1063.— Poggio,  Istoria  Fior., 

t  Ibid.  Lib.  vi.,  p.  183. 

t   Cavalcanti,    Storia,   Lib.   vi.,  cap.     §  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxviii. 

xx\-ii. — Ammirato,   Stor.    Fior.,  Lib. 


iro 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  1. 


act  of  treachery  by  Philip  and  the  Lucchese  commissioners : 
and  on  tlie  other  to  refuse  his  aid  and  become  the  friend  of 
Florence :  bribery'  was  rife  on  both ;  but  as  he  pursued  the 
enterprise  it  is  probable  that  the  Florentine  offers  were  inferior 
to  those  of  Visconte,  for  to  Francesco  Sforza  says  Cayalcanti, 
infamy  or  good  repute,  faith  or  perjury,  were  of  equal  value 
provided  that  his  own  affairs  prospered  ^=.  Wherefore,  con- 
tinues tills  author,  "  Let  all  believe  that  as  by  men,  men 
are  generated,  so  does  their  condition  proceed  from  soil  and 
climate,  their  inclinations  from  heaven,  their  customs  from 
the  community,  and  their  social  laws  from  the  wise ;  all  these 
are  more  or  less  according  to  the  liberty  of  our  will,  and  men 
and  provinces  not  ordy  produce  divers  characters  in  their  rational 
inhabitants  but  even  in  irrational  creatures  and  the  whole  inani- 
mate world ;  all  are  affected  by  the  nature  of  their  countr}\ 
The  falcons  of  Calabria,  the  horses  of  Puglia,  the  mules  of 
Spain,  the  wines  of  Crete,  the  wheat  of  Loro,  the  oil  of  Signa, 
the  saffron  of  Val-d'Elsa  are  all  remarkable;  and  thus  it  is 
with  men.f  In  Ilomagna  there  ever  was  a  dearth  of  sincerity 
and  faith :  amongst  Lombards  an  abmidance  of  cruelty,  and  in 
Tuscany  cheating  and  an  inordinate  love  of  gain  "  *. 

Francesco  Sforza's  arrival  without  opposition  on  the  banks 
of  the  Serchio  where  he  defeated  Fortebraccio  was,  as  before 
noticed,  the  result  of  abandoning  the  siege  of  Pietrasanta  ;  the 
sieges  of  Lucca  and  Monte  Carlo  were  instantly  raised,  the 
Florentme  army  retired  to  Librafatta,  or  Pdpafratta,  on  the 
Pisan  road;  and  in  July  1480  Sforza  entered  Lucca  more  as 
the  master  and  conqueror  of  Paulo  than  his  retainer  and  friend. 
Without  showing  any  respect  to  the  unlucky  seignior  he  sternly 


*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxix. 
+  Loro,  in  the  upper  Val  d'Amo,  was 
famous  for  wheat :  Signa,  near  Flo- 
rence, was  as  it  appears,  then  celebrated 
for  its  oil ;  and  saffron  was  anciently 
grown  iu  Val  d'Elsa.  These  reflec- 
tions are  inserted  because  they  exhibit 


the  writer*8  train  of  thought,  and  as  a 
record  of  celebrated  natural  produc- 
tions of  the  time,  as  well  as  of  native 
character. 

X  Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib.  vi., cap.  xxix. 
and  xxxiii.  This  is  probably  meant  by 
Piccinino'a  "Tosco  Rosso" 


CIUP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


171 


ordered  him  to  disburse  certain  moneys  because  as  he  truly 
said,  where  that  failed  there  was  much  misery ;  and  "do  it 
quickly,"  added  Sforza,  "for  time  flies  faster  than  arrows 
and  its  speed  makes  it  all  the  more  precious."  Large  sums 
were  immediately  collected  and  Ladislaus  marched  cheerfully 
\nt]i  him  to  recapture  the  Florentine  conquests;  but  after 
a  successful  campaign  they  were  repulsed  in  an  attack  on 
Pescia  by  the  bravery  of  Giovanni  Malavolti  who  successfully 
defended  it  when  abandoned  in  the  most  shameful  manner  by 
his  commander  Ghiacceto  *. 

Genoa,  who  owned  Visconte  s  rule  but  claimed  the  right  of 
Independence,  at  his  secret  instigation  now  acted  as  a  free  state 
and  sent  ambassadors  to  remonstrate  mth  Florence  against 
the  war,  but  being  taunted  with  their  subjection  they  left  that 
city  in  wrath,  united  with  Lucca,  lent  her  15,000  ducats,  and 
received  Pietrasanta  and  IVlotrone  as  security  f .  This  new  ally 
with  Sforza's  aid,  changed  the  aspect  of  the  war  which  now 
menaced  Florence  in  her  o\\ti  territory ;  the  Venetians  were 
therefore  urged  to  attack  Philip  for  a  breach  of  the  treaty  of 
Ferrara,  while  Guido  di  Montefeltro  Count  of  Urbino,  was  in 
consequence  of  the  quarrels  between  Fortebraccio  and  Bernar- 
dino, made  generalissimo  of  the  Florentine  forces.  Philip  sent 
an  embassy  to  explain  and  excuse  his  conduct;  but  neither 
Florence  nor  Venice  were  deceived  and  preparations  were  made 
for  hostilities  in  Lombardy  l  Meanwhile  Sforza  returned  to 
Lucca  with  further  demands  ;  but  Paulo's  coffers  were  empty 
and  seeing  no  hopes  of  safety  he  began  or  was  believed  to  have 
begim  a  negotiation  with  the  Florentines.  Whether  true  or 
false  it  served  as  a  pretext  for  Antonio  Pucci,  Cenami,  Che- 

•  Poggio,  Lib.    vi.,  p.   184.— Caval-  f  Intenano,  Istorie  Genovisi,  Lib.  vi., 

canti, "storia,   Lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxix.—  p.   174.— Poggio,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  186.— 

Orlan.  Malavolti,  Stor.  di  Siena,  Lib.  Gio.  Morelli  Ricordi,  p.  92 —  Giusti- 

ii",  Parte  iii%  folio  19. —  Amniirato,  niani,  Annali  di  Genoa,  Lib.  v",  carta 

Lib.  XX.,  p.  1064.  — Giov.  Cagnola,  clxxxix. 

Storia  di  Milano,  Lib.  iil«,  p.  39.  X  Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1065. 


172 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


173 


i| 

1 


vezzano  to  conspire  with  Sforza  and  about  forty  other  citizens, 
who  availing  themselves  of  Paulo's  confidence  arrested  him  and 
all  his  family  and  sent  them  in  chains  to  Milan,  where  Ladislaus 
and  this  mild  hut  mifortunate  prince  soon  after  expired. 

Sforza  finding  liimself  unable  to  remain  longer  in  Lucca 
began  negotiating  with  the  Florentines  on  pretence  of  an  old 
and  probably  fictitious  debt  due  by  them  to  his  father:  he 
made  a  truce  with  their  general,  received  50,000  florins  and 
left  the  city,  now  weakened  by  plague  and  famine,  to  the 
enemy's  mercy,  with  a  promise  to  return  in  the  spring  *. 

Philip  being  still  pressed  by  the  Lucchese  and  his  own  de- 
sires, secretly  ordered  Niccolo  Piccinino,  then  nominally  in  the 
Genoese  service,  to  march  with  a  large  force  on  Lucca  towai'ds 
which  he  instantly  pushed  forward  with  a  chosen  body  of  cavalry. 
Fortebraccio  advised  the  government  not  to  give  battle  but 
rather  adopt  his  plan  of  defence  ;  he  was  unheeded,  but 
Urbino  had  ordei-s  not  to  risk  the  safety  of  the  army.  Picci- 
nino meanwhile  appeai'ed  on  the  Serchio,  assembled  all  his 
troops  and  forcing  a  passage  across  that  river  carried  joy  and 
abundance  into  Lucca. 

During  his  march  the  whole  army  was  struck  with  wonder  at 
a  marvellous  occurrence  which  they  witnessed  while  crossing 
the  plain  of  Sarzana.  Daylight  suddenly  became  obscured  by 
the  movement  of  what  seemed  a  wide-spreading  cloud  which 
on  nearer  approach  proved  to  be  one  vast  tlock  of  crows  who 
coming  up  in  the  army's  rear  shaded  all  the  heavens  and  by 
the  simultaneous  vibration  of  their  innumerable  wings  agitated 
every  terrestrial  object  even  more  than  a  common  zephyr. 
The  broad  shadow  of  this  air)'  multitude  for  a  while  completely 
veiled  the  sunlight  and  the  troops  halted  in  doubt  and  super- 
stitious terror,  tliinking  that  as  a  single  crow  was  deemed  a 
messenger  of  evil,  such  multitudes  might  be  expected  to  bring 

•  Neri  Capponi,  Com.  Rer.  Ital.  Scrip.,    — Cavalcanti,    Lib.    vi.,   cap.    xxx., 
torn,  xviii.,  p.  1170. — Poggio,  Lib.  vi.,     xxxiii. 
p.  185. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1065. 


infinite  mischief.  While  gazing  stedfastly  on  this  object  they 
beheld  hi  the  opposite  direction  of  Piombino  a  greater  mass  of 
these  ill-omened  birds  who  were  rapidly  winging  their  way  to 
meet  it  and  when  immediately  above  the  troops  both  the  fea- 
thered hosts  met  in  fierce  and  mortal  combat :  their  shock  was 
so  strange  and  terrible,  says  Cavalcanti,  that  vast  quantities  of 
each  dropped  dead  upon  the  ground  with  broken  legs  and  whigs ; 
some  with  wounds  so  large  that  the  bowels  were  trailing  from 
their  mangled  bodies,  and  they  fell  in  such  numbers  that  many 
sacks  might  have  been  filled  with  the  slaui.  The  cavalry 
dismounted  merely  to  handle  them  and  be  able  to  sav  that  thev 
not  only  saw  this  wonder  but  touched  the  actors  in  it  with 
their  own  hands.  After  several  horn's  of  obstinate  contest  the 
Lombard  flight  bore  down  their  enemies,  spread  triumphantly 
over  all  the  heavens,  and  flying  towards  the  shores  of  Piom- 
bino finally  disappeared. 

Piccinhio  instantly  availed  himself  of  this  phenomenon  to 
reassure  his  soldiers,  and  infused  new  spirit  into  the  most  timid 
by  crying  out :  "  Thus  the  divine  intelligence  promises  success  I 
"  Away  !  Let  us  march  to  victory  !  Even  as  you  beheld  the 
"  long  line  of  aerial  warriors  that  just  now  followed  us  clear 
"  the  wide  heavens  and  disappear  in  the  quarter  of  our  ene- 
"  mies,  so  will  we  trample  on  the  wicked  ones."  Thus  savin j; 
lie  bade  the  trumpets  sound  to  horse  and  resumed  his  march 
towards  Lucca*. 

When  he  arrived  on  the  deep  and  swollen  Serchio  the  whole 
country  resounded  with  the  din  of  armies,  now  only  divided 
by  its  stream.  "  The  neighing  of  horses,"  says  Cavalcanti, 
'*  the  clang  of  arms,  the  beat  of  drums,  the  shouts  of  soldiers, 
the  noise  of  instruments,  and  the  braying  of  trumpets  was  so 
great  as  to  fill  everything  with  wonder  to  the  very  depths  of 
earth.     The  ground  seemed  to  move,  the  fowls  of  the  air 

•  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  iv. 


174 


FLORENllNE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  X.XXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


175 


abandoned  their  element,  but  more  from  the  recent  battle 
above  than  the  tumult  of  men  below,  Withm  the  city  women 
and  children  were  seen  moving  barefooted  in  solemn  march  to 
the  temples  and  holy  places,  mingled  with  priests  and  monks, 
chanting  their  hymns,  and  offering  supplications  for  their  own 
safety  and  our  destmctiou ;  all  the  citizens  were  in  arms  and 
ready  to  join  that  battle  preparing  without  the  walls."  Niccolo 
Piccinmo  was  seen  riding  to  and  fro  on  the  river  s  bank  pro- 
mising rewards  and  distinctions,  and  infushig  a  bold  and  cheer- 
ful spirit  into  his  foUowei-s,  while  the  housetops  of  Lucca 
were  covered  with  females  and  aged  men  praying  in  teai-s  for 

victor}'. 

In  this  state  of  suspense  a  Florentine  knight  with  his  fol- 
lowers dashed  suddenly  mto  the  stream  and  charged  bravely 
on  the  enemy  ;  he  was'  rudely  handled  and  lost  three  horses, 
but  what  was  worse,  tliis  rash  act  discovered  the  ford  to  Niccolo 
about  which  he  had  previously  been  in  some  anxiety  *.  Fear- 
ing that  Urbino  would  allow  of  his  entrance  into  Lucca  without 
resistance  and  thus  shut  him  up  in  a  place  that  must  have 
soon  been  in  further  want  of  provisions,  he  across  the  water 
verbally  demanded  this  permission  on  puqwse  to  insure  the 
enemy's  refusal  and  at  the  same  time  give  notice  of  his  inten- 
tion to  the  besieged.  The  Florentines  he  thought  would  thus 
believe  him  apprehensive  and  therefore  become  more  eager  fur 
battle,  which  was  precisely  what  he  wanted,  because  without  de- 
feating  them  he  could  not  effectually  raise  the  siege.  Urbino 
for  the  same  reasons  would  have  allowed  him  a  free  passage 
sooner  than  risk  a  general  engagement  with  somewhat  inferior 
force  but  was  overruled,  and  Niccolo  after  an  animated  address 
to  his  men  in  which  he  made  good  use  of  the  late  aerial  battle 
to  inspire  a  superstitious  confidence,  gave  the  word  to  begin. 

♦  Cavdcanti,  Lib.   vii.,  cap.  ix.— Neri,  Comment.,    Rcr.    Ital.   Scrip.,   torn- 
xviii.,  pp.  1171-2. 


Three  squadrons  of  men-at-arms  lowering  their  lances  instantly 
dashed  into  the  stream  and  pushing  gallantly  across  were 
charged  with  equal  spirit ;  they  were  repulsed  but  not  pursued, 
and  Piccinino  seeing  the  enemy  in  a  disorderly  cluster  crossed 
the  river  with  his  whole  force.  The  conflict  now  became  fierce 
and  obstinate  ;  many  feats  of  personal  prowess  adorned  the 
annals  of  that  day ;  the  Florentines  fought  hard  and  well,  but 
with  little  concert  in  consequence  of  personal  quarrels ;  the 
besieged  made  a  bold  sally,  aided  by  a  detachment  which 
Piccinino  had  previously  thromi  into  Lucca,  and  fully  occupied 
the  lord  of  Faenza  with  all  his  followers ;  but  the  battle  though 
brave  was  short  and  Florence  was  defeated  ''^. 

The  destruction  of  fifteen  hundred  of  her  best  cavalr}',  a 
rapid  and  disorderly  retreat  on  Pisa,  and  the  entire  loss  of 
Lucca  were  its  results.  In  that  city  prayers  and  teai-s  were 
turned  to  smiles  and  joy;  the  conqueror  was  welcomed  in 
triumph  ;  tables  of  refreshments  were  spread  at  the  city  gates ; 
rich  wines  and  cool  drinks  were  now  produced  notwithstanding 
the  general  distress,  and  gracefully  offered  to  the  soldiers  by 
groups  of  young  women  who  danced  round  the  victorious  libe- 
rator chanting  their  orisons,  while  the  bells  rang  loud  and  mer- 
rily, and  priests  sang  hymns  and  psalms ;  and  all  was  pleasure 
joy  and  festivity.  Artists  were  immediately  engaged  to  paint 
the  victors  portrait,  "  and  thus  says  Cavalcanti  keep  him  per- 
petually before  mortal  eyes  and  to  the  future,  present "  f . 

Part  of  the  vanquished  saved  themselves  at  Ripafratta, 
part  took  refuge  in  Pisa;  Florence  itself  was  agitated  fear- 
ing the  loss  of  that  city ;  and  the  reproaches  of  faction,  and 
general  disunion  were  fearfully  augmented:  Niccolo  was  in 
fact  urged  by  the  malcontents  to  advance  instantly  on  Pisa 
which  it  is  said  he  might  have  taken  in  the  general  alarm ;  but 

*  Neri  Capponi,  Comment.,  Rer.  Ital.  mirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1068.  —  Bonin- 

Scrip,,  torn,  xviii.,  pp.   1171-*2. — Ca-  scgni,  Lib.  i.,  p.  34. 

valcanti,  Sloria,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xii.  and  f  Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xv. 
xiv.— Poggio,  Lib.  v",  p.  187.— Am- 


176 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  xxxn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


177 


his  first  object  was  to  clear  the  lines  of  communication  with 
Lombardy  and  Genoa  and  perhaps  not  to  commit  Visconte  by 
doing  more  at  that  moment  than  relieve  the  city  of  Lucca. 
Afterwards  nearly  all  the  contado  of  Pisa  fell  before  him  includ- 
ing Montemajnio  and  Pontetetto  the  great  military  magazines  of 
Florence.  Many  other  places  surrendered  by  means  of  Antonio 
Count  of  Pontedera  a  Pisan  exile,  and  this  occasion  was  not  lost 
by  his  comitrymen  to  strike  a  blow  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  for  the 
Pisans  though  vanquished  were  unsubdued  by  four-and-tweuty 
years  of  tyranny  ;  their  spirit  still  stood  high  and  was  ever  in- 
dignant at  the  rough  and  detested  government  of  Florence  *. 

The  Count  of  Urbino  had  orders  to  defend  Pisa;  Forte- 
l>raccio  marched  to  liis  old  station  at  Fucecchio  ;  Neri  Capponi 
and  Lorenzo  da  Pisa  were  to  place  Pescia  in  a  stiite  of  de- 
fence ;  Bernardo  di  Gualdo  was  recalled  from  Pontremoli  and 
sent  to  guard  the  Valdinievole ;  and  on  the  eighth  of  Decem- 
ber, six  days  after  the  battle,  Francesco  Toniabuoni  repaired 
to  Venice  with  news  of  the  defeat  and  urged  an  immediate 
irniption  into  Lombardy :  for  this  the  lord  of  Faenza  was  pro- 
mised with  all  liis  followers  and  two  thousand  men  besides  ;  or 
if  too  late  in  the  season  there,  they  were  urged  to  send  a  re- 
enforcement  without  delay  to  Florence  wliich  was  now  reduced 
to  purely  defensive  warfare.  It  must  have  been  at  this  crisis 
that  Averardo  de'  Medici  hurried  up  from  ]\Iugello  to  the 
metropolis  and,  as  Tinucci  asserts,  feasted  the  citizens  into 
electing  a  new  Balia  with  Cosimo  and  Puccio  Pucci  amongst 
its  membei's. 

Public  affairs  had  now  become  so  unpromising,  the  city  so 
divided,  and  Niccolo's  progress  so  rapid,  that  iill  the 
enemies  of  Florence  were  watching  their  advantage  and 
the  principal  citizens  of  Pisa  held  secret  consultations  about  the 
successful  issue  of  revolt :  they  were  all  people  of  distinction  led 

*  Poffffio,  Lit),  vi.,  p.   188.  — Cavalcauti,  Lib.  vii..  cap.    xx.— S.  Ammirato, 
Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1069. 


A.D.  1431. 


on  by  the  Lanfranchi,  Gualandi,  Sismondi  and  about  six  more 
of  the  most  ancient  name  and  reputation.    Meeting  continually 
they  excited  each  other  by  enumerating  all  the  wrongs  of  Pisa 
and  the  insolence  of  Florence  :  how  '*  their  dignities  were  tram- 
pled on,  their  honours  torn  from  them ;  the  Pandects,  those  wise 
and  reverenced  laws  that  illuminated  the  human  mind,  and  with 
admirable  measure  meted  out  impartial  justice,  harmonising 
the  weak  with  the  strong,  the  greater  witli  the  less ;    those 
honom'ed  relics  tlie  Florentines  had  canied  off  in  triumph  to 
adorn  the  musty  shelves  of  their  national  lil)raries.    How  they, 
the  Pisans,  had  been  compelled  to  pledge  the  sacred  girdle,  and 
in  spite  of  themselves  had  then  lost  it  for  ever :   how  their 
unhappy  countrymen  had  been  dispersed  like  the  Jews  of  old 
through  every  nation :  how  their  women,  wlio  before  had  been 
accounted  the  most  chaste,  were  now  corrupted  ;  and  their  city 
degraded  from  the  noblest  to  the  vilest  in  tlie  world.     The 
honourable  buildings,  the  regal  palaces,  the  towers  that  seemed 
once  to  touch  the  clouds,  were  now  razed  to  the  very  surface 
of  the  earth,  and  Pisa  had  become  a  den  of  thieves,  a  sink  of 
infamy,  and  a  receptacle  for  ever}^  vagabond."     Thus  mutually 
encouraged  they  agreed  on  augmenting  their  numbers,  and 
finally  assembled  to  arrange  every  detail  in  tlie  chapel  of  the 
Gambacorti.     Giovanni  Gualandi,  the  most  eloquent  and  one 
of  the  noblest  citizens,  addressed  the  assembly,  and  after  having 
proved,  according  to  the  style  of  those  ages,  by  the  example  of 
almost  every  species  of  animal,  that  liberty  was  natural  to  man, 
he  declared  that  the  hour  was  come  for  his  compatriots  to  doff 
their  servile  robes  and  boldlv  free  themselves  from  Florentine 
oppression.    Antonio  of  Pontedera  their  friend  and  countiyman 
was  abroad  and  active,  the  worthv  comrade  of  Piccinino,  whose 
assistance  would  thus  be  secured  :  the  Lucchese  would  also  aid 
them :  the  power  of  Visconte ;  the  wrongs  of  Lucca ;  the  time ; 
the  circumstances ;  all  cried  aloud  for  liberty  and  vengeance. 
Arms,  adherents,  and  secrecy  were  then  recommended;  any 

VOL.    III.  N 


178 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   !■ 


waste  of  time  above  all  things  deprecated,  for  time  was  ever 
lost  when  not  followed  by  adequate  results ;   but  beyond  all 
else,  he  conjured  his  fellow-citizens  to  die  free  rather  than  live 
in  servitude.     The  last  hour  of  our  existence,  added  Gualandi. 
is  not  death ;  but  that  life  which  is  tamely  dragged  along  in 
unjust  and  tyrannical  servitude  is  real  death  to  a  generous  and 
independent  mind.    As  Christ's  birth  into  this  sinful  world  was 
his  tme  death,  his  veritable  crucifixion  ;  and  liis  death  only  a 
return  to  everlasting  gloiy,  so  shall  the  last  day  of  oiu"  life  be 
the  first  of  perpetual  repose.     Your  enemies  the  Gambacorti 
with  their  Bergolini  faction  sold  Ixnli  themselves  and  you  to 
the  Florentines;  now  let  your  deeds  rcst.ac  the  Kaspanti  k. 
their  high  station  and  along  with  them  the  liberties  of  your 
country r  and  if  you  fail,  why  then  you  become  compulsory 
servants,  but  not  sold  and  abject  slaves.     Servants  at  least  are 
contented  with  the  fair  price  of  their  labour,  but  slaves  are  ever 
the  receptacle  of  others'  passions  and  injuries,  and  thus  become 
the  prop  and  nourishment  of  their  most  heinous  sins.     Do  nut 
believe  that  long  continuance  in  this  servitude  will  render  such 
masters  compassionate;  compassion  reigns  in  the  breast  of  the 
magnanimous,  cruelty  in  that  of  the  peivn^r.     How  can  they 
pity  you  who  liave  no  pity  on  themselves '.'    Look  at  then'  city  1 
You  will  find  none  there  who  have  arrived  at  the  third  genera- 
tion, that  still  enjoy  the  riches  their  grandfathers  bequeathed: 
Banish  all  hope  then :  for  hope  is  vain ;  expect  nothing  from 
the  Florentines.    Remember  their  ancient  and  glorious  fomilies 
and  to  what  they  have  reduced  them !    Poverty  and  misery,  in 
public  and  in  private,  have  taken  hold  of  them;  they  are  scat- 
tered through  the  country  and  herd  with  the  sheep  and  thr 
s\\ine ;  certes  they  now  can  tame  young  bulls  and  comb  the 
yielding  earth  with  plough  and  harrow :   thry  do  it  witli  tli^r 
own  hands :  they  dig  the  vines  and  prune  their  useless  shoots 
and  touch  not  them  that  bear ;  they  have  l)een  taught  that  of 
which  they  had  before  been  ignorant  or  unaccustomed  to.    And 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


179 


why  is  this  if  not  because  the  Florentine  community  is  poisoned 
by  the  infusion  of  a  base  crowd  of  the  vilest  and  lowest  caste  : 
there  are  now  so  many  "  Stucchi,"  and  so  many  "Truffi,"  and 
"  Nini  "  and  "  Tiiii "'  and  "  Kencini ''  that  I  scarcely  believe  so 
motley  a  collection  of  animals  could  be  found  in  the  Libyan 
deserts,  wherefore  expect  no  compassion  from  a  people  so  wicked 
and  insatiable  ;  neither  look  for,  I  will  not  say  liberty,  but  even 
the  most  trifling  kindness.  Be  quick  tlien  0  valiant  citizens ; 
arm  ;  haste  to  the  market-place ;  drive  fear  and  pity  from  your 
breasts,  and  slay  your  exerral'le  tyrants  :  seize  the  nearest  gate, 
call  on  Count  Antonio  for  assistance,  on  Piccinino  for  present 
favour,  and  on  the  friendly  exertions  of  Lucca.  Tell  that  peo- 
ple that  your  freedom  is  their  safety,  and  bid  them  remember 
how  your  forefathers  ffiive  them  liberty  when  Florence  received 
them  fettered  from  ^Mastino  della  Scala.  Public  injuries  should 
be  avenged  by  a  temperate  chastisement;  public  benefits  re- 
warded by  public  justice  :  and  justice  is  only  the  rendering  of 
what  was  his  own  to  each  individual :  the  pride  of  Florence 
will  thus  be  humbled  and  our  iniuries  revenged.  Look  at  your 
city ; — ^j'our  fallen  palaces,  your  polluted  beds,  your  dishonoured 
virmns,  your  violated  widows  :  remember  all  this,  be  bold  and 
fear  not!  None  will  si)eak  for  tJwni,  none  against  you  ;  all  will 
deem  your  risinj^  just  and  reasonable  :  your  towns  are  in  Picci- 
nine's  hands:  your  enemy  "s  force  depressed  in  spirit,  scattered, 
and  comparatively  trilling:  the  victory  of  Lucca  has  tamed 
their  pride  ;  but  you  still  liave  strength  and  daring,  and  these 
have  ever  subdued  the  timed,     ^^'ill  vou  who  are  citizens  fear 

I. 

to  attempt  what  your  very  peasants  have  already  accomplished? 
Only  follow  my  counsel  and  you  will  ac(]uire  eternal  glory  great 
benefits  and  inestimable  joy.  Your  fame  will  be  the  messenger 
to  recall  that  multitude  of  expatriated  citizens  who  disdained 
the  gallhig  fetters  of  another's  will :  Sicily  and  every  Christian 
land  are  full  of  them,  but  all  will  return  at  the  sound  of  your 
glorious  achievements,  and  will  sing  of  you  as  saints  and  demi- 

N  'Z 


150 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


gods,  while  your  exploits  will  be  incomparable  to  anything  but 
the  vast  and  boundless  ocean*. 

When  all  was  settled  the  conspirators  dispersed  ;  but  uulor- 
tunatelv  for  them,  a  woman  who  was  at  her  devotions  in  a 
neighbouring  chapel  overheard  all  and  immediately  revealed 
the'plot  to  Pacei  Archbishop  of  Pisa,  a  stem  prelate  who  lost 
no  time  in  taking  effectual  measures  against  them :  he  rode 
oompletelv  armed  througli  the  streets,  more  like  a  paladin  than 
a  priest;  Veenforced  every  guard,  supplied  the  fortress,  and  m 
concert  with  the  captain  had  eveiything  in  readmess ;  but  ah 
passed  off  quietly :  great  severity  was  afterwards  used ;  many 
of  the  conspirators  were  exiled ;  and  from  this  period  perhaps 
may  be  dated  the  malignant  and  destructive  policy  of  Horence 
towards  the  unfortunate  and  devoted  Pisa  \. 

Amongst  Picciuino's  numerous  conquests  was  a  place  called 
La  Pietra  then  existing  in  the  Val  d"  Evola.  besides  several 
other  towns,  all  gained  through  the  treachery  of  F.-sso  de 
Rossi  a  Florentine  officer  of  authority  hi  that  district.  It  was 
doubtless  excessively  galling  to  the  government  in  addition  U> 
all  their  other  ills  to  see  the  country  betrayed  by  its  o«ti 
citizens  ;  but  their  mode  of  admmistering  law  in  this  matter 
,^-ill  crive'  a  fair  notion  of  what  the  justice  of  a  republican  goveni- 
ment^and  the  ties  of  kindred  were,  at  that  epoch,  in  Florence. 

*  This  is  the  substance  of  Gualandi's  prot,ably    tbe   o^cprcs.ion   of  popular 

lonV  oration,  as  pven  without  a  date  feeling  amongst   the   "PP^f  ^^     >  "' 

hv  CaX'tU  (l-ib.  vii.,  cap.  xxi.),  this  too  by  an  enemy  a  noble  Horen- 

aL?t  r^eri^     conspiracy  nol  noticed  tine,  one  of  those  v.ct.ms  of  popular 

bv  and  "pTbablT  no.  kno»-n  to.  other  oppression  who  were  reduced  by  ex- 

^te^  uSss  the  M.lanese  historian,  cessive  t.v.a.ion,  first  to  a  pnson  and 

SraUude-  to  it.  (Rer.  Ital.  Script.,  .hen  to  till  .he  sod  w.h  Ins  "wt. '.and*, 

fomo  kt    p   14«).    The  speech  given  These  co.cmporary  orafons,  .f  .hey  d 

bv  CavS^anti  (here  much  abridsed)  nothing    else,   at   least    c.nhody   the 

^L  p^baUv  the  substance  of  what  popular  feeling  of  the   day,  and  a 

Z  uC4d,-but  arranged  in  the  his-  consequently  in.eresl.ng  and  ;,nstru>- 

torian  s  o\vn  manner,  and  is  now  given  tivc. 

nie,  whether  spoken  by  Gualandi  +  A^"'r"%  S" 

or  not,  it  is  a  cotemporary's  exposition  \  talie,  from  Tans  MS5. 
of  the  evils  of  Florentine  rule,  and 


CH.4P.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


181 


The  Seiguory  sent  for  Rosso's  nearest  relations  and  thus 
addressed  them.  "  What  is  the  reason  of  your  kinsmans 
"enmity?  If  his  disgraceful  conduct  did  him  any  service 
''  there  would  be  less  to  blame  ;  but  he  robs  himself  and 
"  enriches  our  enemies.  What  would  ye  say  if  upon  your 
"  heads  were  to  fall  that  vengeance  that  is  due  to  his  treachen  ? 
'•  Who  is  there  that  would  blame  us  except  our  enemies  ?  And 
"  be  ye  certain  that  we  know  so  well  how  to  do  it  that  the 
"  punishment  may  be  felt  ere  the  crime  be  completed."  The 
Rossi  comprehending  the  full  force  of  this  address  implored  for 
mercy  and  a  short  respite,  and  in  the  space  of  a  few  days  Rosso 
del  Bonica  de"  Rossi  fell  by  his  own  nephews'  hands  ;  wliile  his 
two  sons,  said  to  be  no  less  culpable  than  he,  and  an  innocent 
daughter  with  an  infant  at  tlie  breast  were  placed  in  the  hands 
of  government.  Cosimo  de'  Medici  touched  with  pity  for  the 
mother  and  child  humbly  im[>lored  the  Seignory  not  to  allow 
such  cruelty  to  be  intlicted  at  their  hands  and  offered  himself 
as  security  for  both,  promising  to  produce  them  whenever 
required.  "  Guide'-,  says  Cavalcanti,  "  being  one  of  the  priors 
answered  this  good  man  in  a  loud  voice  and  with  all  his  father  s 
"  fury.  '  Cosimo,  understand  clearly,  that  while  we  hold  this 
"  station  the  commencement  and  termination  of  every-  proposal 
"  and  opinion  shall  rest  with  ourselves,  and  neither  thou  nor 
"  any  other  individual  citizen  shall  oppose  us  ;  for  we  are  the 
"  law,  and  we  are  the  judge.  Depart  in  peace  and  attempt  not 
"  to  become  the  steward  and  manager  of  the  commonwealth.' 
"  At  these  insulting  words  the  patient  Cosimo  retired  giving  no 
"  sign  of  any  feeling  but  humility.  Now  I  know  not  which  was 
"  greatest  Cosimo s  humility  or  Guides  haughtiness  "f. 


•  This  transaction  probably  ocnirred 
in  March  or  April,  1431,  as  the  only 
prior  of  that  name  given  by  two  an- 
cient MS.  "  Priorute^''  in  my  pos- 
session, or  by  Morelli,  in  his  jjrinted 
Priorista,  from  May  1 430  to  May  1 433, 
ia  Gaido  di  Beso  Magalotti,  although 


there  appears  to  have  been  a  gon- 
falonier of  justice,  called  Guido  di 
Tommaso  Deti,  in  March  and  April, 
1433.  AVc  are  not  told  what  was  the 
fate  of  the  lady  and  her  child, 
f  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xxiv. 


182 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   I. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLOIIENTINE    HISTORY. 


183 


Nomthtsanding  ibis  example  no  less  than  fourteen  towns 
revolted  in  favour  of  Piccinino  during  one  night,  all  sendnig 
their  keys,  and  generally  imprisoning  the  Florentine  autho- 
rities ,  yet  amidst  the  sharp  oppression  and  barbarity  of  the 
time  it  is  refreshing  to  tind  that  some  of  the  hitter  were  spared 
in  consequence  of  their  just  government ;  and  with  their 
iamdies  carried  safe  across  the  frontier  by  the  revolted  people; 
but  such  exceptions  only  prove  the  general  rigour  of  Hurentine 

swav 

In  this  state  of  tilings  Miclieletto  Aten,lol;i  of  Cutigiiolo  a 

nephew  of  Sforza  «ns  made  captitin  of  the  Florentine  army,  to 
whirh  some  spirit  wi«  soon  after  restored  by  an  advantage 
oained  at  Colle  against  Count  Alberigo  da  Barh.ano    I'leci- 
ninos  successor  by  Bernardino  degli  Ibaldini  and  also  by  the 
.rallant  behaviour  of  Ramondo   Mannelli  and  Papi    ledaUU, 
^■hich  cast  still  greater  credit  on  the  Florcntme  nnn>.     btung 
with  a  late  defeat  on  the  Vo  where  they  were  completely 
routed  by  a  Genoese  admiral  the  Venetians  sent  a  scpiadron 
to  the  Tuscan  coast  and  lliviera  of  Genoa  to  revenge  this 
iniurv'  ■  they  however  seem  to  have  been  shy  of  coming  to  a 
general  engagement  until  the  Florentines  tired  of  such  hnra.- 
sin"  inactivity  fitted  out  two  galleys  under  the  above  offic-ers 
and  either  forced  or  shamed  them  into  an  attack  on  the  Ge- 
noese  squadron,    rriiicipally  by  their  own  daring  counige.  the 
latter  were  completely  beaten  near  Portofino  and  their  admiml 
Francesco  Spinola  and  eight  galleys  captured  .   lUit  long  ere  this 
Niocolo  Piccinino  had  ridden  triumphant  over  most  of  the  Flo- 
rentine territorj-,  capturing  or  destroj-ing  town  after  tovv-n  from 
Poutremoli  to  the  gates  of  Arezzo  which  would  also  have  fallen 
had  he  not  unaccomitably  stopped  to  besiege  the  litde  fortress 
of  Gargonza  on  his  march.     Tliis  unchecked  career  of  victoiy 

.  Cayalranti,  Lib.    vi.,    cap.    xxix.,     To«:ani    vol.^.-Poggio  Lib.  vi.,  p. 
„x.-Ammirat«,  Mb.  xx..  p.  1076.     194.-G.ov.  Morclh,  p.  10/. 
— Raicolla  d'Elogi  d'Uomini   lUiistn 


rivetted  his  favour  with  Philip  Visconte  while  it   raised  the 
jealousy  of  Niccolo  Tolentino  who  was  fed  l)y  that  prince  on 
promises  alone,  wherefore  the  latter  quitted   Milan   in   dis- 
gust and  engaged  with  the  Florentines  who  lent  him  to  the 
pontiif  with  two  thousand  followers,  and  the  consequence  of 
this  defection  was  Piccinino  s  recall  to  defend  Lombardy  now 
threatened  by  the  league.      Pope  Martin  the  Fifth's  decease 
in  February  1  ):^1  brought  joy  to  Florence  which  during  all  his 
rei"n  he  had  never  ceased  to  hate,  and  the  election  of  Gabriel 
Condelmerio  cardinal  of  Siena  and  a  Venetian  who  assumed 
the  pontificate  as  Eugenius  IV.  was  scarcely  less  satisfactory. 
His  first  measure  was  an  attempt  to  restore  tranquillity ;  but 
tliis  was  done  with  so  decided  a  leaning  towards  Florence  as 
to  disgust  the  Senese,  Visconte,  and  all  her  numerous  enemies*. 
War  therefore  became  certain,  and  the  league  between  Florence 
and  Venice  was  more  closely  rivetted;  but  Siena  in  concert 
with   Genoa,  l)ot]i  of  whom  had  long   been  favouring  Lucca 
and  were  encouraged  by  Piccinino,  soon  broke  into  open  war ; 
she  commenced  hostilities  under  Visconte  s  general  Alberigo, 
and  by  means  of  Genoa  seduced  the  seignior  of  Piombino  a 
recent  ward  of  the  Florentines,  to  take  up  arms  against  them  f . 
The    incursions    of   these    neighbours    in   Val  d' Ambra  in- 
creased Florentuie  ditTiculties  and  an  attempt  was  m^de  to 
engage  Francesco  Sforza ;  but  true  to  his  own  interest  he  was 
bought  oiY  by  the  promise  of  Visconte's  infant  daughter  Bianca 
in  marriage  J. 

To  cope  with  him  and  Piccinino,  Carmagnola,  notwithstand- 
ing his  strange  conduct  in  the  late  war,  was  again  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  Venetian  armies  and  he  advanced  into  the  Cremonese 
state  but  was  defeated  with  great  loss  by  Sforza  on  the  sixth 
of  June.  1431. 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.   xx.,   p.  1071. 

Oiov.  Canibi,  p.  182. 

t  Ammirato,  Lib.   xx.,   p.    1072. 


Po2gio,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  191. 

:*:  Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1070. 


^m 


1 


184 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


185 


A  (lotilla  consisting  of  one  hundred  vessels  of  all  descriptions 
was  equipped  on  the  Po  and  under  Niccolo  Trevigiano  moved 
straight  on  Cremona;  Visconte  had  also  prepared  his  squadron 
under  the  command  of  the  Genoese  admiral  Grimaldi,  or  as 
some  say,  Pacino  Eustachio  of  Pavia  who  had  formerly  suffered 
a  defeat,  probably  both  were  employed :  but  Venice  was  too 
quick,  and  excelled  the  Milanese  fleet  in  numbers,  size,  and 
equipment  so  that  for  some  time  they  had  command  of  the 
river.     The  hostile  armaments  ultimately  met  at  Bina  near 
Cremona  and  fought  until  night  parted  them,  with  the  loss  of 
seven  Milanese  galleys.    Sforza  and  Piccinino  who  had  manned 
the  squadron  from  their  troops  and   feared   an   attack   from 
Carmagnola  during  the  next  day's  fight,  deceived  the  Vene- 
tian general  by  means  of  some  pretended  deserters  who  re- 
ported that  they  were  preparing  to  attack  liim  in  the  heat  of 
the  naval  battle.    Whether  Carmagnola  were  really  deceived, 
or,  as  the  Venetians  thought,  had  come  unwillingly  to  war  is 
still  unsettled ;  but  he  acted  as  if  he  were,  and  not  only  re- 
mained under  arms  all  day  but  refused  any  succour  to  the 
admmil.     Sforza  and  Piccinino  on  the  contrary  reinforced  the 
fleet  with  almost  all  their  troops  and  next  day,  towards  the  end 
of  June,  the  most  obstinate  naval  battle  then  on  record  was 
the  consequence. 

The  Venetian  galleys  took  a  position  with  their  bows  to  the 
stream  and  all  chained  together  the  better  to  resist  it:  the 
Milanese  less  in  number  but  crowded  with  men  bore  gallantly 
down  on  their  antagonists  ;  both  fleets  were  ghttering  with  steel 
and  rough  with  pikes  and  lances.  The  adverse  admirals  had 
a  national  hatred  then  far  from  extinct ;  the  two  Milanese  gene- 
rals 8er\'ed  pei*sonally  on  board  inspiriting  their  troops  as  if  on 
the  field  of  battle :  the  defect  of  a  weaker  line  of  vessels  was 
compensated  by  a  stronger  personal  force  on  the  side  of  Milan, 
while  on  that  of  Venice  the  last  day's  success  animated  every 
breast  to  new  and  more  daring  courage. 


Thus  prepared  the  fight  began,  and  the  struggle  was  long 
and  fierce ;  but  Grimaldi  observed  that  the  Po  had  risen  during 
the  night  and  at  that  season  was  unlikely  to  remahi  so :  ho 
therefore  watched  its  fcdl,  and  cheering  his  men  to  a  little 
longer  stniggle  seconded  by  the  efforts  of  both  generals,  looked 
anxiously  for  the  grounding  of  the  large  Venetian  galleys  while 
his  own  lighter  craft  would  still  be  afloat  and  able  to  attack 
them.  All  turned  out  fortunate;  the  stream  began  to  fall, 
the  water  shoaled  rapidly  ;  the  Venetians  felt  their  galleys  take 
the  ground  and  turning  all  their  attention  to  this  accident 
exposed  themselves  to  the  whole  fury  of  Grimaldi  who  renewed 
the  assault  with  double  vigour :  Sforza  and  Piccinino  fought 
like  private  men;  the  latter  was  severely  wounded  in  the 
neck  and  lamed  for  life,  Init  all  dashed  boldly  on  to  victory 
while  the  Venetians  struggled  for  existence  :  their  admiral's 
galley  at  last  struck,  he  himself  escaping ;  but  this  was  a  signal 
of  defeat  and  Grimaldi  remained  the  conqueror.  About  twenty- 
nine  galleons  and  eight  thousand  prisoners  were  captured ;  the 
number  of  dead  must  have  been  immense  but  is  not  recorded, 
and  Venice  was  furious  :  yet  the  government  looked  in  pro- 
found silence  on  Carmagnola  with  all  the  mystery  of  its  nature  ; 
no  reproach,  not  an  outward  sign  was  suffered  to  awaken  his 
apprehensions ;  but  a  squadron  immediately  sailed  to  vindicate 
national  honour  on  the  Tuscan  and  Genoese  coasts  the  result 
of  which  has  been  alieadv  narrated  *.  On  some  erroneous  sus- 
picion  of  the  Senese,  Count  Alberigo  was  arrested  and  sent 
prisoner  to  ^lilan  where  the  Duke  absolved  him ;  but  Beraardino 
who  had  quitted  the  Florentines  succeeded  and  waged  destruc- 
tive war  against  them  while  Micheletto  remained  so  idle  and 
indifferent,  particularly  in  purposely  neglecting  a  fiiir  occasion  of 
sui-prising  Lucca,  that  Niccolo  Tolentino  was  ordered  to  super- 

•  Corio,  Storie  Milanese,  Parte  v«,  fol.     Stor.  Milan.,  Lib.  i",  p.  40,  who  does 
329.— Bonin8egni,Lib.i.,p.40.— Am-     not  mention  Grimaldi. 
mirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1074.  —  Cagnola, 


'"wmwmmf^mwf 


186 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


sede  him.  This  general  had  some  immediate  success,  but 
receiving  undue  praise  was  imprudently  tempted  to  attack 
Bernardino  at  a  place  called  the  Capanne  in  Val  d*  Elsa  where 
at  the  moment  of  defeat  Micheletto  came  generously  up  to  his 
rescue  and  routed  the  enemy  with  great  slaughter  •-. 

This  raised  the  public  spirits;  but  meanwhile  the  whole  rural 
population  of  Pisa  revolted  and  elected  ten  persons  uf  a  superior 
class  with  authority  to  govern  and  tax  them  f(ir  all  the  puqwses 
of  war,  resolving  to  strike  for  Visconte  while  his  forces  were 
engaged  in  regular  hostilities  :  besides  which  a  strong  body  of 
rustic  youth  were  completely  armed  and  fought  under  their 
countrvman  Count  Antonio  da  Pontedera  the  most  active  of 
Visconte's  partisans.  Thus  in  addition  to  foreign  war  an  exten- 
sively organised  rebellion  penaded  the  whole  Pisan  state,  and 
these  untrained  cloTsiis  battled  with  suili  valour  and  bitterness 
as  shows  the  excessive  and  universal  detestation  of  Florentine 
rule,  for  no  justly  governed  although  conquered  people  would 
have  fought  so  rancorously.  "  Like  mad  dogs,  their  bite  is 
mortal,"  said  the  men-at-arms:  "we  have  not  to  grapple  with  vil- 
lage clowns  but  with  demons  of  hell."  Wherefore  none  of  them 
were  bold  enough  to  meet  this  furious  peasantiy  on  equal  terais : 
"unless,"  says  Cavalcanti,  "it  were  those  who  rather  loved  the 
requiem  of  death  than  the  jdeasures  of  this  world  f. 

Giovanni  Fiesco  lord  of  Pontremoli  feeling  the  awkward 
position  of  his  states  which  were  alternately  the  ])rey  of  both 
parties,  now  sold  that  town  to  Visconte  ;  the  war  then  became 
universal,  malignant,  destructive  and  attended  with  far  more 
than  common  horrors  ;  there  was  no  present  mercy  and  a  dismal 
prospect  for  the  future :  famine  stdked  with  withering  footsteps 
over  all  the  land  ;  fear  and  suspicion  lurked  in  every  eye  ;  and 
town  and  country,  hamlet  and  village,  castle  and  cottage,  were 
promiscuously  ovenvhelmed  in  one  vast  flood  of  unutterable  woe, 


•  Cavalcanti.  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xl.,xli.  xliii  ,  xlv. 
+  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xlv. 


CHAP.   XXXII.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


187 


The  condition  of  Pisa  was  lamentable:  Giuliano  di  Guccio  was 
the  Florentine  captain  or  governor;  Giuliano  de'  Ricci  the  arch- 
bishop; both  of  them  men  of  stern,  determined,  and  implacable 
natures,  and  the  city  was  pining  from  want.  In  tins  state,  and 
probably  fearful  of  a  siege,  Guccio  issued  a  hard  command 
"which' for  him,"  says  the  historian,  "was  extreme  cruelty  and 

for  others  tears." 

All  the  women,  and  their  young  and  innocent  children  with- 
out distinction,  were  sternly  driven  from  the  town  and  their  own 
homes  !     "  This  unjust  conunaud  was  obeyed  by  the  wretched 
victims,  whose  bitter  cries  drew  tears  of  pity  even  from  the 
depths  of  the  earth !     Alas  what  a  sight  to  behold  these  poor 
defenceless  women  and  tlieir  nurslings  thus  cast  forth  :  some 
with  an  infont  on  each  arm  and  on  the  back  behind ;  other 
little  creatures  clinging  to  their  mothers'  skirts,  naked  and 
barefoot ;  and  thus  they  hastened  along  tripping  and  weeping 
with  the  pain  of  their  tender  feet,  and  crying  out  with  streaming 
eyes  and  uplifted  faces,  'Where  are  we  going  to  mother?'  and 
making  all  beholders  weep  to  hear  their  sobbing  voice  and  in- 
fantile questions,  wliile  the  wretched  women  answered,  'We 
are  going  where  our  own  evil  fortune  and  the  cmelty  of  per- 
verse men  are  sending  us.     O  earth!    Why  art  thou  so  hard- 
hearted as  to  sustain  a  life  which  conqiared  to  death  is  sharp- 
ness ?     0  profound  abyss  send  forth  thy  messengers  and  let 
them  drag  us  to  thy  dark  recesses,  for  thy  bowels  are  sweeter 
than  honey  when  placed  beside  the  l)itterness  of  man!     From 
some   of  us  they  have   torn  our  husljands,  from  some  their 
brothers,  from  others  fathers  ;  and  now  they  cast  us  out  deso- 
late among   strange    contending    people,    and  we  know  not 
where  to  go !     0  God  provide  for  thy  creatures  and  punish 
us  according  to  our  sins,  proportion  the  punishment  to  the 
crime,  and  vouchsafe  that  support  which  will  give  us  patience 
to  bear  this  unmitigated  woe.' "     Uttering  such  lamentations 
they  wandered  towards  Genoa  but  finally  spread  in  all  direc- 


1S8 


FLORENTINE    HI3T0RT. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


189 


tions,  and  settled  particularly  about  Porto  Venere  and  Pon- 
tremoli*. 

The  archbishop  also  had  his  share  of  tliis  and  other  cruelties 
of  a  similar  natui*e :  the  times  made  people  liard,  but  it  becomes 
a  priest  s  duty  to  try  and  soften  them  rather  than  ride  by  night, 
as  this  prelate  is  described  in  the  memoirs  of  his  own  family, 
on  a  powei-fid  war-horse  armed  cap-a-pie,  patrolling  the  streets 
to  watch  over  the  public  tranquillity :  and  if  any  wretch  came 
under  his  suspicion  in  these  nocturnal  rounds  a  waxen  taper  was 
instantly  lighted  and  death  and  confiscation  of  property,  or  else 
exile,  submitted  to  his  choice  before  it  had  finished  burning f. 

But  the  soldiers  outdid  even  the  priests.     Baldaccio  d'  An- 
shiari  was  one  of  those  f^ivourite  j^enerals  of  the  Florentines 
that  rendered  war  more  terrible  l)y  his    natural  or  acquired 
ferocity.    "  He  called  homicide  boldness  and  resolution  :  the 
want  of  audacity  he  described  as  fearfulness  at  alarming  and 
doubtful  things  :  fidelity  was  in  his  mind  to  be  always  subser- 
vient to  the  cause  he  advocated  ;  and  sheer  brutality  was  desig- 
nated as  virtuous  audacity.     By  such  maxims  he  was  led,  and 
led  others  after  liim  with  wonderful  fortune  to  the  most  perilous 
achievements,  and  he  often  put  to  death  the  enemies  of  Flo- 
rence with  his  own  hand,  leaving  others  to  linger  away  a  life 
which  he  had  made  worse  than  death  itself."     This  man,  thus 
described  by  a  cotemporary,  took  CoUegioli  and  in  a  sally  that 
he  made  from  that  place  captured  amongst  a  crowd  of  prisoners, 
one  named  Guasparri  da  Lucignano  who  in  person  exactly 
resembled  himself ;  it  gave  rise  to  a  strange  notion  which  he 
hastened  to  realise  thus.     Next  morning  Guiisparri  was  attired 
in  Baldaccio  s  garments  while  his  men  were  ordered  to  give  the 
Mdanese  wjir  cry   ''  Duca,''  *'  Duca ;"  as  if  in  open  mutiny, 
and  follow  it  up  by  murdering  the  prisoner  whose  bloody  and 
disfigured  corpse  was  thrown  from  a  tower  into  the  ditch  below. 

*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xlvii. 
t  Rimtlanze  di  Casa  Ricci,  p.  229,  torn,  xiv.,  Deliwe  degli  Eruditi  Toseani. 


The  remaining  prisoners  were  then  set  free  and  the  body  shown 
to  them  as  Baldaccio 's  against  whom  the  troops  affected  to  have 
mutinied:  they  were  ordered  to  disperse  without  delay  and 
spread  the  news  of  this  wicked  man's  death  through  the  country 
teUin^T  how  the  mutineers  held  the  castle  in  the  duke  s  name 
and  waited  for  assistance.     The  story  soon  got  abroad  and  the 
Pisans  in  multitudes,  armed  and  unarmed,  crowded  to  see  the 
joyful  spectacle,  when  suddenly  the  true  Baldaccio  appeai'ed 
with  his  troops,  surrounded  them  and  sent  them  all  prisoners 
to  Florence  *.     Such  atrocities  committed,  not  only  without 
remorse,  or  necessity,  but  as  it  would  seem  for  mere  militar}^ 
pastime  gave  the  wars  of  this  epoch  a  character  of  barbarous 
vindictiveness  and  horror  that  was  calculated  to  lay  a  heavy  load 
on  the  consciences  of  their  authors  ;  and  if  Cosimo  de'  Medici 
were  really  the  fomenter  of  the  Lucchese  war,  all  his  good  acts 
and  f^ood  qualities  were  but  a  sony  exchange  for  the  mass  of 
human  suffering  that  his  ambition  inflicted  and  entailed  upon 
bis  country.    That  he  could  have  prevented  it  there  is  no  doubt 
had  he  only  seconded  Xiccolo  da  Fzzano  ;  that  he  on  the  con- 
traiT  strongly  advocated  and  supported  it  is  equally  certain ; 
and'that  it  was  unjust  and  void  of  political  necessity  can  scarcely 
be  questioned.     Wherefore,  putting  aside  all  minor  accusations, 
he  must  stand  convicted  of  advociiting  and  fostering  an  unjust 
und  unnecessary  war,  waged  with  unusual  horror,  atrocious  in 
its  chiiracter,  and  destructive  in  its  consequences. 

The  Venetians  from  their  incipient  discontent  at  Carmagnola  s 
conduct  after  the  victory  of  Maccalao,  had  become 
deeply  suspicious  of  his  fidelity  since  the  naval  action 
near  Cremona,  and  this  was  further  strengthened  by  his  conduct 
at  Cremona  itself.  His  own  troops  had  scaled  the  walls  and 
taken  a  gate  of  that  city,  where  they  defended  themselves 
for  two  whole  days,  vainly  expecting  assistance  from  Carmagnola 
who  was   near^it   hand;  at  length   exliausted   with   fatigue 

♦  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xlviii. 


A.D.  1432. 


190 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


ruAp.  xxxii.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


191 


i 

I 


they  could  hold  out  no  longer  and  were  all   cut  to  pieces ! 
He  afterwards  allowed  Piccinino  to  capture  two  fortitied  towns 
suct^essivelv,  under  his  very  eyes  and  without  an  effort  to  save 
them ;  so  that  whether  treacherous  or  not  Venice  had  good 
cause' for  doubt  and  dissatisfiiction -:=.     Cannagnolas  military 
movements  are  said  to  have  been  always  slow  and  wrll  con- 
sidered ;  nor  was  he  in  the  habit  of  ponnilting  inclination  to 
overcome  reason;  but  the  Venetian  comiinssaries  attached  to 
his  army  never  ceased  to  urge  him  on  with  all  the  coiitidcnce  of 
ignonmce  :  he,  who  was  beyond  measure  [.roud  and  never  re- 
strained his  tongue,  answered  them  in  the  manner  of  llawkwoed 
to  Andrea  Vetturi.     ''  (io  and  prepare  your  br.xid  cloths  and 
"  leave  me  to  comman.l  the  army."     "  l^-li>li  pecple."  sai.l 
Carmagnola,  "are  you  going  to  teach  one  that  was  born  m  battles 

-  and  nourished  in  blood  ?     Go,  momit  your  senseless  horses 

-  and  visit  the  Caspian,  then  talk  to  mc  of  its  wonders,  and  in 

-  such  things  I  will  place  implicit  foith;  but  be  now  content  to 
"  trust  my  e^erience,  for  1  am  not  less  expert  on  land  than  you 
**  are  at  sea.     You  Venetians  are  rich  in  enterprise  and  i»ros- 

-  perity,  and  if  you  deem  me  faithless,  why  then  deprive  me  of 
•'  office  and  I  will  seek  my  onmi  fortune."  The  Venetians  were 
both  nettled  and  alarmed  at  this  reproof,  particularly  at  the  hint 
of  seeking  his  own  fortune  which  indicated  an  intention  ot 
retuniing^to  the  duke,  or  what  would  ha  v.-  b.-.n  equally  bad. 
attaching  himself  to  the  emperor  who  was  ahvady  in  Italy. 

At  what  time  they  first  began  to  entertain  tlir  id.-a  of  puttm- 
him  to  death  does  not  appear,  but  Cavalcanti  asserts  that  it  was 
continuallv  in  debate  and  the  secret  closely  kept  for  eight  months 
by  an  assemblv  of  two  hundred  senators  without  a  suspicion 
getting  abroad,  or  a  word  being  divulged  on  the  subject,  b  in|dly 
his  fate  was  decreed  and  in  a  manner  congenial  to  the  tunc 
and  coimtry :  for  having  been  summoned  to  Venice  on  pretext 
of  giving  liis  opinion  about  negotiating  a  peace,  and  receiving 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  1D5. 


marked   honours   at   eveiy   stage   of  his  journey,  he  finally 
an-ived  to  end  it  in  prison,  torture,  and  in  death.     Carmag- 
nola was  decapitated  before  the  palace  of  Saint  Mark  on  the 
eleventh  of  :\lay  U:V2,  and  his  mouth  being  gagged  at  the  time, 
a  very  natural  suspicion  arose  that  he  could  and  would  have  told 
more  than  those  dark  rulers  wished  the  world  to  hear.     The 
Venetians  as  we  have  said  had  much  to  complain  of,  and  as  they 
could  make  but  little  of  him  themselves,  were  resolved  that  no 
enemy  should  have  the  benefit  of  his  talents  ;  but  some  strong 
proofs  of  his  inlidelity  must  have  influenced  that  wan^  govern- 
ment (and  their  proofs  it  is  said  were  sufficient)  before  they  took 
the  res.dution  of  depriving  themselves  at  so  critical  a  moment  of 
one  of  the  ablest  generals  of  the  age  if  they  had  the  slightest 
doubt  of  his  guilt ;  and  he  certainly  seems  to  have  acted  in  so 
equivocal  a  manner  as  would  have  made  him  amenable  to  any 
modern  court-martial  with  little  chance  of  absolution*. 

Carmagnola  s  death  was  satisfactory  to  Philip:  it  relieved  him 
at  once  from  a  skilful  enemy  and  an  injured  friend  ;  from  that 
moment  he  would  listen  to  no  overtures  of  peace  and  broke  off 
the  negotiations  then  proceeding  at  Ferrara.     The  emperor 
Sigismund  who  for  a  long  time  had  been  exclusively  occupied  m 
quelhng  the  Hussites  of  Bohemia  and  had  succeeded  in  restor- 
ing a  semblance  of  peace  to  that  country,  resolved  to  seize  this 
opportunity  lor  assuming  the  imperial  crown.     In  the  autumn 
of  14:31,  he  had  already  arrived  and  was  crowned  at  Milan  as 
king  of  Ttalv  but  without  seeing  Philip  who  hi  fear  of  the  plague 
had'retire.rto  Bigrasso.    While  at  Lucca  in  the  spring  of  U:]-2, 
he  vdnly  tried  to  estaldish  peace  l)etween  that  city  and  Florence 
and  a  correspondence  by  his  desire  was  begun  but  ended  m 
nothing,  the   best  comment  on  it  being  an  incursion  of  the 
FloreiUines  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Lucca,  unmindful  of  Uie 
imperial  presence;  also  the  occupation  of  Ponsacco  on  the  Cas- 

*  Ammirato,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  xx.,  p.     19G,  197  -Muratori,   Annali,    Anno 
10»0._Poggio,  Lib.  vi.,  pp.  192, 195,     Ulii.-CavalcauU,  L,b.  vu.,  cap.  xlix. 


192 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


193 


cilia  river  in  Val  d'  Elsa,  lo  stop  his  further  progress  towards 
Siena  or  Rome.  While  Micheletto  was  before  Lucca  in  this 
incursion,  a  young  Hungarian  knight  issued  from  the  tovMi  on 
pretence  of  speaking  to  him,  hut  with  the  foithlessness  then 
attributed  to  that  nation  attempted  the  Italian's  life  and  was  in- 
stantly laid  dead  by  his  sword*.  This  augmented  Sigismund's 
anger' but  his  force  was  too  small  to  cope  with  Florence  who  kept 
him  confined  to  Lucca  mitil  it  suited  the  ascendant  IViction  to  re- 
lease him.  Both  Venetians  and  Florentines  now  wanted  peace  : 
negotiations  were  talked  of,  and  the  latter  in  expectation  of  its 
speedv  accomplishment  determined  to  employ  the  interval  in 
punishing  Siena  for  her  hostility.  That  devoted  state  was 
accordinj^lv  ravaj^ed  with  a  cmelty  so  great  that  even  the  wild 
leaders  of  the  Florentine  army,  touched  with  unwonterl  pity,  at 
last  restniined  their  followers  !  "  Better,*  exclaims  Cavalcanti, 
"  to  be  silent  than  write  do^\^l  such  things  as  were  never  before 


seen  in  common  usage. 


n 


Hitherto  Sigismund  had  been  arrested  in  his  journey,  l>ut  it 
it  was  now  deemed  expedient  to  give  the  pope  his  bhare  of  the 
imperial  presence,  in  revenge  as  some  say,  for  his  refusmg  under 
an  exorbitant  price  to  prevent  that  monarch's  passage  into  Tus- 
cany. But  according  to  Tinucci  both  this  act  tuid  the  ravaging 
of  Siena  were  done  by  Cosimo's  influence  at  the  instigation  of 
Averardo  de'  Medici,  because  Pope  Ilugenius  was  a  personal 
enemy  of  the  former ;  and  thus  the  unutterable  devastation  of 
Siena,  if  Tinucci  can  be  tiiisted,  may  by  Averardo's  own  acknow- 
ledgment to  him  be  brought  home  to  his  and  Cusimo's  hands  K 

While  Sigismund  remained  at  Siena  his  Hungarians  joined 
in  the  Senese  inroads  with  congenial  barbarity :  a  prisoner  was 
taken  by  them  and  sent  back  with  both  lian.ls  chopped  off  to 
the  Florentine  camp ;  Arrigo  Squarcialupi  determining  to  re- 
venge this  ;  began  a  negotiation  to  surrender  tln^  important 

•  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  ii.  V.  Rer.  Ital.  J'.cr.   p.  1 1 78.-Confes- 

t  Neri  Capponi, Comment., torn. X viii.,     sionc  di  Ser  Nicolo  linucci,  JMfc». 


fortress  of  La  Castellina  in  the  province  of  Cliianti,  and 
a  day  was  fixed  for  the  event.  The  Hungarians  being  punc- 
tual, fomid  the  gate  open,  and  were  allowed  to  enter  in  what 
was  deemed  sufficient  numbers:  Arrigo  then  dropped  the 
portculhs  and  with  Baldaccio  s  aid  killed  all  that  resisted  and 
made  the  remainder  prisoners :  the  gate  was  now  reopened 
and  a  bench  being  placed  outside,  every  man  was  compelled  to 
lay  his  arm  upon  it  and  thus  each  hand  was  cut  off  in  succes- 
sion, the  Hungarians  being  tauntingly  ordered  to  carry  the 
severed  members  back  to  their  comrades  and  share"  them  out 
by  number  and  lot  to  show  how  the  riches  of  Italy  were  mea- 
sured. For  this  Squarcialupo,  who  was  a  noble,  received  the 
high  reward  of  being  allowed  to  enter  the  ranks  of  the  people 
without  changing  name  or  arms  *. 

The  emperor  remained  several  months  at  Siena  and,  ap- 
parently with  augmented  force,  waged  war  against  the  Flo- 
rentines:  the  latter  now  saw  their  error  in  allowing  him 
to  cross  the  Ciiscina ;  they  had  thus  reenforced  Siena  and 
were  themselves  deficient  in  disposable  troops  to  cope  single- 
handed  with  both.  By  Neri  Capponi's  advice  a  conjunction 
with  the  papal  army  under  Fortebraccio  was  resolved  upon  and 
he  was  charged  to  effect  it :  but  Micheletto,  with  his  term  of 
service  nearly  expired,  remained  still  unpaid  and  the  other 
commanders  would  not  move  until  he  was  satisfied ;  it  w^as  a 
common  cause ;  nor  did  its  settlement  much  hasten  opera- 
tions, yet  a  time  and  place  of  rendezvous  with  the  pope's  forces 
were  named  but  similar  difficulties  occurred  there:  Forte- 
braccio also  demanded  his  arrears  which  not  being  forthcoming 
he  was  conciliated  with  the  high  and  important  office  of  gon- 
falonier of  the  church :  in  such  delays  the  season  wasted  and  the 
troops  retired  to  winter  quarters ;  the  Venetians  too  had  been 
totally  defeated  by  Piccinino  in  the  Valteline  with  inimense 

♦  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  v.— Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,p.  1086. 
VOL.   III.  O 


^^^l^^^lKi?/''^W 


194 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CIUP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


195 


A.D.  1433. 


loss  and  were  thus  beaten  into  a  similar  disposition  for  the 
termination  of  hostilities  *. 

Success  and  failure  were  nearly  balanced  and  much  nego- 
tiation went  on,  fruitlessly  with  Siena  and  the  emperor,  but 
with  better  prospects  in  Lombardy  where  after  long  dis- 
cussions Fen-ara  once  more  became  the  scene  of  general  paci- 
fication. 

Tlii'ough  the  efforts  of  Niccolo  Manjuis  of  Este  and  Lotlo- 
vico  of  Salluzzo,  a  treaty  was  signed  in  April  14.;:; 
between  the  league  and  Milan  in  which  it  was  stipu- 
lated that  a  general  restitution  of  conquests  should  take  plac* 
and  everj^thing  revert  to  its  stiite  before  the  war  :  Venice  alone, 
as  was  her  wont,  contrived  to  benefit  herself ;  and  while  Vis 
conte  restored  all  his  acquisitions  from  her,  she  was  allowed  tu 
retain  all  that  she  had  conquered  from  him  f . 

A  gi'owing  desire  for  peace  had  been  for  some  time  prevalent 
in  Florence  :  the  national  force  was  diminished,  the  citizens 
purses  emptied,  no  solid  good  had  accrued,  and  considerable 
reputation  was  lost ;  Lucca,  instead  of  subjection,  had  recovered 
her  liberty,  and  much  of  the  Florentine  donnnion  had  been 
^Tested  from  the  commonwealth  ;  commerce  had  been  checked, 
agriculture  injured,  and  general  suffering  inflicted  on  the  people. 
The  popular  rage  for  war  therefore  began  to  lull  and  with 
it  the  mfluence  of  Cosimo  s  faction.  Niccolo  da  Uzzano  seiz- 
ing this  crisis,  vehemently  urged  the  necessity  of  peace  and 
exerted  all  his  influence  to  obtain  it :  this  was  his  last  act,  and 
he  died  in  the  autumn  of  143t2.  The  Medician  party  appre- 
hensive of  public  inconstancy  and  the  virulence  of  an  adverse 
faction  unchained  by  Uzzano 's  death  and  now  in  the  ascendant, 
determined  not  to  risk  their  popularity  by  still  upholding  war, 
therefore  joined  ^^•ith  the  Uzzaneschi  in  concluding  a  treaty  to 

*   Neri    Capponi,   Conimcntarj,  Rcr.     Lib.  vii.,  p.  202. 

Scri.  lUl.,   torn,  xviii ,   p.   1178. —     f  Ammirato,  Lib.  xx  ,  p.  1006. 

Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,p.  1084. — Poggio, 


which  Siena  soon  after  became  a  party  and  the  road  to  Rome 
was  thus  opened  for  Sigismund. 

He  had  been  about  a  twelvemonth  in  Siena  to  the  infinite 
damage  and  discomfort  of  the  people,  during  which  time  being 
assisted  by  that  republic  he  smoothed  all  difficulties  with  Pope 
Eugenius  about  his  coronation  and  at  the  peace  proceeded  to 
Rome  where  it  took  place  on  the  thirty-first  of  May  1438,  after 
his  having  exercised  all  the  imperial  functions  as  king  of  the 
Romans  for  one-and-twenty  years  -.  Sigismund  soon  returned 
by  way  of  Romagna  first  to  the  council  at  Basle  and  then  into 
Oermany,  as  well  satisfied  to  escape  from  the  fierce  broils  and 
cunning  intrigues  of  the  Italians  as  tliey  were  to  get  rid  of  the 
imperial  presence,  ever  a  fertile  source  of  trouble  in  Italy  f . 

The  Florentines  immediately  nominated  a  board  of  five 
citizens  to  re-arrange  the  affairs  of  Pisa  and  investigate  the 
cause  of  the  late  disorders  ;  who  finding  that  the  towns  of  Cap- 
rona,  Calci,  Maiti,  liasignano,  Orciatico,  and  Donoratico,  had 
wantonly  revolted,  and  not  through  any  apprehensions  of  the 
enemy  dismantled  them  with  several  others  in  Val  d'  Anibra 
and  the  territory  of  Arezzo  t-  Thus  after  three  destructive 
years  of  uicessant  war,  commenced  in  injustice  through  the 
ambition  of  faction;  after  a  fearful  diminution  of  human  life 
and  joy  and  comfort ;  after  a  painful  augmentation  of  miseiy  and 
calamity;  of  wretchedness,  poverty,  and  want;  of  national 
weakness  and  public  debt ;  of  civil  discord,  ambition,  and  new 
inroads  on  private  and  native  liberty  ;  was  this  vain  and  unjust 
contest  terminated,  without  an  approach  to  its  original  ostensible 
object,  the  subjugation  of  Lucca  §. 


*  Malavolti,  Stor.  di  Siena,  liib,  ii*». 
Parte  iii%from  folio  24  to  27. — Bruto, 
Storia  di  Fircn.,  Lib.  i.,  p.  75. — Mura- 
tori  Annali,  Anno  1433.  —  Corio, 
Parte  v%  folio  330. — Cavalcanti,  Lib. 
viii  ,  cap.  vi. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xx., 
p.  1086. 
t  Neri  Capponi,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  1170. 


u    '-i 


— Corio,  Parte  v*,  folio  330. 

X  Neri    Capponi,   Commentar.,   Rer. 

Sirip.   Ital.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.    1180. — 

Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,p.  1057. 

§  So  determined  were  the   Luccliese, 

that  in  tlieir  scarcity    of  everything, 

but  especially  of  wood,  they  drew  lots 

to  see  whose  houses  should  be  pulled 

) 


19*5 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


foOOK  I. 


tllAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


197 


True  to  their  inherent  character,  or  perhaps  to  the  nature  of 
those  mstitutious  that  formed  it,  the  Florentines  were  im 
sooner  free  from  extenial  war  than  internal  commutiun  gathered 
douhle  force ;  ami  now  relieved  from  the  pressure  of  UzzanoV 
sagacit}'  it  flared  up  in  all  the  fury  of  its  ancient  democratii 
character. 

That  sage  and  moderate  statesman  had  forocen  and  foiv 
told  the  exaltation  of  the  Medici :  he  ]>erceive(l  its  lieginning 
in  Giovanni,  and  its  more  dangerous  |n<»grc>^  in  l'(»>im(»,  Lo- 
renzo, and  Averardo ;  and  he  felt  tliat  after  half  a  century's 
duration  the  niiu  of  AUdzzi's  faction  w;is  at  hand.  Never 
theless,  between  the  cares  of  war,  the  danger  and  uncertainty 
of  revolution,  and  the  bad  opinion  and  wiuit  uf  nailidcnce, 
dashed  perhaps  with  some  jealousy  of  Rinaldo  he  never  would 
consent  to  proceed  against  Cosimo  by  any  extraordinary  nuaiis. 
and  during  his  life  no  such  measure  was  attempted.  When 
his  friend  Niccolo  Barbadoro  one  day  cjune  to  urge  his  check- 
ing the  rapid  progress  of  Cosimo,  this  venerable  statesman 
was  sitting  thoughtfully  in  his  study,  his  ( heek  resting  on  his 
hand,  and  Barbadori  thus  addressed  him.  "  1  know  that  thou 
"  art  full  of  the  very  matter  that  brings  me  here  :  now  leave 
'*  all  else  and  advise  the  remedy  for  that  (  vil  which  is  day  hy 
"  day  announced  to  thee  lest  it  should  ultimately  fall  upon  thine 
'*  own  head.  Unless  thou  persuade^t  me  otbenvise  I  will 
*'  wait  until  I  am  drawn  for  gonfalonier  of  juNticp  which  now 
"  cannot  be  long ;  I  will  then  call  a  parlianji  iit  and  remove 
*'  from  the  people  this  man  who  sits  amongst  them  as  though 
"  he  were  one  of  the  immortal  gods  amongst  the  (icntih  >.  1 
"  mean  Cosimo.  Remove  him,  the  others  will  soon  follow,  luid 
"  we  shall  stand  secure  in  their  absence  ;  we  shall  remain  as 
*'  we  ever  have  been  wont  at  the  head  of  the  government  and 
"  still  be  the  dispensers  of  its  dignities.    What  I  have  now  said 

do-WTi  to  supply  it,  and  this  was  cheer-     was   furnished   daily. — (\"n\c ^  p nit o, 
fully  acciuicsced  in.  Thus  a  sufiicicncy     Storia  di  FireTue^  Lib.  i.,  p.  75.) 


u 
It 


u 

u 
(( 


It 


u 
(( 

(( 

i( 

(< 
i( 
<< 


to  thee  I  have  said  to  none,  nor  will  I  mention  it  except  by 
thy  dictation ;  for  surely  thou  art  ever  of  that  mind  which 
most  conduces  to  the  public  good." 

"Niccolo,  Niccolo  Ikrbadoro,"  exclaimed  Uzzano,  "would 
to  God  that  thou  might  be  reasonably  named  Niccolo  '  Barha, 
arqenta,'  because  it  w^ouhl  indicate  an  old  experienced  man 
in  whom  might  be  found  a  sound  judgment  and  excelling 
prudence  ;  for  with  this  pmdence,  O  Niccolo !  we  forget  not 
past  times,  ai'e  acquainted  with  the  present,  and  provide  for 
the  future.     If  thou  hadst  known  these  things  thou  wouldst 
not  have  uttered  what  thou  hast ;  but  as  thou  dost  not  know 
thyself  it  is  reasonable  that  tliou  knowest  not  others  :  in  this 
however  there  is  no  marvel,  for  self-knowledge  is  not  amongst 
the  least  of  heaven's  gifts.     Now  understand,  Niccolo;  that 
I  have  at  divers  times  debated  this  matter  with  myself,  and 
replied  for  our  antagonists,  and  then  rejoindered  for  our- 
selves:   and  tinallv  concluded  that  it  is  better  to  be  still 
than  to  stir  up  so  perilous  a  contention  for  the  commonwealth 
as  thy  parliament  would  produce.     None  of  us  agree  toge- 
ther in  wishes  or  intentions ;  nay,  we  are  opposed  to  each 
other  in  evervthinf'  and  more  from  nature  than  accident : 
knowest  thou  not  that  there  never  yet  was  any  exliibition  of 
friendship  without  concealed  danger  between  the  popular- 
ised nobles  and  the  ropolani  (irassi?     Messer  Maso  degli 
Albizzi  especially  was  .ner  an  obstacle:   consider  that  in 
1 11  I,  ordy  to  drive  us  from  power  and  destroy  our  popularity 
he  made  peace  with  Khig  Ladislaus,  and  dost  thou  imagine 
the  son  to  be  different  from  the  father  ?     In  nothing  does  he 
vaiy  except  in  being  more  morose  and  proud  ;  he  is  incon- 
stant where  his  father  was  constant  and  friendly  to  those 
who  sought  his  friendship  :  but  this  man  has  no  more  affec- 
tion for  friend  than  foe ;  he  wears  the  same  countenance  for 
both  and  despises  all.      Dost  thou  believe  that  when  he 
seized  his  father's  mules  it  was  from  motives  of  impartial 


198 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


tlUP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


199 


(1 


11 


t( 


44 
(4 


(4 
4t 


44 
44 
44 

44 
it 


justice  or  the  vain-glorious  pomp  of  pride  ?*     Believe  me  it 
was  only  some  smoke  from  the  fire  of  hypocrisy  and  pride, 
and  not  justice  that  made  him  do  it.     Thou  mayc  st  judge  of 
his  mutability  and  inconsistency  by  his  public  conduct.    Thou 
sawest  him  one  of  our  princii)al  leaders  in  San  Stefano,  and 
in  a  moment  after  he  joined  Averardo  in  being  one  of  the 
most  active  promoters  of  the  Tucchese  war  !     And  merely  tf. 
become  one  of  the  ten,  did  he  not  directly  oppose  us  ami 
throw  himself  on  the  side  of  the  Medici?     ^Vhy  we  can 
expect  no  more  firmness  or  constancy  from  him  than  from 
a  swallow  in  the  air.     Think  not  O  Xiccolo,  that   Rinaldo 
seeks  these  changes  in  the  state  so  much  for  the  downfall  of 
Cosimo  as  our  ruin  and  his  own  exaltation,  which  exaltation 
cannot  be  achieved  but  by  our  fall.     He  disdiiins  to  concur 
in  opinion  with  any  citizen,  but  expects  that  every  citizen 
will  bow  to  him.    He  wants  his  will  to  be  received  as  law  by 
the  people,  and  that  of  others  to  be  written  in  aslies  for  cour- 
tesy, and  then  exposed  to  the  winds.     AVhiit  hope  can  we 
have  in  a  man  who  seeks  the  min  of  those  that  extdted  him. 
and  tliat  only  to  make  his  way  to  political  power  ?     He  either 
wants  to  deceive  us  or  is  a  thankless  ingrate  to  his  party. 
Beheve  it  Xiccolo  he  shall   not  deceive  me  ;  nor  do  thou 
either,  suffer  thyself  to  be  deceived  :  the  man  who  seeks  to 
provoke  so  dangerous  a  change  in  the  state  will  be  abandoned 
by  all,  and  all  will  seek  his  ruin ;  and  if  thou  livest  remem- 
ber me  as  a  true  prophet.     I  well  believe;  such  is  mans 
inconstancy,  and  so  powerful  Rinaldo's  eloquence  and  impor- 


*  "NVhen  Podcsta  of  Prato  lie  had  ex- 
qfficio  arrested  a  carrier  for  money  due 
to  a  citizen  of  Florence  wlio  had  sohl 
him  two  mules,  and  on  questioning 
the  man  while  in  prison,  was  answered : 
that  if  his  own  creditors  paid  him  he 
rould  pay  all,  but  he  never  expected 
justice.  Rinaldo  said  he  should  have 
justice,  though  it  might  be  from  his 


(Kinaldn's)  own  father.  The  man  re- 
plied, '•  Your  father  then  docs  owe  mc 
for  two  mules,  the  very  sum  for  whif  b  I 
am  now  in  prison."  On  which  Rinaldo 
saiil  to  his  officers  "  Go,  and  seize  my 
father's  mules."  The  order  was  obeyed, 
the  mules  seized  and  sold,  the  dc\>t 
paid,  and  the  carrier  li berated.— (Vide 
Cavalcanti,  vol.  ii.,  Appendice,  §  7'J.) 


u 
(i 
u 

C( 


tunity ;  that  some  one  will  be  found  to  carry  out  his  intent ; 
which  in  a  brief  period  will  recoil  on  himself,  disturb  the 
citizens,  and  ruin  the  republic.     Cosimo  is  too  useful  to  the 
people,  especially  in  the  expenses  of  war ;  and  what  crime  or 
what  cause  can  be  alleged  against  this  man  to  keep  the  peo- 
ple quiet  when  he  falls  ?     Certes  he  hath  no  fault  that  needs 
so  perilous  a  step.     Be  thou  assured,  0  Niccolo,  that  this  is 
a  game  of  hazard  stirred  up  by  evil-minded  men ;  I  mean 
Cosimo's  exile  ;  which  1  see  will  soon  take  place  :  he  will 
leave  you,  a  good  and  well-disposed  citizen,  and  will  return 
the  contrary ;  for  he  will  be  forced  by  circumstances  and  by 
the  hiiquity  of  his  exile  to  change  his  habits  and  his  nature, 

■  and  he  will  outstep  every  honest  mode  of  political  life.     And 

■  this  not  so  much  from  himself  as  from  the  prompting  of  bad 
'  men  •  for  he  will  go  into  exile  free  and  unshackled,  and  come 
'  back  under  a  burden  of  obligations  to  each  of  his  rabid  fac- 
'  tion :  in  return  for  the  benefit  of  his  restoration  he  will  be 
'  compelled  by  necessity  to  promise  or  act  so  as  to  carry  their 
'  iniquitous  projects  into  execution.  And  for  no  other  reason 
'  did  Messer  Maso  promulgate  the  law  that  excluded  bank- 
''  rupts  from  public  employment  but  because  they  were  not 
"  free  agents,  but  the  very  slaves  of  their  creditors.  Thus 
"  will  the  commonwealth  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  wicked  . 

Believe  me  Messer  Niccolo,  that  were  it  not  for  the  prompt- 
incT  of  Averardo,  this  man  would  sooner  be  accepted  by  us 
than  loved  by  them  ;  because  we  must  believe  that  he  retains 
the  customs  of  his  father  which  thou  knowest  to  have  been, 
more  than  any  other  citizens  immaculate.  But  my  advice 
and  opinion  is  that  thou  and  our  other  friends  remam  qmet 
spectators  and  we  shall  have  both  sides  of  the  game :  above 
all  let  us  not  be  less  observant  of  our  partisans'  domgs  than 
of  those  that  consider  us  their  enemies  ;  and  let  who  will, 
gain,  we  shall  from  the  mere  balance  of  parties  resume  our 


(( 

a 
<( 
(( 
(( 

ii 
(( 

4( 


200 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP,  xxxii.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY, 


201 


"  power ;  but  whoever  first  begins  will  cause  his  own  and  his 
•*  country's  ruin  "*. 

This  discourse  stopped  all  violence  while  Uzzano  lived ;  but 
no  sooner  was  he  gone  than  Piinaldo  occupied  his  place,  rallied 
his  adherents  under  the  name  oi  Rinahhschi,  and  detenniued 
on  Cosimo  s  destruction  :  he  compared  past  with  existing  times : 
in  those  he  saw  Piero  his  gi'eat  uncle  overborne  by  a  Medici 
and  ultimately  beheaded.  In  these  he  saw  another  and  a 
stronger  Medici,  more  powerful  in  wealtli  and  intellect,  rising 
like  a  monster  on  the  broad  wave  of  popularity  and  advancing 
to  devoiu'  him,  and  he  knew  not  how  to  defend  himself. 
He  saw  him  supported  by  the  unscmpulous  audacity  of  Ave- 
rardo  and  the  deep  sagacity  of  Pucci.  The  latter  was  a  plebeian 
of  the  minor  arts,  but  so  wise  in  comisel  and  prudent  in  action, 
and  so  necessaiy  to  Cosimo  that  partly  for  this,  and  partly  as 
a  mockery  of  that  faction  by  their  antaj^onists  on  account  of 
his  low  origin,  they  were  insultingly  called  ''Puccini "  and  not 
"  Cosimeschi.''  Averardo,  bold,  confident,  overbearing,  and 
prompt  of  tongue  and  hand,  carried  great  authority,  and  Piinaldo 
left  no  means  mitried  to  alarm  the  minds  of  the  citizens  and 
prejudice  them  against  the  man  whom  he  insisted  was  aiming 
at  the  destruction  of  public  liberty  f . 

The  first  election  of  magistrates  threw  all  Florence  into 
agitation ;  votes  were  eagerly  counted  and  extreme  excitement 
prevailed :  fear,  hope,  doubt,  and  suspicion  were  strongly 
marked  on  the  public  mind  and  each  new  drawing  renewed 
the  scene.  So  high  was  the  excitement  that  a  bevy  of 
young  men  had  actually  plotted  together  to  seize  the  election 
purses,  in  their  periodical  passage  from  Santa  Croce  to  the 
Palace,  and  give  them  all  to  the  flames,  and  this  was  only 
avoided  by  a  change  m  the  hour,  and  persons  who  carried 
them.      Parties   were   still  vibrating,  and  the    measures  of 

*  Cavakanti,  Storia,  Lib.  vii., cap.  viii.,ix.      f  Amrairato.  Lib.  xx.,  p.  lOuil. 


one  were  negatived  by  the  other  as  a  matter  of  course  from 
mere  spirit  of  faction,  for  they  would  rather  have  seen  the 
country  fall  than  saved  by  their  antagonists  :  nothing  that  came 
before  any  magistracy  from  the  Seignory  downwards,  just  or 
unjust,  useful  or  injurious,  but  was  made  a  subject  of  rivalry 
and  party  strife ;  and  as  even  the  very  lowest  magistracies,  all 
being  judicial  courts,  were  drawn  by  lot  from  the  grand  purse 
of  the  "  Sqiiittiiior  faction  penetrated  everywhere  and  in  its 
most  malignant  form ;  and  thus  was  the  republic  governed! 

Ftinaldo  although  one  of  the  most  able  and  eloquent  of  the 
citizens  was  so  unsteady  and  disdainful  that  neither  party  could 
divine  his  real  objects  or  say  to  which  of  them  he  belonged : 
now  acting  with  the  Medici,  now  with  the  Uzzaneschi,  then 
back  again  to  the  former,  he  was  in  a  constant  state  of  alteniacy; 
and  as  time,  says  ('a\alcanti.  is  measured  by  points  and  hours, 
so  were  the  turns  and  doubles  of  llinaldo  degli  xVlbizzi.  Many 
asserted  that  he  himself  knew  not  his  own  sentiments,  but  the 
more  sagacious  averred  that  this  strange  instability  was  pro- 
duced by  his  ambition  to  be  the  sole  party  leader  and  chief  of 
the  Florentines :  he  wanted  a  gi'eat  following ;  was  too  proud 
to  follow,  and  his  lather's  reputation  made  him  arrogant  and 
ambitious,  but  not  wise.  Wrapped  in  that  statesman's  mantle 
llinaldo  vainly  imagined  he  could  bear  the  weight  and  move  as 
he  cUd,  but  was  soon  smothered  hi  its  folds  ;  for  Maso  if  his 
eulogists  speak  truth  was  no  common  man ;  he  is  said  to  have 
possessed  above  all  others  the  power  of  making  his  enemies 
acknowledge  their  eiTors  ;  he  excelled  in  the  art  of  government, 
and  with  far  less  pecuniary  means  tluui  either  Giovanni  or 
Cosimo,  preserved  the  friendship  of  the  nobles  while  he  acquired 
the  affection  of  the  people.  But  Finaldo  could  not  or  would 
not  understand  these  things ;  nor  was  he  capable  of  compre- 
hending how  much  a  popular  and  conciliatory  maimer  creates 
personal  attachment,  promotes  good  government  and  even  recon- 
ciles many  a disconte?ited  mind  to  bad-. 

*  Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1088.— Cavalcanti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  ii. 


I 


2U2 


FLORENTINE   IIISTORT. 


[book  I. 


CUAP.  XXMI.] 


FLORENTINE    IITSTOIIY. 


203 


During  these  disjointed  times  ancient  regulations  were  so 
neglected  that  the  names  of  all  forthcoming  magistrates  were 
previously  known,  even  from  year  to  yeai- ;  all  were  predicted 
by  a  cevt:iiii  sightless  man  cdled  Benedetto  Ceco  who  by  some 
party-juggling  became  the  prophetic  instninient  of  political 
intrigue  and  was  believed,  not  because  things  were  so  ma- 
naged in  secret,  but  superstitiously,  and  liccause  "  the  hliml 
vioH  said  so !  "    Nor  was  Rinaldo,  as  far  as  his  economy  would 
allow,  a  bit  more  scrupulous  than  the  Medici  in  clearing  off 
arreai-s  of  taxation  amongst  his  supporters,  or  making  new 
friends  of  ancient  enemies  to  strengthen  his  political  inlhi- 
ence.     Amongst  the  latter  was  Bernardo  (iuadagni  grandson 
to  that  Migliore  who,  once  an  enemy  of  the  AlUizzi,  had  sud- 
denly changed  to  their  side,  and  hated  the  IMedici  faction  because 
his  grandfather's  house  was  burned  by  the  Ciompi  in  1378'^-. 
On  this  foundation  Rinaldo  built,  and  knowing  tliat  Bernardo 
would  be  gonfalonier  of  justice  at  the  next  drawing  if  he  were 
not  "a  speech  10,"  soon  removed  that  obstacle  by  paying  bis 
arrears  and  had  no  difficulty  hi  pei-suading  him   to  aid  in 
Cosimo's  downfiUl.     His  mind  was  excited  by  a  vivid  picture 
of  Cosimo's  insidious  course  towards  supreme  power  and  the 
percolation  of  his  riches  through  every  channel  and  crevice  that 
led  to  it,  from  the  humblest  citizen  to  the  conductors  of  armies, 
and  even  the  republic  itself;  all  were  indebted  to  his  bounty 
and  his  will  was  law  in  Florence :  the  generals  of  her  forces 
were  appointed  or  dismissed  at  his  command ;  Xiccolo  Tolen- 
tino  wished  for  his  discharge  and  tlu-ough  Cosimo  it  was  granted : 
he  ultimately  engaged  with  Visconte  and  again  at  Cosimo's  nod 
returned  to  Florence:  Micheletto  was  by  him  or  through  bis 
influence  elected ;  all  bowed  to  his  pleasure :  he  in  fact  held 

•  Migliore  Guadagni's   house,  thoiifrh  was  one  of  the  Captains  of  Party,  ami 

burned  by  the  populace  in   Salvestro  thence  he  was  supj»osed  by  the  Cavoni 

de'  Medici's  riots,  was  supposed  to  have  to  haveconsented  to  it ;  the  actual  inccn- 

been  destroyed   by    one    of  his    own  diary  being  his  own  son-iii  law! — (Vide 

kinsmen,  of  the  Cavoni  Axmily  which  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiv.,  p.  719.) 
had  been  admonished  while  Migliore 


the  Florentine  sceptre,  as  yet  concealed  by  his  civic  mantle,  but 
liad  only  to  uncover  it  for  the  accomplishment  of  liis  will. 

"  Seize  then  the  standard  of  justice,"  exclaimed  Rinaldo 
to  Guadigni,  "  for  whosoever  upholds  that  the  gods  give  strength 
to  "     The  answer  was  short,  prompt,  and  decided.     "  Where 

-  action  is  necessary  few  words  are  best :  it  is  enough  for  thee 
"0  Rinaldo,  that  1  will  do  my  utmost  for  the  commonwealth: 
"be  thou  prepared  with  armed  adherents  uithmt ;  and  I  will 

-  brin^  my  colleagues  to  the  point  within:'  He  assumed  office 
on  the"^ first  of  September  14:33,  and  amongst  the  eight  prioi-s 
onlv  Bartolomeo  Spini  and  Jacopo  Berlingheri  were  in  Co- 
simos  hiterest.  Rinaldo  made  every  military  preparation  with- 
out alarming  the  citizens,  while  Guadngni  sounded  those  in  the 
palace  and  initiated  all  whom  he  could  trust,  wherefore  sure  of 
an  internal  majority  as  well  as  external  aid,  he  on  the  seventh 
dav  of  his  office  cited  Cosimo  before  the  Seignory  and  committed 

him  to  prison  =5'.  ,  ,, 

In  a  small  room  called  the  "  Alherffhettino  "  or  "  harharia 
the  highest  in  the  palace  tower,  was  this  powerful  citizen  sud- 
denly immured  without  any  pointed  charge  or  form  of  accusa- 
tion bv  the  power  of  the  Seignory  alone,  and  not  in  the  naked 
strength  and  majesty  of  law,  but  under  the  disguise  of  armed 
conspiracy  which  trembled  as  it  worked ! 

"  I  was  written  to  in  Mugello  "  says  Cosimo,  "  where  I  had 
been  staving  for  several  months  to  escape  from  party  contests, 
that  I  should  return ;  and  accordhigly  on  the  fourth  I  did 
return ;  on  the  fifth  a  council  of  eight  citizens  was  ordered, 
the  Seignory  declaring  that  they  wished  to  discuss  every  mea- 
sure  with  their  advice,  and  they  were  Messer  Giovanm  Gmc- 
ciardini,  Sec,  Messer  Rinaldo  degli  Albizzi,  and  I  Cosimo. 
And  though  a  report  spread  through  the  city  that  some  change 
was  preparing,  still  having  from  them  what  I  had,  and  deemmg 

*  Neri  di  Gino  Capponi,  Com.  Rer.     Cambi,   Stor      p.    IS^.-Ammimto 
Scrip.  Ital.,  torn,   xviii.,  p.  1180.-     Lib.  xx.,  p.  1088.-Cavalcanti,Stona, 
Gio.  Monaldi,  Ricord.,  p.  112.— Gio.     Lib.  ix.,  capi.  iv.,  v.,  vi. 


204 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


them  to  be  friends,  I  did  not  believe  the  rumour.  It  fol- 
lowed that  on  the  morning  of  the  seventh  of  September  un- 
der coloiu-  of  holding  the  said  council  thev  s.nt  for  me,  and 
when  I  arrived  at  the  palace  I  found  there  the  greater  part  of 
my  colleagues ;  after  a  considerable  time  and  while  standing 
in  conversation  I  was  connnanded  on  the  Seignory  s  part  to 
proceed  up  stairs  and  by  the  captain  of  the  guard  was  placed 
m  a  room  called  the  ''Barbarta,''  and  was  locked  in  tliere ;  but 
the  whole  town  on  hearing  it  rose  in  tumult"-. 

Much  unusual  parade  and  public  notice  were  adopted  on  this 
occasion  in  sending  for  Cosimo,  managed  as  was  supposed  by  his 
friends  in  order  to  warn  and  give  him  time  for  bis  escape ;  and 
either  Piero  Ginori  or  Piero  Guicciardini  implored  him  witli 
strong  remonstrances  not  to  tinist  himself  at  the  palace  for 
he  wiis  going  to  his  destniction  f.  All  were  anxious  they 
said,  even  from  self-interest  to  save  him,  for  the  safety  of  manv 
depended  on  his  :  Cosimo  changed  colour,  but  replied  :  "  Piero. 
"  Piero,  thy  intentions  are  surely  good,  but  I  feel  too  jealous 
"  of  the  republic's  greatness  to  cUsobey ;  besides  I  do  not  see 
"  that  I  have  anything  to  apprehend,  not  having  committed 
"any crime:  I  have  also  written  to  Giovaimi  di  Matteo  (dello 
"  Sceho)  and  he  has  bidden  me  tmst  to  him  and  fear  no- 
"  thing."  Thus  saying  he  proceeded.  The  news  of  his  arrest 
ran  wildly  through  Florence ;  the  astonisbed  citizens  were  un- 
able to  move;  Rmaldo  appeared  in  arms  witli  liis  followei-s 
advancing  towards  the  palace  and  seconded  by  the  Peruzzi, 
Gianfiglazzi,  and  all  the  Uzzaneschi  faction :  two  days  passed 
before  Guadagni  and  the  priors  ordered  that  the  great  bell 
should  be  tolled  for  a  general  piu-liament ;  tliis  drew  the  whole 
lX)pulation  round  the  palace ;  its  gates  were  tlirown  open ; 
the  Seignor}^  and  Colleges  with  the  standard  and  Gonfalonier 
of  Justice  occupied  the   Ringhiera  to    tlie   sound   of  silver 


•  Ricordi  di  Cosimo,  Vide  Fabroni,  Life  of  Coaimo,  Appendix. 
f  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  vii. 


CHAP,  xxxii.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


205 


trumpets  and  other  instruments.  Silence  was  commanded. 
Ser  Filippo  Peruzzi  Secretary  of  the  lleformations  then  came 
forward  and  with  sonorous  voice  demanded,  "  0  people  of 
"  Florence,  believe  ye  that  in  this  assembly  there  are  now 
"present  two-thirds  of  your  civic  population?"  "  Yea  certes 
"  we  are  two-thirds  and  more,"  was  the  reply.  He  then  asked, 
"  Are  ye  willing  that  a  Balia  should  be  nominated  for  the  pre- 
"  sent  reformation  of  your  community  and  for  the  public  good?" 
At  tliis  the  voices  rose  so  loud  and  high  and  long  that  the  air 
trembled  and  no  demand  was  made  to  which  the  people  did 
not  answer  "  Yea."  Then  Ser  Filippo  unfolded  a  roll  of  parch- 
ment on  which  the  names  of  the  proposed  members  of  the  Balia 
were  inscribed,  and  read  them  consecutively  to  the  number  of 
two  hundred,  all  of  whom  were  adopted  by  the  public  voice. 
After  this  the  Seignory  and  Colleges  reentered  the  palace  with 
the  same  state  and  order  as  before"-. 

Such  was  the  formality  of  assembling  a  Florentine  parliament 
for  conferring  extraordinary  jiowers  by  the  sovereign  people  to 
be  used  without  any  control;  it  was  doubtless  an  act  of  pure 
and  legitimate  sovereignty  by  a  general  assembly  of  the  nation; 
but  the  nut  was  large  and  the  kernel  small,  and  a  packed  mi- 
nority at  the  foot  of  the  Pdnghiera  generally  disposed  of  the 
commonwealth,  while  tlie  distant  masses  shouted  at  every 
word  and  then  imagined  themselves  as  free  as  water  over  a 
precipice ! 

Like  all  Bali  as  this  had  supreme,  irresponsible,  dictatorial 
power  while  it  lasted  :  save  any  meddling  with  the  catasto  or 
destroying  of  the  election  purses  ;  but  its  authority  must  not  be 
confounded  with  that  of  the  ten,  which  though  unlimited  in  its 
functions  as  regarded  war,  had  no  other  rulef.  This  Balia  was 
ordered  to  assemble  on  the  following  moniing,  and  thus  the 
scene  closed  immediately  round  and  within  the  palace,  but  not 

*  Xeii   Capponi,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  1180. — Cavalcanti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  viii. — Am- 
mirato,  Lib.  xx.,p.  1089.  t  Ibid. 


206 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


ill  Florence  and  still  less  so  in  the  suburl)S  wbere  the  poor 
resided:  there  as  we  are  told,  like  Dante's  ''Sei/rete  Cose," 
cries  lamentations,  beating  of  hands  and  l)reasts,  prayers  and 
vows,  were  heard  on  eveiy  side  for  Cosinio's  liberty,  and  his 
escape  from  the  violent  death  that  all  believed  now  tln-eatened 
liim^'.  Nor  was  it  in  Florence  alone  that  such  feelings  showed 
themselves:  amongst  the  ^lugello  hills  and  in  its  remotest  vak^ 
a  powerful  commotion  was  manifested,  which  even  extended  h< 
Venice  and  Ferrara,  and  the  captiun-general  Xiccolu  Tuleii- 
tino  advanced  as  far  as  Lastra  to  succour  his  friend  witli  the 
whole  militaiy  force  of  the  republic,  but  was  unwisely  persuaded 
to  retu'e  by  the  prisoner's  kinsmen  lest  Cosimo  s  safety  should 
be  jeopardied;  "A  thing  well  meant,"  obsrrvos  the  sagacious 
31edici  himself;  "  but  it  was  not  good  c(.un^«  1  :  tor  if  he  hud 
"  advanced  I  was  free  and  those  who  had  caused  this,  ruined  "  f . 
Venice  sent  her  ambassadoi-s,  whose  influence  did  much,  to  saw 
him ;  and  Nicholas  of  Este  ordered  the  Captain  of  the  Pcupl.- 
who  was  his  subject  to  deliver  him  if  possible.  Tlic  alTection  for 
this  man  amongst  the  lower  classes,  whatever  might  have  been 
its  source  or  means  of  acquirement,  was  strong,  universal,  and 

*  '*  Quivi  sospiri,  pianti,ed  alti  guai 

Risonavan  \wr  Tuer  senza  stcUc, 

Perch'io  ntl  cominciar  nc  lagrimai. 
Diverse  lin<ruc,  orribili  favcllc. 

Parole  <li  dolore,  arcenti  d'  ira, 

Voci  altc  e  fiochc,  c  suon  tli  man  con  elle, 
Facevano  un  tunmlt«>,  il  qual  s'  aggira 

Semprcin  queir  aria  j^enza  tempo  tinta, 

Come  la  rcna,  quando'l  turbo  spira/"— (/>'/eniO,  C-mto  iii.) 

Sobs,  lamentations,  and  loud-sounding  tries 
Resounded  tbrough  that  murky  starless  air, 
So  that  at  first  in  pity  I  did  weep. 

Tongues  of  all  nations,  horrible  discourse, 
Wailings  of  torture,  accents  of  deep  ire, 
Shrieks,  hoarse,  and  shrill,  and  beat  of  hands  withal, 

Made  one  wild  tumult,  which  for  ever  sweeps 
Through  that  eternallvthick-tintcd  air, 
Like  eddying  sand-drifts  when  the  whirlwind  blows. 

f  Ricordi  di  Cosimo,  Vide  Fabroni,  Appendix. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


207 


the  chief  cause  of  his  persecution :  the  higher  classes  of  liis 
party  saw  their  personal  safety  endangered  by  his  fall ;  the 
lower  classes  had  no  such  fear ;  but  they  would  miss  his  private 
bounty  and  lose  their  champion  in  the  public  councils.     While 
Cosimo  trembled  in  the  palace-tower  above,  his  fate  was  the  sub- 
ject of  dark  and  earnest  discussion  in  the  palace-hall  below  ; 
not  whether  he  should  live  or- die,  for  the  latter  without  spe- 
cific charge  or  form  of  trial  seems  to  have  been  settled  from 
the  first ;  but  only  the  time  and  manner  of  his  death.     Fre- 
deric Malavolti  the  grandson  of  Orlando  an  illustrious  Guelphic 
exile  from  Siena,  had  him  in  custody,  and  behig  questioned  by 
Mariotto  Baldovinetti  as  to  how  Cosimo  was  employed  and 
what  he  thought  of  his  predicament:  replied,  "He  is  full  of 
"  anxiety  and"  refuses  food  ;  saying,  '  It  is  not  his  usual  hour," 
"  'He  is  not  hungiy,'  and  so  forth."     Upon  which  ^Mariotto 
replied,  "  Or  rather  he  fears  being  jxiisoned,  the  miscreant !" 
At  this  moment    Giovanni  dello   Scelto,  the  man  on  whose 
friendship  Cosimo  most  rehed,  entered  and  said,  '^  It  is  for  him 
"  to  consider  whether  he  will  eat  or  no,  for  it  is  he  that  finds 
"  the  meat  and  we  the  broth"-.     Mariotto  then  addressing 
Malavolti  said  "  O  Fedcrigo,  as  I  want  thee  to  be  the  man 
''  that  will  terminate  our  danger  an.l  his  suspicions,  thou  art 
"  now  informed  that  the  whole  government  will  adore  thee  with 
"  clasped  hands,  and  none  of  thy  wishes  shall  pass  ungratified 
-  if  thou  wilt  only  administer  to  Cosimo  a  poisoned  beverage 
'-  and  thus  relieve  us  iVom  danger  and  him  from  any  further 
"  apprehension."     To  this  atrocious  proposition  ]\Ialavolti  in- 
dignantly answered,  "  Siguier— No  difference  exists  between 
"  the  gentleman  and  the  peasant  at  their  birth  or  their  death  ; 
"  but  oidy  in  the  conduct  of  their  life  :  the  gentleman  abhors 
"  shame,  which  the  peasant  cannot  do  because  he  is  unconscious 
"  of  the  feeling :  the  virtues  of  my  forefathers,  of  whom  I 


« ik 


FMi   mettcra  la  carne,  e   noi    il     finds  the  meat,  not  for  them  who  only 
Brodo!"      A  proverbial  oxprcsion,  to     find  the  water,  which  costs  nothing, 
signify  that  the  cost  will  be  his  who 


208 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


•'  inherit,  give  me  gentility  and  forbid  my  undertaking  so 
"  wicked,  so  shameful  a  work ;  and  in  order  to  preseiTe  an 
*'  inheritance  so  ancient  I  will  not  be  the  instrument  of  this 
"  most  unjust  proceeding ;  but  I  ^\ill  for  the  sake  of  yom* 
"  houour  keep  so  shameful  a  demand  a  profound  secret."  Two 
of  the  seignors  then  said.  "  Federigo  we  eu'ymi  thee  to  be 
"  silent  about  our  intentions  antl  blind  to  our  actions  ;  but  let 
"  us  enter  Cosimo  s  chamber  by  night  when  lie  sh?ei)s,  and  there 
*'  we  will  stnumle  him  ;  we  wdl  then  throw  his  bodv  from  the 
'•  tower,  and  tying  a  broken  rope  to  the  balcony  make  the  people 
•*  believe  that  he  fell  in  the  act  of  escaping,  and  thus  we  shall 
"  remain  in  safety."  This  too  was  sternlv  refused  by  Malavolti, 
who  immediately  retuniiufj  to  Cosimo  said  in  a  cheerful  voice, 
"  O  Cosimo,  how  is  it  that  during  all  the  time  thou  hast  been 
*'  here  thou  never  hast  demanded  food?  Ccvtes  I  feai*  that 
*'  thou  believest  I  may  be  thy  executioner  and  givo  thee  poison  ; 
"  wherefore  I  must  tell  thee  that  I  am  of  the  ^lalnvohi,  and  iov 
*•  no  sum  were  it  ever  so  great,  would  I  lose  tliat  gentle  name ; 
"  nor  could  I  lose  it  except  by  consenting  to  treacliery  aiul  other 
*'  such  abominations,  of  which  none  would  bp  h.df  so  infjimous  ;i> 
"  allowing  thee  to  be  poisoned  whde  under  my  protection.  Thou 
*'  shalt  eat,  and  trust  to  me;  for  as  the  son  of  a  true  knight,  and 
**  grandson  of  Orlando  Malavolti,  I  promise  that  thy  only  food 
**  shall  be  what  mine  own  hands  have  prepared."  Cosimo  re- 
sumed courage,  gazed  a  while  in  Malavoltis  face,  then  burst- 
ing hito  tears  embraced  and  kissed  him,  exclaimuig  "  May  God 
**  give  you  grace  for  me  "*.  A  few  days  after  this,  some  friends 


*  If  Pignotti  had  seen  all  Cavakanti's 
history,  instead  of  chap,  xi.,  lib.  ix., 
aloue  (which  was  copied  into  various 
MS.  collections  as  an  insulatetl  fnig- 
ment  of  anonymous  biography),  he 
would  hardly  have  cast  a  doubt  on  the 
little  story  of  poisoning  it  contains. 
Cavalcanti  is  evidently  not  a  party 
writer,  and  Cosimo's  own  feara  showed 


the  prohahility  of  the  act,  for  Cosimo 
must  have  known  his  men.  It  is 
strange  that  a  cotcniporary  MS.  history 
of  so  interesting  a  period,  of  which 
many  copies  are  no  doubt  in  the  public 
and  private  libraries  <if  Florence,  and 
one  of  which  the  author  bought  at  a 
common  book-stall,  in  1835,  should 
have  escaped  the  researcbea  of  Pignotti 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


209 


brought  Malavolti  a  present  of  game  half  of  which  he  presented 
to  the  Seignory  remarking  that  he  kept  the  remainder  for  tlie 
miest  they  had  given  him.  There  happened  to  be  then  present 
a  certain  boon  companion  of  Guadagni's  called  Ferganaccio,  who 
with  tlie  liberty  of  a  buffoon  invited  himself  to  partake  the 
banquet  and  being  of  a  witty  agreeable  turn  was  welcomed  by 
Malavolti.  At  dessert  Cosimo  signilicantly  touched  the  hitter's 
foot  who  immediately  retired  on  pretence  of  business  and  the 
prisoner  took  this  opportunity  to  send  a  message  and  a  thousand 
florins  by  Ferganaccio  to  Bernardo  Guadagni  with  the  request 
of  an  interview ;  or  according  to  others  the  money  went  next 
morning,  but  the  interview  took  place  and  Cosimo's  intended 
death  was  changed  for  exile.  Such  is  Cavalcanti's  story  and 
it  differs  from  others  only  in  detail,  the  main  fact  remains  ; 
that  Cosimo  in  conjunction  with  Venetian  influence  secured  his 
life  by  bribing  the  chief  magistrate  of  Florence ;  and  this  and 
more  is  confirmed  by  his  own  words.  "  Bernardo  was  oflered 
money  by  two  persons,  that  is  the  Captain  of  the  Forces  500 
florins,  and  the  Director  of  the  Hospital  of  Santa  Maria  Novella 
500,  whicli  he  had  paid  down  ;  and  Mariotto  Baldovinetti,  by 
Baccio,  soo.  I  was  taken  from  the  palace  on  the  night  of  the 
third  of  October  and  conducted  out  of  the  town  through  Porta 
San  Gallo  :  they  had  little  spirit ;  for  if  they  had  insisted  on 
more  money  they  might  have  had  10,000  florins  and  upwards 
to  deliver  me  from  danger  "-■-. 

Although  rage  and  consteniation  pervaded  Florence  not  a 
whisper  broke  forth  from  the  citizens  in  outward  demonstra- 
tion ;  on  the  contrary  a  mournful  silence  reigned  throughout : 
a  few  threatening  voices  might  here  and  there  be  heard  but 

and  Sismondi,  and  even  the  giant  Mu-  four  hundred   years,   until  published 

ratori  himself  seems  to  have  ovcrlookcil  by  the  public-spirited,  and  deserving 

it.     That  Macchiavelli,  however,  drew  editors  of  tlio  *'  Documcntl  di  Stoiia 

largely  from  it  is  very  evident,  though  It  alt  ana,"''  in  \lVMi  and  1839. 

he    never   mentions   his    authorities.  *  Ricordi  di  Cosimo.    ( Vide  Appen- 

Thus  has  this  valuable  and  often  elo-  dlx  to  Koscot's  Life  of  Lorenzo.) 
quent   writer  remained   dormant   for 
VOL.   III.                                           P 


210 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


nothing  general,  for  tbe  alarm  was  deep  not  loud,  and  silence 
only  broken  by  one  individual  wbo  like  the  frantic  prophet 
of  Jerusalem  traversed  the  streets  crying  out  "  Wo  1  ^vo ! " 
This  man  was  Piero  di  Francesco  di  Ser  Gino,  who  unappalled 
by  the  fierce  bearing  of  the  Rinaldeschi  ran  shouting  through- 
Florence;   "We  are  approaching  our  ruin!     We  are  chaiin- 
"  in<^  joy  for  sorrow !     We  are  near  the  acknowledgment  ot 
*'  ou'r  sins  !     AMiat  justice  is  this?  what  promise  of  social  in- 
'*  tercourse  when  good  citizens  are  expelled,  and  the  succour 
"  of  the  humble  is  banished  ?     AVhen  the  nourishment  of  the 
"  merchant,  the  milk  of  the  poor,  the  shield  of  the  nobles' 
-  labour,  is  exiled  as  a  guilty  man  for  things  he  never  thought 
*'  of:  and  by  those  too,  whose  abounding  wickedness  has  never 
••  failed!"     Thus  he  continued  rating  the  Uzzanesclii  yet  no 
man  dared  even  to  reprove  him,  much  less  to  punish  his  audacity. 
At  the  first  meeting  of  the  Balia  the  means  of  establishing 
a  new  order  of  public  affairs  was  discussed  and  Cosimo's  exile 
prolonged  for  ten  years  at  Padua ;  Averardo  was  condemned 
to  ten  years'  banishment  at  Naples  without  regret  from  any ; 
his  son  Guiliano  to  Rome ;  and  all  the  house  of  Medici,  the 
descendants  of  Vieri  excepted,  were  placed  amongst  the  great 
and   exiled;    or  excluded   from  public  employment  for  tea 
years  *.     In  the  second  sitting,  the  "  Otto  della  Giutrdia,"  a 
board  of  eight  citizens,  was  created  for  six  months  and  their 
election  given  to  the  Seignory,  but  with  autliority  so  great 
and  inquisitorial  to  defend  the  government  from  plots,  tliat  a 
violent  opposition  to  the  decree  was  made  by  Cosimo's  friends, 
even  in  the  Balia  itself,  until  through  sheer  weariness  and  late 
at  night  it  was  ultimately  allowed  to  passf.     In  the  third  ses- 
sion the  ancient  custom,  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  Balia  being 
necessary  to  the  passing  of  a  bill,  was  annulled  and  a  like  por- 
tion of  those  actually  present  substituted.    This  probably  arose 

*  Ricordi  di  Cosimo. — Cavalcariti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xiii. 
f  Ibid.,  cap.  xiv. 


CHAP.  ZXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


211 


from  the  obstinate  discussion  of  the  former  assembly  when  the 
Cosimeschi  were  found  much  stronger  than  was  convenient  and 
excluded  the  prospect  of  carrjing  any  stringent  measures  against 
them ;  whereas  in  the  smaller  number  lay  greater  safety,  for 
more  influence  was  expected. 

Yet  it  was  soon  discovered  that  force  alone  could  preserve 
the  present  faction,  so  strong  was  public  feeling  in  behalf  of 
Cosimo ;  wherefore,  in  the  fourth  meeting  of  the  Balia,  extra- 
ordinarj^  and  dicUitorial  power  was  conferred  on  the  Captain  of 
the  People  for  three  months.  This  was  a  decisive  stroke,  for 
that  officer  was  always  formidable ;  he  was  a  stranger  and  almost 
necessarily  devoted  to  the  existing  government  of  whatever 
faction,  wherefore  the  Cosimeschi  and  poorer  classes  were 
terror-struck  and  "cowered  like  doves  under  the  eagles' claws:" 
none  dared  to  murmur  against  this ;  it  was  too  late ;  the  power 
was  in  actual  existence  that  stopped  all  murmurs  :  but  saith 
Cavalcanti,  '*  Men  shrngged  their  shoulders,  covered  with  their 
hands  the  bathed  eye  and  arched  eyebrow,  and  showed  their 
grief  at  Cosimo's  banishment."  Some  indeed  supposed  that 
Averardo's  exile  rendered  Cosimo's  bearable  and  prevented 
tumult,  and  that  his  wickedness  almost  necessitated  it  because 
relationship  included  botli  guilty  and  innocent;  and  that  as 
property  was  inherited  by  Idnsmen  of  all  characters  so  did  tlie 
just  inherit  the  punishment  of  the  unjust :  wherefore  as  good 
and  e\'il  are  commonly  balanced,  so  the  joy  at  Averardo's  mis- 
fortune partially  neutralised  the  sorrow  for  Cosimo's."  As  a 
necessaiy  precaution  however,  a  guard  of  two  hundred  men 
was  embodied  for  the  palace  and  Xiccolo  Tolentino  was  com- 
manded to  retire  from  Lastra,  an  order  that  would  have  been 
unheeded  had  his  march  not  been  already  arrested  by  the 
advice  of  the  Medici  *. 

While  Cosimo  remained  a  close  prisoner  in  the  tower  where 
he  probably  received  much  intelligence  of  what  was  passing, 

*  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xvii. 
P  2 


212 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXX U.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY 


213 


the  reiloubtea  Capitauo  del  Popolo  despatched  au   officer  to 
hi.  cell ;  the  liai'bh  noise  of  the  bolts  as  one  by  one  they  ^vel•e 
removed  stmck  terror  to  the  prisoner  s  soul,  for  so  many  days 
liad  elapsed  since  Guadagni  s  visit  that  he  knew  not  uhat  tu 
thmk  •  his  heart  now  sunk  ^vithin  him,  nor  was  the  messenger  s 
ruthless  countenance  any  relief  to  his  feelings.    Convmced  that 
he  was  ^'oing  to  instant  execution,  the  great  the  i)Owerful  high- 
reaching  Cosimo  ;    the  popular  idol,  the  bold  sagacious  and 
ambitious  leader  of  faction ;  the  millinching  advocate  of  war, 
and  the  feared  of  his  opponents  ;   this  same  Cosimo  fainted 
..uddenlv  awav ;   we  must  not  say  like  a  woman,  tor  they  are 
ctenenUlV  examples  of  noble  fortitude  in  the  last  moments  of 
existence  :  but  as  a  craven  of  the  basest  caste  ;  and  fell  as  it  be 
were  dead,  upon  the  pavement  I     Even  the  stem  messenger  of 
justice  was  touched  with  pity  and  condescended  to  cheer  Inm. 
*His  life  was  declared  to  be  safe,  but  exile  certain.     Thus  reas- 
sured Cosimo  broke  forth  into  strong  and  grateful  expressions 
of  feeling  to  the  officer,  promising  not  to  forget  either  him  or 
the  Captain  of  the  People  should  his  fortune  change. 

Cosimo,  who  according  to  Varchi,  [md  he  wrote  for  the  first 
grand  duke  of  that  name)  "  with  open  and  numifest  virtues,  and 
^vith  .ecret  and  hidden  vices,  made  himself  the  chief,  and  little 
less  than  prince  of  a  repubUc,  rather  not  subject,  than  /m', 
was  here  at  least  no  hvpocrite  either  in  fear  or  gratitude,  bat 
surelv  somewhat  less  than  maiv^-.     And  if  he  belies ed  it  tnie. 
that  (iod  and  he  were  ever  striving  which  could  do  each  other 
most  service,  as  was  once  most  impiously  remarked,  he  might  m 
this  trial  either  have  put  more  trust  in  that  protecting  hand,  or  at 
least  have  borne  with  greater  fortitude  the  prospect  of  appearing 
before  so  bountiful  a  master f-     In  the  evening  of  the  third  ot 
October  after  six-and-twenty  days  of  contniement  Cosimo  de  iMe- 
dici  was  brought  before  the  Seignor)-  they  had  kept  him  so  long 

*  Iknca.  Vanln,  Delia  Storia  Fiorcntina,  Lib.  i",  p.  5. 
t  Cavukauti,  Storia,  Lib.  ix.,  cai>.  xix. 


imprisoned ;  first,  to  command  a  majority  in  the  Balia  with 
menaces  of  death  if  thwarted  by  his  friends  there  ;  and  secondly 
to  cause  a  bankruptcy  by  neglect  of  his  business  ;   but  against 
this  he  was  amply  protected  by  foreign  lords  and  mercliauts 
who  sent  large  sums  to  Venice  on  his  account-'-.     Being  before 
his  judges  he  was  sternly  commanded  to  begone  to  Padua  and 
there  remain  for  his  full  period  of  exile;  but  no  specitic  charge 
seems  to  have  been  even  tlioii  formally  and  publicly  advanced 
against  him,  and  he  certainly  had  no  trial.    The  Luccliese  wai-. 
^^'llich  he  advocated  and  fostered,  was  the  most  tangible  crime  ; 
but  it  was  that  of  the  whole  nation  as  well  as  Cosimo's.    Brut(j 
asserts  that  amongst  the  "  other  <(crusati<>ns''  the  blame  of  that 
war  singularly  attached  itself  to  Cosimo  who  was  its  principal 
instigator ;  but  these  other  accusations  are  not  on  record,  ex- 
cept in  the  complaints  and  general  assertions  of  the  opposite 
faction ;  wherefore  Cosimo's  banishment  seems  to  have  been 
decidedly  cruel  and  unjust ;  against  the  will  of  the  majority  : 
and  worse  than  useless  as  a  measure  of  public  safety  f. 

It  is  said  that  he  delivered  a  valedictory  address  to  the  Seig- 
nory  in  which  amongst  other  grateful  expressions  for  the  lenity 
of  his  sentence,  he  otrered  both  purse   ami   person  to   assist 
his  country  in  any  part  of  the  world  ;  he  enumerated  his  ser- 
vices, asserted  that  he  had  never  wronged  any  one,  nor  by  his 
conduct  caused  a  single  place  to  revolt ;  that  lie  had  sustained 
the  country's  credit  and  even  paid  the  army  with  his  own  pri- 
vate resources,  and  finally  entreated  for  a  guard  to  protect  him 
from  those  who  were  waiting  outside  to  murder  him:  this  being 
granted  he  quietly  retired  to  his  own  house,  supped  with  his 
friends,  and  then  rode  fi)rth  an  exile.     Cosimo  was  escorted  to 
the  frontier  by  Francesco  Soderini  and  Niccolo  del  Chiaro, 
members  of  the  new  magistracy  of  Eight,  and  proceeding  hy 
way  of  Pistoia  and  the  :\Iodenesc  Apcniunes,  his  whole  journey 
is  described  more  as  that  of  a  triumphant  than  a  banished 


*  Ricordi  di  Cosimo  de'  Medici. 


t  Briito,  1st.  Fior,  Lib.  i.,  p.  7->. 


-wmmw- 


214 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


man  *.  The  road  was  thronged,  the  people  poured  down  in 
streams  from  the  hills  to  behold  the  illustrious  exile  and  offer 
him  their  sympathy  and  assistance  if  he  would  only  turn  back 
and  manfully  dispute  his  sentence.  "  Aid  thyself  0  Cosimo," 
was  the  cry.  "  Aid  thyself  and  God  will  aid  thee ;  and  we 
"  too  will  assist  thee  ;  we  will  pull  thy  enemies  to  pieces  as  a 
"  good  housewife  does  the  flax  on  her  distaff,  strive  for  thyself, 
*'  for  though  ease  is  at  first  soft  as  feathers  its  effects  are  like 
"  the  quills  of  the  porcupine."  During  this  time  thousands  of 
rough  hands  were  thrust  forward  to  convince  him  of  their  sin- 
cerity. Cosimo  gently  refused  their  proffered  service  and  con- 
tinued his  journey  to  Ferrara,  where  the  Marquis  of  Este 
received  him  with  princely  honours,  and  on  the  eleventh  of 
October  he  was  safely  lodged  at  Venice  f .  Here  he  tells  us 
that  he  was  welcomed  by  many  noble  gentlemen,  and  enter- 
tained less  as  an  exile  than  ambassador:  on  the  thirteenth  he 
arrived  at  Padua  and  in  the  house  of  Jacopo  Donate  waited  for 
more  fortunate  times  and  circumstances  *.  The  expulsion 
of  Cosimo  was  treated  by  the  ascendant  faction  as  a  national 
triumph,  the  removal  of  a  great  public  calamity,  a  service  that 
required  honours  and  rewards  to  those  who  achieved  it ;  where- 
fore governments  and  privileges  were  showered  on  the  victorious 
Seignory  §.  Rinaldo  alone  wjis  sad  ;  he  wanted  death,  and 
Cosimo 's  escape  was  to  him  destruction ;  for  a  powerful  foe 
wounded  but  not  killed  was  implacable,  and  no  vengeance  so 
deadly  as  that  of  a  restored  exile. 

It  might  have  been  deemed  that  the  decided  means  taken 
to  strengthen  the  new  government  would  have  sufficed  to  its 
end.  The  "  Otto  della  Guardia,"  (though  not  described  by 
Forti,  if  they  be  the  same  as  the  "  Otto  "  noticed  by  Giannotti) 
could  dispose  of  the  life  and  property  of  any  citizen  by  six 


•  Cavalcanti,   Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xxi.,  xxii. 
— Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1090. 
f  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xxii. 


X  Ricordi  di  Cosimo. — Caval.   Stor., 

Lib.  ix.,  p.  544,  Note  1. 

§  Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1090. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


215 


votes.  The  Capitano  del  Popolo  was  made  fearfully  powerful ; 
ten  citizens  called  "  Accopplatori,''  in  conjunction  with  the 
Balia,  were  given  the  power  of  choosing  any  man  from  the 
purses  as  gonfalonier  of  justice,  of  depositing  what  names  they 
pleased  in  the  "  Borsellino  "  as  priors,  and  of  causing  a  new- 
scrutiny  under  their  own  influence  ;  besides  other  strong  mea- 
sures of  self-preservation  but  destmctive  of  public  liberty*. 

The  worst  of  such  laws  was  that  no  political  opponent 
attempted  to  aboUsh  them  on  accession  to  power ;  they  were 
generally  useful  to  any  ascendant  faction  and  that  was  the  only 
real  liberty  of  the  great  citizens  ;  for  the  public,  as  a  public,  was 
never  considered,  independent  of  party.  But  all  this  did  not 
satisfy  Ptinaldo  ;  he  assembled  his  partisans  and  demonstrated 
to  them  that  no  security  existed  while  Cosimo  lived,  especially 
as  Puccio  Pucci  was  still  free  ;  whereupon  the  latter  was  exiled 
for  ten  years  to  Aquila.  The  very  means  they  had  adopted  to 
strengthen  themselves  he  declared  would  in  the  hands  of  a 
Seignory  favourable  to  Cosimo  insure  liis  return  and  bring 
destruction  on  their  authors ;  wherefore  he  should  either  have 
been  mitouched  or  destroyed:  *'  Believe  me,  believe  me,"  ex- 
exclaimed  Albizzi,  "he  will  remember  the  debt  and  repay 
you  cent,  per  cent,  in  torture  and  bitter  exile  f  But  there 
is  one  means  of  safety,  an  alliance  with  the  nobles,  who  are 
still  the  most  valorous  of  men."  They  had  in  fact  been  ene- 
mies of  the  Medici  ever  since  Salvestro's  day  when  he  maimed 
their  power  and  the  Guelphic  party  together,  and  caused  the 
subsequent  fines  and  commotions  by  which  they  suffered  so 
severely. 

There  were  many  irresolute  spirits  too  amongst  his  own 
party  to  whom  Pdnaldo  or  Cosimo  were  in  reality  indifferent ; 
these  required  gentle  management,  and  as  they  still  remained 
in  the  election  purses  it  would  have  been  dangerous  to  meddle 

*  Tommaso  Forti, "  Foro Fiorentino,^*    — Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1090. 
MS.  Magliabecbiana Library. — Donato     f  Ibid.,  p.  1091, 
Giannoit,  Repub*.  Fiorentina,  cap.  vi. 


216 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXH.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


217 


with  them  ;  hut  still  all  this  was  to  he  compensated  hy  restoring 
the  nohles  to  their  place  in  the  commonwealth'''.  Mariotto 
JJaklovinetti  however  proved  hy  a  nnming  commentary  on  their 
liistor}'  the  imprudence  of  such  a  measure,  and  finished  hy  ad- 
vising Ilinaldo  to  follow  the  counsel  of  the  Count  of  Montefeltro 
to  Boniface  VII  I.f  Hold  them  in  expectiition  of  relief  hy  gentle 
language  hut  in  deeds  he  more  stringent  than  1m  fore.  "For," 
said  Mariotto,  "he  who  forgets  injuries  idunidons  justice  and 
''  despises  himself;  and  we  have  no  right  from  reason,  law,  or 
'•  g»tod  custom,  to  forget  the  evils  those  nuhles  have  caused  tu 
*'  the  commonwealth.  Let  the  conflagrations  of  Xeri  Ahati, 
*'  the  hat  ties  of  the  Bardi  and  Frescohaldi  with  the  citizens, 
"  tilt  tvrannv  ((f  the  Duke  of  Athens:  let  all  these  crv  loudlv 
"  against  so  monstrous  a  proposition,"  Kinaldo  though  politi- 
cally right  in  his  suggestion  failed  in  getting  it  adopted,  hut 
gave  a  hitter  reply  to  Mariotto  whom  lie  taunted,  ami  justly, 
with  heing  purchased  hy  Cosimo's  gold. 

Meanwhile  that  exile  fared  sumptuously  at  Padua :  honours 
were  showered  on  him  hy  the  Venetians,  and  15(1,(100  florins 
offered  him  on  loan  to  maint;iin  his  mercantile  credit :  his 
residence  was  a  sort  of  shrine  to  which  people  of  fill  ranks 
resorted  in  pilgrimage  :  at  the  express  desire  of  the  senate  his 
place  of  exile  was  extended  to  Venice  and  all  the  Venetian 
territorv  not  within  a  hundred  and  seventy  miles  of  Florence: 
they  presented  him  with  one  of  their  superh  palac^es  for  a 
dwelling,  and  requested  through  their  amhassador  that  in  im- 
posing the  Catasto  his  property  should  he  considered  as  though 

*  Cavaloanti,  Lib.  ix.,  cap.  xxiii. 

+  "  E  dissi :  Padre,  da  rlie  tvi  mi  lavi 
Di  quel  pecrato,  ove  nio  rader  decgio, 
Liintro  proniessa  iolT  attcner  c^rto 
Ti  fari  trionfar  ncir  alto  segjfio." — Infer.,  Can.  xxvii. 

Father  said  I,  since  thou  can'st  wash  ine  rlean 
From  j.in,  in  uhich  I  'm  now  ahout  to  fall, 

Large  promise  ever,  with  perfonnante  scant, 
Will  make  thee  triumph  in  the  lofty  tjcat. 


he  were  a  Venetian  citizen.  No  douht  this  crafty  government 
foresaw  that  Cosimo  would  return  with  augmented  power  and 
the  complete  discomfiture  of  his  foes,  and  they  like  the  unjust 
steward,  propitiated  or  endeavoured  to  propitiate  the  mammon 
of  unrighteousness,  the  future  lord  of  Florence. 

The  covmcil  of  I  Jasle ;    the  third  for  church  reformation ; 
which  had  met  in  1481  under  the  sanction  of  Eugenius  IV. 
was  not  long  in  following  the  usual  course  of  puhlic  assemhlies, 
and  hegan  to  assert  its  own  real  or  imagined  rights  at  the 
expense  of  the  pontitF  while  the  latter  could  only  regret  having 
allowed  it  to  he  held  so  for  from  his  own  jurisdiction.      His 
repentance  came  too  late  to  prevent  a  contest  of  right  and  pre- 
rogative with  the  united  episcopacy  of  Christendom :  this  was 
in  truth  a  vexatious  commencement  of  his  pontificate  hut  he 
felt  still  more  sensibly  the  temporal  enmity  of  ]\Iilan.     Duke 
Philip,  annoyed  hy  Eugenio's  alliance  with  Florence  during 
the  late  war,  reconciled  himself  with  h'rancis  Sforza  whom  he 
had  just  attempted  to  poison,  and  sent  him,  under  pretence  of 
defending  his  own  proi)crty  in  the  kingdom  of  Xaj^les,  to  attack 
the  ecclesiastical  states.      Sforza   soon  reduced  Ancona  and 
then  all  La  Marca  to  obedience :  seeing  this,  and  stimulated 
as  they  said  by  the  council  of  Basle;  perhaps  too  in  concert 
with  Visconte ;  various  condottieri  such  as  Taliano  Furlano, 
Antonella  da  Siena  and  some   others,  entered  the  duchy  of 
Spoleto  and  ravaged  all  tliat  country  ;    even  Niccolo  Forte- 
hraccio  the  pope's   own   general  revolted,  took  possession  of 
Tivoli  and  invested  Rome-.     Sforza  with  forces  increased  hy 
his  recent  conquests  passed  into  Unibria,  reduced  Todi,  Ame- 
lia, ToscaneUi,  Otricoli,  Mogliano,  Sonano,  and  other  places. 
The  pope  astounded  at  this  storm  promptly  resolved  ^  ^  ^^^^ 
to  sanctify  the  aggressions  of  Sforza  with  the  eccle- 
siastical standard,  and  in  March  1 4 :U,  advanced  him  to  the  high 
dignity  of  gonfalonier,  with   the  possession  of  La  Marca  as 

*  Muratori  Annali,  Anno  1433. 


'W^Vf^W^i^?^^9I^SW^ 


2i3 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


CHAP.  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   filSTORY. 


219 


papal  vicar  during  his  lifetime.  Sforza  instantly  marched 
against  Fortebraccio,  attacked  and  beat  him  at  Tivoli,  and  laid 
siege  to  Montefiascone :  this  town  would  soon  have  fallen  if 
Visconte,  angr}^  at  Sforza's  serving  Eugenio  against  his  ^vishes, 
had  not  thrown  a  large  force  under  Piccinino  into  Pemgia  to 
arrest  his  progress.  That  city  had  become  alarmed,  but  its 
illustrious  citizen  soon  quieted  all  fear,  saved  Montefiascone 
and  opened  communications  with  Fortebraccio,  while  the  latter 
awakened  such  a  sedition  in  Piome  that  on  the  tenth  of  Mav 
Eugenio  fled  in  a  low  disguise,  hunted  Hke  a  dog,  and  closely 
piu-sued  to  Ostia  where  he  embiirked  in  a  small  Neapolitan 
vessel  and  made  his  escape  by  way  of  Leghorn  to  Florence  on 
the  twenty- third  of  June  -. 

Rome  remained  in  possession  of  Fortebraccio,  but  so  tor- 
mented by  various  armies  and  the  sallies  from  Saint  An- 
gelo  that  a  truce  followed  and  the  bishops  of  Kecanati  and 
Turpia  with  general  consent  reestablished  the  popes  authority. 
By  Visconte  s  means  a  truce  was  then  signed  between  Sforza 
and  Fortebmccio,  and  Piccinino  engaged  not  to  meddle  in  the 
affairs  of  Piome.  The  people  of  Imola  had  also  revolted  from 
the  pope  and  attached  themselves  to  Visconte,  upon  which  the 
lord  of  Faenza  attacked  them,  and  both  Florence  and  Venice 
cried  aloud  that  Philip  had  broken  the  peace.  From  Bologna  too 
the  papal  governor  had  been  expelled  and  IMilanese  troops  were 
demanded :  wherefore  Venice ;  and  Florence  at  the  request  of 
Venice  and  the  pope ;  despatched  Niccolo  Tolcntino  with  his 
army  to  preserve  the  peace  while  Visconte  brought  up  Piccinino 
to  oppose  them.  The  latter  threw  himself  into  Imola,  but 
being  short  of  pro\isions  enticed  the  allies  to  a  battle  and  de- 
feated them  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  August  at  Castello  San 
Piero  or  Santermo  near  Castelbolognese.  Tolentino  and  four 
thousand  five  huncbed  men  were  taken  prisoners,  but  only  four 
were  killed  and  thirty  slightly  wounded !     This  as  regards  the 

•  NeriCapponijCom.,  tom.xviii.,p.ll81.— Muratori  Annali,  Anno  1434. 


men-at-arms  who  were  sealed  up  in  the  finest  armour  ever 
made,  can  be  comprehended ;  but  with  the  light-armed  troops 
seems  marvellous,  and  totally  different  from  the  naval  actions, 
where  the  slaughter  was  sickening.  Piccinino  gained  this  vic- 
tory with  inferior  forces  by  skilful  generalship  against  a  com- 
bined army  whose  chiefs  were  at  variance :  yet  no  fault  was 
attributed  to  Niccolo  Tolentino,  who  died,  or  was  murdered 
some  months  after  to  the  great  regret  of  Florence*. 

The  friends  of  Cosimo  were  not  idle ;  Agnolo  Acciajuoli,  a 
young  man  of  talent  and  heart  whom  Piiualdo  attempted  to 
browbeat  in  council,  withstood  him  to  his  face  and  showed  that 
his  extreme  youth  did  not  prevent  him  from  speaking  and  acting 
for  the  public  good.  This  was  not  lost  upon  Pdnaldo  who  early 
in  the  year  managed  to  secure  a  letter  which  Agnolo  had  written 
to  Cosimo  urging  immediate  action  or  the  renmiciation  of  all 
expectation  to  return,  and  advising  liim  also  to  secure  Neri 
Capponi's  support,  who  had  been  for  a  while  banished  by  the 
Piinaldeschi  and  was  therefore  their  enemy.  Capponi's  influence 
was  great  in  Florence,  where  Cosimo's  adherents  were  also 
increasing  in  number  and  discontent.  *'  My  dear  friend, " 
writes  Acciajuoh,  "thy  exile  is  placed  by  Heaven  in  thine  own 
"  hands ;  for  if  thou  wilt  once  rouse  thee  to  work  and  not  for- 
"  get  thyself  amidst  the  down  of  ease,  the  pleasures  of  the 
"table,  and  the  delights  of  lasciviousness  (for  Sardanapalus 
"  from  l>eing  a  great  monarch  became  the  author  of  his  own 
"  death  by  such  pleasures)  it  will  be  brief; — but  if  thou  wouldst 
"  expect  favours  from  the  merits  of  fasting,  and  votive  offerings, 
"  and  holy  pilgrimages,  thy  exile  will  be  so  long  that  it  may  be 
"  called  perpetual,  because  it  will  have  had  a  beginning  but  no 
"  end"t.     Acciajuoli  then  professes  his  behef  that  unless  de- 

*  Muratori  Annali,  Anno  14.^4. —  forty-five  years  of  age,  does  not  give  a 
Ammirato,  Storia,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1 092,  3,  higher  notion  of  Cosimo's  moral  quali- 
8,  9. — Neri  Capponi,  Commen.  Rer.  ties  than  his  interview  with  the  Cap- 
ital. Scrip.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  1181,2.  tain  of  the  People's  officer  does  of  his 
t  Such  advice  and  exhortation  from  a  personal  courage, 
very  young  man  to  one  who  was  nearly 


220 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


generated  from  ancient  usage  the  present  rulers  would  not  be 
long  before  some  quarrel  with  their  neighbours  brought  on 
another  war,  in  which  case  his  return  would  be  sure ;  be- 
cause the  mere  want  of  money  must  render  him  necessai'}' ; 
for  there  was  not  a  single  citizen  that  could  supply  the  govern- 
ment with  a  pistacio  nut.  Torture  and  ten  years'  exile  to 
Cephalonia  was  the  consequence  of  this  epistle  ■•. 

September  had  now  arrived  and  nearlv  a  ve.ir  of  Cosimo's 
Itanishment  was  gone,  when  a  new  Seignoiy  came  into  office 
with  Xiccolo  di  Cocco  di  Donate  as  gonfalonier  of  justice.  The 
two  priors  for  the  minor  arts  were  Piero  di  i)ino  and  Fabiano 
Martini :  the  six  others  were  Simone  Guiducci,  Neri  Bartolini, 
Baldassero  de'  Santi,  Giovanni  Capponi,  Luc:i  di  Buonaccorso 
Pitti  f,  and  Tommaso  Kedditi ;  all  staunch  friends  of  Cosimo, 
wherefore  the  hopes  and  fears  of  antagonist  factions  were  highly 
excited. 

Rinaldo,  who  instantly  comprehended  the  result,  summoned 
his  party  to  a  secret  meeting  where  it  was  proposed  that  in  the 
usual  interval  of  three  days  which  elapsed  between  the  election 
and  installation  to  office,  the  late  Gonfalonier  Donate  Velluti 
should  sunnnon  a  parliament,  create  a  Balia,  annul  by  popular 
authority  the  new  Seignoiy,  destroy  the  election  purses  after 
having  chosen  a  favourable  government,  and  prepare  more 
stringent  measures  to  secure  the  existmg  powers.  This  bold 
project  was  generally  approved,  and  dangerous  as  it  was,  would 
probably  have  been  attempted  had  not  Antonio  della  Cava,  a 
presumptuous  citizen  of  indifferent  reputation,  declared  the 
counsel  good  if  Velluti  had  been  a  fit  man  to  conduct  such  an 
enterprise,  but  as  he  was  utterly  insufficient  success  was  im- 
possible. The  assembly  remained  silent ;  some  because  there 
was  truth  in  the  objection,  others  from  fear,  jealousy  of  Rinaldo, 


*  Cavalcanti,    Storia,    Lib.  ix.,   cap.     the  "  Cf'ovka'''  so  frequently  quoted 
xxviii. — Piguotti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  ix.  in  this  book  ;  and  Luca  the  man  who 

"j*  Buonaccorso  Pitti  was  the  author  of     built  the  Pitti  Puhice. 


CHAP.   XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


221 


or  promises  from  the  antagonist  party ;  so  the  new  Seignory 
were  quietly  initiated  on  the  first  of  September  1434. 

The  gonfalonier  s  first  act  was  to  commit  his  predecessor  to 
prison  for  public  peculation  and  this  confirmed  all  Rinaldo  s 
apprehensions,  wherefore  assembling  his  party  in  the  vestry  of 
San  Piero  ]\laggiore  he  proposed  an  instantaneous  attack  on  the 
palace  as  the  only  resource  to  secure  their  own  safety  and  pre- 
serve their  power^:^     But  Palla  Strozzi  a  refined  and  gentle 
person,  more  adapted  to  the  delicacies  of  the  table  and  the  plea- 
sures of  study  and  the  drawing-room  than  to  lead  armed  men 
and  bridle  a  tumultuous  people,  directly  opposed  Rinaldo  because 
it  was  unlikely  as  he  thought  that  with  a  beaten  army  and  the 
vicinity  of  such  a  victor  as  Piccinino,  the  Seignoiy  would  plunge 
into  domestic  conllict  at  the  first  moments  of  their  government. 
Niccolo  Bari)adoros  avarice  it  is  said  worked  against  his  more 
wariike  nature,  and  fears  for  his  property  made  him  eschew 
aggression  :  he  deemed  it  better  to  wait  for  the  attack  than  thus 
commit  themselves  :   Rhialdo  seeing  that  he  was  not  supported, 
abruptly  dismissed  the  assembly  with  an  engagement  to  meet 
liirn  in  ai-ms  accompanied  by  all  their  followers  on  the  place  of 
Sant'  Apollii.are  at  the  least  movement  of  the  Seignory  f .    Xic- 
colo Donate  lost  no  time  in  sounding  his  colleagues,  and  wrote 
the  favourable  result  to  Cosimo  who  was  warned  to  be  in  readi- 
ness, as  were  also  his  friends  in  Florence  :  this  was  so  promptly 
answered  bv  the  latter  that  the  Seignory  gained  confidence 
enough  to  summon  Rinaldo,  Peruzzi,  and  Barbadoro  before 
theuL     It  was  answered  by  an  armed  assemblage  of  the  Rinal- 
desclii ;  at  which,  besides  the  above,  the  Guasconi,  Rafficani, 
and  Arriguci  assisted,  along  with  some  of  the  Bardi,  Serragli, 
Gianfiglazzi  and  Castcllani  besides  many  more  great  families 
and  a  multitude  of  clients.     Giovanni  Guicciardini  and  Palla 
Strozzi  were  looked  for ;  the  former  sent  a  frivolous  excuse,  the 

*  Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  iii.     Conini.  Rer.  Ital.  Scrip.,  torn,  xviii.,  p. 
—Hid.,  Lib.  x.,cap.  iv.— Ncri  Capponi,     1 1  »2.      t  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  vi. 


222 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  r. 


latter  appeared  with  two  unarmed  attendants,  and  many  more 
followed  these  examples ;  so  that  not  above  six,  or  according  to 
Cambi  eight  hundred  armed  men  mustered  on  the  twenty-sLxth 
of  September  at  the  place  of  rendezvous.  To  oppose  them  on 
behalf  of  the  Seignorywere  Rinaldo's  brother  Luca  degli  Albizzi, 
Kiccolo  Valori,  Martelli  Ginori,  Neroni  Dietosalvi,  the  Cappoiii, 
Pitti,  Corbinelli,  Minerbetti  and  Alessandri:  besides  these  there 
were  Paulo  Kucellai,  Bernardo  Guigni  and  Niccolo  Serragli  who 
acted  as  mediators  =5=. 

The  followers  of  Fiinaldo  were  numerous  and  their  fierceness 
superior  to  their  force  :  bold  as  he  was,  their  leader  was  taunted 
with  slo^^^less ;  many  came  for  plunder  many  for  blood  and  the 
slakinjT  of  lonj^-delaved  revenj^e.  "  Let  us  scour  the  city  "  cried 
Simone  de'  Bardi,  "  let  us  till  it  with  widows'  teai-s,  and  the 
*'  streets  with  blood  and  carcases !  "  Others  shouted  aloud, 
and  especially  a  certain  Piero  Arrigo,  "Let  us  run  to  the 
"dwellings  of  the  Seignory  and  plunder  their  goods;  and 
"  seize  their  mothers,  and  their  wives,  and  their  sons,  and 
**  their  daughtei-s,  and  their  brothers ;  and  all  their  nearest 
"  and  dearest  relations,  and  bind  them  to  our  shields  and 
"  targets,  and  carry  them  before  us  as  we  march  to  attack 
*'  the  palace,  so  that  the  enemy's  weapons  shall  only  re;ich  us 
*'  through  the  most  precious  objects  of  their  love."  ''Conic  c 
fuoco,''  "  Flesh  and  fire,"  was  their  savage  war-ciy  !  And  all 
this  was  the  result  of  party  spirit  carried  to  its  extremes  ;  those 
dark  and  misty  bounds  that  loom  so  distant  and  are  yet  so  near; 
which  passion  never  sees,  and  reason  seldom  contemplates  ! 

Successive  reports  of  all  this  were  carried  to  the  Seignory 
who  were  for  a  season  intimidated  ;  they  hurried  from  chamber 
to  chamber,  from  hall  to  hall  in  utter  confusion,  unable  to  de- 
cide on  any  plan  until  the  leading  citizens  poured  in  to  animate 
them :  by  their  advice  all  the  provision  shops  and  markets  were 

•  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  vii. — Am-     ment.  Rcr.   Ital.    Scrip.,  torn,   xviii., 
mirato,Lib.xx..p.llOO.— Gio.Cambi,     p.  1182. 
Stor.,  p.  1D4.— Neri  Capponi,  Com- 


CHAP.  IXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


223 


suddenly  and  secretly  emptied  and  the  palace  victualled  for  a 
siege ;  a  more  manly  spirit  now  excited  the  government  and  every- 
thing was  prepared  for  civil  war  *.  Nevertheless  the  media- 
tors, amongst  whom  was  Pope  Eugenius  andOiovanni  Vitelleschi 
bishop  of  Ricanati,  endeavoured  to  bring  the  insurgents  to  reason 
and  prevent  mischief,  for  the  whole  town  was  full  of  peasantry 
and  armed  followers,  all  ravenous  for  plunder  and  thirsty  for 
blood,  but  unconcerned  about  the  justice  or  injustice  of  their 
cause  or  whom  they  massacred,  and  provided  booty  was  to  be 
had  their  conscience  was  proof  against  any  crime  however  ex- 
ecrable :  "No  misdeed,''  says  Cavalcanti,  "could  be  so  great  as 
not  to  seem  little  to  their  desires ;  '  and  this  infamous  crowd 
struck  such  terror  into  the  artificers  and  tradesmen  that  their 
shops  were  shut  and  they  remained  quiet,  anxious,  and  discon- 
tented!, for  the  whole  city  was  in  despair  J.  Negotiations 
and  discussions  continued  for  some  time  until  a  final  meeting 
took  place  at  the  papal  residence  :  llidolfo  Peruzzi  and  Barba- 
doro  submitted  on  understanding  that  the  recall  of  Cosimo  had 
not  been  brought  into  discussion  by  the  Seiguoiy;  Rinaldo 
on  the  contraiy,  though  shaken  by  the  coolness  and  defection  of 
his  principal  supporters,  remained  still  obstinate.  That  night 
passed  quietly,  and  next  morning  the  two  former  citizens  were 
pardoned ;  but  Albizzi  had  at  the  pope's  request  repaired  in 
sullen  and  lonely  grandeur  to  his  palace,  as  unbending  as  ever : 
he  was  received  with  soft  words ;  and  as  Cavalcanti  avers,  cro- 
codiles' tears  :  between  persuasion  and  artifice  his  followers 
were  dismissed,  and  with  a  promise  of  disarming  even  he  him- 
self consented  to  remain  a  prisoner  under  papal  protection  §. 
This  and  the  insurgents'  dispersion  doubled  the  confidence  of 


*  Neri    Capponi,    Com.   Rcr.     Ital. 
Scrip.,  tom.  xviii.,  p.  1182.  —  Caval- 
canti, Storia,  Lib.  x.,  capi.  vii.,  viii. 
t  Gio.  Cambi,  p.  104.  —  Cavalcanti, 
Lib.  X.,  cap.  x. 

t  "  L-ike  an  a.fs  in  a  hail-storm,'"  is     Cambi,  p.  1 95. 
our  author's  elegant   simile.      "Gli 


artefici  stavano  clieti    e  malcontenti, 

non   altrimenti  che  sta  V  asino  alia 

gragnuola." 

§  Memorie  della  Citta  di  Firenze  da 

Boninsegni,  Lib.  ii".,  p.  53,  &c. — Gio. 


224 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  I. 


government  and  troops  of  their  rural  followers  came  pouring  into 
Florence  under  Papi  de'  Medici,  Baitolommeo  Orlandini  and 
other  popular  chiefs,  so  that  eveiy  entrance  to  the  public  squaie 
was  strongly  occupied  and  all  the  city  teemed  with  armed  men. 
The  return  of  Cosimo  hitherto  unmentioned,was  now  generally 
discussed ;  and  thus  supported,  the  Seignory  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  September  ordered  the  great  bell  to  sound  for  a  parliament. 
At  its  deep  and  well-known  tones  the  whole  republic  rushed  in 
arms  to  the  palace  :  the  Seignoiy  accompanied  by  the  episcopal 
mediators  descended  to  the  Ringhiera  whence  tlie  usual  ques- 
tions were  put,  and  answered  in  the  affirmative  by  about  three 
hundred  and  tifty  voices  immediately  round  the  llingliiera; 
nevertheless  the  most  numerous  Baha  ever  made  in  Florence, 
consisting  of  tlu'ee  hundred  and  fifty-nine  members,  was  ap- 
pointed *.  This  was  a  strong  representation  of  the  people 
and  in  this  instance  probably  a  fair  one  for  tlie  immediate  ob- 
ject proposed;  but  foul  or  fair,  whenever  a  parliament  was 
called  in  Florence  to  create  a  Balia  the  appellants  always  took 
care  to  occupy  eveiy  avenue  to  the  hustings  and  all  the  space 
about  them  with  their  own  staunch  adherents,  armed  or  un- 
armed as  the  case  might  be.  In  this  Balia,  united  with  the 
colleges,  Cosimo's  recall  was  voted  almost  by  acclamation  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  September  14:34,  one  bold  and  elo(iuent  young 
man  named  Bartolommeo  di  Cresci  alone  declaiming  witli 
daring  energy  against  it,  and  audaciously  offering,  if  any  would 
join  him,  to  pitch  the  gonfcdonier  and  eight  priors  from  the 
palace  windows  :  several  secret  negatives  appeared,  but  weie 
smothered  amomrst  the  multitude  of  black  l»eans  which  carried 
the  all-absorbing  question  f.  By  the  same  act  that  created  the 
present  Balia  all  former  ones  from  B]1K^  downwards  were 
revoked;  but  though  at  the  pope's  intercession  indemnity  had 
been  promised  to  the  msurgents,  neither  the  government  nor 

*  Gio.  Cambi,  Storia,  p.  1 94.— Caval-  t  Oiov.  Canibi.,  p.  1 90.— Gio.  Morelli 
cauti,  Lib.  x.,  cayn.  xiii.,  xix. — Gio.  Ricor.  p.  122. — Cavalcanti,  Lib.  x., 
Morelli,  Rcc,  p.  122.  cap.  xv. 


CHAP,  xxxii] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


225 


the  people  were  inclined  to  pass  things  off  so  smoothly  ;  and  the 
Cosimeschi  in  the  teeth  of  this  solemn  promise  which  probably 
saved  their  party,  and  certainly  the  city  from  ruin,  exikni  without 
scruple  Rinaldo,  Strozzi,  Peruzzi,  part  of  the  Guicciardiui  and 
Guadagni,  some  of  the  Uzzani,  Barbadoro,  Gianni,  and  many 
others ;  and  these  proscriptions  were  renewed  from  time  to  time 
after  the  month  of  November,  when  Cosimo  was  already  re- 
tm-ned  and  a  new  Seignory  drawn,  or  ratlier  selected  by  his  partv 
for  their  rabid  persecuting  violence  and  vindictive  character*. 
The  members  were  Lando  di  Biliotti,  Piero  del  Benino,  An- 
drea di  Nardi,  Leonardo  da  Verazzano,  Brunetto  di  Domenico 
Bechaio,  Antonio  d'  Agnolo,  Antonio  di  Masi,  Ugolino  di  Mar- 
telU,  with  Giovanni  Mhierbetti  for  their  gonfalonier,  a  man 
described  by  Cavalcanti,  as  more  bold  than  rational,  and  who 
loved  discord  better  than  his  country  s  good  f.  Near  eighty 
citizens  were  thus  banished,  fined,  imprisoned,  tortured,  or 
otherwise  punished  by  the  vindictiveness  of  faction.  The 
scrutiny  purses  were  diligently  weeded  of  all  enemies,  and  "  Ac- 
coppiatori "  nominated,  by  whom  the  above  Seignor}^  had  been 
studiouslv  selected  !• 

When  Ilmaldo  heard  his  sentence,  from  which  all  the  feigned 
or  real  remonstrances  of  Eugenius  were  unable  to  shield  either 
him  or  his  companions :  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  with  a  bitter 
smile,  "  Did  I  then  ever  hope  that  I  should  be  allowed  to  remain 
**  in  my  country  by  one  who  had  Ijeen  driven  from  his  oami  ?  " 
The  notice  of  his  exile,  sent  as  a  matter  of  form  to  the  pontiff 
called  forth  some  common-place  condolence  and  advice,  to  which 
Rinaldo  contemptuously  answered:  "O  Eugenius,  Holy  Father! 
"  I  marvel  not  at  my  own  ruui;  but  T  do  blame  myself 
"  for  tmsting  to  the  promises  of  one  who  being  unable 
"  to  aid  himself  could  never  vindicate  the  rights  of  others.    I 


A.D.  1433. 


*  Nardi,  delle  Istorie  di  Firenze,  Lib.  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xx. 

»•»  p.  15.  ^  X  Ibid.,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xvi. — Ammirato, 

+  Gio.  Cambi,   p.   199. — Cavalcanti,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  1102. 

VOL.  III.  Q 


226 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[UOOK 


•'  ought  to  have  kno^vll  that  the  fluent  tongue  of  your  messenger 
'  •  Vitelleschi  was  only  used  to  entice  me  to  disarm.     I  did  Iviiow 
'  •  it.     But  love  of  my  country  prevailed !    Let  none  believe  that 
•  1  had  not  ample  means  of  resistance  with  the  Guelphic  aid. 
•'  But  because  I  would  not  bathe  the  streets  in  blood,  fdl  the  city 
"  with  corpses  and  her  dwellings  with  tears,  I  resigned  myself 
'•  into  your  hands ;  yet  be  ye  assured  that  I  had  my  remedy. 
'^  Niccolo  I'iccinino  is  at  hand  with  ample  forces  not  only  to  pro- 
"  tect  me,  but  to  expel  all  my  enemies,  as  they  now  expel  me 
"  from  the  city:  and  to  pay  for  this  I  had  only  to  league  with 
*'  Philip  :\laria  Visconte  and  thus  after  so  many  wars  have 
*'  secured  a  permanent  peace.    You  know  well  Eugcnius  that  I 
'*  behove  this  to  be  a  freak  of  fortune  augmented  by  wicked  men, 
•'  and  that  times  may  change  however  unpromishig,  and  liow  I 
"  or  others  will  be  better  taught  by  this  example ;  and  you  know 
*'  also  that  as  the  injur}^  is  more  bitter,  so  nuich  sharper  should 
'*  be  the  revenge.     Behold  the  heavens !    A  long  rain  makes  a 
"  long  drought,  a  hot  summer  a  cold  winter.     But  let  us  quit 
"  this  triflhig,  for  I  long  to  be  gone  from  so  bad  a  race  and  labour 
"  for  my  return  ^^ith  a  leafy  cro^^•n  as  the  conqueror  of  afiiction 
"  so  hateful.     And  to  this  chy  I  say  (for  the  shame  of  thy  citi- 
"  zens)  that  I  quit  thee  \nth  glory  and  praise:   because  in  the 
"  many  dignities  thou  hast  given  to  me  I  never  pronounced 
"  judgment  against  reason,  nor  ever  wronged  an  individual, 
•'  nor  ever  denied  a  debt,  nor  prolonged  a  suit :  but  always  to 
*'  poor  and  rich,  even  before  the  legal  period,  1  gtive  my  judg- 
"  ment.     And  for  thee  O  Florence  I  bore  all  the  weight  of  la- 
"  hour  that  the  cares  of  such  a  city  impose ;  and  as  my  reward, 
"  under  thy  favour. — I  am  expelled  !     Certes  lie  Avho  confides 
"  in  a  priest's  word,  is  hke  a  blind  man  without  a  guide."    He 
then  departed  -. 

The  wheel  of  fortune  had  turned,  and  Rinaldo's  great  rival 

*  Cav;ilcanti,  Lil».  x.,  cap.  xix. 


CHAP,  XXXII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


227 


when  fully  certified  of  his  recal  came  back  like  a  Roman  con- 
queror! From  Venice  to  Florence  was  a  chain  of 
flowers ;  honours  and  festivities  met  his  homeward  '  '  ^*^^' 
steps,  and  joy  and  gladness  accompanied  him  to  his  native  city : 
Cosimo  arrived  on  the  sixth  of  October,  dismounted  at  the  pub- 
lic palace,  supped  and  slept  in  the  same  place,  next  morning  he 
visited  the  pope  and  then  quietly  resumed  his  former  position 
in  the  commonwealth. 

Then  came  all  the  mischiefs  of  a  restoration ;  and  fines,  exile, 
imprisonment,  torture,  and  death  ministered  to  the  evil  passions 
of  an  angry  faction:  Averardo  (hd  not  long  enjoy  this  triumph; 
he  died  unregretted  on  the  fifth  of  December,  but  liis  spirit  re- 
mained in  full  vigour  ;  and  with  the  exception  of  engaf^iDcr  his 
friend  Francesco  Sforza  as  captain  of  the  Florentine  aimies, 
Cosimo  finished  the  year  1434  in  an  uninterrupted  course  of 
political  vengeance  *. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs.—Eiitrland,  Scotland,  France,  Castile  and  Aragon. 
No  change  since  1428.  (Chapterxxx.)— Portugal:  John  I.  to  1433,  thcnEd  ward 
I. — The  German,  Greek,  and  Ottoman  Emperors,  as  in  14'20. — Popes,  Martin, 
V.  to  1431,  then  Eugcnius  IV.— The  Council  of  Buble,  the  third  Great  Council 
for  Church  Reformation  lasted  from  1431  to  1438.  It  abolished  Annates  and 
Reservations,  and  made  other  retorms. 


*  Ricordi  di  Cosimo de'  Medici.— Gio.  Camhi,  p.  204.— Ammirato,Stor.,  LiL 
XX.,  p.  1102-3. 


Q  '2 


228 


flore:<ti>*e  history 


[hook    II 


BOOK    THE    SECOND. 


CnAPTER  1. 

FRO-M    A.I>.    1435    TO    A.D.    1451. 


A.D.  1435. 


rOSIMO'S  restoration  is  perhaps  the  most  important  event  of 
Florentine  histoiy,  inasmuch  as  it  curbed  tlie  turbulence  of 
faction  undermined  what  liberty  existed,  and  gained  a  power 
for  his  fimiily  that  was  never  permanently  lost.  All 
previous  revolutions  were  either  traii>it(>iy  ur  only  mo- 
difications of  a  state  of  things  already  existing,  the  mere  phases 
of  the  politick  planet  with  more  or  less  of  illumination ;  but 
from  this  point  the  star  of  IVIedici  burned  witli  a  clear  and 
steady  though  deceitful  light  wliich  no  subsequent  tempest 
could  totally  obscure.  All  after-events  were  only  consequences 
or  ramifications  of  this  deep  root,  luid  eveiT  pretension  to  real 
liberty  withered  in  their  shade  ;  it  left  the  outward  form  of  a 
republic  impregnated  with  the  steady  and  permanent  character 
of  absolute  monarchy. 

But  ere  we  proceed  it  may  be  convenient  to  review  the  Flo- 
rentine institutions  in  order  to  judge  more  impartially  of  what 
Cosimo  accomplished;  what  liberties  he  nndermhied,  what 
powers  he  destroyed;  what  good,  or  what  evil  were  the  imme- 
diate consequences  of  his  successful  ambition ;  for  under  him 
the  future  principality  may  be  said  to  have  been  conceived  and 
formed  and  in  progress  of  nativity. 


cH.iP.  r.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


22f^ 


In  contemplating  the  story  of  Florence  our  eyes  are  natur- 
ally attracted  towards  the  institutions  of  that  republic  with 
which  she  w^as  so  often  and  so  intimately  connected ;  the  dark, 
enduring,  and  mysterious  Venice.     Venice  from  a  pure  demo- 
cracy became  by  a  singular  combination  of  circumstances  one 
of  the  most  exclusive  aristocracies  in  the  world ;  and  became 
so,  broadly  speaking,  without  any  usurpation  of  the  rights  of 
others.    The  fii*st  Venetian  refugees  had  equal  privileges ;  but 
when  time  and  successful  industry  had  bettered  their  condition, 
the  stream  of  emigration  which  had  been  constantly  flowing 
towards   the  Lagoons  was  gradually  augmented   and  as  the 
community  enlarged  a  change  in  their  civic  regulations  was 
deemed  expedient.      Hitherto  all  settlers  had  entered  into 
coequal  rights  and  duties  as  they  successively  established  their 
domicile  amidst  the  free  waters  of  the  Adriatic  :  but  at  a  cer- 
tahi  period  of  tlieii'  liistoiy  the  Venetians  refused  any  longer 
to  continue  this  or  give  such  strangers  as  might  thereafter 
arrive  any  political  privileges  beyond  what  were  due  to  them  as 
subjects ;  namely,  the  protection  of  person  and  propeit}-,  and 
perfect  freedom  of  action  in  all  but  state  affairs :  to  these  they 
were  no  longer  admitted  and  thenceforth  became  subjects, 
not  citizens.     A  rapid  increase  of  population,  the  commerce, 
riches,  power,  and  growing  influence  of  this  community,  gave 
great  value  to  the  original  democracy  which  gradually  became  a 
privileged  and  powerful  class :  primitively  large,  and  identic 
with  the  old  population;  afterwards  small,  from  the  growth 
and  pressure  of  the  new ;  but  condensed  by  that  very  pressure 
into  a  more  strongly  knit  and  compact  body  the  concentra- 
tion of  ancient  power,  which  assumed  a  general  empire.     In 
this  there  was  no  infringement  of  others'  claims;  no  usurpation 
of  illegitimate  authority ;  no  encroachment  on  public  liberty  ; 
the  aristocracy  reserved  their  pristine  rights,  but  did  no  more ; 
they  made  and  enforced  certain  laws  applicable  to  all  who 
sought  the  advantages  of  their  government ;  and  if  strangers 


230 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


231 


found  this  convenient  it  was  with  a  clear  understanding  that 
they  were  not  citizens  ;  they  might  demand  protection,  but 
could  hardly  comjdain  of  injustice. 

Such  is  the  broad  principle  upon  which  I'ose  the  aristocracy 
of  Venice  :  its  details,  policy,  secret  history,  and  early  stiiig- 
gles  for  power,  are  all  foreign  to  this  work  except  as  they 
occasionally  bear  on  the  affairs  of  Florence.      But  there  was  a 
remarkable  difference  between  these  two  states :  under  their 
DOGE,  their  ten,  their  senate,  their  great  council  and  other 
auxiliaries  the  Venetians  worked  sdently  mysteriously  and  un- 
changeably :  all  was  veiled :  decrees  went  forth  of  the  sanctuary' 
but  they  issued  from  an  ideal  being :  they  were  not  the  work 
of  any  single  citizen:   none  proposed,  none   seconded,  none 
opposed  them :  to  the  public  eye  they  were  the  fiat  of  some 
invisible  everlasting  power  without  feelings,  passions,  or  any 
touch  of  humanity :  awful,  severe,  all-seeing,  all-powerful,  but 
not  all-just.       The  exhibition  of  jiolitical  talent,  eloquence, 
passion,  virtue,  vice,  or  patriotism ;  whatever  it  might  have 
been  ivithin  the  ix)htical  cloisters ;  was  never,  in  matters  of 
domestic  government,  breathed  beyond  them.      The  people 
knew  neither  friend  nor  foe,  for  all  varieties  of  opinion  were 
fused  into  one  homogeneous  whole  which  alone  went  forth  as 
a  decree  of  the  Venetian  republic :  i)opularity  was  there  un- 
known to  statesmen :  no  eye  was  on  them,  no  ear  heard  them, 
no   shout   greeted   them,   the   voice   of   public   opinion  was 
smothered  in  the  Lag(juns :  and  except  as  warriors,  praise  or 
blame  from  their   fellow-citizens  never   inffuenced   a   single 
action  of  Venetian  statesmen  after  the  ffnal  settlement  of  their 
government.     Hence  the  stem,  searching,  relentless  character 
of  all  their  acts ;  and  the  immolation  of  honom*,  virtue,  religion, 
moral  dignity,  and  eveiy  gentler  feeling  to  the  murky  idol  of 
their  state.     But  in  suppressing  faction  it  secured  strength, 
union,  decisiveness,   and   domestic  peace  ;    and  enabled  the 
republic  to  maintain  a  steady  oneness  of  policy,  which  gene- 


■ 


rating  uniform  movement  and  lastingness,  preserved  it  until 
the  whole  body  becoming  effete  expired  of  mere  imbecility. 

Florence  on  the  contraiy  was  all  openness,  fiiction,  turbu- 
lence, disunion,  and  mutability;  the  faults  and  virtues  of  her 
sons  were  palpable ;  there  was  no  national,  no  constitutional 
secrecy ;  but  there  was  civil  war,  massacre,  conflagration,  ruin 
of  families,  exile,  and  depopulation ;  which  the  Venetians  had 
not.  On  the  other  hand;  in  Florence  men  looked  to  personal 
fame,  reputation,  popularity,  and  puldic  opinion  for  advance- 
ment and  support  (although  this  last  w^as  generally  sectarian) 
and  the  whole  body  of  citizens  had,  or  believed  they  had,  a  part 
in  the  commonwealth.  They  did  in  fact  share  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  their  magistrates  ;  that  is  they  had  the  privilege  of 
electing  them.  But  what  were  those  magistrates  ?  Not  the 
strong  self-acting  movement  of  Venetian  power  that  owned  no 
master  and  made  each  its  slave  ;  but  the  flexile  talons  of 
ill-omened  faction.  There  was  in  foct  no  government  in  Flo- 
rence :  there  was  a  rattling  mass  of  powerful  machinery,  ready 
for  any  impulse  and  ntver  without  one ;  good  if  honestly 
managed,  but  harsh  and  dangerous  in  self-interested  or  un- 
skilful hands.  The  national  spirit  was  called  up  to  give  force 
to  the  commonwealth  and  it  did  so  ;  but  the  commonwealth 
had  neither  the  power  nor  the  inclination  to  secure  civil 
liberty  as  we  know  it,  from  the  vindictive  fuiy  of  party  or 
the  tp-anny  of  potent  citizens.  There  was  no  balancing 
power;  the  people  were  satisfled  witli  that  of  decting  their 
magistrates  and  clotliing  them  in  popular  authority  without  any 
stipulation  for  their  manner  of  using  it. 

When  Baldaccio  d'An^hiari  was  treacherously  murdered  and 
thrown  from  the  palace  window,  his  corpse  lay  for  nearly  a 
whole  day  in  the  public  place  where  it  fell,  and  although  he 
was  a  friend  of  Xeri  Capponi,  the  most  influential  man  after 
Cosimo  in  Florence,  and  an  old  and  valued  general  of  the 
republic,  few  thought  it  strange :   enough  that  the  Seignory 


J 


232 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


had  done  it,  some  secret  necessity  was  supposed,  fear  acted  its 
usual  pai't  with  friends  and  none  else  ever  troubled  themselves. 

Yet,  with  a  mutability  beyond  example  in  domestic  affiiirs, 
the  foreign  policy  of  Florence  was  as  constant  and  i)rudent  as 
that  of  Venice  in  regard  to  the  balance  of  power  and  general 
condition  of  Italy :  true,  the  fear  of  Milanese  dominion  as  it 
more  nearly  affected  themselves  was  the  moving  spring,  and 
when  then-  own  ambition  held  the  scale  the  balance  often 
wavered.  But  to  judge  better  of  these  institutions  it  may  be 
useful  to  examine  their  powers,  as  well  at  least  as  our  scattered 
and  uncertain  records  will  permit,  for  many  things  are  alluded 
to  by  Florentme  writers  as  then  of  common  notoriety  which  are 
now  incomprehensible. 

The  extreme  jealousy  amongst  both  Venetians  and  Floren- 
tines of  their  so  much  boasted  liberty  would  naturally  lead  us 
to  the  modem  notion  of  that  word,  even  now  in  many  countries 
but  ill  understood  and  therefore  not  duly  appreciated;  but 
where  thought  even  was  almost  fettered,  as  at  Venice,  could 
there  have  been  any  real  liberty  ?  Neither  thought  nor  tongue 
were  shackled  at  Florence,  and  so  far  they  were  free  ;  but  no 
individual  or  his  property  were  safe  from  the  vengeance  of  a 
powerful  enemy  ;  a  poor  Florentine  s  house  was  not  his  castle, 
his  possessions  were  not  his  own,  nor  was  even  his  life,  though 
harmless,  always  to  be  counted  on  when  fiiction  needed  its 
sacrifice :  witness  Baldaccio's  fate  which  as  will  hereafter  be 
seen  mainly  originated  in  the  private  malice  of  an  Orlandiui. 
The  Florentine  magistrates  could  oppress  the  weak  but  were 
beai'ded  by  the  strong ;  they  could  assist  one  faction  to  crush 
another ;  but  could  hai'dly  prevent  it  if  they  would,  for  they 
themselves  were  always  partisans  and  often  tools  in  the  hands 
of  others.  AVe  have  seen  that  besides  heavy  and  unequal  taxes, 
an  early  source  of  Florentine  discord  was  the  ambition  of  rich 
men  to  govern  as  a  body  and  the  higher  wish  of  some  amongst 
them  to  mle  alone  and  individually.    In  opposition  to  this  was 


CHAP.   I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


233 


the  desire  of  the  lower  classes  to  prevent  such  usuqmtion  and 
acquire  for  themselves  a  degree  of  civil  liberty  free  from  pri- 
vate oppression  which  would  relieve  them  from  illegal  masters ; 
while  that  of  the  middle  classes  when  they  existed  was  in  addi- 
tion to  enjoy  those  legitimate  honours  and  employments  to 
which  their  position  entitled  them.  The  great  object  of  good 
trovemment  is  to  gratify  these  natural  desires  and  many 
others,  without  public  injury,  collision  of  classes,  or  undue  pre- 
ponderance in  any  order  of  the  state  ;  but  this  was  not  achieved 
by  Florence. 

Frederic  II.  upheld  the  Ghibeline  aristocracy ;  but  at  his 
death  the  Florentines  asserted  and  established  their  liberty 
under  new  forms  of  popular  government,  yet  so  awkwardly 
that  it  begat  infinite  discontent  directed  as  it  was  against  the 
nobles  especially  the  Ghibelines  who  had  previously  been 
omnipotent  in  Florence.  They  naturally  watched  their  opportu- 
nity and  mider  the  auspices  of  Manfred  regained  authority  with 
a  wide-spread  banishment  of  Guelphic  families :  but  intent  on 
power  they  did  not  trouble  themselves  about  the  people  ;  and 
when  fear  ultimately  compelled  them  to  attempt  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  all  parties  by  a  popular  government  it  was  too  late,  for 
they  were  immediately  expelled  by  a  great  national  movement. 
The  citizens  being  anxious  for  peace  recalled  eveiy  exile  and 
they  came,  V)ut  had  learned  no  wisdom ;  their  passions  and  preju- 
dices were  in  full  force ;  old  (piarrels  broke  out  afresh  and  no 
man  seems  to  have  arisen  who  was  equal  to  the  task  of  restor- 
mg  tran(millity  bv  the  establishment  of  a  wise  constitution. 
It  would  indeed  have  been  an  arduous  one  where  the  same 
spirit  of  domination  possessed  the  whole  aristocracy  and  the 
people  were  as  yet  not  sufficiently  exasperated  to  feel  their  full 
power,  or  sufficiently  experienced  to  use  it  with  moderation. 

Renewed  insolence  and  oppression  on  the  part  of  the  former 
soon  after  produced  the  gonfaloniership  of  justice  as  a  curb ; 
then  came  the  law  of  the  Divieto  which  spread  public  hon- 


234 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[lil''>r 


A     !•- 


CHAP.   I.] 


FLORENTTNE    HISTORY. 


235 


ii 


ours  over  a  wider  surface  and  prevented  the  nobles  from  per- 
petuiitinj^^  them  in  their  own  families  :  many  other  regulations 
followed  in  succession,  hut  eveiT  step  was  a  (piarrel ;  the  city 
was  divided  against  itself;  two  fierce  parties  \Nith  antagonist 
interests  were  in  constiuit  strife ;  there  was  no  union  hut  in 
externjJ  war ;  the  people  were  insulted  and  op])rcs^cd  in  every 
private  transaction,  against  laws  which  were  sharp  enough  to 
irritate  hut  insufficient  to  control  ■'•. 

These  evils  brought  out  Giano  della  Bella  and  his  "  Ordi- 
nances of  Justice  "  which  were  too  harsh  even  as  a  punishment, 
yet  with  strong  provocation :  they  did  not  succeed,  for  they 
were  a  penal  sentence  against  delinquents  with  arms  in  their 
hands  ;  a  hill  of  pains  and  penalties  against  a  powerful  mass ; 
an  attainder;  the  puuishment  of  existing  innocence,  and  of 
children  yet  unborn.     Indefinite  punishment  for  tinite  crime 
is  injustice  :  yet  Giano  s  honest  indignation  blinded  him  to  the 
true  character  of  his  work  and  noble  families  were  at  once 
excluded  from  the  Seignory,  besides  other  degradations,  and 
power  given  to  increase  the  number  of  delinquents  at  will.  Mili- 
tarv  force  was  necessarilv  added  to  give  vitiditv  to  law,  and  four 
thousand  civic  guards  were  placed  at  the  gonfaloniers  disposal. 
The  severity  of  tliis  act  produced  more  fury  than  oljedience, 
more  restraint  than  respect ;  yet  Giano  meant  well ;  he  gene- 
rously and  fearlessly  repelled  oppression  and  the  blow  hit  hard, 
l)Ut  recoiled  on  liis  o\mi  head  :  he  was  banished ;  tumults  fob 
lowed,  and  there  was  a  partial  restoration  of  rights  to  the 
aristocracy.    Soon  after  came  the  r>ianchi  and  Xeri  factions,  and 
they  proved  the  weakness  of  Florentine  institutions  by  tdlowing 
private  quarrels  to  swell  into  public  war  and  national  calamity. 
The  pacification  effected  by  the  Cardinal  of  Prato  lasted  but 
a  moment ;  his  creation  of  gonfaloniers  of  companies  and  all 

*  It  has  been  well  said  by  Landor,  in     law  is  on  the  poor ;  its  shadow  only 
his  ItnafjinarijDialoffucs,  hntdWmWng     on  the  rich." 
to  England,  that  "  tlie  hand  of  the 


liis  restrictive  laws  against  the  aristocracy  were  insufficient  to 
maintain  the  peace  even  while  he  legislated  ;  and  ere  he  quit- 
ted Florence  all  was  again  in  commotion,  and  soon  after  in 
arms.      His  labours  were  exclusive,  sectarian,   partial;    and 
inspired  no  confidence  :  blood  and  conflagration  were  the  com- 
ments on  his  work,  and  seventeen  hundred  houses  were  con- 
sumed in  the  struggle  !  Afterwards  the  drawing  of  magistrates 
by  lot  w\is  introduced  and  the  two  councils,  of  the  People  and 
Community  created  :  then  the  Duke  of  Athens  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  the  commonwealth  and  presently  became  its  tyrant, 
hut  was  forthwith  expelled  by  the  united  strength  of  ever}' 
faction.     Tliis  restored  liberty,  justice,  peace,  and  a  moment's 
good  fellowship  between  the  nobles  and  people :  the  lull  was 
brief ;  discord  again  burst  forth  and  civil  war  once  more  thun- 
dered in  the  streets  of  ilorence.     The  Bardi,  Frescobaldi, 
and  other  clans  were  fiercely  driven  from  their  homes  and  the 
nobles   reduced  to  complete   and    ihial  subordination.      The 
other  extreme  of  society  then  rose  up,  and  the  sedition  of  the 
Ciompi  reigned  paramount  for  three  years  :  Georgio  Scali  the 
peoples  champion  was   sultsequcntly  beheaded   and   the  fire 
mastered ;  but  with  partial  bursts  and  sudden  explosions  from 
the  mins.    The  Popolani  Grassi  now  resumed  their  authority  ; 
but  suspicion  was  abroad ;  no  confidence  connected  man  with 
man,  and  fear  was  ever  on  the  watch  lest  fortune  should  place 
the  government  in  the  hands  of  antagonists :   w^hen  this  oc- 
curred it  was  jealously  wrested  from  them  on  trifling  pretences 
as  happened  to  Alberti  and  Magalotti  in  1387.    Then  followed 
a  recal  of  exiles  and  the  strong  government  of  Maso  degli 
Albizzi ;  rigorous  and  severe  at  first,  aftenvards  comparatively 
gentle  and  popular,  but  at  all  times  able  :  Niccolo  da  Uzzano 
had  continued  this  to  more  than  half  a  century's  duration  when 
his  setting  sun  beheld  the  rise  of  Cosimo. 

In  contemplating  such  a  state  of  perennial  turbulence  and 
misinile  with  all   their  unmentioned   evils,   we  can  scarcelv 


236 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


LBOOK   II. 


wonder  at  the  Florentines  being  fmully  wearied  and  disgusted ; 
and  hailing  the  man  who  would  restore  peace,  tliough  at  the 
expense  of  their  so-called  liberty,  as  tlie  "Father  of  his 
Country."  Up  to  this  period  there  were  :d\vays  two  parties  in 
Florence,  one  of  the  great,  the  other  of  the  people :  by  the 
Great,  in  the  beginning  was  meant  the  nobles ;  after  whose 
downM  the  principal  burgher  families  stepped  into  their  politi- 
cal position  and  under  a  more  popular  name  followed  a  similar 
course  of  insolence  and  oppression,  but  with  grcit.r  impunity. 

The  '*  Peoi>le  "  must  not  be  understood  as  the  niire  popu- 
lace, who  were  no  more  in  the  civic  institutions  of  Florence 
than  menial  servants  in  a  private  fiimily ;  they  were  necessaiy, 
but  had  no  voice  nor  any  pditical  rights  in  the  comnidnwealth. 
The  "  People  "  was  that  portion  of  the  poorer  citizens  with  civic 
ri«Thts  or  civic  responsibilities  wlio  were  opposed  to  the  aggres- 
sions of  the  rich  and  powerful :  in  other  words  to  the  ''Great:' 
They  were  not  only  that  multidude  which  did  not  share  in  the 
public  government  and  yet  possessed  something  or  exercised 
some  trade  in  the  city ;  but  many  others  b.sides  who  did  par- 
ticipate in  the  magistracies.  All  these  in  common  desired 
liberty ;  or  more  strictly  speaking  protection  in  their  private 
affau-s  from  the  tyranny  and  aiTogance  of  the  great ;  but  the 
last  portion  cherished  the  further  hope  of  a  more  fre(iueut  ptu'- 
ticipation  of  public  honoui-s,  and  of  subordinate  political  power 
as  a  means  to  that  end.  The  middle  class  if  it  can  fairly  be 
called  so,  during  the  meridian  of  aristocratic  sway  was  com- 
posed of  the  principal  popular  families ;  but  they  soon  became 
a  virtual  aristocracy  though  despised  as  such  by,  and  totally 
distinct  from  the  ancient  nobility. 

At  first  therefore  there  seems  to  have  been  no  middle  class 
properly  so  called,  for  the  populace  as  an  extreme,  were  never 
considered  part  of  the  commonwealtli  nor  cared  for  l)y  any 
party,  and  the  people  came  into  immediate  contact  with  the 
higher  orders  whether  ancient  nobles  or  Popolani  Grassi,  but 


CHAP,  r.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


237 


roughly,  not  courteously--.  The  result  was  a  continual  struggle 
between  a  body,  composed  of  rank  dignity  and  intelligence,  re- 
enforced  by  riches  and  insati:d)le  for  power;  and  a  humble 
though  numerous  mass  of  poorer  citizens  who  felt  its  misuse  and 
panted  for  emancipation :  thence  everiasting  strife  and  often 
the  submission  of  botli  to  the  command  of  a  stranger,  such  as 
the  Duke  of  Athens  and  others.  Still  the  two  parties  retained 
then-  balance ;  for  when  the  peoi)le  ruled,  one  powerful  citizen 
frequently  dctied  all  the  potency  of  government  and  with  the  aid 
of  friends,  clients,  and  his  own  resources  audaciously  defended 
liimself ;  trusting  if  too  hard  pressed  to  the  general  support  of 
his  class.  From  this  preponderance  of  individual  power  and 
general  balance  of  parties  it  followed  that  the  strong  oppressed 
the  weak:  for  had  that  of  the  people  been  superior,  the  noble- 
man wlio  had  no  moral  serui>les  about  robbing  his  neighbour 
would  still  have  refrained  throu-h  b^ar  of  the  law  had  the  law 
been  efficient:   but  this  rarely  oieurred. 

A  middle  class  of  eiti/ens  ;  <.v  what  may  for  distinction  be  so 
designated ;  did  spring  up  in  llorence  from  the  popularising  of 
noble  families:  (probably  tli<»se  which  are  sometimes  called 
''  Spkciohni"  as  detached  from  the  ancient  stock  and  yet  not 
united  ^\ith  their  adopted  order)  and  also  from  the  promotion 
of  some  popular  families  by  Cosimo,  of  wliich  more  anon;  but 
principally  from  those  who  l.^ing  eligible  to  the  magistracy,  yet 
from  choice  and  other  reasons  lived  retired  and  ak»of  from 
faction  as  well  as  from  insult  ami  injury,  if  tliey  could  accom- 
plish it;  yet  sometimes  wished  to  enjoy  the  civic  honours  to 
which  Ibey  were  entitled.  It  seems  probable  that  many  of 
those  called  "  Sciopcnfti,"  who  entered  so  frerpiently  into  the 
public  magistracies,  belonged  to  this  class  and  exercised  some 
moditying  inlluence  over  the  violence  of  party  spnit. 

The  'Tlehe  "  or  lowest  classes,  as  already  said  had  no  civic 
rank ;  they  possessed  no  real  property  and  lived  from  hand  to 

*  Donato  Giannotti  della  Rcpublica  Fiorciitiu.,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  v.,  p.  48. 


238 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bOOIv    I. 


mouth  l.y  manual  labour;  but  they  loved  quiet,  because  com- 
motion stopped  tmde,  and  then  they  starved :  their  tumults 
were  from  want,  hard  task-masters,  and  misrule ;  or  its  conse- 
quences as  affected  themselves.    According  to  Giannotti  if  quiet 
reigned  amongst  the  higher  classes  of  Florence  the  people  were 
never  tumultuous,  and  unless  excited  by  their  superiors  in  rank 
and  reputiition  were  rarely  so  at  any  time-.     The  sedition  of 
the  Cionipi  Wiis  probably  the  unintentional  work  c»f  Salvestro 
de'  Medici  and  others  who  thus  excited  a  nally  suffering  and 
therefore  intlammable  people,  and  then  were  unable  to  control 
them.     The  poor  could  not  obtain  their  reasonable  desires  and 
therefore  revolted ;  for  people  are  attached  in  genoral  to  those 
governments  that  aff«>rd  such  gratification,  or  which  tliey  believ^^ 
afford  it :  the  Florentine  poor  desired  no  compidsory  masters 
but  the  laws  or  the  magistrates  who  represented  them ;  they 
sought  impartial  justice  and  had  no  further  ambition  :  the  mid- 
dle dasses,  or  rather  the  people,  had  ;  they  as  already  remarked 
looked  to  legitimate  honours  and  office  ;  and  ilie  highest  class 
to  arbitrary'^rule.      In  Florence,  generally  speaking,  only  the 
last  succeeded  and  that  partially,  but  attended  by  tumult  and 
difficulty  :  the  result  of  all  was  discontent  with  excessive  and 
general  excitement  so  that  any  change  became  palatable. 
"^  The  principal  defects  of  Florentine  institutions  up  to  Cosimo  s 
return  were  what  we  shall  now  endeavour  to  describe.     These 
institutions  were  composed  in  the  tirst  place,  of  the  '^  Seignory, 
namelv  a  Gonfalonier  of  Justice  and  eight  "  Priors  of  the  Arts"  or 
"  of  Liberty : "  of  two  auxiliaiy  "  Colleges,"  one  of  twelve  Buono- 
mini  the  other  of  sLxteen  Gonfaloniers  of  Companies,  and  alto- 
gether named  *'  The  College"  or  more  generally  the  "  Seignory 
and  Colleges  "  the  latter  being  a  sort  of  counsellors  to  tlie  former. 
Then  came  the  Senate,  which  varied  in  name  and  number  from 
134:^  to  1404,  and  seems  to  have  l»een  identical  with  the  Coun- 
cil of  Two  Hundred.    Besides  these  were  two  greater  councils: 

*  Donato  Giannotti,  Delia  Rcpublira  Fiorciitina,  ly.b.  i.,  cap.  v.,  p.  oli-i). 


CHAP     1.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


239 


that  of  the  People,  composed  exclusively  of  Popolani ;  and  that  of 
the  Community,  or  Common  Council  wliich  admitted  both  people 
and  nobles.     Inferior  magistracies  will  be  noticed  elsewhere. 

The  nomination  of  all  magistracies  which  at  fust  was  open, 
afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  more  select  body  called  the 
"  Squittino  "  or  scrutiny :  and  the  act  of  selection  to  till  the  grand 
purses  was  denominated  "  Sqiiittuiarc''  or  scrutinising  ;  because 
the  character,  qualities,  and  pretensions  of  the  candidates  were 
then  minutely  investigated.  This  was  tluMiretically  good,  but 
its  effects  are  described  as  evil  and  corrupting  ;  for  this  ceremony 
taking  place  only  every  three  or  five  years  and  being  secret, 
those  candidates  for  the  puldic  magistracies  whose  names  once 
entered  the  purses  (and  this  seems  always  to  have  been  well 
known)  became  negligent  of  their  conduct ;  for  honesty  in  those 
days  appears  only  to  have  been  practised  as  far  as  it  was  the 
best  policy.  All  laws,  decrees,  or  provisions  of  any  kind, 
whetlier  public  or  private,  proposed  in  the  Seignory  were  obliged 
to  be  approved  liy  the  colleges,  senate,  and  finally  by  the  two 
remaining  councils  =<-. 

This  also  seemed  tluMretically  good,  but  as  the  priors  were 
dra\sTi  by  lot  it  frequently  liappeiied  that  one  Seignory  was  of 
one  faction  the  next  of  another,  or  perluq^s  a  mixture  of  both  ; 
and  the  colleges  partook  of  the  same  mutable  and  motley  cha- 
racter, or  peradventure  diifered  altogether  from  the  Seignory  : 
thus  a  reasonable,  a  tyrannical,  or  a  divided  government  turned 
up  as  chance  directed.  Hence  also  the  many  evils  so  fre- 
quently related  in  these  pages  as  the  exclusive  results  of 
foction  ;  and  hence  the  permanent  despotism  of  Cosimo  who 
ruled  the  rulers  and  dispensers  of  life  and  death.  In  order  not 
to  quit  this  convenient  instrument  he  chose  the  '' Accoppiatori'' 
so  dexterously,  besides  other  means  hereafter  to  be  mentioned, 
that  his  own  creatures  were  sure  to  form  the  bulk  of  every 
council  and  magistracy  hi  the  state.     Cosimo  here  only  practised 


Nardi,  Storia  dcUa  Cittk  ili  Firciize,  Lib.  i",  pp.  11,  12,  13. 


240 


FLORENTTKE   HISTORY. 


[book  II- 


the  lessons  liis  enemies  had  taught  him,  the  actual  P^  'ti«a  Mt. 
of  Florentiue  statesmen ;  but  he  did  it  on  a  great  scale.  ^Mth  a 
harder  hand,  a  heavier  purse,  and  a  bolder  conscience  t^n 
any.     No  people  can  pretend  to  more  freedom  than   he  hb  Uy 
of  dubbing  themselves  slaves  .■here,(even  .  >en  """'""'.;  ;^^-; 
faction)  the  pleasure  of  sk-  citizens  out  of  mne  ^vas    u  many 
cases  law,  and  could  destroy  or  pardon  as  they  ^^^    ^^ 
are  the  Lau-  a,ul  the  J../,.,''  cried  the  pnor  C.uulo  Magalo  U 
to  Cosimo  Inmself  ^vhen  he  wanted  to  save  an  '""'--"'^  J"^" 
and  child  from  destruction!     And  Cosimo  bowed  meekly  to 
the  rule  for  he  mtended  to  practise  it. 

Although  the  general  decrees  of  the  Seignory  where  every 
measure  began  had  also  to  pass  other  coum-ds.  tbcy -^F 
rarely  opposed,  and  much  despotic  authority  was  a..un  ed  l.> 
hem'  in^idividual  cases  even  to  the   instant  deprivation  o 
life  •  their  power  was  feared  and  fearful,  and  only  depended  on 
themselves  to  be  tyrannical,  as  it  cummonly  proved. 

The  Balia  or  Deeemvirate  of  War  was  aiiotlier  j.o^ci  ol 
enormous  strength   and   amazing  amplitud,.:    seven  ciUzens 
could  there  make  peace  or  war  impose  t'"^'"-^  g""f  ;"8,^°;;; 
tributions,  or  form  any  regulations  thoy  pleaMc    to  en,  o 
their  views;  and  even  nuse  armies  to  unlimited  """'^    ="  "' 
onlv  limited  by  the  public  credit  and  resoiuve^  ol  which  tl  e) 
we;e  the  managers ;  and  all  without  c<„itr,d,    ^^'-f'f"^^  J«^ 
far-reaching  consciuences  of  war  even  m  Us  m.  dest    o  m,  bu 
at  that  time  peculiarly  horrible  ;  no  nation  could  call  itselt  fie 
when  exposed  to  the  action  of  such  powers,  unless       we  e 
proved  to  be  with  the  geneml  national  consent  an.    i.      ■    t'  , 
intrioues  of  a  faction  ;  and  even  then  it  was  only  tlie  liUeii> 
ruining  and  enslaving  themselves  and  their  posterity. 

To  direct  this  formidable  engine  Cosimo  mad.,  use   .the 
"  Sjurehio  ••  as  already  told,  and  so  gained  exfiisive  n.llue.  ce 
if  it  always  a  majority  in  that  council.     This  was  be^re  b 
exile ;  for  afterwards  thmgs  were  more  shortly  and  etfettneh 


CH^P-  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


241 


arranged ;  but  it  sensed  to  encourage  war  and  consolidate  hid 
personal  influence,  and  though  the  country  was  disgi'aced  and 
ravaged  Cosimo  prospered ;  yet  all  this  mischief  could  be 
effected  by  seven  citizens  without  control  or  responsibility -ss 
The  necessity  for  such  a  board  arose  out  of  the  ephemeral 
nature  of  the  Seignory  which  allowed  no  time  to  carry  on  any 
extended  operation  whether  external  or  domestic,  and  neces- 
sarily exposed  state  secrets  to  the  knowledge  of  a  rapid  succes- 
sion of  chief  magistrates  who  in  their  retirement  from  office 
might  neither  be  discreet  nor  honest. 

In  domestic  matters  the  evil  of  this  system  was  glaring  :  each 
new  Seignoiy,  eager  to  distinguish  its  ephemeral  existence  by 
some  attractive  performance  hurried  forward  every  affair ;  their 
acts  followed  each  other  with  the  rapidity  of  a  blacksmith's 
hammer ;  a  few  favourite  materials  were  hastily  worked  up  for 
the  nonce  and,  finished  or  uulinished,  left  to  their  fate  ^vith  the 
succeeding  govenmient ;  but  no  regulated  warmth  in  constant 
action  remained  to  temper  and  anneal  society  or  improve  its 
(•liai'Mcter. 

The  college  of  gonfaloniers  created  by  the  cardinal  of  Prato 
for  the  defence  of  liberty,  tliat  is  of  the  people  against  the 
great,  was  generally  composed  of  young  men  and  frequently 
acted  with  more  violence  than  judgment ;  imbued  like  every 
other  magistracy  with  the  passions  of  the  day,  they  were  often 
as  we  are  told,  the  authors  of  oppression  and  tumult  and  causei3 
of  much  mischief,  for  it  was  a  powerful  and  reputed  office  and 
greatly  coveted.  In  one  of  the  many  plagues  that  devastated 
Florence ;  probably  that  of  D 48  when  few  would  remain  there 
for  the  pui'poses  of  government,  a  remedial  law  was  passed  which 
rendered  every  citizen  ineligible  to  office  whose  grandfather  had 
not  sat  or  his  name  been  seen  (or  "  Vcduto  ")  amongst  those  lia- 
ble to  be  drawn  for  the  "  Tre  Mag/jton  "  as  they  were  called, 
that  is  the  Seignory  and  the  two  colleges.     Many,  who  would 

*  Giannotti,  della  Rep.  Fior.,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  v.,  p.  78,  (Sec. 
^'OL.  III.  R 


FLORENTINE    IIISTOliY. 


[book  n. 


Otherwise  have  lied  were  arrested  hy  the  wish  of  securing  that 
right  for  their  posterity  and  it  was  of  infinite  service  to  Cosimo, 
who  hy  means  of  his  influence  could  at  pleasure  uifringe  this 
law  aiid  virtually  nominate  them  all ;  wherefore  the  whole  city 
paid  court  to  liim  not  only  to  accomplish  their  own  hut  even 
their  infant  children's  nomination. 

These  infant  magistrates  were  not  new  in  the  histor}-  of  Flo- 
rentine faction,  hut  the  system  was  perhaps  more  securely,  and 
certiiinly  more  pennanently  organised  hy  Cosimo,  and  thus  the 
''Defenders  of  Liherty:"   as  the  gonfaloniers  of  companies 
atfectedly  called  themselves ;  hecame  the  mere  handmaidens  of 
despotism.     The  gonfalonier  of  justice  had  no  greater  voting 
power  than  the  prioi-s,  hut  he  had  the  privilege  of  presiding  over 
them  and  eveiy  other  council  at  his  pleasure :  this  right  was 
given  in  order  to  form  a  session  of  the  Seignory  independent  of 
then-  Proposto  or  diurnal  president  in  case  uf  his  refusing  at 
any  time  to  propose  necessary  measures,  a  circumstance  that 
faction  rendered  of  frequent  occurrence.     Thus  the  gonfalonier 
although  only  equal  in  authority  was  superior  in  dignity  and 
official  influence  to  all  the   Seignorial  magistrates  ;   and  as 
they  and  all  the  other  courts  were  despots  in  their  line,  and 
generally  tyrannical,  he  also  must  have  had  the  power  of  heiug 
so,  for  none  deliherated  without  him  if  he  wished  to  attend 
and  their  decrees  were  his  :  wherefore  it  follows,  that  although 
he  could  not  compel  he  influenced  eveiy  one,  and  they  in  a 
niiumer  depended  on  him.     Hence  the  gonfalonier  of  justice 
really  governed  the  state,  hecause  hy  means  of  the  Seignoiy 
and  colleges  he  could  carry  any  measures  and  not  only  arrest 
the  proceedings  of  other  magistracies  hut  altogether  prevent 
their  deliherations.     For  this,  says  Giannotti,  he  had  only  to 
humom*  the  Seignoiy  and  colleges  and  profess  himself  a  staunch 
defender  of  liheity  against  the  great,  (which  in  Florence  was  as 
sure  a  catch-word  as  Church  and  State  once  was  in  iMigland)  and 
if  supported  ly  them  he  hecame  omnipotent.  But  without  such 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLOEENTINE   HISTORY. 


243 


management  success  was  rare  and  difficult ;  for  if  he  worked  hy 
favour  of  the  "  Ten"  alone  he  displeased  the  priors  and  colleges, 
and  through  them  the  citizens,  as  the  former  would  complain  of 
neglect  and  slight  hoth  hy  him  and  the  Balia,  and  the  latter 
would  echo  it ;  and  according  as  this  system  was  skilfully  fol- 
lowed or  neglected  so  was  the  gonfalonier  popular  or  otherwise. 

The  office  heing  so  ephemeral  great  constitutional  mischief 
could  not  ensue,  yet  much  particular  hijury  and  private  tyranny 
was  practicahle  and  practised  ;  hut  when  one  private,  irrespon- 
sihle,  and  extraneous  power,  like  Cosimo 's,  hrought  an  irresis- 
tihle  and  pennanent  influence  to  hear  on  every  magistracy  ;  or 
rather  when  every  magistracy  was  his  own  creature  and  worked 
like  puppets  to  his  will,  it  hecame  a  permanent  though  invisihle 
monarchy  ". 

These  were  some  of  the  radical  evils  that  generated  misrule 
and  general  discontent  in  Florence  and  spoiled  its  character  as 
a  free  nation,  for  repuhlics  are  seldom  free  except  for  licentious- 
ness. But  to  these  evils  may  he  added  the  great  length  and 
cost  of  law-suits  and  the  general  corruption  of  law :  the  rich 
and  powerful  influenced  hoth  civil  and  criminal  justice  puhlicly 
and  privately  as  suited  their  hiterest  or  faction  ;  plaintiff"  and 
defendant  were  often  rumed  together  after  long  years  of  Htiga- 
tion  ;  strangers  who  had  the  misfortune  to  get  into  the  Floren- 
tine courts  lifted  up  their  hands  and  cried  in  amazement  "  7s 
this  Uherty  .^"  and  some  of  the  nohlest  of  native  families  had 
been  reduced  to  destitution. 

In  this  state  of  things  Cosimo  retmned,  an  angry  vindictive 
chief  with  a  still  more  vengeful  crew^  to  keep  his  passions  upper- 
most :  he  had  heen  ill-used,  he  was  the  people's  leader  and  idol, 
and  soon  hanished  almost  all  their  greatest  enemies  of  the 
opposite  faction ;  few  remained  hut  the  insignificant  or  ahjectly 
submissive  or  those  who  shrunk  into  obscurity  and  oblivion  at 
his  fro^vn.     The  people  rejoiced  at  their  enemies'  discomfiture 

*  Giannotti,  Delia  Rep.  Fiorcnt.,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  viii.,  p.  94. 

li  Ji 


244 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  n, 


and  Cosimo  v^as  finally  hailed  by  a  public  decree  as  '*  Padre 
DELL.\  Patria."  The  fother  of  that  countiT  which  he  depopu- 
lated by  the  most  numerous  proscription  ever  known  in  Flo- 
rence  even  in  its  wildest  periods,  and  which  has  been  compared 
only  vdth  those  of  Svlla  and  the  triumvirate ;  for  blood,  although 
not  profuselv  spilt,\and  when  shed,  perhaps  it  was  with  some 
show  of  justice,  vet  blood  was  not  wanthig  to  satiate  Cosimo  s 
vindictiveness  and  the  vengeance  of  his  exasperated  followers. 
Boninsegni  and  Cavalcanti  give  us  the  names  of  more  than  a 
hundred\milies  either  exiled  or  rendered  incapable  of  office, 
without  counthig  all  the  individuals  of  houses  which  are  only 
named  collectively,  and  apparently  innocent  of  any  crime  except 
that  of  relationship  with  the  chiefs  of  an  antagonist  taction  =:^ 

The  nobles  of  his  own  party  he  made  roi»olani,  but  excluded 
all  others  by  a  sweeping  edict  prohibiting  them  thenceforth 
from  the  enjo\nnent  of  any  public  otfice  whatever  + :  this  as 
will  be  seen  hereafter  was  a  sagacious  act,  and  collaterally 
strengthened  by  his  intimate  connection  with  the  It^iaii  states 
which  enabled  liim  to  paralyse  all  his  enemies'  efforts  to  retura. 
One  result  of  this  searcliing  persecution  was,  that  in  Florence, 
which  had  been  previously  divided  into  two  great  parties,  the 
third  order  of  citizens  already  mentioned  became  moulded  and 
augmented  in  several  ways.     First,  those  great  families  which 
submitted  to  Cosimo  necessarily  reduced  their  former  magnifi- 
cence and  sank  down  somewhat  nearer  to  the  more  social  level 
of  popular  equality ;  and  without  throwing  off  that  inexpres- 
sible delicacy  of  tastes  and  manners  inherent  to  gentle  blood, 
and  thus  losing  themselves  in  the  common  crowd,  they  main- 
tained a  neutral  position  somewhere  between  their  former  station 
and  present  necessities.  Secondly,  Cosimo  ennobled  many  popu- 
lar families  ;  that  is,  he  advanced  them  from  the  :Miu.;r  to  the 

•  Cavalcanti,  Lil..  x.,  cap.  xvi.  an.l  xx.  — Ncrli,Commcnt.,T.ib.  iii.— PLniotti, 

— B«)ninse<:Tii,  Meniorie  .lolla  Citta  di  Stnr.  Tors.,  I.ib.  iv.,  (y.  x.,  p.  oi. 

Firenze,Lil.ro  ii",p..56.— Murcl.iavclli,  t  Boninscgni,  Lib.  u.,  p.  01. 
Lib.  V. — Nardi,  Istor.  Fior.,  Lib.  i". 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


245 


Major  Arts,  which  amongst  other  advantages  rendered  them 
eligible  to  more  of  the  superior  offices  of  state  than  before. 
These  citizens  witliout  shouldering  the  nobles  and  great  Popo- 
lani  still  rose  above  their  former  station  and  increased  the 
numbers  of  this  detached  class  of  society.  Tliirdly,  many  other 
great  families  although  not  forced  to  retire  yet  having  in  this 
revolution  lost  political  power  and  influence  and  being  neces- 
sarily excluded  from  public  employment,  soon  found  themselves 
deserted  by  old  adlierents ;  wherefore  they  also  dwindled  to 
comparative  insignificance  and  augmented  this  new  order  of 
citizens.  Thus  but  few  families  remained  who  were  not  Cosimo 's 
friends  and  creatures  and  many  of  these  with  diminished  gi'eat- 
ness,  but  all  sul)servient. 

The  mainspring  of  sedition  was  also  slackened  by  w^eakening 
the  great  Popolani,  diminishing  their  means  of  oppression,  and 
even  their  power  of  resistance  to  the  people,  of  whom  Cosimo 
was  the  declared  cham[)ion.  The  management  of  the  former 
was  thus  facilitated ;  that  of  the  latter  became  comparatively 
easy  because  they  were  not  generally  ambitious  to  govern  but 
did  look  for  quiet  and  protection  ;  and  both  these  they  had  in 
the  beginnhig  from  Cosimo*. 

So  far,  if  we  consider  these  results  alone  in  comparison  with 
foregone  times  and  independent  of  the  severity  that  produced 
them,  Cosimo's  advent  to  power  was  eminently  beneficial,  for 
nothing  could  be  worse  than  the  former  state  of  distraction  in 
Florence ;  but  to  accomplish  it  the  people  were  decimated. 
"  Better,"  exclaimed  the  hiexorable  Cosimo  to  a  friend  who 
expostulated  with  him  on  the  exile  of  so  many  citizens  and 
noble  families,  by  which  said  the  latter  "this  city  will  be  deso- 
"  lated,"  ''Better  have  a  desolated  than  a  lost  city,  and  as  to 
"  the  dimbmtion  of  citizens,''  he  contemptuously  added  ''there 
"  need  he  no  alarm,  for  with  seven  or  eight  yards  of  scarlet  we 
"  can  daily  make  enough  of  them.''     Alluding  to  the  scarlet 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  1. — Giannotti,  Lib.  i.,  cap.  v.,  p,  53. 


246 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY, 


[book  II. 


cloaks  worn  in  those  days  by  Florentine  citizens*.  Cosimo 
doubtless  felt  that  a  new  system  required  new  men,  and  men 
who  depended  on  his  favour  alone  for  their  advancement ;  hence 
a  number  of  Florentine  families  rose  with  the  Medici  from  the 
inferior  trades  to  subsequent  distinction,  and  even  at  that  mo- 
ment showed  a  strong  front  against  the  noble  Popolani,  who 
were  treated  with  such  rigour  that  the  ascendant  faction  feared 
a  general  union  amongst  them  in  opposition  to  Cosimo. 

To  subdue  them  more  effectuallv  and  at  the  same  time  con- 
ciliate  the  ancient  nobles  their  hereditaiy  enemies,  he  restored, 
as  Albizzi  had  before  proposed,  almost  all  the  latter  to  popular 
rights,  and  amongst  them  the  historian  Cavalcanti.  The  few  who 
were  excluded  from  this  benefit  remained  in  a  more  helpless  con- 
dition than  before,  for  they  were  rendered  ineligible  to  any  ofBce 
in  the  commonwealth  ;  and  even  the  more  fortunate  of  those 
restored  could  not  aspire  to  the  Seignory  for  ten  years.  Thus  by 
a  present  benefit  and  the  prospect  of  complete  emancipation  the 
support  of  a  powerful  body  was  secured  for  ten  years  without  im- 
mediately clothing  them  in  much  or  dangerous  authority  f . 

This  brief  review  it  is  hoped  will  help  us  to  enter  with  more 
facility  on  the  second  great  epoch  of  Florentine  histoiT,  the 
Medician  ascendancy;  for  though  the  republic  Listed  nearly 
a  centurv  in  form  and  name  and  outward  feature,  and  with  its 
institutions  apparently  untouched,  its  story  becomes  almost  that 
of  the  Medici ;  and  subsequently  identified  with  it  until  the 
extinction  of  that  dynasty. 

Cosimo  became  gonfalonier  of  justice  for  January  and  Feb- 
ruary 1435,  and  his  triuniiih  as  already  said,  was  followed  by 
more  than  the  usual  number  of  exiles,  admonitions,  and  pei^secu- 
tions ;  not  from  politics  alone  but  from  rapacity,  cupidity,  and 
all  the  evil  passions  springing  out  of  clanship  and  private  in- 

*  Ammirato,  Stor.  Fiorent,  Lib.  xxi.,  — Ammirato,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.xxi.,  vol. 

vol.  iii.,  p.  4. — Bruto,StoriaFior.,  Lib.  iii^  p.  4. — Cuvalcauti,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xx. 

i.,  pp.  42,  43.  — liinaldo  as  we  have  seen  would  have 

f  Ncrii,  Commentarj,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  45.  thus  acted  for  the  same  puii)ose. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


247 


fluence  linked  with  power  ambition  and  revenge.  Some  blood 
too  flowed,  for  during  the  gonfaloniership  of  Neri  Capponi,  in 
1430,  Antonio  di  Bernardo  Guadagni  and  four  other  citizens 
were  decapitated.  Amongst  the  latter  were  Zenobi  Belfradelli, 
Michele  and  Cosimo  Barbadoro  and  Antonio  Pierozzi,  the  three 
first  quitting  their  place  of  exile  had  gone  to  Venice  and  having 
been  found  plotting  with  Pierozzi  were  to  the  disgrace  of  that 
state  delivered  up  to  punishment  at  the  demand  of  Florence 
and  unmercifully  though  not  illegally  executed  *.  Others  were 
condemned  to  death  but  saved  by  Cosimo  who  declared  that  he 
would  not  have  his  gonfaloniership  stained  with  blood;  but 
many  of  the  possessions  belonging  to  the  opposite  faction  were 
sold  at  a  low  price  to  his  partisans  and  this  gave  fresh  zest  to 
persecution  f . 

On  the  other  hand  the  Alberti  and  all  others  banished  by  the 
Albizzi  were  recalled  ;  the  name  of  eveiy  suspected  person  was 
removed  from  the  i»urses  and  replaced  by  that  of  a  partisan ; 
all  judges  of  life  and  death  were  exclusively  chosen  from  the 
chiefs  of  the  ascendancy,  and  a  decree  passed  against  any  exile's 
return  after  his  term  was  expired  unless  thirty-four  out  of 
thirty-seven  votes  were  favourable  in  a  government  of  the  most 
deadly  enemies  !  All  correspondence  with  exiles  was  for- 
bidden ;  every  sign,  every  custom,  eveiy  word,  that  displeased 
the  nding  faction  was  severely  punished  ;  and  where  no  cause 
existed  for  persecution  the  parties  were  ruined  by  contribu- 
tions levied  expressly  for  that  purpose ;  so  that  ere  long  the 
whole  of  their  antagonists  were  either  beheaded  exiled  or  iniined 
by  Cosimo's  party,  besides  those  that  died  in  banishment.  And  to 
hold  all  suspected  persons  in  terror,  power  over  life  and  property 
was  given  to  the  Otto  della  Guardia  who  were  authorised  to 
punish  not  only  overt  acts  of  sedition  but  any  intemperate  ex- 
pressions displeasing  to  Cosimo  and  his  supporters. 

For  external  security  alliances  were   formed  with   Rome, 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  7,  vol.  iii.     f  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  x.,  cap.  xx.,  p.  619. 


248 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


Milan,  and  Venice;  peace  having  been  signed  and  a  league 
made  in  August  1435,  between  those  powers,  under  an  engage- 
ment that  if  any  one  of  them  waged  war  on  another  all  three 
powers  were  immediately  to  attack  the  aggressor ;  all  other  con- 
ditions remaining  as  before  this  outbreak. 

Thus  were  the  lives  and  happiness  of  whole  nations  sacrificed ! 
War  was  not  felt  by  sovereigns  or  by  soldiei's ;  the  poor  alone 
suffered :  two  armies  manoeuvred,  encountered,  stniggled  a 
while  as  if  for  exercise  in  almost  pre-concerted  movements  ;  and 
then  one  dispersed  :  prisoners  were  taken,  examined,  and  ran- 
somed, and  the  adjacent  countrj^  plundered ;  the  dwellings 
burned,  the  han-ests  ruined,  and  the  people  murdered !  And 
thus  ended  war,  without  gain  or  glory  !  And  then  came  peace 
with  general  impoverishment  and  no  security ! 

Two  rival  schools  of  anns  occupied  Italy  at  this  period :  the 
*'  Braccesca,''  or  those  who  had  learned  war  under  Braccio  da 
Montoni,  and  the  "  S/orzesca  "  or  the  pupils  of  his  rival  the 
first  Sforza.  At  the  head  of  tlie  latter  was  his  son  the  cele- 
brated Francis  Sforza  afterwards  Duke  of  Milan  ;  and  Niccolo 
Piccinini  and  Fortebraccio,  a  nephew  of  the  elder  l^raccio,  were 
chiefs  of  the  former*.  To  one  or  other  of  these  schools  all  the 
various  bands  of  condottieri  attached  themselves  but  that  of 
Sforza  from  his  expected  marriage  with  Bianca  Visconti  was  in 
most  favour,  yet  Sforza  became  the  General  of  Florence  while 
Piccinino  remained  faithful  to  Milan  !  About  the  beginning  of 
1435,  and  during  the  gonfaloniership  of  Cosimo  de'  Medici 
Giovanna  II.  Queen  of  Naples  died  and  left  her  kingdom  to 
P^egnier  Duke  of  Anjou,  but  Alphonso  or  Alonso  King  of  Ara- 
gon  then  in  Sicily  and  invited  by  the  barons,  attempted  to  get 
possession  of  the  throne.  The  lords  of  Anjou  s  party  demanded 
Visconte's  assistance  and  under  his  auspices  a  Genoese  squadron 
defeated  and  captured  Alphonso,  his  son,  and  nine  galleys  in 
July  off  the  island  of  Ponza  after  a  battle  that  lasted  from  sun- 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  12. 


CHAP.   I. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


249 


A.D.  1436. 


rise  to  smiset,  the  captives  were  sent  by  Philip's  desire  to  Milan 
and  Alphonso  soon  convinced  him  that  his  tme  policy  was  to 
keep  the  French  out  of  Italy  instead  of  assisting  a  prince  of 
that  nation  to  establish  himself  there.  Philip  became  his 
friend  and  gave  him  his  liberty  without  ransom,  at  which  the 
Genoese,  who  hated  Alphonso,  were  so  indignant  that  they 
revolted  from  Milan,  and  under  Francesco  Spinola  succeeded 
in  regaining  their  independence  :  an  offer  of  their  alliance  was 
made  to  Florence  who  accepted  it,  and  by  so  doing 
irritated  Visconte  and  induced  him  to  listen  to  some 
propositions  of  Rinaldo  degli  Albizzi  ^-.  His  anger  was  further 
inflamed  at  seeing  Genoa  admitted  in  May  1436  as  a  member 
of  the  confederacy  by  both  Venetians  and  Florentines  and  sup- 
plies of  men  furnished  her  in  consequence  :  this  breach  of  the 
league  was  justified  in  the  opinion  of  those  states  by  Philip's 
attack  on  Alphonso,  because  according  to  its  conditions  he  was 
not  to  interfere  in  Neapolitan  politics  f . 

But  wheresoever  lay  the  right,  war  seemed  inevitable  espe- 
cially as  Rinaldo  was  at  Visconte's  elbow  exasperating  him 
against  Florence,  w^here  as  he  asserted,  a  strong  party  of  mal- 
contents were  ready  to  support  him  :  Philip  had  already  sent 
Piccinino  against  Genoa  with  subsequent  instructions  to  harass 
Florence  as  if  on  his  own  account  in  order  to  encourage  the 
malcontents,  and  this  republic  opposed  Cristofono  da  Lavello 
the  Milanese  commander,  first  by  Taliano  and  afterwards,  when 
Piccinino  entered  Lucca  in  the  beginning  of  October,  by  Sforza 
himself  The  latter 's  head-quarters  were  about  Pontedera ; 
Piccinino  demanded  a  passage  for  his  troops  towards  Naples 
where  Luigi  del  Vermo  had  already  gone,  which  being  refused  he 
haughtily  threatened  to  force  his  way ;  whereupon  Sforza  ad- 
vanced and  being  nearly  matched  they  remahied  watching  each 


*  Costanzo,  Ist.  di  Napoli,  Lib.  xv.     Comtn,  Rer.  Ital.  Scrip.,  torn,  xviii., 
and  xvi.,  vols,  ii"  and  iii*'. — Muratori,     p.  1184. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  3. 
Annali,  Anno  1435. — Neri  Cappoui,     f  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  6. 


250 


FLORENTINE   UISTORY. 


[boo!:  ii. 


A.D.  1437. 


Other  until  the  twenty-second  of  December  when  Xiccolo 
began  hostilities  by  scouring  the  countiy,  tiiking  Santa  Maria 
di  Castello,  and  linally  investing  Barga.  llorence  who  at  the 
pope's  request  had  hitherto  avoided  breaking  the  peace,  now 
sent  troops  to  defend  that  place  and  rcpidsed  the  ]\rilanese 
with  some  dishonour  to  their  general  under  tlic  walls  of  IJarga 
in  Febi-uary  1437  *.  This  victory  at  which  Xeri 
Capponi  commanded  the  Fk)rentines  under  Sforza, 
forced  Piccinino  to  retreat  and  saved  the  mountain  of  Pistoia 
from  devastation. 

In  April  with  nine  thousand  men  and  a  hundred  war-cars 
and  bombards  he  invested  Santa  Maria  in  (  a^tello  and  planting 
one  of  these  engines  (which  cast  a  stone  (.f  5:>0  lb.  troy)  against 
it  he  in  four  shots  brought  down  a  strong  tower  from  its  base 
and  the  place  surrendered.  Piccinino  hearing  of  these  things  and 
seeing  his  troops  wasted,  retired  to  Lombardy  where  he  was 
more  wanted  against  the  Venetians  f.  iVfter  this  Sforza  and 
Neri  Cajiponi  made  rapid  progress  :  Camaiore,  ]\Ias^a,  Viareggio, 
Carrara,  Moneta,  Lavenza,  and  Sarzana  successively  fell :  the 
siege  of  Monte  Carlo  was  begini  and  the  place  soon  reduced ;  all 
the  Lucchese  contado  was  wasted  ;  the  citizens  of  Lucca  wanted 
provisions  but  were  stout  in  defence  of  liberty  ;  and  neither  the 
destruction  of  their  com,  the  cutting  down  of  vines  olives  and 
other  fruit  trees,  the  plunder  of  cattle,  nor  the  conllagration  of 
villas  and  hamlets  could  induce  them  to  think  for  a  moment  of 
yieldmg.  Meanwhile  Venice  had  taken  up  the  war  in  Lom- 
bardy, but  disgusting  her  capttun  the  Marquis  of  ^Mantua  he 
resigned,  and  strong  apjdications  were  made  for  Sforza :  this 
was  an  awkward  demand ;  for  trusting  to  the  Venetians  fuiding 
work  for  Visconte  beyond  the  Po  the  Florentines  had  resolved 
to  renew  their  designs  on  Lucca  whose  reception  of  Piccinino 
gave  them  a  fair  pretext ;  but  the  real  reason  of  this  design 
was  Cosimo's  ambition  to  illustrate  his  government  witli  some- 

•  Neri  Capponi,  pp.  11J54-45. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xx.,  p.  8. 
+  Neri  Capponi,  p.  11 85. 


I 


It 


CHAP.  l] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


251 


thin^  as  brilliant  and  beneficial  to  Florence  as  the  conquest  of 
Pisa  under  that  of  the  Albizzi*. 

Sforza  who  had  long  aspired  to  something  al)ove  a  mere  con- 
dottiere  became  intimate  with  Cosimo  by  whose  support  and 
the  favour  of  his  promised  bride  he  hoped  to  share  some  of  the 
Duke  of  jNIilan  s  territory  if  not  liis  whole  dukedom  as  the 
latter  had  no  legitimate  issue  :  knowing  however  that  fear  alone 
brought  forth  the  promise  and  that  fear  alone  would  secure  its 
performance,  he  determined  by  an  apparent  union  with  Vis- 
conte's  enemies,  but  not  drawn  too  closely,  to  keep  himself  in  a 
formidable  position  with  respect  to  Philip,  yet  free  enough  to 
chan'^e  when  his  own  hiterest  required  it.  For  this  reason  he 
had  stipulated  with  Florence  not  to  cross  the  Po,  and  she  was 
more  unwilling  to  part  with  him  at  the  moment  of  her  projected 
conquest  because  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  Venice  was 
against  it :  nevertheless  the  Florentines,  fearful  of  driving 
her  to  a  reconciliation  with  Visconte  wlio  would  then  assist 
Lucca,  determined  to  comply  when  Sforza  had  reduced  all  the 
Lucchese  strongholds ;  but  to  gain  his  own  consent  was  also 
necessary,  and  this  he  was  urged  to  give  in  a  private  letter  to  the 
Seignory,  by  which  Venice  would  be  quieted  and  Sforza  himself 
not  bound  to  more  than  he  wished,  as  a  private  promise  could 
never  annul  a  public  treaty.  His  <'onquests  therefore  contmued 
unmtennipted  until  the  whole  Lucchese  territoiy  was  subdued 
and  Lucca  itself  so  closely  blockaded  that  all  supplies  were 
stopped :  in  October  he  met  tlie  Venetian  deputies  at  Pteggio, 
refused  to  make  war  beyond  the  Po  and  returned  to  Tuscany : 
here  however  he  became  ecpudly  restive  and  refused  to  stir 
against  Lucca  unless  Florence  procm'ed  his  arrears  of  pay  due 
from  Venice  :  Cosimo  from  his  extreme  popularity  hi  that  capital 
was  chosen  as  ambassador  on  this  service  and  he  went  the  more 
willingly  from  his  anxiety  to  conquer  Lucca  f. 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,p.  9. — Ibid,  pp.  8,  10,  11. 
f  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  pp.  D,  10. 


252 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[hook  11. 


CHAP.   I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


253 


But  though  honoured  as  an  exile  he  failed  as  an  envoy  be- 
cause Venice  had  already  dismissed  Sforza  for  refusing 

A.D.  1438.  "  ^ 

to  pass  the  Po  and  denied  him  his  salary :  the  Floren- 
tines however  would  have  paid  this  as  well  as  their  own  share, 
hut  he  also  wanted  the  support  of  Venice  and  she  refused  both : 
Sforza  then  threatened  to  join  Philip  whose  offers  were  large, 
and  again  was  Cosimo  employed,  hut  with  as  little  success,  so 
he  repaired  to  Ferrara  and  entreated  the  pontiff's  interference. 
Giuliano  Davanzani  succeeded  him,  but  Venice  was  still  inexo- 
rable and  Sforza  joined  Visconte  in  March  143><.  In  the  follow- 
ing April  he  was  the  mediator  of  a  peace  between  Florence, 
Milan,  and  Lucca  by  which  the  latter  was  left  free  with  a  circuit 
of  six  miles  aud  Florence  kept  her  conquests.  The  dulve  was 
moreover  bound  not  to  meddle  with  the  affiiii's  of  Tuscanv  or 
Romagna  by  his  agreement  with  Sforza,  who  feared  for  Ids  o^vn 
dominions  in  the  latter  neidibourhood ;  but  by  a  strataffem  of 
Piccinuio  and  an  affected  quarrel  with  Philip  the  pope  was  de- 
ceived, and  Visconte "s  troops  overran  all  that  country  his  object 
being  to  insidate  the  Venetians  and  recover  Brescia  and  Ber- 
gamo*. Florence  and  Sforza,  whom  Philip  had  been  deceiving 
throughout,  were  astounded  at  this  sudden  outbreak,  and  in 
1439  their  connexions  with  Venice  were  renewed  and  prepara- 
tions made  for  a  fresh  war  against  the  Duke  of  ^lilan  f .  Tliis 
went  on  languidly  until  Xeri  Capponi  pei-suaded  Sforza 
to  cross  the  Po  in  June  when  a  brisk  trial  of  skill  took 
place  between  him  and  Piccinino :  Sforza  was  baffled  in  his 
attempts  to  relieve  Brescia  but  gave  his  adversary-  a  complete 
discomfiture  at  Teima  on  the  Lago  di  Gardo  in  November.  Pic- 
cinino escaped  in  a  sack  carried  on  the  back  of  a  strong  soldier 
and  then  with  wonderful  activity  rallying  a  few  troops,  fell 
suddenly  on  Verona  and  captured  the  town :  three  citadels 
remained  and  Sforza  promised  to  recover  it  if  only  one  held 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  vii.,  pp.  208,  9,  10. — Neii  Capponi,  p.  1187.— Aramirato,  Lib- 
xxi.,  p.  13.  •}-  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  pp.  13,  14. 


out :  he  performed  this  promise,  and  the  allies  retired  to  winter 

quaiters*. 

Cosimo  again  became  gonfalonier  of  justice  for  the  two  first 
months  of  1439,  and  his  official  dignity  was  made  illustrious  by 
the  removal  of  the  pope  and  council  of  Fen-ara  to  Florence :  Eu- 
genius  had  taken  up  his  residence  at  Bologna  in  1430  and  could 
no  longer  bear  the  insolent  encroachments  of  the  council  of 
Basle  wliich  in  1437  had  not  only  summoned  him  to  appear 
before  it  as  a  culprit  but  in  November  1439  created  Amadous 
Duke  of  Savoy,  (who  had  abdicated  the  throne  and  turned  monk) 
a  pope  under  the  name  of  Felix  V.  Previous  to  this  however, 
having  been  driven  by  the  plague  from  Ferrara,  and  Bologna 
being  in  Piccinino's  hands  he  removed  to  Florence  accom- 
panied by  the  Greelv  Emperor  John  Pala^ologus  and  the  Patri- 
arch, with  a  large  suite  of  ecclesiastics,  for  the  purpose  of  healing 
the  schism  between  the  eastern  and  western  chm'ches :  the 
Arminians  were  at  the  same  time  reconciled  and  many  car- 
dhials  created  from  all  nations  to  correct  the  baneful  influence 
of  an  anti-pope  f . 

In  1440  Philip  resolved  to  defend  Lombardy  by  carrj'ing  war 
beyond  the  Apennines  hito  Tuscany  and  La  Marca;  to  this  he 
was  urged  not  only  by  Piccinino  but  by  Kinaldo  degli  ^^  ^^^^^ 
Albizzi's  strong  representations  of  the  hitenial  state  of 
Florence  which  he  assured  him  was  ready  to  receive  the  exiles  with 
open  arms  if  strongly  sujiported  %  Besides  this,  the  Patriarch 
of  Alexandria,  Giovanni  Vitelleschi  who  governed  the  pope,  a 
cmel  unscrupulous  man  notorious  for  his  ambition,  love  of  war 
and  licentiousness  ;  commanded  his  lU'my  with  absolute  power 
throughout  the  ecclesiastical  states.  This  man  commenced  an 
inti-igue  with  Visconti  apparently  through  hatred  of  Sforza 
who  had  defeated  him  in  La  Marca ;  and  because  both  Vene- 

♦  Poggio,  J  Ah.  vii,  p.  '2-3:).— Aniniirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  18,  &c\ 

t  Muratori.  Aniiali. — Amniirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  pp.  lt>,  '21. 

t  Cavalcanti,  Lib.  xiii.,  cap.  ii. 


^ 


254 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[nooK  II. 


tians  mid  Florentines  had  incurred  his  anger ;  the  latter  by 
her  conduct  towards  All.izzi,  and  tlie  other  exiles  whose  safety 
he  had  guaranteed ;  but  he  had  also  cheated  both  Venice  and 
Florence  and  hated  them  for  complaining  to  Eugenius  who 
Bhowed  him  their  letter  which  Vitelleschi  wa^  not  the  man  to 
leave  long  unanswered.  He  therefore  offered  to  join  Piccinino 
with  all  his  forces,  and  as  Poggio  asserts  and  others  believed, 
even  intended  to  mui'dcr  Eugenius  himself  and  seize  on  the 
keys  of  Heaven*. 

These  tilings  determined  Philip :  and  Piccinino  accordingly 
crossed  the  Po  in  February  with  sLx  thousand  horse  to  form  a 
junction  with  Manfredi  of  Faenza  and  then  proceed  into  Tus- 
cany.    Neri  Capponi  and  Davanzati  heard  of  this  mnx  ement  at 
Ferrara  on  their  way  to  Venice  and  gave  instant  notice  of  it  to 
government :  the  Seignoiy  referred  them  to  Sforza  whose  pre- 
sence was  anxiously  desired  ;  but  still  their  instmctions  were 
not  to  urge  him  against  his  omi  judgment  as  Florence  could 
manage  without +.     The  two  ambassadors  joined  the  \^enetians 
in  pressing  him  against  his  own  inclinations  to  remain,  as  Gat- 
tamelata  his  heutenant  had  lately  become  paralvtic  and  there 
was  nobody  to  succeed  him.     Sforza  in  fact  knew  and  suspected 
Vitelleschi  and  therefore  trembled  for  the  fate  of  La  :\Jarca  and 
his  other  possessions ;  and  the  conjuncture  became  still  more 
dangerous  by  the  defection  of  the  :\lalatesti  who  joined  Piccinino 
after  receiving  the  pay  of  Florence  for  a  thousand  men-at-arms  ; 
moreover,  the  Marquis  of  Estes  son  joined  Philip  Visconte 
with  all  his  followers  although  already  paid  bv  Floren.e,  scorn- 
fully telling  her  officers  that  they  might  deduct  tlio  amount 
from  his  father's  shares  in  their  national  fmids.     To  make  up 
for  all  this,  intercepted  letters  in  cipher  were  brought,  or  said 
to  have   been  brought  from  Montepulciano    which    revealed 
though  indistinctly  all  Vitelleschis  treacherv,  and  Euca  Pitti 


»  Muratori,  Annali. — Poggio,  Lib.  vii.,  pp.  2'2?,-U. 
t  Auimirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  22. 


CIUP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


255 


was  instantly  despatched  to  Pome  with  orders  from  Eugenius 
to  Antonio  lledo  captain  of  Saint  Angelo  to  take  him  alive  or 
dead.  This  was  no  easy  task,  but  it  was  effected  by  stratagem 
and  the  cardinal  received  a  deep  wound  during  the  scuffle: 
while  the  surgeon  was  in  the  act  of  probhig  it  Luca  Pitti  as 
Ammirato  tells  us,  struck  the  instrument  into  his  brain  and 
he  expired  on  the  spot !  Others  say  he  was  poisoned,  and  others 
again  that  his  life  was  tidvcn  ditlln-ently ;  but  he  was  promptly 
removed  in  some  maviuor,  to  the  great  relief  of  his  holiness 
and  of  Florence-. 

The  pope "s  physician  who  was  patriarch  of  A(|uilea  then  took 
charge  of  the  army  which  instantly  inarched  to  the  defence  of 
Tuscany  with  six  thousand  men  of  all  arms  and  this  event  de- 
cided Sforza,  so,  with  some  remahiing  anxiety  for  La  Marca,  he 
detached  a  thousand  men-at-arms  under  Neri  Capponi  to  reeu- 
force  the  Florentines.  Meanwhile  Niccolo  Piccimno  after  a 
repulse  in  the  mountain  pass  of  San  Benedetto  as  he  attempted 
to  enter  Tuscany  by  the  M-jiitone,  tried  the  equally  strong  one 
of  Marradi  which  might  have  been  as  easily  defended ;  but 
Bartolomnieo  Orlandini  who  commanded  there  with  absolute 
power  as  Florentine  commissary  fled  shamefully  before  him  and 
left  all  the  Mugello  and  even  Florence  itself  open  to  his  armsf. 
Excm-sions  were  immediately  made  as  far  as  Fiesole  and  over 
those  hills  to  Ponte-a-Sievc  and  Pemoli ;  and  some  soldiers 
even  crossed  the  Arno,  so  that  cattle  and  peasantiy  were  driven 
in  to  Florence  for  shelter. 

While  the  country  was  thus  exposed  all  within  Florence  was 
quiet,  the  lower  classes  were  attached  to  Cosimo  and  the  inte- 
rests of  the  great  were  identified  with  him,  so  that  the  malcon- 
tents did  not  raise  a  finger  although  Pdnaldo  and  almost  all  the 


*  Nardi,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  i",  p.  1 1.—  t  Neri  Capponi,  p.  1193.— Ammirato, 

Cavaloanti,  Lib.  xiv.,  cap.  iii.— Mura-  Lib.  xxi.,  i)p.  23,  4,  .5.— Poggio,  Lib. 

tori,  Annali.— Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  vii.,    p.   22.'».— Cavalcanti,   Lib.   xiii., 

23.— Poggio,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  228-9.  cap.  i.,  ii.,  iii.,  iv.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  v. 


256 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


exiles  were  in  Piccinino's  army*.  Nevertheless  apprehensions 
of  every  kind  were  rife  in  the  city,  and  it  was  at  first  be- 
lieved that  the  peasantry  and  rural  town-population  would 
through  rebel  influence  deliver  the  strong  places  into  his 
hands,  because  throughout  those  classes  any  appearance  of 
civic  commotion  spread  great  joy  and  they  considered  them- 
selves the  more  fortunate  in  proportion  as  greater  discord 
reigned  in  the  capital.  Their  popukr  saying  was,  that  "  War 
amongst  the  wolves  f/ave  quiet  to  the  lambs ''\.  Such  was 
the  gentle  rule  of  that  republican  government  over  its  rural 
subjects  !  Again,  a  rising  of  the  internal  malcontents  if  Picci- 
nino  were  to  attack  the  town  would  have  proved  a  serious  and 
almost  irrepai-able  disaster  and  hence,  though  terror  reigned  in 
their  hearts,  the  government  assumed  a  firm  aspect  and  did 
not  even  show  the  force  they  really  had  in  the  city  lest  the 
people  should  discover  then*  alarm  and  the  disaffected  gather 
courage  to  revolt.  Arms  were  denied  with  equal  fiimness  to 
the  people  lest  the  sword,  if  once  drawn,  might  not  so  easily 
retmTi  to  the  scal)bard  :  those  conscious  of  midue  severity  were 
now  most  cowardly  while  the  lesser  tyrants  acted  with  prudent 
boldness. 

JVlicheletto  was  recalled  from  La  Marca;  Pietro  Gian-Paulo 
Orsmi  posted  at  the  gate  of  San  Gallo  ;  Niccolo  (xambacorta 
da  Pisa  who  had  repulsed  Piccinmo  at  San  Benedetto,  and 
Pietro  Torello  occupied  Borgo  San  Sepolcro,  and  eveiy  other 
measure  of  present  safety  was  adopted  by  them.  Cosimo  de' 
Medici  prepared  for  the  worst  and  expected  a  second  exile. 
*'  It  is  better  for  the  republic,"  said  he,  "  that  I  should  go, 
than  subject  the  citizens  to  such  peril."  And  so  strong  was 
tliis  resolve,  that  Xeri  Capponi,  according  to  Cavalcanti,  (though 
the  former  does  not  himself  mention  it)  hastened  before  day- 
light to  the  gate  of  San  Gallo  which  being  shut,  he  called  out 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xiii.,  p.  24. 
t  •*  La  gucna  clc'  lupi  genera  paci  intra  gli  agnelli." 


CHAP.  I.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


257 


to  the  warder  to  tell  Orsini  from  him  that  he  must  be  careful  of 
his  own  honour  *  and  the  people's  safety  for  Niccolo  and  all  his 
men  were  near  the  gates ;  but  above  all  things  he  was  to  have  a 
hundred  horse  ready  for  Cosimo's  security  alone.  And  this 
alarm,  says  Cavalcanti,  arose  from  Cosimo's  consciousness  of 
the  wicked  deeds  that  had  been  done  by  others  in  his  name, 
and  which  he  was  either  constrained  unreservedly  to  approve, 
or  shut  his  eyes  upon ;  for  all  his  remonstrances  were 
met  by  the  fact  that  these  people  had  restored  him  to  his 
country  and  that  he  was  beholden  to  them,  not  they  to  him, ; 
and  thus  was  he  compelled  to  sanction  in  silence  their  wicked 
domgs.  The  alternative  was  plain  to  an  honest  man.  but  Co 
simo  did  not  choose  to  take  it ;  for  ambition  in  him  was  stronger 
than  virtue,  independence,  or  humanity.  Audacity,  fear,  and 
severity,  divided  public  opinion  and  made  confusion  in  their 
councils:  some  wished  to  imprison  all  suspected  persons: 
others  to  come  to  terms  with  the  enemy ;  others  again  to  re- 
store the  exiles  and  send  Piccinhio  away  in  peace  :  there  was 
no  unanimity  until  Puccio  Pucci,  seeing  the  danger,  rose  and 
in  an  animated  speech  restored  spirit  and  confidence  to  the 
government ;  and  Pietro  Paulo  Orsini  was  finally  appointed  to 
the  supreme  military  command +. 

Tired  of  this  trifling  wai-^ire  and  seeing  no  prospect  of  sig- 
nahsing  himself  in  the  Mugello  the  Milanese  general  accepted 
an  invitation  from  Francesco  di  Battifolli  Count  of  Poppi  to 
occupy  the  Casentino,  and  passed  into  that  province  with  his 
whole  army.  This  branch  of  the  Guidi  family  had  almost 
always  been  staunch  adherents  of  Florence,  and  Francesco 
himself  was  at  the  very  time  her  commissary  for  the  Casen- 
tino :  he  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Rinaldo's,  and  yet  was  said 
to  have  betrothed  his  beautiful  daughter  Gualdrada  to  Cosimo's 
son  Piero :  after  having  consented  to  this  marriage,  Cosimo  as 


*  Orsini  was  at  this  moment  very  un-     t  Cavalcanti,  Storia,  Lib.  xiii.,  cap.  vii.; 
justly  suspected  by  the  citizens.  Lib.  xiv.,  cap.  xxiv. 

VOL.  III.  S 


258 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


we  are  told,  was  persuaded  by  Neri  Capponi  and  other  citizens; 
who  dreaded  such  alliances  with  feudal  lords  and  strangers ; 
to  break  the  engagement,  and  so  made  a  bitter  enemy  of  Count 
Francesco  di  Poppi  *.  However  this  may  be  his  reasons  were 
private  and  his  anger  led  to  dishonour  and  to  ruin. 

Bibbiena  and  Romena  were  soon  captui'ed  by  Piccinino, 
the  latter  with  retaliative  cruelty,  and  all  the  Casentino  occu- 
pied. San  Niccolo  on  the  Solano,  a  tributary  of  the  Arno  near 
Poppi,  was  closely  besieged  and  eveiy  intercepted  fugitive 
thrown  back  into  it  from  the  '' BriccoW  or  Catapults;  but 
under  the  gallant  Morello  it  held  out  for  one-and-thirty  days 
and  only  surrendered  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  May  when  ever}' 
means  of  defence  were  exhausted. 

Morello  had  been  a  poor  inhabitant  of  Poppi  where  his 
mother  was  still  living  at  the  time  of  the  siege  :  he  had  also  been 
wild  in  youth,  had  disobeyed  the  law,  and  became  a  banished 
man  ;  but  attracted  by  the  militaiy  pomp  which  he  beheld  in 
all  directions,  like  the  first  Sforza  he  quitted  the  mattock  and 
gave  himself  to  arms.      His  reputation  must  have  been  good, 
for  the  "  Ten  of  War"'  had  intrusted  him  with  the  protection 
of  San  Niccolo  and  a  garrison  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  men, 
and  he  perfonned  his  task  most  gallantly.      At  length  the 
Count  of  Poppi  bethought  him  of  an  expedient.     He  sent  the 
aged  mother  of  Morello  bound  in  cords  and  chains  as  a  culprit 
close  under  the  walls  of  San  Niccolo  and  offered  her  life  to  him 
with  honours,  and  rewai'ds,  and  restoration  to  his  country,  it 
he  would  only  surrender  the  castle.      In  this  tiying  moment 
the  young  man  gave  a  noble  yet  fearful  answer :  he  felt  that 
no  private  interest  should  shake  his  allegiance  to  the  countiy 
or  obstruct  his  duty  as  a  soldier,  and  said ;  "  Life  is  short  even 
"  to  the  young,  to  the  old  still  shorter ;  but  a  good  name  is 
*'  everlasting ;   wherefore   I  choose  eternal  fume  rather  than 
*'  prolong  the  few  remauiing  days  of  an  aged  mother.    Go  buck 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  pp.  24,  25. 


i'HAP.  I.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


259 


"  and  tell  the  Count  that  I  would  rather  he  continued  to  live 
"  an  unjust  and  cruel  man  than  I  should  be  called  a  traitorous 
*'  and  a  cowardly  one  "*. 

The  defence  of  this  post  gave  full  time  for  preparation  in 
Florence,  and  Piccinino  after  wasting  the  summer  without  any 
real  advantage ;  after  failing  to  acquire  the  Seignoiy  of  Perugia, 
and  to  get  possession  of  Cortona  by  treacheiy,  and  Citta  di 
Castello  by  force  ;  was  suddenly  recalled  into  Lombardy  where 
Sforza's  success  overcame  all  Visconti's  opposition.  The  pajoal 
army  had  now  aiiived  under  Lodovico  Patriarch  of  Aquilea  and 
the  whole  allied  force  amounted  to  about  nine  thousand  men 
of  all  arms  nominally  commanded  by  Piero  Gian-Paulo  Orsini, 
who  had  orders  not  to  molest  Piccinino  in  his  retreat.  The 
latter  was  eager  for  battle  to  counterpoise  a  recent  victory 
gained  by  Sforza  between  Orci  and  Soncino  on  the  fourteenth 
of  June,  after  having  relieved  Brescia  and  crossed  the  Mincio, 
besides  numerous  other  advantages  over  the  Milanese  general  f. 

The  Florentines  had  occupied  Anghiari  a  town  about  four 
imles  distant  from  Borgo  San  Sepolcro  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  Tiber  and  on  a  low  range  of  hills  dividing  the  valleys  of  the 
Sovara  and  that  river.  Picchiino  was  aware  that  but  little  dis- 
cipline existed  in  the  enemy's  army,  and  much  disagreement 
between  the  three  commanders,  Micheletto  Attendolo,  Orsini, 
and  the  Patriarch  of  Aquilea :  he  also  knew  that  it  was  their 
custom  to  remain  under  arms  until  noontide  while  their  forasr- 
ing  parties  were  out,  and  then  to  disperse  and  amuse  themselves 
without  any  attention  to  discipline :  wherefore  he  settled  to 
advance  in  the  afternoon  accompanied  by  two  thousand  of  the 
inhabitants  of  San  Sepolcro  who  joined  for  the  sake  of  pillage. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  June  as  Micheletto  was  reconnoitre- 
ing  the  country  towards  Borgo  Sun  Sepolcro  he  observed  a  light 

*  Neri  Capponi,  Comment.,  p.  1193.  Poggio,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  234.— Sismondi 
— Cavalcanti,  Lib.xiv.  cap.  xv.  vol.  vi.,  chap.  Ixix.,  p.  384. 

t  Corio,  Parte  v.,  folio  33i)-340.— 

S  2 


260 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II, 


and  distant  dust  which  gradually  increasing  convinced  him 
that  Piccinino  was  at  hand  ;  immediately  giving  the  alarm  he 
hastened  with  his  own  division  to  occupy  a  bridge  in  front  of 
the  position  which  he  foresaw  would  be  the  principal  point  of 
contention.      This  bridge  crossed  the  torrent  Gora*  whose 
banks  were  steep,  and  protected  the  whole  front  of  the  allies  : 
Micheletto's  promptitude  gave  time  for  arming  and  placing  the 
troops  in  order  of  battle  :  their  position  was  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  torrent  to  the  right  and  left  of  Miclicletto  who  remained 
as  a  centre.     Orsini  occupied  the  latter  station  with  the  Flo- 
rentine   army  and  commissaries  Neri  Capponi  and    Bemar- 
detto  de'  Medici.     The  Patriarch  and  his  army  formed  the 
right  wing,  and  the  infantry  were  posted  along  the  steep  banks 
of  the  Gora  to  protect  the  flanks  in  case  the  enemy's  cavalry 
succeeded  in  crossing  it  beyond  them.     This  disposition  was 
scarcely  completed  when  Piccinino's  advanced  guard  charged 
furiously  on  the  bridge  but  were  driven  back  with  great  gal- 
lantly Tmore  troops  came  up,  charge  after  charge  followed  \di\i 
various  success ;  sometimes  the  allies  were  borne  completely 
back  and  the  battle  raged  in  the  plain  ;  at  others  the  Milanese 
were  driven  amongst  ditches  and  inclosures  on  the  other  side 
where  they  necessarily  fought  at  a  disadvantage,  and  could  not 
handle  their  cavalry  in  large  bodies  ;  while  on  the  Florentine 
part   all   had  been  fairiy  levelled  before  the  action,  so  that 
when  driven  back   they  could  quickly   form    in  masses  and 
charge  the  unformed  chivalr}^  of  Milan  ;  most  of  the  conflict  was 
on  the  latter  ground.     The  battle  was  obstinately  contested 
for  four  hours  until  towards  sunset,  when  the  Milanese  fatigued 
with  the  march  and  conflict,  and  overcome  with  heat,  began  to 
flag :  then  suddenly  a  strong  wind  rose  from  the  liills  which 
blowing  clouds  of  dust  in  their  faces  obstructed  both  breath 
and  sight  and  they  gave  way  :  retreat  soon  became  flight,  the 

•  Sismondi  savs  the  Tiber,  but  this  polcro  ;  and  no  other  writer  speaks 
could  not  be;'  because  that  bridge  is  of  tlic  battle  being  on  the  Tiber;  but 
only  a  mile  from  the  Borgo  San  Sc-    under  Anykiari. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


261 


whole  army  dispersed,  and  Piccinino  under  great  difficulties 
escaped  with  a  thousand  horse  to  San  Sepolcro. 

The  success  of  this  battle,  fought  on  the  feast  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul,  was  attributed  to  those  apostles,  and  Piccinino  s 
defeat  to  his  desecration  of  that  holy  day :  according  to  Neri 
Capponi  twenty- two  out  of  twenty -six  chiefs  of  squadrons  were 
captured,  ^vith  four  hundred  men-at-arms  and  lifteen  hundred 
and  forty  citizens  of  San  Sepolcro,  besides  three  thousand 
horses.  Macchiavelli  startles  us  by  asserting  that  only  one 
man  was  killed  and  he  by  a  fall ;  and  his  great  authority  Ca- 
valcanti,  barely  alludes  to  the  action  without  giving  any  details ; 
but  others  with  more  proliability  say  that  sixty  were  killed  and 
four  hundred  wounded,  besides  the  loss  of  six  hundred  horses 
on  both  sides ;  and  moreover  that  many  fell  by  artillery  *. 
This  victory  in  consequence  of  the  usual  want  of  discipline  was 
not  immediately  followed  up  and  Piccinino  escaped  :  prisoners 
were  pillaged,  ransomed,  and  released,  by  which  that  general 
recovered  some  of  his  finest  veterans,  and  in  despite  of  all  the 
exertions  of  the  Florentine  commissaries,  seconded  by  Orsini 
alone,  the  army  remained  intent  on  securing  its  plunder  and 
no  gi'eat  luirt  was  done  to  Visconte  but  Tuscany  was  saved ; 
for  if  this  battle  had  been  lost  that  state  must  have  remained 
at  the  mercy  of  Piccinino  f . 

Rinaldo  degli  Albizzi  and  the  other  exiles  seeing  their  hopes 
blasted  dispersed  into  various  countries ;  he  retired  to  Ancona, 
thence  went  in  pilgrimage  to  Palestine  and  died  suddenly  at 
Ancona  after  his  return  while  assisting  at  the  festivities  of 
his  daughter  s  wedding.  The  Florentines  soon  reduced  all 
Casentino  to  obedience,  delivered  over  Borgo  San  Sepolcro  to 
the  pope,  besieged  and  took  Poppi,  and  sent  Count  Francesco 
with  his  whole  family  and  as  much  property  as  they  could  carry 

*  Cagnola,  Storia  di  Milano,  p.  54. —  Lib.  viii.,  p.  231,  to  p.  236. — Ammirato, 

Gio.  Cambi,  p.  22.9. — Sismondi,  vol.  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  20  to  28. — Neri  Capponi, 

vi.,  p.  380. — Cavalcanti,  Lib.  xiv.,cap.  p.  1195. 

xxxiii, — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  v. — Poggio,  f  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  29. 


262 


FI.ORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bo 


i'K  II. 


A.D.  1441. 


to  "wander  the  wide  world  over  after  having  enjoyed  that  fief  for 
five  hundred  years  *. 

The  victorious  army  then  entered  Piomagua,  where  ^Vlalatesta 
had  returned  to  his  ecclesiastical  allegiance  and  alliance  \vith 
Florence,  and  took  Dovadola,  Baguacavallo  and  INIassa  Loni- 
barda.  Philip  began  once  more  to  talk  of  peace  to  which  all 
tlie  other  parties  were  inclined,  and  even  put  his  daughter  into 
the  hands  of  the  ^lanpiis  of  Ferrara  as  a  pledge  of  his  sincerity 
to  Sforza  f.  Nevertheless  peace  was  yet  disttuit,  :uk1  the  death 
of  Cosimo's  brother  Lorenzo  was  the  only  event  that  siguidised 
the  remainder  of  the  year  1440. 

Meanwhile  Sforza  mistmsting  Philip's  peaceable  language 
did  not  relcLX  his  warlike  attitude,  nor  was  Venice  more 
anxious  for  a  peace  while  her  general  was  adding  con- 
quest to  conquest.      Piccininos  arrival  and  ra[)id  organisation 
of  a  new  anny  of  ten  thousand  men  stopped  Sforza  from  pass- 
ing the  Adda ;  he  therefore  attacked  the  ]Mar(pus  of  Mantua 
and  took  Peschiera,  a  fortress  of  great  vahie  to  Venice  as  it 
ruled  the  communications  between  Verona  and  l>rescia.    While 
at  Venice  in  Febmaiy  1441,  he  was  suddenly  called  away  in 
the  midst  of  negotiations  for  peace  by  the  defeat  of  a  detachment 
of  his  army  at  Cluari  by  Piccinino,  who  simultaneously  spread 
a  report  that  Sforza  bemg  suspected  by  W'uice  would  speedily 
suffer  the  fate  of  Carmagnola ;  on  this  Sforza  hastened  to  reassure 
his  army  but  his  best  officer  Sari)ellione  had  already  gone  over 
with  three  hundred  men  to  the  enemy.    As  socn  as  the  season 
peimitted  he  crossed  the  Oglio  and  besieged  ^Nlartinengo  a 
fortress  that  cut  otf  all  communications  between  Brescia  and 
Bergamo  ;  here  Piccinino  out-generalled  him  ;  for  throwing  a 
thousand  men  into  the  beleaguered  town  he  took  up  a  position 
about  a  mile  distant  which  completely  blocked  up  Sforza's  line  of 
retreat  and  was  far  too  strong  to  be  forced.    Sforza  was  thus 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  31. — Poggio,     f  Pog^o,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  238. — Animi- 
Lib.  viii.,  p.  237.  rato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  32. 


cnw.  !•] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


263 


cauf^ht  in  a  trap  and  shut  up  with  thirty  thousand  souls  in 
his  camp ;  his  troops  being  principally  heavy-armed  cavalry 
could  do  little  against  Piccinino's  strong  hitrenchments ;  pro- 
visions be^an  to  fail ;  the  foragers  were  forced  to  spread  to  an 
immense  distance  and  generally  fought  for  or  lost  their  provi- 
sions; every  hour  of  every  night  new  alarms  occurred;  the  sol- 
diers were  half-sturved  and  exhausted  in  mind  and  body;  even 
Sforza  himself  was  sinking  into  despondency  and  prepared  to 
force  his  wav  out  at  all  risks,  when  in  the  middle  of  the  night 
Antonio  Guidabuna  di  Tortona  a  friend  of  his  own  and  con- 
fidant of  Philip  s  was  unexpectedly  announced  as  the  har- 
binger of  safety  -'• ! 

Piccinino  on  seeing  that  his  prey  was  secure  had  written  to 
Philip  and  reminded  him  that  after  long  and  fiiithful  service 
and  severe  wounds  he  had  not  in  his  old  age,  cut  and  crippled 
as  he  was,  even  a  single  castle  as  a  recompense  or  place  of 
repose :  but  that  now  as  he  had  brought  the  war  to  a  crisis  the 
enemy's  captain  and  army  being  in  his  hands  and  that  Philip 
might  make  himself  king  of  Italy ;  he  asked  for  the  lordship 
of  Piacenza  and  other  places,  and  if  not  deemed  worthy 
of  this,  demanded  his  dismission.  A  request,  made  at  such 
a  moment  and  in  such  a  manner  exasperated  Visconte,  who 
was  already  excited  by  the  insolent  claims  of  his  other  captains  : 
Louis  de  San  Severino  asking  for  Novara;  Louis  del  Verme 
for  Tortona;  Taliano  Furlano,  for  Bosco  and  Figaruolo  in  the 
territor}^  of  Alexandria,  and  all  the  rest  expecting  similar 
rewards.  Wherefore  sooner  than  submit  to  such  exactions 
Visconte  preferred  the  advancing  and  honouring  of  Sforza 
and  making  peace  with  his  allies,  the  Venetian  and  Floren- 
tine republics  f . 

*  Cagnola,  Storia  Milanese,  Lib.  iii°,  57.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  vi.— Ammi- 

p.  56.— Poggio,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  241-2 —  rato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  35.— Poggio,  Lib. 

Ammirato,  Lib.  xxi.,  p.  34-5.  viii.,  p.  241-2.— Sismondi,  vol.  vi.,  p. 

+  Corio,Stor.  Milan.,Parte  v%folio  342.  392. 
—Cagnola,  Stor.  Milan.,  Lib.  iii°,  p. 


264 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


After  relating  these  facts  Antonio  Guidabona  at  once  offered 
Sforza  on  Philip's  part,  his  daughter  Bianca  in  marriage ;  the 
delivery  into  his  hands  as  pledges  of  sincerity  several  places 
which  had  been  taken  by  Piccinino  beginning  with  Martinengo ; 
and  constituting  Sforza  himself  arbiter  of  the  peace  which  was 
now  proffered.  This  was  a  joyful  change  for  that  general  who 
unhesitatingly  accej)ted  the  conditions  and  in  the  morning  an- 
nounced to  the  Venetian  Procuratore  Malipiero  at  his  levee  that 
a  truce  was  made,  and  convinced  him  of  the  imprudence  of  wait- 
ing for  the  senate's  approbation  to  conclude  the  treaty.  The 
result  was  that  Sforza  received  the  beautiful  and  accomplished 
Bianca  Visconte  in  marriage  with  Cremona  and  Pontreraoli  as 
her  portion;  and  in  November  1441  dictated  a  peace  as  urn- 
pire  in  the  town  of  Capriana  where  the  ambassadors  of  the 
belligerent  states  had  assembled.  The  Duke  of  Milan,  Venice, 
Florence,  and  Genoa ;  the  Pope  and  the  Marquis  of  Mantua  were 
all  reestablished  in  their  former  rights  and  boundaries  as  they 
existed  before  the  wai',  with  some  exceptions  to  the  disadvan- 
tage of  the  two  latter  who  were  the  only  parties  discontented 
with  Sforza 's  decision.  The  pope  was  angry  at  not  recovering 
those  places  in  Romagna  which  Visconte  held,  yet  Sforza  was 
at  one  moment  going  to  cede  Bologna,  but  Philip  would  not 
consent  because  as  was  believed,  he  wanted  it  as  point  of  dis- 
pute thereafter.  Thus  another  period  of  blood  and  desolation 
terminated,  and  the  peasant's  son  mounted  a  step  nearer  to  the 
throne  of  Milan  *. 

Cosimo  was  now  complete  lord  of  Florence  ;  she  had  been  in 
the  market  and  he  purchased  her ;  but  those  who  had  no  benefit 
from  the  sale  and  saw  their  liberty  toni  from  them  brooded  in 
silence  over  their  fete  though  they  feared  to  give  a  tongue  to 
their  reflections;  they  were  indignant  at  seeing  the  whole 
power  of  the  commonwealth  wielded  by  one  alone,  although 
without  ostentation  and  under  the  forms  of  liberty  ;  from  one 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  242.~Sismon(li,  vol.  vL,  p.  394-5. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLOBENTINE   HISTORY. 


265 


alone,  says  Bruto,  proceeded  laws,  judgments,  magistrates  ;  a 
smgle  man  regulated  the  pubhc  rights,  the  scrutinies,  the  mu- 
nicipal affairs,  war,  peace,  and  everything :  he  overawed  the 
patriotic  with  the  terror  of  his  punishments  and  gained  the  bad 
by  his  rewards ;  and  all  tliis  lest  a  free  voice  should  be  heard 
amongst  a  free  people  to  demand  the  reestablishment  of  ancient 
privileges.  But  in  the  midst  of  all,  what  moved  them  most  to 
anf^er  was  the  calm  and  specious  show  of  moderation  and  mo- 
desty which  belied  those  virtues,  in  order  to  hide  enormous 
power  and  blhid  the  intellects  of  deluded  citizens. 

Thus  Cosimo  remained  lord  of  the  city,  and  beyond  it  no 
name  was  heard  but  his  ;  yet  to  temper  this  dominion,  he  not 
only  overlooked  all  the  wickedness  of  his  adherents  and  became 
a  sure  rewarder  of  their  services  but  affected  no  unusual  state 
that  could  tell  of  bygone  liberty  and  offend  his  countiymen  :  no 
guards,  no  mace-bearers,  no  pages,  no  attendants,  no  following 
in  the  public  places ;  no  courtiers  were  seen  to  frequent  his 
palace  or  await  his  movements  :  Cosimo  went  forth  a  private 
citizen,  alone,  unattended,  confident  ;  but  he  had  first  cleared 
his  way  by  the  sweeping  besom  of  destruction  =!'.  His  fault  was 
in  the  detennination  to  enslave  his  comitry ;  after  this  he  had 
no  other  course.  But  not  content  with  thus  influencing  the 
republic,  he  was  jealous  of  any  other  man's  popularity;  and 
especially  that  of  Xeri  di  Gino  Capponi,  a  citizen  of  marked 
reputation,  high  actions,  great  popularity,  and  more  intellectual 
power  than  Cosimo  himself  f. 

They  were  the  two  greatest  of  Florentine  citizens,  but  Cap- 
poni was  somewhat  honest,  and  not  rich  ;  yet  in  addition  to  his 
father's  reputation  his  own  force  of  character  had  preserved  a 
distinguished  place  for  him  under  both  the  Albizzi  and  the 
Medici :  he  was  not  bound  to  the  one  ;  he  paid  no  court  to  the 
other,  but  became  in  a  manner  formidable  and  necessary  to 
both.     He  had  mixed  much  in  war,  had  often  led  the  armies  to 

*  Bruto,  Lib.  1°,  pp.  81,  83.  +  Cavalcanti,  Seconda  Storia,  cap.  xvi. 


26G 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


victory,  and  possessed  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the  soldiery. 
Individually,  he  was  probably  beyond  even  Cosimo's  reach  but 
not  his  fear  or  enmity,  and  the  sword  of  faction  fell  upon  his 
friends.  Amongst  these,  strange  as  it  may  appear  considering 
his  ruthless  character,  was  Baldaccio  d'Anghiari  constable  or 
commander  of  the  Florentine  infantry,  a  re].  l)iMt«H]  and  faith- 
ful soldier  of  the  republic  and  one  of  great  powers  uf  mind  and 
body.  The  union  of  such  men  was  nuuh  too  dangerous  for 
the  ascendant  faction  to  tolerate,  because  if  Neri  were  inclined 
to  oppose  Cosimo  and  be  drawn  for  gonfalonier  of  justice,  with 
Baldaccio  s  assistance  he  would  have  been  able  to  effect  its 
downfall.  This  question  was  secretly  discussed  and  Baldaccio's 
death  resolved  upon :  whether  Cosinu*  were  cognisant  of  the 
fact  or  not  is  unproved  ;  Cavalcanti  says  no ;  but  so  stron<T  a 
measure  of  injustice  committed  against  so  distinguished  and 
powerful  an  officer,  whether  approved  of  or  not  by  Cosimo 
could  hardly  have  been  decreed  without  his  luiowledge. 

The  cowardly  Bartolommeo  Orlandini  was  at  tliis  time  gon- 
falonier of  justice  and  had  never  forgiven  Baldaccio  for  both 
writing  and  speaking  his  mind  on  the  disgraceful  flight  of  the 
former  at  Marradi  when  he  left  that  pass  open  and  his  country 
exposed  to  the  mercy  of  Piccinino ;  wherefore  his  private  ven- 
geance was  made  a  political  weapon  with  the  whole  power  of 
government  to  \vield  it.  Orlandino  wrote  to  his  brotlier  m  the 
mountain  of  Bistoia  to  send  him  a  gang  of  ruffians  who  would 
have  no  compunction  in  shedding  blood ;  they  were  promptly 
sent,  and  he  concealed  them  in  his  chamber. 

Baldaccio  had  come  to  Florence  about  private  business  and 
was  instiintly  requested  to  attend  at  the  palace  but  having 
heard  various  accusations  spread  about  the  town  to  his  disad- 
vantage he  became  suspicious ;  it  was  stiid  that  he  had  plun- 
dered the  town  of  Sughereto,  which  belonged  to  Piombino,  and 
laid  the  blame  on  the  Seignory  ;  that  in  so  doing  he  had  injured 
the  lady  of  Piombino  who  had  complained  to  the  Florentines ; 


CHAP.    I.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


267 


and  that  he  had  engaged  to  ser\^e  the  pope  in  La  Marca  against 
Sforza  whom  Cosimo  supported  through  everything:    these 
and  other  stories  were  rife  before  and  after  his  murder  ;  but 
the  obvious  reason  of  it  seems  to  have  been  political  expediency 
and  private  vengeance.     Whatever  were  his  sins  Baldaccio  be- 
came suspicious,  and  applied  to  Cosimo  himself  for  advice  on 
the  prudence  of  answering  the  requisition  of  the   Seignory. 
•'  Cosimo,"  says  Cavalcanti,  "as  one  who  was  unaware  of  the  in- 
sidious snare  ;  said  that  obedience  was  ever  praiseworthy,  due  to 
the  dignity  of   the  republic,  and  considered  as  the  greatest 
virtue  "of  citizens."     This  decided  Baldaccio's  fate  :  he  repaired 
to  the  palace  and  was  there  received  by  Orlaudmi  who  took 
his  hand  and  led  him  towards  his  own  chamber  whence  sud- 
denly sprang  forth  the  murderers  and  soon  despatched  him  :  his 
body  was  thrown  from  the  window  into  the  captiiin  of  the 
people's  court  where  the  head  was  chopped  off  by  order  of  the 
Seignory :  the  dead  man  was  tlien  declared  a  rebel  and  his 
moveable  property  seized  by  goverament,  but  afterwards  re- 
stored at  the  supplications  and  tears  of  his  wife  Annelena  who 
begged  for  it  \rith  an  infant  in  her  arms  :  the  child  soon  died, 
she  retired  broken-hearted  from  the  wodd,  and  finally  turned 
Baldaccio's  residence  into  the  convent  that  still  bears  her  name. 
His  body  remained  exposed  for  several  hours,  and  people 
wondered,  and  some  were  indignant :  but  the  murder  made  more 
noise  in  the  rest  of  Itdy  than  in  Florence  where  a  sentence  of 
rebellion  was  promulgated  which  though  an  unusual  and  scan- 
dalous proceeding  against  the  dead,  was   attended   l)y  little 
explanation  and  fewer  inquiries ;  for  this  people,  who  fancied 
they  had  liberty  and  were  so  jealous  of  the  phantom,  believed 
as  a  matter  of  course  that   Baldac«no  must  have  committed 
some  secret  crime,  and  were  content  thus  to  place  life  and 
property  at  the  mercy  of  their  rulers.     Tliis  struck  a  hard 
blow  on  the  party  of  Neri  Capponi  and  humbled  all  his  ad- 
herents as  much  as  it  exalted  the  Cosimeschi ;  for  excepting 


26S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


269 


A.D.  1442. 


the  unlikely  engagement  to  serve  against  Sforza  all  the  other 
reasons  for  his  death  hecome  frivolous  when  the  military  license 
of  that  period  is  considered  :  they  might  haply  have  occasioned 
a  public  process  if  expedient  for  faction  but  not  a  secret  death ; 
and  to  private  vengeance  and  party  hatred  alone  can  Baldaccio  s 
murder  be  reasonably  attributed  -. 

Dissatisfied  as  Eugenius  was  at  losing  Bologna  which  was 
not  to  be  restored  for  two  years,  he  became  more  so 
on  learning  that  by  secret  articles  between  Sforza 
and  Piccinhio  the  latter  was  permitted  to  retain  all  the  church 
property  he  held  in  Romagna  and  to  get  possession  of  Perugia 
and  Siena  if  he  could ;  and  Sforza  was  guaranteed  a  similar 
freedom  of  action  both  as  regarded  the  church  and  hi^  own 
Neapolitan  possessions.     Tlie  pontiff  therefore  threatened  war 
which  Cosimo  exerted  himself  to  prevent,  and  effected  a  recon- 
ciliation between  him  and  Sforza  which  was  however  of  brief 
duration,  for  Regnier  Duke  of  Anjou  brother  of  Louis  III.  of 
Naples  being  liberated  from  the  Burgundian  ])risons  reimired 
to  that  city  where  his  wife  Isabella  had  liitherto  not  only  main- 
tained some  ground  against  Alphonso,  but  gidned  the  hearts  of 
all  by  her  wise  and  benevolent  rule  ;  yet  after  great  struggles 
he  lost  the  whole  countiy  except  Naples  itself  whicli  was  still 
defended  against  all  the  efforts  of  his  rival,  his  onlv  hoiie  beinj? 
m  Sforza  whose  estates  had  been  sequestered  f. 

Alphonso  exerted  his  influence  with  Philip  to  prevent  this, 
and  Visconte  finding  that  no  persuasion  could  detich  Sforza 
from  Florence  and  Venice,  became  angrj-  and  gave  Eugenius 
to  understand  that  the  moment  was  come  for  recnvcrinf'  La 
Marca ;  at  the  same  time  offering  the  services  of  Piccinino  dur- 
ing the  whole  war.  The  pope,  who  w^as  as  restless  and  quarrel- 
some as  Visconte  himself,  immediately  broke  with  Sforza  not- 

*  Orlando  Malavolti,  Lib.  ii«,  Parte  iii*,  — Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,  p.  7.— Pignotti, 

fol.  30.— Cavalcanti,  Seconda   Storia,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  x.,  p.  «o. 

rap.xvi.— Macchiavelli,Lib.vi.— Giov.  f  Giannonc,   Storia  Civile  di  Napoli, 

Cambi,  p.  234.— Boninscgni,  Lib.  ii..  Lib.  xxv.,  cap.  vii. 

p.  75. — Ammirato.  Lib.  xxl,  p.  37. 


withstanduig  Cosimo 's  mediation  and  formed  a  close  alliance 
with  Piccinino  whom  he  made  gonfalonier  of  the  church  and 
the  latter  repairing  to  Perugia  arranged  the  invasion  of  La  Marca. 
Florence  resolved  if  possible  not  to  infringe  the  peace,  nor  did 
the  occupation  of  Citta  di  Castello  and  the  expulsion  of  her 
commissaiy  alter  this  resolution ;  but  learning  that  Piccinino 
had  captured  Todi  and  that  Naples  had  been  taken  by  treachery 
she  again  exerted  herself  to  restore  tranquillity  while  Regnier 
was  personally  soliciting  her  aid  along  with  that  of  Eugenius  to 
recover  his  kingdom.  Both  remained  undecided,  awaiting  the 
turn  of  events  in  La  Marca  where  Piccinino  had  already  added 
Belforte,  Stemano,  and  Montefortino  to  his  conquests  and  where 
Sforza  from  numerical  inferiority  was  unable  to  keep  the  field. 
The  Florentines  supplied  their  ally  with  money  and  his  forces 
augmented ;  he  marched  to  encounter  Piccinino,  but  when  tid- 
ings of  battle  were  hourly  expected  letters  from  Beniardino 
de'  Medici  infonned  the  gonfalonier  that  he  had  reconciled  the 
contending  chieftains. 

Being  now  easy  about  La  Marca  Sforza  directed  his  troops 
towards  Naples  but  was  instantly  compelled  to  recall  them  in 
order  to  face  Piccinino  who  had  unscrupulously  broken  the 
peace  and  taken  Tolentino.  This  event  destroyed  Regnier's 
last  hope  and  he  returned  to  Provence ;  a  second  treaty  was 
soon  after  signed  and  again  broken  by  Piccinino  who  took 
Gualdo  and  stormed  Assisi  in  the  month  of  November  with 
great  barbarity.  This  rejoiced  the  pontiff  whose  opposition 
to  the  policy  of  Florence  rendered  his  longer  residence 
there  cUsagreeable,  and  he  departed  in  January  1443  -^  ^  , 
fully  bent  on  the  coniiuest  of  La  Marca  :  he  was  soon 
on  good  terms  with  Alphonso  who  wanted  his  natural  son  Fer- 
dinand to  be  made  legitimate  and  if  possible  acknowledged  as  his 
successor*. 

The  combined  armies  were  to  act  against  La  Marca  where 

•  Giannone,  Lib.  xxvi.,  cap.  ii.,  Storia  Civile  di  Napoli. 


270 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP.  1.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


271 


Alphonso  was  to  command  in  pei-son,  and  this  so  alanned  Sfovza 
that  he  sent  repeated  applications  for  assistance  to  Venice  and 
Florence  endeavouring  to  convince  both  tliat  the  next  step  after 
his  expulsion  from  La  ]Marca  would  be  the  division  of  It^dy  into 
three  parts  in  concert  with  Visconte,  and  thus  they  would  end 
the  contest.     But  both  republics  hesitated  until  a  revolution 
in  Bologna  decided  them :  Francesco  Piccinino  who  commanded 
there  for  his  father  Niccolo,  became  fearful  of  Anibale  Benti- 
voglio  s  hitluence  with  the  citizens  and  tool;  an  opportunity  of 
arresting  him  while  hunting ;  he  was  sent  a  prisoner  into  Loni- 
bardy  but  escaped  and  appearing  secretly  in  Bologna  caused  an 
instantaneous  revolt  with  the  imprisonment  of  I'iccinino  and 
the  restoration  of  Bologuese  independence. 

Florence  and  Venice  were  immediately  applied  to  for  assist- 
ance and  after  some  hesitation  reenforcod  the  insuri^^ents  with 
two  thousand  men :  a  :Milanese  force  under  Luigi  del  Verme 
was  repulsed  by  Simonetto  the  Florentine  general,  tho  citadel 
was  taken  and  razed  to  the  gi'ouud,  and  in  the  mouth  of  July 
Bologna  was  publicly  received  as  an  independent  member  of 
the  feague^^     Piccinino  enraged  at  this  disaster,  but  without 
help,  wreaked   his   vengeimce   on   the   enemy:    he    instantly 
joined  Alphonso   at   Xorcia  and   with   a   ombined  army  of 
twenty-four  thousand  men  ravaged  the  country  and  captured 
Visso.     Sforza  with  only  eight  thousand  was  unable  to  face  such 
numbers  imd  therefore  retired  to  Fano  after  rociiforcing  all  his 
garrisons  :  here  he  proposed  to  remain  with  his  bon-in-law  Sigis- 
mund  ^hdatesta  until  winter  dispei-sed  his  enemies,  but  eagerly 
renewed  his  applications  to  Venice  and  Florence  for  assistance. 
The  latter  alarmed  at  this  herce  invasion  under  such  a  monarch 
as  Alphonso,  sent  ambassadoi-s  to  leani  whether  Philip  still 
held  to  the  league  or  if  he  considered  the  troops  sent  to  assist 
Bologna  as  a  breach  of  it :  they  found  Visconte  lamenthig  that 
he  had  pushed  his  son-in-law  so  hard  and  willing  to  reconfn'iii 

*  Cavalcanti,  Scconda  Slovia,  cap.  xx.wiii. 


his  alliance  ;  this  was  publicly  made  known  at  Florence  on  the 
eighteenth  of  October  amidst  great  rejoicings,  which  were  in- 
creased by  his  having  previously  despatched  an  embassy  to 
Alphonso  entreating  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities. 

The  engagements  of  this  king  with  Eugenius  prevented  any 
attention  to  the  request  and  Sforza  between  capture,  disaffec- 
tion, and  revolt  lost  about  fourteen  walled  towns  with  four  of 
his  oldest  commanders,  and,  as  he  imagined,  his  staunchest 
friends,  amongst  them  his  own  brother-in-law  Troilo  Orsini ! 
So  loosely  did  honour,  or  friendship  or  the  ties  of  kuidred  sit 
on  the  hearts  of  Italian  leaders  in  those  melancholy  times  !  Even 
Malatesta  began  to  waver  when  Alphonso  appeared  in  the  vici- 
nity of  Fano  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  besieging  it.  But  just 
at  this  moment  another  embassy  arrived  from  ]\Iilan ;  the  Ve- 
netian and  Florentine  succours  were  at  hand ;  Fano  was  strong 
and  well  provided  for  a  siege,  and  winter  rapidly  approaching  : 
Alphonso  therefore  gave  up  the  project  and  moved  to  Naples 
while  Niccolo  Piccinino  hastened  to  cn^ss  the  allies'  line  of  march 
and  prevent  their  junction  with  Sforza.  The  latter  thus  re- 
lieved quitted  Fano,  followed  the  enemy,  and  ere  he  could  en- 
counter the  allies  overtook  and  defeated  him  in  a  pitched  battle 
on  the  fifth  of  November  at  Monteloro  in  the  contado  of  Pesaro, 
where  he  would  have  soon  ended  the  war  liad  not  winter  put  a 
stop  to  all  further  operations  for  that  year^'-^. 

Amongst  the  traitors  to  Sforza  were  Piero  Brunoro  and 
another,  whom  he  resolved  to  punish,  and  did  it  in  the  true 
character  of  the  age :  he  sent  letters  to  them  by  a  messenger 
whom  he  knew  W()uld  be  intercei>ted  declarhig  that  then  was 
the  moment  to  execute  their  plans  accordhig  to  agreement  f . 
Alphonso  in  whose  army  they  enjoyed  a  high  command  imme- 

*  Zohancpetro  Cap:no]a,  Stor.  Milan.,  +  Cavalcanti,wlio  never  spares  Sforza, 

Lib.  iv.,   p.   CI,  «Scc*. — Corio,    Storia  asserts  that  lie  did  not  ])ay  liis  officers, 

Milan.,  Parte  v.,  folios    34.5,   347. —  but  rather,  when  they  became  iinpor- 

Muratori,  Annali,  An.  1443. — Amnii-  tunatc,  got    rid    of    them    by    violent 

r.ito.  Lib.  x.xii.,  p.  39  to  44. — Poggio,  deaths,   and    that    Troilo   Orsini   and 

Lib.  viii.,  p.  243.  Brunoro  were  really  sent  by  liim   to 


272 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


diately  arrested  both,  gave  their  followers  up  to  be  pillaged  by 
his  own  soldiers  and  sent  the  chiefs  themselves  off  to  a  dungeon 
in  Valentia  where  they  languished  for  ten  years.  But  Piero 
Brunoro  had  a  steady  friend  in  one  of  those  who  wlien  the  heart 
is  once  engaged  but  seldom  fiiil.  He  had  taken  away  from  the 
Valteline  a  yomig  giid  named  Bona  who  followed  him  through 
all  his  wars  m  soldier  s  attire  and  even  fought  by  his  side 
wherever  his  duty  called  him.  At  the  moment  of  his  imprison- 
ment she  set  out  to  visit  all  the  princes  botli  of  France  and 
Italy  to  whom  he  had  ever  been  kno^NH,  and  procured  letters  from 
them  in  his  behalf  to  Alphonso,  who  being  of  a  generous  and  even 
chivalrous  nature  was  at  last  touched  by  her  devoted  affection 
and  ^ranted  Piero *s  liberty.  But  not  satisfied  with  this,  she 
mana<»ed  so  well  as  to  procure  him  a  command  in  the  Venetian 
army  with  a  salary  of  "-^0,000  ducats,  hr  which  services  he  mar- 
ried'her  and  she  continued  to  combat  by  his  side  until  he  was 
killed  at  the  siege  of  Negropont  hi  14(H) ;  after  which  she  fell 
sick  and  died  on  her  retui-n  to  Italy,  it  was  supposed  from 
affliction  for  liis  loss*. 

The  descnption  of  them  by  Porcelli  an  eye-witness  in  1453 
after  Brunoro's  liberation,  and  when  serving  mider  Jacomo  Picci- 
iiini,  is,  that  Brunoro  was  then  old,  squmting,  and  paralysed  on 
one  side  ;  and  that  Bona  who  accompanied  him  carried  a  bow  in 
her  hand  a  quiver  over  her  shoulder  and  a  helmet  on  her  head: 
that  she  was  little,  old,  yellow,  and  extremely  thin,  but  sincere, 
and  faithful  to  her  lover,  and  crossed  the  ocean  several  times 
to  see  him  and  procure  his  liberty  f. 

The  blow  so  surely  aimed  at  Neri  Capponi  through  Baldaccio 
d'Anghiari,  severe  and  effectual  as  it  was,  did  not  quiet 
the  alarms  of  Cosimo :  some  bolder  spirits  now  began  to 
talk  and  much  too  freely,  of  his  government;  discussions  were  even 

do  mischief  in  Alphonso's   camp   on  *    Cristofcro   da   Costa,   Elogi    dcllc 

purpose  to  ruin  them.    lie  calls  Sforaa  Donne   Illiistri,   apud    Muratori  An- 

ihe  ^''Morte  e  septjltura  (V Off7ii  cUtscun  nali,  Anno  1443. 

uomo^—iWdG  Seconda  Storiaj  tap.  +  Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,  p.   1 1,  note,  and 

xix.,  p.  173.)  Rer.  Scrip.  ItaL,  tomo  xxv.,  p.  43. 


A.D.  1444. 


CHAP.   I.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


273 


taking  a  reprehensive  character  and  an  immediate  check  became 
necessary.  Ten  years  had  elapsed  since  the  Cosmeschi  usur]:)ed 
the  government ;  the  legal  duration  of  the  Balia  liad  expired  ; 
their  enemies  were  showing  unwonted  energy,  and  they  them- 
selves were  unwilling  to  relinquish  a  power  which  w^as  in  fact  dic- 
tatorial ;  a  power  placed  by  the  laws  above  all  law  :  a  power  tliat 
in  a  really  free  countiy  would  truly  represent  the  people "s  sove- 
reignty ;  but  composed,  as  it  generally  was  in  blorence  of  the 
creatures  and  followers  of  an  ascendant  faction,  l)ecaiiie  a 
mocker}^  and  a  tyranny  of  the  mobt  revolting  kind,  a  tyranny 
of  the  many  with  all  their  variety  of  passion,  enmity,  and 
vengeance:  and  with  tliis  constantly  recurring  despnti^in,  the 
Florentines  wrapped  in  the  folds  of  imaginative  liberty  still 
dreamed  that  thev  were  free ! 

The  Sei^noiT  and  collej]jes  with  jdiout  two  hundred  and  fifty 
citizens  were  invested  with  the  sujn'cme  authority  of  a  Balia 
composed  entirely  of  partisans  :  tliey  remodelled  magistracies, 
jrave  the  pitwer  of  choosin''  the  Sei^niorv  to  a  select  few ;  re- 
moved  Ser  Filippo  Pieruzzi  from  the  office  of  lleformations, 
sent  him  ten  miles  from  Florence :  substituted  a  creature  of 
their  own ;  prolonged  the  exile  of  banished  citizens  :  com- 
mitted some  to  prison :  transported  others ;  de}irivcd  th(^ 
adverse  Accopplatori  of  all  honours  ;  rendered  many  incapa- 
ble of  office  and  imposed  now  taxes :  thus  with  a  strong 
arm  and  a  heaw  blow  thev  exalted  themselves,  cowed  the 
suspected,  and  humbled  the  pride  of  their  enemies  *. 

As  soon  as  Cosimo  had  thus  cleared  the  way,  by  lopping 
each  plant  or  flower  that  crossed  his  path  while  trampling 
on  every  obstacle  to  his  ambitious  progress,  he  and  his 
party  turned  their  attention  with  greater  security  to  external 
affairs.  Sforza  was  still  hard  pressed  on  every  side;  his 
demands  for  money  and  succours  were  most  urgent  and  Picci- 


*  Boninseg:ni,  ]\Icm.  di  Fircnze,  Lib,     Animinto,   lAh.   xxii,,  p.  44.- 
ii.,  p.  79.  —  Cambi,  Storia,  p.  24G. —     cLiuvclli,  Lib.  vi. 
VOL.  III.  T 


-Mac- 


274 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP,  i.l 


FLOEENTINE   HISTORY. 


275 


iiino  was  again  in  the  field  when  Philip  in  compassion  ordered 
a  truce  to  be  made  and  recalled  him  on  pretence  of  more  urgent 
matters  :  the  fier}'  old  warrior  well  ucciuainted  with  Visconte  s 
wiles  was  not  deceived  and  at  first  refused  to  obey,  but  finally 
returned  to  Milan  leaving  his  son  Francesco  in  command  of 
the  army.  Sforza  pushed  to  extremity  by  the  closing  round 
of  hostile  forces,  according  to  Cavalcanti  treacherously  broke 
the  truce,  sought  out  Francesco,  defeated  and  took  him  pri- 
soner after  a  severe  and  at  one  time  doubtful  actiun  at  Monte 
d'  Olmo  which  soon  iifter  capitulated.  This  bettered  his  for- 
tune but  hurt  his  reputation,  and  by  the  advice  of  Cosimo 
and  Visconte  he  seized  the  occasion  to  offer  peace :  Eugenius 
whose  affairs  looked  gloomy  came  to  tenns  without  difficulty  : 
his  legate  and  general  were  prisoners,  Sforza  was  making 
rapid  progress,  and  his  great  hope  the  old  Piccinino  died  at 
the  Villa  di  Corsico  near  Milan  of  a  fever,  (or  some  say  poison) 
brought  on  as  was  believed  by  chagrin  for  the  loss  of  Bo- 
logna and  his  son's  new  disaster ^-i^ 

The  preliminaries  of  peace  were  therefore  signed  at  Perugia 
in  October  and  the  definitive  treaty  soon  after  by  a  commission 
of  three  cardinals  with  Cosimo  de'  Mtdici  and  Xeri  di  (lino 
Capponi.  By  this  each  party  was  to  retiiin  what  they  actually 
possessed  in  La  Marca  with  ceitain  exceptions.  The  league 
with  Perugia  and  Venice  was  then  renewed  for  ten  vears ;  and 
thus  terminated  another  period  of  wild  war  in  Italy  ;  but  the 
respite  was  brief,  for  a  union  of  barbarity  and  uncontrolled 
power  makes  sad  havoc  of  mankind  f.  When  a  licentious 
indulgence  of  our  worst  passions  is  confined  to  private  men, 
the  evil  is  comparatively  small  and  generally  recoils  upon 
the  doer;  but  when  whole  states  or  princes  bre;ik  away  from 
humanity  and    plunge    the  world  in  war,  society  is   shaken 

Cavalcanti,  Seconda  Storia,  cap.  xl.  Lib.  iv.,p  G4. — Amminito,  Lib.  xxii., 

vol.  ii.,  p.  ■223.  p.  45.— Macchiavclli,  Lib.  vi.—Mum- 

+  Corio,Stor.  Milanese,  Parte  v*,  folio  tori,  Annuli. 
350.— Gio.  Pietro  Caj^aiola,  Stor.  M  il  , 


to  its  base  and  universal  misery  soon  or  late  will  cry  aloud  for 


vengeance. 


A.D.  1445. 


The  new  amity  between  Sforza  and  Philip  was  short,  and  an 
accident  presently  embroiled  them  :  Piccinino 's  death 
left  Visconte  without  a  general  and  he  fixed  his 
regards  on  Ciarpellione  or  Sarpellione,  Sforza's  most  valuable 
officer,  but  one  who  had  once  before  deserted  him.  A  secret 
negotiation  commenced  between  them  which  coming  to  Sforza  s 
ears  both  angered  and  alarmed  him  for  Ciarpellone  was  the 
depository  of  his  secrets,  and  he  well  knew  Visconte  s  dan- 
gerous character ;  whereupon  he  first  imprisoned  this  officer 
and  then  hanged  him  in  the  autumn  of  1444  on  the  charge 
of  conspiring  agidnst  the  life  of  his  general.  Philip  vowed 
vengeance  for  the  deed,  but  lioth  Venice  and  Florence  rejoiced 
for  they  dreaded  tlie  friendship  of  two  such  kinsmen.  Sigis- 
mondo  Malatesta  lord  of  llinuni  juid  Sforza's  son-in-law,  was 
also  indignant  at  Alexander  Sforza  s  having  been  advanced  to 
the  lordship  of  Pesaro  instead  of  himself,  and  therefore  stirred 
up  the  pontiff  with  Alphonso  and  Philip,  all  willing  agents, 
against  him.  Visconte  in  particular  eagerly  seized  this  occa- 
sion of  settling  liis  own  dispute  with  Sforza  and  urged  Euge- 
nius to  make  Sigismondo  his  general  with  the  prospect  and 
promise  of  recovering  I^ologna.  Neither  was  Alphonso  slow 
to  move,  for  the  city  of  Teramo  and  several  barons  had 
revolted  and  given  themselves  to  Sforza  ;  and  in  Bologna  too, 
apparently  the  result  of  Visconte's  promise,  a  tragedy  was  soon 
after  performed  that  made  a  becoming  prelude  to  the  war. 

The  families  of  Bentivoglio  and  Canetoli  or  Ghisilieri,  the 
first  in  Bologna,  were  eoiniected  by  marriage  ;  but  the  former 
was  most  popular  and  bore  unlimited  sway  :  this  was  too  much 
for  the  latter's  jealousy  and  Annibale  de"  Bentivodi  being  in- 
vited  to  hold  Francesco  Ghisilieri  s  child  at  the  baptismal  font 
was  unscrupulously  murdered  by  tliat  family  after  the  ceremony. 
The  people  rose  in  their  wrath  and  massacred  the  Ghisilieri  and 


T  -4 


270 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


their  followers  guilty  and  innocent,  man,  woman,  and  child,  all 
that  could  he  recognised,  while  Yisconte  who  had  excited  the 
commotion  despatched  Taliano  Furlano  to  support  the  mur- 
derers -:=.  He  came  too  late  to  follow  up  the  conspiracy  hut  in- 
stantly made  war  on  the  territory;  Venice  an.l  Florence  poured 
in  their  squadrons  to  protect  the  city  ;  ViMoiurV  turces  daily 
augmented  and  the  whole  country  swamied  with  aniied  men, 
yet  little  was  this  year  effected  beyond  thr  -  .inity  of  Bologna 
and  the  usual  devastation  of  the  land.  M.ainvhilr  Alphoiiso. 
Eugenins,  ^Malatesta  of  Cesina.  Sigismondo  <»f  Kimini,  Taliano 
Furlano.  besides  other  chiefs  and  their  num<'r(.u>  armies  all 
closed  round  Sforza  until  he  was  driven  for  shelter  into  Pesaro, 
and  at  the  end  of  November  notwithstanding  ("osiniu.  icpeated 
subsidies  .Tesi  was  the  only  town  that  remained  t.*  him  of  [dl  lii< 
possessions  in  La  M area  K  In  addition  to  ilioc  oHsluriunts 
the  papal  malediction  was  twice  lainiched  forth  against 
A.D.i44fi.   j^.^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^j^^^^^  Bianca  brought  forth  her  first  child 

Eugenins  exclaimed  that  a  second  LucitVr  wu-  couic  to  perplex 
mankind :  so  indignant  was  this  pontiff  against  Sforza  that  to 
make  Florence  smart  for  assisthig  him  he  commenced  a  nego- 
tiation with  Alphonso  in  hopes  of  directing  his  anger  upon 
her,  which  was  nut  without  its  consequences  in  the  succeeding 


year. 

Unsatisfied  with  the  niin  of  Sforza  in  Fa  Marca  Fhilip 
attempted  to  seize  Cremona  and  Pontremoli ;  lait  Venice  de- 
fended the  former  and  Florence  the  latter,  and  thus  was  war 
in  full  flame  over  the  greater  part  of  lt:ily:  Uomagna,  Lom- 
bardv,  Tuscanv,  La  :Marca,  were  all  hbizing  with  hostile  arms 
and  the  kingdom  of  Naples  itself  was  far  from  traiKjiullity     The 

♦  Whoever  wiMie*  for  the  liorriUe  dc-  to  loa.l  our  pajc^  uTinccessarily  with 

tails  of  this  affair  will  timl  them  in  the  crinu- of  «>tlKi  <  oiintries. 

Cavalcanti  :    they    are    a    iiiehiTicholy  f  Cavalcaiiti,  Sccmda  Storia,.\np.xlvii. 

example  of  the  frenzv  of  fartion  ;  hut  — CajniohuLil..  iv..p  (]').— Corio, Parte 

fts  Florence  supplies   a  sufficiency  of  v.,f<)lio  351.— Miuat..n,Aiiriali, Anno 

this  ware  we  do  not  think  it  expedient  1445. — Aumiirato,  Lib.  xxii.,  p.  48. 


ciu 


P.  i.l 


PLOllENTINE    HISTORY. 


277 


Venetians  under  ^Micheletto  x\ttendolo  achieved  a  signal  victory 
over  Francesco  Picchiino  at  Cassalraaggiore  in  the  latter  days 
of  September  and  this  friglitened  Yisconte  into  supplications 
for  peace  which  Venice  proudly  rejected,  continuing  her  tri- 
umphant course  until  a  second  victory  in  Xovemlier  opened  the 
whole  territorv  of  ]Milan  to  her  arms,  and  devastation  was  car- 
ried  up  to  the  very  gates  of  the  capital  ■'-. 

After  the  former  defeat  Philip  wrote  to  Alphonso,  the  pope, 
and  oven  to  the  king  of  France  for  assistance,  and  implored 
Sforza  in  affecting  terms  not  t(j  abandon  an  old  and  sightless 
liither  in  his  extremity:  from  the  lirst  prince,  after  concluding 
a  hasty  truiM'  with  the  latter,  Philip  had  received  the  succour  of 
four  thousand  lioise,  a  pait  of  which  immediately  deserted  to 
the  Venetians :  Sfor/a  had  also  received  a  strong  rei-nforce- 
nient  of  Florentine  troops,  but  no  pay  either  from  Florence  or 
Venice  and  was  doubtful  about  bis  i)roceedings.  He  was 
no  less  r\a-perated  at  Philip's  attem})t  on  Cremona  than 
dazzled  by  the  magnilicent  proposals  of  Venice,  who  offered 
him  the  dukedom  of  VAhn  with  the  perpetual  command  of 
her  armies,  if  lie  continued  the  war  in  La  ^larca  and  pre- 
vented Alphonso  from  advancing  to  the  aid  of  Visconte  f.  On 
the  other  han<l  he  was  dis>ati>lic(l  with  the  confederates'  irre- 
gularity of  payment  which  cripjdi'd  his  force  and  movements, 
for  the  Florentines  having  no  Laiger  any  fears  of  ]\Iilan  were 
becoming  less  attentive  to  Sforza  ; :  thus  between  his  plighted 
faith,  his  prospects  from  the  league,  and  the  prayers  of  his 
father-in-law,  be  r*Mnained  in  considerable  perplexity  :  he 
could  not  help  sus[)ccting  that  concealed  poison  lay  in  the 
golden  CAW  so  franklv  exhibited  bv  W'uice,  and  his 
choice  was  soon  made  when  intellii^^'uce  reached  liim 
of  that  republic  having  imitated  Philip's  example  without  his 


*  Amniirato,  Lih.  xxii.,  p.  52. —  ^lu-     -H  Ammiratn,  Lib.  xxii.,  p.  52. 
ratori,  Auno   144'). — Coiio.   Parte  v.,     :J:  Ibid.,  p.  53. 
folio  355. — Cagnolu,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  70. 


278 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II 


rights  by  making  a  treacherous  though  uusuccessful  attempt  to 
get  possession  of  Cremona'''. 

Sforza  had  assembled  his  army  at  Cotignola  ready  to  pass  iuto 
Lombardy  when  lie  suddeidy  heai'd  of  Visconte's  death  which 
had  taken  place  on  the  thirteenth  of  August  1447.  Tliis  was 
a  hard  blow,  for  his  troops  were  in  arrears  of  pay  and  both  Flo- 
rence and  Venice  were  now  his  enemies,  the  former  however 
more  in  form  as  an  ally  of  Venice  than  in  reality,  for  Cosimo 
alarmed  at  her  conquests  was  far  from  desiring  the  ruin  of 
Philip  by  that  republic.  It  had  been  always  the  policy  of 
Florence  to  curb  the  Visconti  but  not  destroy  them  ;  and  both 
for  her  own  benelit  and  that  of  Italy  at  large  the  aggrandise- 
ment of  Venice  by  Philip's  destruction  would  have  been  unsound 
and  dangerous  policy  f . 

Sforza  could  expect  no  assistance  from  the  new  pontiff  for  he 
feai'ed  Alphonso ;  Cosimo,  however  friendly,  could  not  quit  the 
league  to  succour  him ;  wherefore  his  only  hope  was  in  the  re- 
solution of  the  ^Milanese  who  now  as  a  declared  republic  could 
scarcely  dispense  with  him  if  they  persevered  in  the  war  witli 
Venice.  Kesolving  then  to  brave  every  danger  and  trust  to 
fortune  for  the  result,  he  gave  the  word  to  march,  passed 
through  the  states  of  Bologna,  Modena,  and  llcggiu,  and  halted 
on  the  Lenza,  whence  he  despatched  Ids  offers  uf  assisUuice  to 
the  new  republic  of  Milan ;. 

On  Philip's  decease  that  city  had  resumed  its  freedom,  but 
was  divided  into  monarchists  and  republicans,  these  last  differ- 
ing in  their  choice  between  Alphonso  and  Francesco  Sforza; 
the  latter  in  right  of  his  wife  and  his  own  adojaion  by  Philip  ; 
the  fonner  by  testamentation ;  but  the  republicans  prevailed 

*  Cavalcanti  decidedly  acquits  Philip  ever  denies  his  rjfrht,  says  Cavalcanti, 

of  treachery  in  attempting  Cremona,  will   deny   all   right.  (  VwZe  Seconda 

He  had  given  it  in  pledge  until  Bian-  Storki^  cap.  1.,  lix.) 

ca's  portion  should  be  paid,  and  when  "t*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxii.,  p.  53. 

he  otfcred  to  pay  that,  Sforza  very  un-  X  Gio.  Pietro  Cagnola,  Stor.  Mil.,  Lib. 

justly   refused   to   give  it    up  ;    upon  iv.,  p.  72. 

which  Philip  attacked  it ;   and  who- 


CHAP.  1.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


279 


and  that  form  of  government  was  instantaneously  established. 
Other  cities  took  different  courses,  tlie  people  of  Lodiand  Pla- 
centia  giving  themselves  to  Venice  while  l^ivia  and  Parma  de- 
clared their  independence:  Sforza  retired  to  his  own  city  of 
Cremona  where  he  concluded  an  engagement  with  the  Milanese 
to  be  their  general  with  the  same  allowances-  and  conditions  as 
were  offered  by  tlie  late  duke  including  the  city  of  Brescia, 
which  he  was  to  exchange  for  \'erona  whenever  he  could  re- 
cover those  places  from  the  Venetians  :  parties  were  thus 
matched  but  though  Itelonging  to  the  league  Florence  ap- 
parently took  no  active  part  in  the  war  now  about  to  rage  in 
Lombardy  with  more  violence  than  ever  =5=. 

The  reign  of  lN)pe  Eugenius  1\ .  was  a  scene  of  constant 
war  and  vexation  ;  the  former  proceeding  from  himself,  the  lat- 
ter from  the  Council  of  Basle  whicli  still  continued  and  tor- 
mented him  with  characteristic  virulence ;  but  the  hand  of 
death  relieved  him  from  these  troul)les  on  the  twentv- third  of 
February  1447.  He  was  succeeded  ten  days  after  by  Tom- 
niaso  da  Sarzana  car<linal  of  Bologna,  a  man  of  great  learning 
and  virtue  but  of  obscure  birtli,  under  the  name  of  Nicholas  V. 
This  pontiff  was  of  a  mild  pacitic  character  Ijutfirm,  and  had 
been  so  much  beloved  at  Injlogna  that  on  his  election  that  city 
voluntarily  returned  to  its  allegiance  | .  He  dislodged  Alphonso 
from  Tivoli  which  the  latter  had  suddenly  occupied  during  the 
vacancy,  set  the  French  monarch  against  the  anti-pope  Felix 
of  Savoy  and  purchased  Jesi  of  Francesco  Sforza  for  30,000 
ducats  which  completed  the  restoration  of  La  Marca  to  the 
church.  He  soon  after  acknowledged  the  legitimacy  of  Prince 
Ferdinand  of  Aragon  which  Eugenius  had  established,  and 
confirmed  Alphonso  on  the  throne  of  Sicily  "  on  this  side  of 
the  Pharo ;  "  for  the  island  kingdom  had  never  acknowledged 
the  pope  s  feudal  supremacy  since  the  Sicilian  Vespers  J. 

*  Macchiavelli,    Lib.   vi. —  Muratori,     Gio.  P.  Cagnoli,  Lib.  v.,  p.  74. 
Annali. — Corio, Parte  v",  folio  356  to     tCavalcanti,SecondaStor.,cap.lxxxiii. 
359. —  Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,    p.  56. —     :}:  Giannone,  Lib.  xxvi.,  cap.  iii. 


280 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


i.  u. 


riiAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


281 


We  have  said  that  Eugenius  IV.  had  infused  into  King 
Alphonso's  mind  his  own  dislike  of  Florence,  and  though  he 
had  passed  away  the  venom  remained ;  so  that  in  the  month  of 
September  1 417,  the  movements  of  that  prince  pointed  at  Tus- 
cany. An  invasion  soon  followed  on  pretext  that  the  peace  of 
Italy  was  disturbed  by  Venice,  who  neitlicr  could  do  this 
nor  wage  so  fierce  and  successful  a  war  against  Milan  without 
Florentine  assistance ;  and  that  duchy  having  been  bequeathed 
to  him  by  Philip  he  was  thus  compelled  tu  vindicate  his  rights; 
but  if  Florence  would  onlv  withdraw  from  the  Venetian  alii- 
ance  he  was  her  tinnest  friend.  Such  were  the  reasons  alleged 
for  the  justification  of  a  war  already  begun  without  previous 
explanation  or  remonstrance. 

His  j)roposition  was  debated  in  the  senate  and  rejected ;  a 
]5alia  of  war  was  named,  an  army  assembled,  for  thoudi  Al- 
phonso  was  an  able  and  exjierienced  gener;il  with  fifteen  thou- 
sand men  actuallv  on  their  territory  there  was  no  timidity  or 
indecision  in  the  government  and  he  commenced  hostilities, 
after  trying  in  vain  to  seduce  Siena  from  her  alliance,  by 
marching  through  the  Maremma  into  the  lands  of  Volterra  and 
orcupying  Pomerancia.  We  shall  not  follow  the  course  of  this 
war  through  all  its  channels  until  finished  l)y  Alphonsos  re- 
pulse on  the  walls  of  Piombino,  because  howe\  tr  right  it  ma}- 
be  that  national  and  cotemporary  historians  should  indulge  in 
militaiy  details,  to  the  general  reader  and  especially  the  alien, 
they  are  not  only  useless  but  wearisome.  Still  when  they  are 
strongly  romantic,  like  tliis  assault  of  Piomliino,  or  didactic, 
or  of  universal  interest  from  their  great  scrde  and  important 
conse<piences ;  their  casual  introduction  may  foi-m  a  not  un- 
pleasing  relief  to  the  dryness  of  historical  narrative.  In  all 
other  casc>  a  ver}^  slight  sketch  of  the  military  o|>f'rations  with 
the  simple  exhibition  of  residts  to  show  their  practical  bearing 
on  national  policy  is  sufficient ;  and  as  a  clear  and  useful  nar- 
ration of  the  details  of  war  can  scarcely  be  expected  from  any 


but  professional  men,  it  may  in  general  be  wiser  not  to  attempt 

them. 

Pomerancia  was  taken  in  November  1447.    Castiglione  della 

Pescaia,  of  wliichthe  existing  townw^ould  appear  to  have  then 
only  constituted  the  citadel,  followed  hi  IMarch  11  1^.  ^_^  ^^^^ 
Ptinaltlo  Orsino  who  had  married  Cateriiia  dAppiano 
Lady  of  Piombino,  warned  by  the  fate  of  Count  Francesco  of 
Poppi  at  once  shut  his  gates  agninst  Alplionso  and  with  Floren- 
tine aid  was  enabled  to  inaintaiii  hhnself  during  the  whole  time  of 
the  Aragonese  nioniirch's  oeeiipation  of  that  country  :  a  drawn 
battle  was  fough  t  ofl'  his  shores  between  the  Aragonese  and  Floren- 
tine squadrons,  and  desultory  warfare  with  no  tangible  I'esult  ex- 
cept the  occupation  of  Castiglione,  continued  in  the  ]Maremma 
untd  the  autumn  of  1 14.s,  when  .\lphonso  gathering  up  all  his 
forces  which  had  been  much  thinned  by  the  marsh  fevers  of  that 
unhealthy  district,  led  them  on  himself  to  a  desperate  assault 
on  Piombino.  There  was  here  no  breaching,  or  mining,  but 
much  artillery  both  liy  sea  and  hind  ;  it  was  a  chivalrous  noon- 
(lav  assault  bv  escalade  :  the  women  and  children  of  Piombino 
were  marshalled  below  to  supply  their  husbands  their  fathers 
and  their  brothers  with  refreslmients,  while  liinaldo  his  soldiers 
and  all  the  male  inhabitants  glitt«>red  on  the  lofty  battlements; 
lime,  boiling  oil,  scalding  water,  and  melted  lead,  were  collected 
in  abundance  and  showered  ui)0ii  the  assailants  who  attacked 
boldly  and  were  as  gallantly  resisted  :  Alidionso  was  conspicuous 
throughout  the  day  leading  and  cheering  his  men  to  victory : 
many  acts  of  desperatr?  valour  grrnit  prowess  and  warlike  devo- 
tion were  shown  on  lioth  sides  in  the  attack  and  defence  of  that 
little  town,  acts  that  would  have  gracod  a  mightier  enterprise; 
until  at  last  the  Khig  of  Aragon  was  forced  back  with  diminished 
numbers  bv  the  unshrinking  valour  of  the  l)esieged. 

Rinaldo  Orsini  was  triunqihant ;  tor  apprehending  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Florentine  army  Alphonso  withdrew,  and  leaving 
a  garrison  in  Castiglione  della  Pescaia  continued  his  retreat  to 


282 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[H<.! 


!'U     II, 


A.D.  1449. 


Ansidonia,  which  appears  to  liave  been  then  inliahited  though 
now  overgrown  bv  wiUl  arbutus  with  a  forest  of  tloweriuu 
shrubs  mantUng  its  grey  C'yelopian  battlements.  Thus 
endecl  the  King  of  Aragon's  invasion  of  Tusrany  :  lie  con- 
tinued his  retreat  to  Gaeta  and  there  embarked  for  Naples 
with  promise  of  a  second  visit  to  Morenre  in  the  ensuing 
spring  *. 

Before  the  Duke  of  Milan's  death  Pnpe  Nicholas  V.  endea- 
voured without  effect  to  restore  peace  to  Italy  and  the 
negotiations  were  in  fact  completed  but  not  ratilied 
in  consequence  of  tliat  event;  the  ]\lilamse  desired  to  finish 
them  but  Venice  in  all  the  flush  and  insolence  of  conipicst 
refused  to  listen,  and  the  more  conlidentlv  because  Florence 
was  too  much  occupied  with  King  Alphonso  to  interfere  in 
their  Itehalf.  This  was  not  displeasing  to  Sforza  for  it  made 
him  more  necessary  to  Milan  and  his  liist  act  in  despite  of 
ancient  rivalship  was  to  give  his  hand  to  Iranccsco  and  diacouio 
Piccinino  ;  then  taking  the  held  he  received  the  submission 
of  Pavia  on  condition  of  not  giving  it  up  to  the  Milanese : 
this  was  a  palatable  restriction,  for  Pavia  was  an  acquisition 
admirably  adapted  to  Sforza's  circumstances,  nor,  says  Mac- 
chiavelli,  was  he  deterred  either  by  fear  or  shame  from  breaking 
his  plighted  faith,  "for great  men  only  con>idcr  it  shameful  to 
lose,  but  not  to  gain  by  treacheiy."  He  excused  himself  to 
the  Milanese  by  asserting,  ])erhaps  truly,  that  parties  Iteing 
divided  within  the  town  if  the  offer  had  not  been  at  cejited  either 
Savoy  or  Venice  would  have  had  Pavia,  and  they  although 
angr}'  and  clear-sighted  enough  as  to  liis  real  motives,  were 
obliged  of  necessity  to  succumb  :  they  indulged  too  in  a  falla- 
cious hope  that  when  once  relieved  from  their  present  troubles 
they  would  be  able  also  to  get  rid  of  him.  lie  was  at  that  moment 
necessary  for  their  protection  not  only  from  \'enetian  aggressions 


*  Muratori,   Anno   1448. —  Macdiia-     Parte   iii*,  folio  t37. — Ammirato,  Lib. 
velli,  lAh.  vi. — Oil.  Mulavolti,  Lib.  ii.,     xxii.,  p.  59. 


CHAP.   I.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


283 


but  against  Genoa  and  Savoy,  both  acting  for  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  in  right  of  his  mother  Valentina  Visconte  the  sister 
of  Philip :  but  these  enemies  were  of  little  moment  and  soon 
repulsed  by  Sforza,  leaving  the  more  formidable  Venetians 
commanded  by  liis  kinsman  Miclieletto  Attendolo,  to  be  coped 
with.  Placentia  was  next  besieged  and  in  despite  of  all  the 
efforts  of  Venice  taken  by  assault  in  November  1447  with  revolt- 
ing cruelty  and  every  species  uf  barbarism  ;  the  nuns  alone 
having  been  saved  from  tlisiionour  l)v  his  orders  ='•=. 

Spiing  beheld  the  revival  t)f  hostilities  under  a  darker  and 
more  terrible  aspect,  and  the  ^Milanese,  perceiving  that  Sforza 
only  made  use  of  them  fur  their  ultimate  sul^jugation,  sued 
humbly  to  A^enice  for  a  peace  while  tluit  haughty  republic  be- 
came more  arrogant  at  every  application ;  yet  her  hardest 
conditions  would  have  been  accepted  had  not  a  sedition  amongst 
the  populace  put  an  end  to  all  further  negotiations. 

Sforza  meanwhile  made  rapid  progress,  and  Milan  hoping 
for  better  terms  from  Venice  ordered  the  investment  of  Lodi 
as  soon  as  Caravaj-gio  fell ;  for  here  both  armies  liad  alreadv 
assembled,  one  to  take,  the  other  to  save  that  important  town, 
whose  surrender  was  expected  to  seal  the  destiny  of  the  for- 
mer. On  the  fifteenth  of  Septend»er  14  1^  the  Venetians 
attempted  to  surprise  Sforza  in  his  trenches  when  one  of  the 
most  memorable  battles  of  that  conflicting  age  was  the  con- 
sequence :  Sforza  triumphed,  and  out  of  twelve,  or  accord- 
ing to  Cainhi,  sixteen  thousand  cavalry  scarcely  fifteen  hun- 
dred escaped  to  tell  the  tale  of  their  discomfiture.  The 
lands  of  Brescia  were  soon  overran  and  siege  laid  to  that 
city;  the  Venetians  demanded  and  received  succours  from 
Florence  as  a  member  of  the  league,  but  her  heart  was  with 
Sforza  :  perplexed  between  his  design  on  Brescia  wliich  was  to 
be  his  own,  and  the  well-founded  suspicions  of  the  Milanese 

*  Poggio,   Lib.  viii.,  p.  248. — Corio,     Pictro  Cagnola,  Storia  Milan,  Lib.  v., 
Stor.  Mil.,  Parte  v% folio  365. — Giovan.     p.  83. 


284 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[rooji  II. 


•who  enjoined  him  to  reduce  Lodi  the  moment  Caravaggio  sm-- 
rendered,  this  general  became  doubtful  what  part  to  take  for 
both  the  Piccinini  had  secretly  thwarted  all  his  plans  and  now 
marched  with  four  thousand  cavalry  to  attack  Lodi  in  obedience 
to  the  commands  of  Milan. 

What  Venice  lost  in  the  field  she  generally  regained  in  the 
cabinet,  and  being  well  aware  of  SforzaV  auiliitiou  and  ^lilans 
jealousy,  and  that  peace  with  her  was  for  the  moment  an 
acceptable  object  to  both ;  this  from  fear,  that  from  interest ;  she 
at  once  oti'ered  her  hand  to  Sfurza,  conlidfutly  lookin*^  forward 
to  Milan's  hatred  preventing  his  ever  being  received  there  as 
master.  Hoping  tlierefore  to  step  in  and  ultimately  reap  the 
fruits  of  thi^  anticipated  conflict  a  treaty  was  concluded  with 
Sforza  in  October  1  Its  bv  which  all  he  liad  taken  in  the  war 
was  to  be  restored  to  Venice,  and  if  ^lilan  were  conquered  he 
should  keep  no  more  than  Philip  Maria  Visconte  possessed  at 
his  death. 

The  rumour  of  this  treaty  silenced  the  shouts  of  victoiy  at 
Milan  and  realised  the  worst  fears  of  tlie  citizens  ;  rtyoicings 
died  away,  lamentations  broke  from  every  tongue  and  curses 
everywhere  followed  the  name  of  Sforza.  Nevertheless  that 
chief  maintained  a  steady  course  until  his  victorious  ensigns 
fluttered  under  the  walls  of  Milan.  Expecting  every  moment 
to  be  deserted  by  Venice  he  was  pre^iared  for  the  event,  and 
after  the  reduction  of  Crema  which  completed  all  ber  poli- 
tical arrangements  dependent  on  the  alliance  (tf  Sforza,  she 
fulfilled  his  anticipation  to  the  letter  by  making  a  separate 
peace  and  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  jNIilanese  in  the  autumn 
of  1440='. 

Florence  during  the  latter  part  of  these  transactions  had  no 
scruple,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  Xeri  Capponi,  in 
supplying  Sforza  with  money  both  publicly  from  the   national 

*  Corio,  Parte  v.,  folio  371  to  393. —  nali. — MticrhiavcUi,  Lib.  v. — Cagnola, 
Gio,  Cambi,  p.  2G2. — •  Mui-atori  An-     Stor.  Mil.,  Lib.  v. 


CHAP.   I.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


285 


funds,  and  privately  in  fuller  measure  from  Cosimo  who  strongly 
encouraged  him;  and  in  the  beginning  of  1440  she  sent  a 
resident  ambassador  to  his  camp  as  a  mark  of  her  friendly 
approbation,  the  Khig  of  Aragon  intent  on  other  things  having 
left  her  in  present  tnu].]uillity  =:'-.  The  treaty  between  Venice 
and  ]\lilan  retarded  Sforza's  operations  for  a  season ;  but  he 
was  now  too  strong  and  had  been  too  well  prepared  for  such  an 
event  to  be  easily  baffled,  wherefore  by  a  steady  and  skilful 
management  of  his  means  he  contrived,  in  spite  of  all  the  force 
and  cunning  of  Venice  to  starve  the  Milanese  amongst  whom 
he  had  once  a  strong  party,  uito  a  surrender  of  their  city  and 

liberty. 

On  the  twenty-sixtli  Fel)ruary  1150  he  was  proclaimed  Seig- 
nior and  Duke  of  :\lilan,  the  clienshed  object  of  his  ceaseless 
labour,  consummate  prudence,  and  deep-seated  ambition. 

Sforza  lost  no  time  in  concluding  a  close  alliance  with  Cosimo 


and  the  Florentines  a^jainst  Venice  and  the  King  of 


A.D.  1450. 


Aragon,  wlio  hated  Florence  for  her  intimacy  with  the 
house  of  Anjou.  He  at  (.nre  joined  the  Venetians  in  an  effort 
to  shake  the  new-made  sovereign  from  his  unsteady  throne 
and  Florence  immediately  despatched  Piero  de  Medici,  Neri 
Capponi,  Luca  Pitti,  and  Dietisalvi  four  of  her  chiefest  citizens, 
to  mark  the  public  approbation.  It  was  indeed  no  light  matter 
(whatever  might  have  been  the  state  of  domestic  parties)  to  be 
at  once  relieved  from  a  dynasty  ..f  able,  powerful,  and  heredi- 
tary enemies  ever  seekimf  her  destruction,  and  see  it  replaced 
by  a  friendly  ruler  with  C(  .ngenial  interests  who  mainly  depended 
on  their  alliance  and  support. 

About  this  time  also  another  eml>assy  was  sent  to  make  one 
more  attempt  at  securing  the  friendsliip  or  at  least  the  forbear- 
ance of  Alphonso,  who  with  outstretched  arms  brought  the 
strength  of  Aragon  and  the  Two  Sicilies  to  bear  at  once  on  Italian 

*  Poffgio,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  249  —  Macchiuvclli,  Lib.  vi.  —  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxii., 
p.  G2. 


286 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  u. 


politics,  and  paved  the  way  for  princes  yet  unborn  to  crush  tiie 
freedom  and  independence  of  Italy. 

Alphonso's  tenns  were  hard  but  finally  conceded,  he  re- 
tained Castiglione  della  Pescaia  and  the  island  of  Giglio,  and 
was  acknowledged  lord  paramount  of  Pioinbino  with  a  small 
tribute  of  a  golden  cup  from  Caterina  de'  Appiaiio  now  a  widow; 
for  the  brave  and  chivjilrous  llinaldo  Orsino  at'itr  lieing  honoured 
and  rewarded  by  Florence  expired  during  the  negotiations  *. 

Although  Francesco  Sforza's  exaltation  was  generally  popular 
yet  one  man  of  great  capacity  and  inlluence  decidedly  and 
strenuously  opposed  it ;  but  whether  from  faction  as  aveiTed 
by  his  adversaries,  or  from  hcmest  patriotism,  tlie  chai'ac- 
teristic  of  his  race,  is  now  uncertain.  Xeri  Cappoui  deemed 
it  inconsistent  with  the  interests  of  his  country  and  the 
safety  of  Italy  that  Milan  should  thus  have  tallen,  because 
ample  dominion  miited  to  splendid  military  talents  was  ever 
dangerous  in  a  bold  ambitious  man,  and  if  as  n  simple  Count, 
Francesco  could  hardly  be  endured,  he  would  bc.oi^H^  absolutely 
intolerable  as  a  sovereign  prince.  Wherefore  this  distinguishe<l 
citizen  judged  it  more  safe  and  beneficial  that  Sforza  should 
have  remained  in  a  comparatively  private  statinu,  ani  Lom- 
bardy  be  divided  into  two  rei)ublics  which  would  neither  unite 
to  molest  others,  nor  be  strong  enough  sin^^de-handed  to 
injure  the  rest  of  It^dy.  He  theiefore  voted  although  unsuc- 
cessfully against  sending  any  assistance  or  taking  any  other 
part  in  the  contest. 

On  the  other  hand  Cosimo's  party  accused  Capponi  of  oppos- 
ing the  grant,  not  from  any  belief  m  liis  own  reasoning  but 
merely  from  the  apprehension  that  witli  Sfurzas  public  and 
private  support  Cosimo's  prepotency  would  become  monstrous. 
Neri  Capponi  did  probably  think  such  danger  possible,  but 
with  his  distressing  experience  of  Cosimos  iutual  authority  he 
could  scarcely  contemplate  much  augmentation  of  it :  especially 


•  Aniiniratn,  lAh.  xxil.,  p.  G3. 


CHAP.  I.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


287 


when  he  himself,  the  ablest,  the  most  popular,  and  most  influen- 
tial citizen  in  the  commonwealth  could  not  with  all  his  own  powder 
and  reputation  withstand  him.  But  Neri  like  all  the  Capponi  was 
a  staunch  republican  though  not  a  low  democrat  and  therefore 
believed  that  the  multiplication  of  free  states  was  better  for 
those  actually  existing  than  the  estaldishment  of  despotism 
whose  evil  working  in  the  rich  and  powerful  Lombardy  Flo- 
rence had  so  long  and  painfully  experienced.  He  was  conse- 
quently tme  to  his  political  primiples  in  objecting  generally  to 
the  establishment  of  a  desjiot  whether  it  were  Sforza  or  Cosimo, 
but  in  the  then  existing  circumstances  as  far  as  we  know  them, 
Cosimo  s  own  reasoning  would  now  sf^em  the  more  plausible. 

He  declared  there  was  a  great  lack  of  wisdom  in  those  who 
imagined  that  the  ^Milanese  could  maintain  their  liberty ;  be- 
cause their  luxuiy,  their  social  relations,  their  ancient  factions, 
their  mode  of  life,  their  very  character,  their  habitual  and 
hereditaiy  subserxience  to  successive  tyrants,  altogether  not 
only  rendered  them  incapable  of  satisfoctorily  working  any  form 
of  self-government  lait  were  dircotly  opposed  to  it.  Wherefore 
it  followed  that  their  choice  lay  ])etween  Francesco  Sforza  as 
duke,  or  the  Venetians  as  masters ;  and  no  man  was  supposed 
to  be  so  silly  as  to  doubt  whether  a  strong  friend  or  a  most 
powerful  enemy  were  the  bettor  noighboin'. 

Looking  at  the  broad  question  divested  of  party  prejudice, 
an  aggrandizement  of  Venice  by  tht^  vast  addition  of  the  Mi- 
lanese dominions  would  have  given  to  that  grasping  republic  a 
dangerous  preponderance  :  but  the  substitution  of  an  able  and 
aspiring  soldier  for  a  crafty  but  unsteady  politician ;  however 
safe  for  Florence  at  the  moment ;  was  not  better  adapted  to 
steady  the  great  political  balance  than  the  sway  of  a  clever  and 
ambitious  but  unmilitary  sovereii^-n,  even  though  a  Visconte ; 
and  the  only  real  security  against  Sio]za  was  his  trouble  and 
difficulty  in  consolidating  a  new  and  nsur})e<l  authority ;  a  task 
most  likely  to  prevent  any  ulterior  sihenies  of  ambition  *. 

*  Maccliiavelli,  Lib.  vi. 


288 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


H. 


The  extinction  of  the  male  line  of  Visconti  was  in  even 
respect  an  event  of  vast  importance  to  the  Italian  peninsula, 
and  powerfully  influenced  the  subsequent  history  of  lAiropeby 
generating  consequences  that  are  yet  in  active  operation.  In 
Lombai'dy  it  occasioned  a  dis})uted  suctM^sion,  and  opened 
golden  prospects  to  the  house  of  Orleans  and  the  crown  (.f 
France ;  hut  it  also  prepared  the  northern,  as  Alphonso's  con 
quests  did  the  southern  channels,  for  tliose  sweeping  billows 
of  transalpine  power  that  from  time  to  time  have  rolbd  tli.ir 
an^ny  surges  over  the  fairest  provinces  uf  Italy,  and  >iill  suli- 


merge  it ! 


CoTEMPORARY  SovFKEiGNs.— Thc  oiilv  vhiiU'rvs  uic,  PorttigMl :  VAwiml  1. 
to  1438:  tlicn  AlplmuM)  V.— Sfothuul :  Juuk's  I.,_inur(lciv.l  at  IVrth  1437: 
James  II. — (Jcniiaii  Kini»irc  :  Sigisuiimd  until  I4:i7  :  ilicii  AUkU  II.  in  \rM\ 
to  1430;  Frederic-  111.  1440;  Tope  Eugeni-islV.  to  1447;  then  Nidiulas  V. 
—  Greek  Enijure :  J(»l.n  VII.  to  1448,  then  Constuniiiic  XL,  t/w  tust  hnn>imi\ 
to  14.53,  when  C»>nstantinople  was  taken  by  Mnluuaed  11.  with  a  foree  ofthnr 
hundred  ^\i\\n  and  three  hundred  thousand  r.iin. 


QUW.  II.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTOllY. 


289 


CHAPTER   II. 


FROM    A.D.     1450    TO    A.D.     1465. 


A.D.  1451. 


Before  recommencing  a  narrative  of  wars  unmitigated  by 
any  touch  of  humanity,  unanimated  by  generosity,  undigni- 
fied in  their  cause,  cruel  in  their  action,  base  in  tlieir 
objects,  and  devoid  of  that  grandeur  or  even  didactic 
interest  which  despite  of  crime  is  so  deeply  felt  in  the  exploits 
of  Hannibal  and  the  deeds  of  Home  :  before  recommencing 
these  it  perhaps  may  be  well  to  offer  as  marked  a  sketch  as 
our  materials  allow,  of  the  state  of  Florence  during  the  first 
sixteen  years  of  Cosimo's  government;  but  more  especially 
after  every  effort  at  the  free  and  effectual  expression  of  poli- 
tical opinion  was  crushed  by  the  stringent  measures  of  14 14. 

The  Itivourable  sentiments  at  first  so  extensively  formed  of 
Cosimo  de'  Medici  became  greatly  modified  when  the  battle  of 
Aughiari  by  blasting  the  hopes  of  every  exile  removed  all  fear 
of  a  new  revolution.  From  that  moment  fresh  and  unusual 
license  was  allowed,  not  in  words  alone  but  in  all  the  insolence 
of  power  ;  in  rapine,  coiTuption,  and  every  shameful  act  destruc- 
tive of  justice  and  morality;  so  that  an  administration  at  first 
so  popular  began  to  displease  many  even  of  Cosimo's  own 
adherents  and  disgusted  every  other  citizen.  Cosimo  and 
Neri  di  Gino  Capponi  were  lieyond  comparison  the  two  leading 
men  of  Florence  ;  the  latter  esteemed  the  wisest,  the  former 
immeasurably  the  richest;  for  Neri  seems  to  have  inherited 
so  much  of  his  father's  honesty  as  never  to  have  fattened  on 
the  substance  of  the  commonwealth.     Next  to  these  came  four 


VOL.  in. 


u 


290 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


CHAP.  II.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


291 


i 


principal  citizens  of  the  mling  party,  who  were  not  so  scnipu- 
lous,  and  all  devoted  to  Cosimo :  the  first  was  Puccio  Pucci 
the  boldest,  ablest,  and  most  eloquent  of  his  friends  Nsithout 
whom  Cosimo  never  stirred  a  finger:  he  had  l)een  advanced 
from  an  inferior  class  and  Wiis  enriched  by  the  command  of 
public  money.  Alamanno  Salviati  was  the  next,  and  said  to 
be  a  grasping  selfish  man  who  cared  as  little  for  the  puUic 
cTood  as  for  his  own  reputation,  provided  that  his  desires  were 
^ratified.  Alessandro  de'  Alessandri  boip  a  more  honest  l.ut 
haufdity  character  :  vain  of  his  imagiuoil  merits,  and  not  with- 
out some  ;  believing  that  his  natural  position  was  amongst  tlio 
loftiest  of  the  state  he  frowned  at  any  infringement  of  his  will. 
Neroni  Dietisalvi  was  at  this  time  suppr^ed  to  be  the  least 
intrif^uin"  of  the  four,  but  after  Cosimo 's  death  he  also  proved 
that  there  was  no  deficiency ;  and  w;is  a  man  of  penetrating 
genius  with  great  influence  in  the  republic.  J3esides  tliCNe 
there  were  Ugo  Buondelmonti  a  nephew  of  Esau,  despot  of 
Piomania,  who  enjoyed  considerable  reputation  ;  then  came  Ag- 
nolo  Acciaioli,  a  young  citizen  of  pai'ts  and  character  alreadv 
spoken  of,  who  however  finally  attached  himself  to  llanieri  ov 
Neri  Capponi  and  at  last  quarrelled  both  publicly  and  privately 
with  the  Medici.  Luca  Pitti  next  appears  as  a  man  of  gre:it 
audacitv  but  moderate  talents  and  bad  rharacter,  who  became 
from  peculiar  circumstances  conspicuous  in  i'lorentine  history 
thouf^h  now  better  known  by  the  pjdace  which  bears  his 
name  than  through  any  merit  of  his  own  either  as  a  mtm  or  a 
statesman  ^. 

There  seems  to  be  a  retributory  cliaraeter  inherent  to  wars 
that  toi-pedodike  strikes  back  on  the  makers  and  revenges  the 
injury  they  inflict :  those  of  Florence  fomented  by  Cosimo  and 
his  faction  were  gradually  uudernuning  her  strength,  for  while 
she  increased  in  fame  and  territory  she  diminished  in  force 

♦  Cavnlcanti,  Second!  Storia,  cap.  i.,  ii.,  xvi.  —  M.  Bruto,  Storia,  Lib-    ".. 
p.  109:  Lib.  iii",  p.  299. 


solidity  and  real  power.     The  incessant  pecuniary  demands  of 
Sforza,  who  thus  supported  by  Cosimo  was  far  from  popular, 
exasperated  the  people  to  that  degree  that  many  secret  discus- 
sions were  held  by  the  Cosimeschi  to  adopt  protective  measures 
against  the  tumults  which  were  apprehended  in  consequence. 
Sforza's  unjust  appropriation  of  ecclesiastical  property  in  the 
conquest  of  La  Marca  was  condemned  by  a  great  body  of  the 
people  who  were  unwilling  either  to  abet  the  sacrilege  or  aug- 
ment his  possessions  by  the  ruin  of  their  own.     This  war 
therefore,  coupled  with  much  individual  and  general  oppres- 
sion arising  from  it,  began  to  irritate  the  public  mind  and  nume- 
rous but  secret  meetings  of  the  ascendant  fiiction  including  what 
was  called  their  "  Caorsiui"  was  summoned.    These  "  Caonini' 
were  certain  parasitic  instruments  of  faction  possessing  two 
useful  qualities  which  enhanced  their  value  and  rendered  them 
universally  acceptable  to  Cosimo s  party:    one  was  poverty, 
which  unaccomp;uiied  by  principle,  kept  them  ready  for  the 
basest  acts  ;  the  other  was  an  eager  desire  to  live  by  ways  and 
means  that  most  men  would  spurn,  but  for  which  they  cared 
not.     Numbers  of  these  Caorshii  were  mingled  with  the  crowd 
of  Cosimo "s  followers,  and  although  of  a  certain  rank  and  out- 
ward reputation,  and  with  civic  rights ;  were  needy,  insolent, 
mean,  partial,  and  rapacious ;  men  who  never  checked  the  gra- 
tification of  their  passions  and  to  whom  justice  and  injustice, 
integrity  or  dishonesty  were  equally  indilTerent.     Self-will  dis- 
placed reason,  self-love  honesty,  and  any  extremity  of  evil  was 
cheerfully  endured  sooner  than  forfeit  the  pleasures  of  personal 
vengeance,  while  good  was  measured  precisely  by  tlie  extent  of 
their  own  enjoyments-'.     This  band  of  citizens  was  mainly 
composed  of  a  class  of  business  agents  then  and  for  centuries 
after  much  used  in  Florence  under  the  general  name  of  "  Sen- 
sali "  or  brokers :  they  were  the  middlemen  who  managed  all 
contracts,  bargains,  sales,  and  marriages ;  and  entered  as  a 


♦  Cavalcanti,  ii*  Storia,  cap.  xvi.,  xx. 

U  ^ 


292 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[UOOK  II. 


third  party  into  almost  every  transaction  of  common  life 
amongst  all  classes  of  citizens.  Their  business  was  in  fact 
analogous  to  that  of  modem  agents  and  attorneys,  hut  embra- 
cing the  whole  range  of  agency  from  the  common  bargains  of 
the'^market-place  to  low  political  intrigues ;  for  as  their  diver- 
sified affairs  brought  them  in  contact  with  every  rank  they 
were  admirably  adapted,  in  the  hands  of  artful  statesmen,  to 
feel  the  public  pulse  and  direct  great  masses  at  the  pleasure 
of  their  employers.  By  means  of  these  agents  the  leaders  of 
Cosimos  faction  secretly  summoned  their  adherents  to  a  noc- 
turnal  meeting  in  Saint  Mark's  church  where  Giuliano  Dava- 
zani  an  able  man,  addressed  them  on  the  alarming  state  of  the 
public  mind  as  it  affected  their  own  stability ;  and  from  this 
meeting  proceeded  the  despotic  measures  of  \UV'. 

The  city  was  then  pregnant  with  commotion,  apparently 
amongst  the  poorer  classes  or  "  Phhe  "  but  under  the  mani- 
pulation  of  liigher  malcontents  of  Tatrician  rank ;  there  was 
famine  also  ;  the  peoy.le  lived  on  vetches  and  other  pulse  im- 
ported by  the  state  and  which,  strange  to  say,  brought  a  greater 
price  than  wheat.  "The  markets,"  says  Giovanni  Cavalcanti, 
"were  exceedingly  dear,  not  so  much  from  the  price  of  wheat  as 
the  scarcity  of  common  grain  whicli  forced  the  people  to  grind 
vetches  and  these  were  wont  to  fetch  a  higher  price  than  wheat'f . 
All  this  gave  energj'  to  discontent,  or  probably  caused  it;  for 
the  poor  are  seldom  turbulent  when  they  luivu  labour  and  food: 
but  the  agitators  wrought  on  a  suffering  population  by  identify- 
ing their  misery,  and  justly  too,  with  useless  war  and  repre- 
hensible goverament ;  a  war  undertaken  as  was  said  only  to 
favour  the  joint  ambition  of  a  foreign  adventurer  and  a  powerful 

native  citizen. 

The  comparatively  lil>eral  conduct  of  the  Ptinaldesclu  at 
Cosimos  expulsion  had  left  in  the  election-purses  a  sufficient 
number  of  Cosimeschi  to  effect  his  recall,  and  even  Cosimo  him- 

♦  Cavalcanti,  ii*  Storia,  cap.  xx.         f  Ibid.,  cap.  xx.  and  xxxi. 


CHAP.  II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


293 


self  searching  and  implacable  as  he  was,  had  not  yet  weeded  out 
all  his  opponents.  The  knowledge  of  this  power  though  feeble, 
produced  a  certain  confidence  in  the  higher  malcontents,  who 
from  present  dissatisfaction  and  change  of  sentiments  juined 
with  the  older  antagonists  of  Cosimo  ;  and  they  were  a  far  more 
formidable  party  than  the  mere  Plehe.  IMurmurs  were  heard 
of  the  disgrace  of  being  subject  to  an  unworthy  tyrant  and  a 
peasant  of  Cotignola  whose  mother  was  a  low  woman  of  repre- 
hensible character,  and  yet  this  adveiitin-er  tliey  said  did  not 
even  condescend  to  request,  but  commanded  the  republic  to  do 

his  bidding. 

The  old  nobles  also  joined  this  cry.  "  We  were  before  bad," 
said  they,  "  but  are  now  worse ;  for  under  the  empty  shadow  of 
"  a  boon  we  are  almost  ruined  :  they  offered  us  honey  and  now 
"  they  give  us  gall,  the  bitter  fruit  of  unjust  and  msupportable 
"  taxation  which  only  secures  us  a  dungeon  and  the  insolent 
"  outrages  of  official  myrmidons."  There  were  moreover  loud 
complaints  of  corrupted  justice  :  citizens  were  interdicted  even  ' 
from  pleading  in  the  public  courts  against  the  injustice  of 
government  and  the  oppressions  of  its  officers ;  and  when  causes 
were  at  last  decided  the  parties  were  commonly  ruined  unless 
they  happened  to  have  offered  the  first  or  the  largest  bribe.  It 
was  said  that  many  vexatious  judgments  were  given  by  secret 
enemies  of  the  government  on  purpose  to  create  dissatisfaction, 
and  by  others  to  revenge  their  o^\^l  private  injuries  with  impu- 
nity: but  the  common  cry  was,  "We  are  the  sei*vants  of  Fran- 
"  cesco  Sforza,  not  the  companions  of  King  x\lfonzo  as  we  ought 
"  to  be;  yet  he  has  offered  to  guarantee  us  peace  for  10,000 
*'  florins  a  year,  and  if  war  be  ever  necessary,  to  wage  it  at  his 
"  own  cost,  provided  we  will  only  withdraw  our  aid  and  favour 
"  from  the  count'"* 

No  historian  but  Cavalcanti  mentions  these  terms,  but  if 
accepted  they  would  probably  have  changed  the  fate  of  Italy 

*  Cavalcanti,  ii*  Storia,  cap.  xx\ 


294 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


(lur.  1 1-1 


FLOKENTINE    HISTORY. 


295 


by  avoiding  the  dangerous  aid  of  France:  without  Florence 
Sforza,  driven  from  La  ]\Iarca,  could  scarcely  have  conquered 
Milan,  and  Xeri  Capponi  s  project  of  two  Lombard  repulilics 
might  possibly  have  been  realised,  or  Alphonso's  power  have 
been  firmly  established  in  that  country,  which  by  securing  the 
Spanish  ascendancy  would  at  least  have  prevented  lUily  from 
becoming  the  coliseum  of  transalpine  gladiators. 

We  have  said  that  in  consecpience  of  the  agitated  condition 
of  Florence  a  new  Balia  with  a  thorough  weeding  of  the  magis- 
tracies was  resolved  on  in  14U.  This  lialia  was  made  up  of 
men  who  were  sure  supporters  of  any  measures  that  the  [lurty 
dictated,  and  though  appearances  were  slightly  preserved  by  the 
cautious  admission  of  a  few  adverse,  or  at  least  not  friendly 
citizens,  thev  were  either  so  few  that  no  ahirm  was  excited,  or 
so  irresolute  as  to  insure  tlieir  floating  with  the  general  stream. 
But  in  the  councils  were  still  many  secret  enemies,  peaceable 
but  timid  men  who  foreseehig  disaster  yet  feared  to  buffet 
against  the  stonn  -. 

Thus  strengthened  there  were  no  bounds  to  the  extravagance 
of  the  Cosimeschi  :  Puccio  and  others  enriched  themselves  by 
open  or  secret  plunder ;  the  public  funds  became  corrupt  or 
discredited  ;  dividends  were  paid  to  the  powerful,  refused  to 
the  weak  or  only  paid  in  billets,  which  being  wortldess  in  the 
market  were  purchased  at  a  fourth  and  a  fifth  of  their  value  by 
secondary  officials  who  through  their  p(ditical  influence  after- 
wards recovered  the  whole  amount  from  the  treasury.  The 
marriage  portions  of  young  girls,  secured  on  public  faith  in  tlie 
Funds,  were  refused  on  the  plea  of  state  necessity ;  sincerity 
and  honesty  were  utterly  abandoned  and  even  any  pretension 
to  those  virtues  was  laughed  to  scorn :  gain,  no  matter  how,  was 
the  all-absorbing  passion,  and  "  more  honest  men  were  mocked 
and  ridiculed  than  culprits  menaced."  Asperity  universally  in- 
creased ;  comparisons  with  other  times  and  other  rulers  were 

*  Cavalcanti,  ii"  Storia,  cap.  xxii 


sullenly  drawn,  and  tlie  governing  faction  was  pronounced  to 
exceed  all  its  predecessors  in  wickedness.  This  partly  pro- 
ceeded from  the  admission  of  many  vindictive  men  to  power  all 
hot  with  long-nursed  wrath  against  their  adversaries;  vengeance 
was  necessary ;  nay,  almost  imperative ;  a  vengeance  not  con- 
demned, but  cherished  as  a  virtue  in  gentle  blood;  and  as  indis- 
pensable to  family  honour  in  those  wild  days  of  bari)arous  vio- 
lence as  the  duel  is  in  our  own  ;  yet  the  time  may  not  be  far 
distant  when  onr  posterity  will  read  of  the  latter  with  the  same 
painful  feeling  that  we  ourselves  now  do  of  the  former  -■'-. 

Thus  the  sweet  savour  of  Cosimo  s  early  rule  had  evaporated  ; 
men  of  nothing  were  seen  suddenly  in  office  and  as  suddenly 
em-irhed,  no  man  knew  how  ;  but  all  felt  that  taxation  pressed 
on  life,  tyranny  on  freedom,  knavery  on  honesty,  and  misery 
on  all.  Tn  this  state  t>f  things  the  period  for  a  fresh  scrutiny 
approached,  but  the  angry  citizens  gave  their  secret  votes  to 
all  the  kinsmen  of  the  exiles  and  to  suspected  persons,  for 
their  conduct  was  now  felt  to  have  been  more  tolerable  than  the 
corruption,  injustice,  and  i>eculation  of  the  Puccini.  Such  con- 
duct was  too  dangerous,  too  bold,  too  independent,  for  the  latter ; 
they  called  this  scrutiny  the  "L/7//,"  because  that  ilower  though 
fau'  to  the  eye  has  a  fetid  odour  and  the  scrutiny  although 
bright  with  illustrious  names,  to  them  smelt  strongly  of  cor- 
ruption f.  The  image  is  somewhat  forced  Init  Cosimo's  deeds 
were  not  poetiy,  and  the  whole  election  was  annulled  against 
all  law  and  precedent :  several  families  which  formed  part  of  it 
were  banished  or  otherwise  persecuted,  and  ten  Accoppiatori, 
or  as    Cavalcanti  denomhiales   them,   "  Ten  Tyrants,"  were 

appointed  \. 
This  Decemvirate  was  empowered  to  preserve  its  authority 

*  Cavalcanti,  ii»  Storia,  cap.  xxiii.  Sodeiini, Francesco  Orlandi,  Alamanno 

t  The  allusion  is  to  the  Iris  Lily,  the  Salviati,  Manno  di  Temperano,   Do- 

Florentine  emblem.  nienico  Micliele,   Guariante,  Igolino 

:  The  names  of  nine  of  them  are  pre-  Martelli,  Nerone  Dietisalvi,  and  iMc- 

served  by  Cavalcanti,  viz.,  Tomuiaso  colo  Buonvenni. 


296 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


from  scrutiny  to  scrutiny,  that  is  from  three  to  five  years,  and 
to  choose  every  magistrate  from  the  gonfiilonier  downwards 
previous  to  holding  the  mockery  of  a  public  drawing.  Thus  all 
that  the  exasperated  spirit  of  the  people  had  accomplished  was 
placed  by  Cosimo's  influence  under  the  talons  of  this  omnipo- 
tent authority  and  the  exhausted  citizens  sunk  back  into 
despondency.  The  Accoppiatori  drew  whom  they  pleased  not 
whom  the  people  elected  ;  and  their  choice  was  a  selection  of 
subsenient  tools  and  furious  partisans,  of  low  birth  and  base 
character  ;  men  of  yesterday ;  nu\al  upstarts  who  crowded  the 
city  and  shouldered  the  pride  and  honours  of  the  ancient  race ; 
this  alone  made  them  hateful,  for  an  aristocratic  spirit  was  ever 
strong  in  Florence  and  pride  of  ancestiT  whether  of  the  feudal 
families  or  Popolani  was  still  generally  respected.  There  was 
a  common  sapng  of  the  time  that  "  a  wealthy  woman  and  a 
prosperous  upstait  were  the  two  most  insufferable  things  on 
earth;"  wherefore  the  virtues  of  these  last,  if  they  had  any, 
were  not  likely  to  be  seen  or  appreciated :  like  the  rest  their  acts 
were  evil  and  their  mischief  deep*,  for  its  noxious  influence 
percolated  tlu'ough  eveiy  official  stratum  until  one  mass  of  cor- 
ruption pervaded  the  commonwealth  unchecked  by  shame  by 
conscience  or  remorse.  To  supply  this  waste  taxes  were  multi- 
plied ;  twenty-four  rates  were  levied  within  the  year,  and  in 


*  Domenico  Michclc,  one  of  the  new 
Accoppiatori,  is  especially  designated  as 
one  of  these,  and  his  picture  as  painted 
by  Cavalcanti  grives  us  the  outward 
and  visible  signs  of  a  hv-pocritical  knave 
in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century 
at  Florence.  '•  Proud,  iniquitous  and 
false,  a  public  peculator  and  a  receiver 
of  bribes  :  he  is  tall  and  thin  ;  with  a 
womanish  voice ;  lean  shanks,  com- 
pressed in  the  waist,  narrow  shoul- 
dered, a  cunning  sharj)  look,  a  grizzled 
and  scarce  beard,  a  blotched  face,  his 
gait  measured,  and  his  chest  forced 
forward  more  than  is  necessary  for  his 
height.    All  these  tokens  show  that  in 


those  things  for  which  men  are  usually 
denominated  knaves  this  man  surpasses 
every  one." — The  portrait  may  still 
be  recognised  without  travelling  so  far 
as  Florence.  (  Vide  Caval.y  Scconda 
Stoj^ia,  cap.  XXV.)  CJiovanni  Corsini 
was  another  imbiber  of  the  public 
nourishment,  and  with  freer  acti(»n  as 
gonfalonier  in  144.5.  But  he  filled 
himself  in  secret  and  was  only  known 
by  his  gradual  expansion,  while  Puc- 
cio's  was  a  bold,  open,  usurious  accu- 
mulation of  national  funds  in  his  own 
person.  The  one  was  a  bladder,  the 
other  a  snow-ball.  (Ibid,  cap.  xxvi.) 


CHAP 


.  11.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


297 


1442  half  that  number   raised  180,000  florins   which  were 
remitted   to   Sforza   in   lieu  of  troops,  to   avoid   the  pope's 

displeasure*. 

The  ancient  families  unable  to  support  these  repeated  de- 
mands retired  in  numbers  to  their  villas  to  seek  for  peace  and 
escape  imprisonment,  for  the  jafls  were  never  empty  of  the 
powerless.  But  this  availed  not ;  the  most  searching  edicts 
were  relentlessly  hurled  against  defaulters,  and  tliere  was  no 
shelter!  The  public  "J/m-i"  and  '' Berrorieri"  or  official 
bailiffs  and  tip-staves  hunted  them  out  like  vermin;  they 
swept  the  rural  districts  of  cattle  and  produce,  cleared  the 
houses  of  furniture,  wasted  even  the  days  victuals  of  the 
miserable  families,  and  when  harvest  came  cleared  the  fields 
either  partially  or  completely  of  their  crops.  Yet  these  dis- 
traints were  never  balanced  against  arrears,  but  taken  as  a 
positive  fine  from  the  defaulter  who  after  so  wide-spread  a  deso- 
lation often  finished  by  long  and  loathsome  imprisonment ! 

But  even  this  was  insufficient  because  numbers  were  ab- 
solutelv  ruined,  so  another  decree  was  issued  to  banish  all 
defaulters  to  the  frontier :  the  ascendant  faction  attempted  to 
justify  it  by  an  assertion  that  their  enemies  had  punished  the 
same  crime  by  the  axe  and  the  block  !  To  so  startling  a  fact, 
which  appears  in  no  other  author  and  only  adds  to  the  accumu- 
lation of  evils  inflicted  under  the  name  of  liberty;  it  was  replied, 
"  You  deprive  us  of  existence  when  you  take  om-  goods  ;  when 
you  sell  our  funded  property ;  when  you  set  aside  our  wills ; 
when  you  deny  our  marriage  portions,  which  having  been  pur- 
chased by  individuals  on  public  faith  unite  that  faith  with  liberty ; 
and  you  thus  defraud  our  daughters  and  sisters  of  their  fortunes ! 
You  have  sped  eveiything  from  l)ad  to  worse,  and  paralysed  the 
Catasto  to  avoid  your  own  contributions.  Y^our  rivals  left  at 
least  two  things  untouched  and  thus  proved  that  they  did  not 
seek  our  total  ruin ;  the  Catasto  and  the  election- purses  ;  but 

*  Cavalcanti,  ii*  Storia,  cap.  xxviii. 


298 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  n. 


you  have  destroyed  both  and  snapped  all  those  ties  that  united 
the  greatness  of  the  commonwealth  with  the  credit  and  stal.ilitv 
of  public  securities.  There  is  no  concealment ;  oppression  anil 
rapacity  are  your  avowed  motives ;  you  unblushingly  demand, 

*  What  is  the  diflerence  between  the  nilers  and  the  ruled  except 
that  the  one  commands,  and  the  other  is  compelled  to  obev.' 

*  Who  is  there,'  you  ask,  *  that  would  obey  if  the  Catasto  were 
in  active  operation  ?  We  had  once  to  ol)ey  the  laws  ;  but  while 
tlie  Catasto  sleeps  both  laws  and  men  will  bow  to  us,  and  we 
shall  still  be  lords  where  we  once  were  only  vassals.  Do  vou 
believe,'  is  again  your  cry;  '  do  you  belirve  that  the  authors 
of  the  Catasto  had  they  foreseen  its  con^Ll]uences  would  have 
made  it?  Believe  it  not,  or  you  will  err;  for  who  from  the 
rank  of  seignior  voluntarily  descends  to  that  of  vassal?  from 
the  elevation  of  the  Seignuiy  to  the  depths  of  servitude  ?  We 
would  rather  die  .' '  "  Such  were  the  unblushing  avowals  of  suc- 
cessful faction  :  the  powerful  received  their  dues,  escaped  their 
contributions  and  imposed  taxes  ;  nominally  to  pay  Sforza  ;  but 
the  fruits  of  which  they  shared  and,  as  he  said,  made  his  nairie 
odious  without  any  personal  benefit.  "  I  have  had  the  odium." 
exclaimed  Sl\»rza  to  the  A^enetian  and  Florentine  amlmssadors, 
"  I  have  had  the  odium,  the  people  the  cost,  and  their  ruler> 
the  money"*. 

The  desire  of  gain  increased  by  what  it  fed  on  and  liecame 
insatiable  ;  no  villany  was  too  deep  or  too  daring ;  in  whatever 
aspect  or  wherever  it  appeared  it  was  clutched  at  by  mul- 
titudes. Francesco  della  Luna  proposed  and  carried  a  law 
that  the  "  Oitrnto  should  he  laid  asleep  until  such  a  time  as  a 
uew  law  should  awaken  it  "f.  None  cared  for  present  or  future 
dangei-s  or  remembered  past  misfortunes,  one  object  alone  pos- 
sessed their  soul,  the  thirst  of  gold,  and  that  by  crooked  ways ; 
ways  that  led  every  finer  feeling  to  destruction.  All  equality 
was  lost,  and  in  its  stead,  sudden  individual  wealth,  an  impo- 

♦  C'.valranti,  ii«  Storia,  cap.  Iviii.  f  Ibid,  Appendice,  No.  40. 


IIIAP.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


299 


verished  nation  ;  suffering,  recklessness,  deterioration  of  female 
modesty,  and  general  licentiousness*. 

This  fraudulent  stiite  bankruptcy  was  not  long  confmed  to 
natives,  for  even  the  king  of  Portugtd's  dividends  were  withheld 
until  he  arrested  all  the  Florentines  in  Lisbon :  nor  was  mis- 
rule confined  to  finance  alone  ;  blood  too  was  shed  by  the  great 
and  powei-ful,  and  shed  unijuestioned  if  the  victim's  family 
was  impotent.  A  biuid  of  young  men  on  their  way  to  a  wedding 
met  a  citizen  of  lunnble  rank  with  whom  it  may  he  supposed, 
though  not  mentioned,  tliey  had  had  some  previous  difference, 
and  unhesitatingly  attacked  and  murdered  him :  then  through 
their  political  inllucncc  before  there  was  time  for  any  public 
charge,  they  procured  a  stal<^  proclamation  which  denomiced 
the  dead  man  as  a  rebel,  and  thus  legalised  his  death  by  retro- 
spective condemnation ;  but  none  inquired  why  the  murdered 
man  was  made  a  rebel  or  in  what  he  had  offended ! 

The  veiigcanco  of  the  great  was  rightly  denominated  cruelty 
l>y  poorer  citizens,  but  by  the  former  any  legal  opposition  to  it 
received  that  name,  because  their  vengeance  as  they  argued, 
only  applied  a  [)unishment  equrd  to  the  hijuiy  received.  Salim- 
liene  Bartolinis  son  nnirdered  the  son  of  an  innkeeper  without 
a  remark  l»eing  made.  Salimbene  d' Antonio  was  stabbed  by 
liamondo  d'  Antonio  Carialla  and  the  murderer  remained  un- 
punished :  the  son  of  Baldassarre  di  Santi  kicked  a  girl  to  death 
not  only  with  impunity  but  unrebuked  and  almost  unnoticed  by 
any  one.  This  open  contempt  of  law  and  justice  emboldened 
others,  and  Zenobi  Capponis  son  thought  that  he  also  might 
assassinate  without  danger;  wherefore  entering  the  residence 
of  Piero  Vermiglio  he  dragged  that  citizen's  son  out  by  force 
and  killed  bim  in  the  Piazza  di  Santa  ]\Iaria  Vecchia.  This 
murder  wjis  probably  accompanied  by  some  unwonted  cmelty 
for  it  created  considerable  agitation,  and  Zanobi  repaired  to 
entreat  his  kinsman  Neri  Capponis  influence  on  behalf  of  the 

*  Cavalcanti,  ii"  Storia,  cap.  Iviii.,  Ix. 


300 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[rook  II. 


homicide  :  •*  A  Capponi"  he  said  "  did  not  deserve  less  favour 
"  than  the  Vespucci,  the  Bartolini  and  otliers   who  held  an 
•'  inferior  rank  in  the  republic."     But  Neri  sternly  answered, 
"  It  is  not  the  misery  that  I  have  caused  or  the  murders  I 
*'  have  committed  which  have  placed  the  greatness  of  our  house 
"  in  my  hands ;  on  the  contraiy  I  acquired  it  by  my  earnest 
"  endeavoui-s  to  act  according  to  law  and  reason  :  wherefore  let 
"justice  take  its  course"*.     This  was  a  stem  sentence  to  a 
father's  ears,  but  a  just  one.   The  conduct  of  Luigi  Guicciardiiii 
vicar  of  Castello  San  Giovanni  and  one  of  Cosinios  staunihc:,t 
partisans  is  a  contrast.     A  quarrel  broke  out  between  two  very 
young  children  in  one  of  the  petty  towns  of  his  district,  whidi 
ended  in  a  pugilistic  encounter  then  as  common  in  Tuscany  as 
now  in  England  ;  the  countiy  rector  or  podesta,  after  a  rebuke, 
reconciled  the  children  and  confinned  the  peace  by  making 
them  drink  togetlier,  but  in  consequence  of  the  ephemeral  and 
puerile  character  of  this  squabble  no  report  was  made  to  Guic- 
ciardini.     Hearing  of  it  by  some  indirect  means  he  sent  for  tlie 
rector  and  \vitliout  any  previous  examination  applied  the  usual 
torture  of  the  "  Colla  "  so  unmercifully  that  tlie  old  man  expired 
under  the  infliction.     This  too  passed  unnoticed  either  by  the 
local   inliabitants,  the  Florentine  government,  or  by  Cosimo, 
The  Father  of  his  Country,  who  is  described  as  the  hinge 
and  pivot  on  which  the  whole  republic  moved.    "  Wberefore," 
exclaims  Cavjdcanti,  "if  you  Florentines  sutler  these  things  to 
"  be,  and  without  remonstrance  :  blame  yourselves  first,  ere  you 
"  reproach  the  government ;  for  he  that  silently  regards  such 
*'  crimes  is  the  cause  of  them  "+. 

While  the  people  reeled  under  their  burdens  they  beheld 
Cosimo  abounding  in  wealth ;  they  saw  a  jjjilace  rise  to  then- 
view  such  as  Florence  had  never  witnessed ;  thev  saw  churclies 
and  convents  built  at  his  command  with  accumuhited  treasures; 
but,  as  the  cry  ran,  with  more  hypocritical  pride  than  true  reli- 


•  Cavalcanti,  ii«  Storia,  cap.  xxx. 


f  Ibid,  cap.  xx.xii. 


CHAl*.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


301 


gion ;  and,  whether  fact  or  falsehood,  their  cost  was  believed  to 
flow  from  the  national  treasury  in  Sforza's  name.  "Who,"  it 
was  eveiywhere  asked,  "  who  would  not  build  in  this  princely 
style  when  it  cost  them  nothing?"  "The  Medician  balls," 
they  ironically  added,  "  were  to  be  seen  everywhere,  even  in 
"  the  privies  of  the  convents,  the  nation  was  oppressed  with  an 
"  unholy  war  to  establish  Cosimo  s  friend  in  the  unjust  pos- 
"  session  of  sacred  property,  and  society  was  fast  falling  back 
"  to  its  pristine  state  when  one  man's  will  was  law."  The 
spectacle  exhibited,  by  the  city  gate-tolls  being  daily  carried 
to  Cosimo's  treasuiy  grated  on  public  suffering,  although  pro- 
bably the  mere  interest  of  money  lent  by  him  to  govern- 
ment; and  so  strong  was  this  feeling  that  one  night  the 
gateway  of  his  new  and  splendid  palace  was  deluged  in  blood. 
This  spiteful  act  might  have  been  easily  traced,  but  Cosimo 
had  the  moderation  not  to  notice  it  although  the  whole  city  was 
scandalised*. 

In  144()  new  burdens  were  imposed  at  the  mere  discretion 
of  a  public  board  ;  the  poor  were  squeezed  still  harder  as  well 
as  aggravated  with  surplus  charges  ;  their  more  powerful  neigh- 
bours remained  miderrated,  and  all  by  favour  of  these  officers 
who  under  the  name  of  "  (Jli  Uomini''  formed  a  Decemvirate 
with  so  vast  a  power  as  was  never  before  seen  in  Florence  f . 
When  Francesco  Sforza  abandoned  the  league  for  Visconte,  he 
audaciously  demanded  another  subsidy ;  this  raised  such  a  storm 
that  Cosimo  was  unable  to  carry  the  question  constitutionally 
through  the  councils  :  he  made  along  speech  from  the  Kinghiera 
which  was  received  in  sullen  silence  and  supported  by  Boccaccino 
Alamanni  alone  ;  wherefore  quitthig  all  rule,  a  bolder  measure 
was  taken.  Cosimo  was  a  member  of  that  board  called  the 
"Officers  of  the  Mount"  which  entirely  controlled  the  public 
revenues ;  availing  himself  of  this  power  he  and  his  colleagues 
passed  a  resolution,  or  rather  a  law,  for  the  decrees  of  each 


*  Cavalcanti,  ii**  Storia,  cap.  xxxiii. 


f  Ibiil,  cap.  xxxvi.,  1. 


302 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fuoOK   II. 


magistracy  were  laws  in  their  own  department,  granting  tliem- 
selves  full  authority  to  enforce  the  instant  liquidation  of  all 
arrears  of  taxes  or  other  moneys  due  to  the  state  iiutwitlistand- 
ing  any  prenous  composition,  security,  or  aci|uittance.  Everv 
deht  was  now  restored  to  vitality  or  overlooked  altogether  at 
the  pleasure  of  these  officers  and  the  dictation  of  Cosimo 
round  whom  all  tunied  as  a  centre ;  and  he  had  less  regard 
for  those  who  could  not,  than  for  those  who  would  not  pay  ;  for 
the  latter  heiug  solvent  and  of  liis  own  party,  were  consequent!  v 
favoured  ^'. 

The  rich  were  in  this  manner  allowed  to  escape  and  greater 
sufferings  heaped  on  the  powerless,  but  Sforza's  uecessiti.  > 
were  supplied,  and  Cosimo  was  satislied ;  fur  his  own  freedom 
of  will  was  enlarged,  says  Cavalcanti,  and  individual  lil)ertv 
restricted :  he  levied  the  money  at  pleasure,  settled  tlie  prin- 
cipal and  interest,  period  of  payment ;  all  power  centered  in 
his  will,  and  most  rigorously  was  it  handled  K  This  infamous 
law  was  passed  on  the  seventeenth  of  June  1  U7. 

At  length  even  Cosimo  s  own  supportei*s  hecain<'  alarmed  if  not 
touched  by  the  i)ublic  calamities,  and  in  the  suunncr  of  1  147,  :i 
little  after  his  cruel  edict,  Giovanni  Bartoli  being  gonfalonier 
and  Alessandro  de'Bardi  one  of  the  in-iors,  thev  be^in  to  cast 
about  for  a  remedy,  for  they  could  no  longer  shut  their  eyes  t  > 
the  disastrous  state  of  the  commonwealth,  to  the  present  danger, 
and  to  the  mass  of  future  evil  that  was  uvershadowiufj  the 
count ly.  These  two  citizens  therefore  proposed  a  law  which 
prohibited  the  arrest  of  any  man  for  a  i»ublic  debt :  they  were 
wont  to  say  that  as  woman's  greatest  ornament  was  rather  her 


•  The  haystacks  in  Tuscany  were  then 
as  now  built  circularly  round  a  long 
pole  or  mast  firmly  fixed  in  the  ground 
running  like  a  spit  throuirh  the  centre 
of  the  stack  and  crowned  with  an 
earthen  vessel  to  keep  the  wet  off. 
AVhen  hay  is  wanted  the  stack  is  cut 
round   from  the  bottom,  so  that   the 


whole  mass  slip?  rcp:ularly  down  tin 
pole  as  fast  as  it  is  iisid,  and  tliou^'h 
always  restinu  on  the  earth,  slides  on 
the  spar  as  a  pivot.  Cosimo  was  com- 
pared to  this  mast,  aiul  the  republic  ti 
the  haystack.  He  was  aUo  tlie  knilc 
that  cut  it. 
t  Cav.ilcanti,  ii'»  SLoria,  cap.  Ixxiii. 


CUAP.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


303 


modesty  than  rich  attire,  so  that  of  a  city  was  the  multitude  of 
its  citizens  rather  than  splendid  mansions  and  public  edifices. 
This  law  was  intended  to  permit  and  even  induce  the  emif»rants 
and  banished  defaulters  to  return  and  pay  what  their  poverty 
allowed,  and  it  was  proved  by  reason  and  experience  that 
Florentine  exiles  were  sufficiently  numerous  to  increase  the 
Gabelle  by  augmented  consimiption  on  their  return  to  an 
amount  nearly  equal  to  all  arrears  due.  Tliis  indeed  appeared 
by  the  registers  which  averaged  four  florins  of  Gabella  fur 
eveiy  mouth  in  Florence,  and  ten  thousand  souls  were  ex- 
pected to  return  under  the  protection  of  this  salutary  decree: 
all  exi)atriated  by  Cosmo  Padue  dklia  Patrta  and  his  myr- 
midons!  This  edict  was  received  by  the  Seignorv  the  col- 
leges and  the  citizens  generally  as  a  great  relief  and  its 
authors  were  justly  and  universally  commended ;  all  parties 
rejoiced,  because  it  relieved  the  unfortunate  without  iniuiin*^ 
the  powerful  *. 

To  this  politic  and  merciful  proposition  then,  it  was  supposed 
that  there  could  be  no  opposition  l)ecause  its  justice  affected  all, 
its  impartiality  was  self-evident,  and  its  humanity  universally 
acknowledged.  ''  Yet  Cosimo,"  says  Cavalcanti,  "  tempted  by 
diabolical  instigation  hastened  instantly  to  the  palace  to  ruin 
this  well-ordered  law  ;  r(^gardless  of  public  wishes,  the  fair  fame 
of  the  commonwealth,  or  the  means  of  impoverished  citizens;" 
and  moreover  by  a  long  oration  succeeded  in  defeating  it !  His 
objections  were  rather  an  exposition  of  points  that  opposed  liis 
own  will  than  argimients  against  the  measure ;  and  he  tinished 
his  tedious  harangue  says  the  same  author,  by  artfully  asserting 
that  this  bill  would  open  the  city  gates  to  his  enemies,  who  were 
also  those  of  the  republic  and  of  each  citizen  in  particular.  That 
as  all  the  vegetal)le  and  animal  creation  required  particular  cli- 
mates and  aspects,  so  did  man ;  and  it  would  l)e  impossible  for 
both  parties  to  exist  at  the  same  time  in  the  same  atmospliere! 

•  Cavalcanti,  ii"'  Storia,  cap.  Ixxxi. 


304 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book    II. 


The  law  in  fact  never  contemplated  or  touched  even  by  impli- 
cation on  the  exiled  faction ;  it  named  state  debtors  alone :  but 
though  Cosimo  had  no  argument  he  had  vast  power,  and  that 
bore  down  all  opposition.  So  the  bill  dropped  and  despotism 
triumphed  ■■•  I 

Cavalcanti  tells  us  that  at  this  period  there  were  three  dis- 
tinct parties  of  different  opinions  contained  within  the  circle  of 
the  government  itself:  these  were;  tirst  tlie  Popohmi  Gnissi 
who,  rough  and  harsh  in  their  administration,  were  mhigled  >nth 
a  great  number  of  ''  Arrahhiati:''   a  name  given  at  various 
times  to  chlTerent  parties,  but  here  apparently  meaning  the 
most  bitter  and  violent  of  the  Cosimesehi.     The  second  was 
made  up  of  decayed  nobility  who  lived  like  desperate  men  and 
were  disgusted  at  having  those  for  their  companions  in  the 
government  whom,  if  all  had  been  justly  dealt  with,  they  would 
have  excluded  as  unworthy  of  the  magistracy.  The  third  class, 
composed  of  artificers  or  mei'e  tradesmen,  was  always  opposed 
to  the  other  two ;    but  the  Popolani  Grassi ;   espcciidly  the 
more  recent  families  ;  were  jealous  of  the  man  to  whose  dwell- 
ing they  saw  the  public  revenues  flow  in  a  constant  stream 
and  therefore  wished  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  it  by  his  ruin. 
The  Arrabbiati  or  other  portion  of  the  first  class  were  violent 
men  whose  zeal  was  as  much  more  fervent  in  wickedness  as 
a  thu'st  of  vengeance  for  past  injuries  overcame  the  feelings  of 
recent  benefits :   the  aristocracy  who  formed  the  second  class 
were  angiy  at  seeing  men  preferred  to  themselves  in  public 
magistracies  who  beuig  enemies  to  Guelpliic  ascendancy  they 
considered  as  enemies  to  the  state,  and  would,   savs   Caval- 
canti,  have  willingly  given  one  eye  provided  that  Cosimo  who 
mixed  up  this  heterogeneous  mass  were   deprived  of  l)oth. 
The  artificers  were  accused  of  being  always  envious  of  their 
superiors  and  glad  of  any  quarrel  or  commotion  amongst  them ; 
but  all  these  discordant   elements   were  held   together  and 


*  Cuvalcanti,  ii'  Storia,  cap.  Ix.wi.  and  Ixxxii. 


CHAP.  JI.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


305 


played  against  each  other  by  the  strong  but  pliant  hand  of 
Cosimo  *. 

At  last  in  the  autumn  of  1447  Puccio  Pucci  became  gonfa- 
lonier of  justice  and  even  he  is  said  to  have  attempted  to  stop 
this  course  of  misrule,  but  unsuccessfully  and  probably  insin- 
cerely although  with  sound  reasoning,  for  his  coffers  were  filled 
with  the  fruits  of  those  evils  which  he  now  appeared  so  anxious 
to  mitigate  ;  he  failed,  and  oppression  continued  :  yet  there  was 
under  all  this  a  marvellous  elasticity  in  the  commercial  spirit  of 
Florence  which  enabled  a  few  years  of  public  peace  to  repair 
most  of  these  and  all  other  ravages  of  war,  except  the  debt  f. 

This  somewhat  prolix   exposition  of  the  state  of  Florence 
from  1434  to  1451  will  probably  be  sufficient  to  modify  that 
delusive  glitter  which  has  usually  and  artfully  ser\Td  to  conceal 
the  trae  character  of  Cosimo  de'  JMedici  as  a'^man  and  a  states- 
man ;  and  for  whom  the  most  that  can  be  said  is  that  he  was 
at  once  the  lord  and  the  slave  of  his  party.     The  foregoing 
account  is  principally  draw  n  from  a  cotemporar}^  writer  whose 
history  after  lying  almost  dormant  in  manuscript  for  about 
four  hundred  years  has  been  recently  published  at  Florence  : 
he  was  a  keen  inquirer  ;  evidently  of  an  open  and  honest  dis- 
position and  one  of  those  ancient  and  noble  ftimilies  which 
benefited  by  the  .^ledici  s  exaltation  :  one  also  who  begins  with 
unmeasured  praise  of  Cosimo ;  a  pnuse  that  as  the  history 
proceeds  and  events  thicken,  he  is  forced  to  qualify,  and  ulti- 
mately change  into  honest  indignation  at  his  conduct.     Caval- 
canti s  account  ni.ay  therefore  be  taken  as  veracious  as  far  as 
veracity  can  be  found   in  history,  but  there   are  few  tilings 
more  adapted  to  petrify  belief  than  a  weaiy  and  disappointing 
search  for  truth  in  the  contradictory  records  of  past  ages. 

Pteasons  fur  war  are  never  wanting  when  inclination  tends  to 
It,  therefore  the  aUiance  with  Venice  and  peace  with  Alphonso 
were  but  slight  obstacles  and  in  ]  451  all  parties  again  prepared 


Cavalcanti,  Scconda  Storia,  cap,  Ixxxii. 
VOL.  III.  X 


.». 


t  Ibid.,  cap.  Ixxxvi. 


306 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  u. 


for  hostilities.  The  Venetians  were  exasperated  at  niissincr 
the  conquest  of  Lombardy  througli  the  means  of  Florence 
whose  powerful  aid  enabled  so  dangerous  a  neighbour  as  Sforza 
to  achieve  it ;  they  had  gained  but  little  yet  had  exposed  their 
ambitious  spirit  and  became  conscious  of  the  waning  of  that 
deference  with  which  Florence  had  treated  them  while  her  fearb 
of  the  Visconti  were  lively.  Early  suspicions  of  a  hostile  imioii 
between  Venice  and  Alphonso  had  arisen  amongst  the  Floren- 
tines and  were  far  from  removed  by  tlie  vague  declaration  uf 
its  being  solely  defensive  and  conservaut  of  Italian  tranquillity 
which  these  powers  intimated  that  the  Florentines  wanted  to 
disturb:  Venice  who  dreaded  Sforza,  especially  conqtlained  of 
their  having  granted  a  free  passage  through  Lunigiaiia  to  the 
bands  of  Alexander  Sforza  for  the  support  of  his  brother  iu 
Lombardv;  of  their  havinf:j  assisted  the  Litter  with  mioikv 
and  reconciled  him  with  the  ^larcpiis  of  ^Mantua  to  her  miniifest 
injury,  and  Florence  was  plainly  told  that  were  this  line  of 
conduct  persevered  in  she  must  not  be  surprised  if  hostilities 
followed. 

The  meaning  of  all  this  was  clear,  and  to  Cosimo  as  acknow- 
ledged chieftain  of  the  republic  the  task  of  replying  was  de- 
puted ;  but  it  was  a  formal  mockeiy ;  for  though  Cosimo,  cool 
and  tirm,  had  justice  on  his  side  and  urged  it  home  ;  Venice 
had  already  resolved  on  hostilities  and  Alijhunso  was  no  less 
determined.  As  a  prelude  they  ordered  all  Florentines,  mer- 
chants and  citizens  to  quit  their  respective  territories  under 
ruinous  penalties,  and  this  caused  a  rapid  f;dl  in  the  public 
funds  from  twenty-nine  and  thirty  to  less  than  twenty  per 
cent*.  The  Venetians  made  an  alliance  with  Siena  and  tried 
hard  to  attach  Boloj^na  to  their  cause  ;  but  tliat  city  under  the 
rule  of  Santi  Bentivoglio  remained  devoted  to  Florence.  This 
young  man,  whose  proper  name  was  Santi  di  Cascese,  the 


•  Pogu'io,  Lib.  viii.,   p.  250.  —  Aniinii-ato,   Lib.    xxii.,  p.  65.  —  Boninseg:iu, 
Lib.  ii.,  p.  93. 


CHAP.  II. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


307 


reputed  son  of  Ercole  Bentivoglio  by  a  lady  of  Poppi  as  was 
said ;  although  her  frailty  seems  very  doubtful ;  had  been 
elected  chief  of  the  Bolognese  commonwealth,  and  his  story  is 
curious. 

While  Ercole  was  serving  in  the  Casentino  he  became  ena- 
moured of  the  wife  of  Agnolo  di  Cascese  of  Poppi  and  always 
boasted  amongst  his  own  friends  that  her  child  was  his  ;  never- 
theless neither  Agnolo  nor  any  of  his  family  had  any  suspicion 
of  the  lady's  infidelity  even  after  her  death ;  and  Santi  was 
brought  up  as  his  own  child  while  he  lived,  and  afterwards  by 
his  paternal  uncle  Antonio,  who  was  in  the  woollen  trade  of 
Florence,  until  eighteen  years  oi'  age.  Anibale  Bentivoglio  left 
only  an  uifant  son,  and  his  pai'ty  felt  the  want  of  some  mature 
head  as  a  guide  and  rallying  point :  wherefore,  hearing  of 
Santis  existence  Agnolo  Acciaiuoli  was  commissioned  to  en- 
gage Neri  Capponi,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Antonio  di 
Cascese,  in  the  negotiation.  It  was  a  delicate  sulyect,  and  the 
fact  of  Santis  being  a  lientivoglio  not  only  new  but  incredible 
to  all ;  nevertheless  with  the  aid  of  Cosimo  de'  IMedici,  the 
proposal  of  Bologna  was  made  known  to  the  young  Santi  him- 
self who  instantly  coloured  up  with  shame  and  anger  at  the 
idea  of  thus  injuring  his  mother's  reputation.  Neri  told 
him  on  such  an  occasion  he  himself  woidd  have  no  scruple  in 
accepting  so  brilliant  an  oiler  as  the  son  of  any  one,  whether  it 
were  Gino  Capponi  or  Hercules  lientivoglio ;  but  both  he  and 
Cosimo  agreed  in  advising  Santi  to  be  guided  by  liis  o\mi  feel- 
ings and  not  act  hastily  ;  Cosimo  in  particular  told  liim  that 
if  he  felt  the  spirit  of  the  Bentivogli  rise  within  him  he  would 
go  where  fortune  called  him  and  pursue  a  brilliant  career :  if 
on  the  contraiy  the  blood  of  the  Cascesi  predominated  he  would 
remain  in  Florence  and  follow  his  calling  in  tranquillity.  Santi 
and  his  relations  after  considerable  hesitation  and  delay  Itft  the 
decision  in  the  hands  of  Neri  who  himself,  as  lie  tells  us,  felt 
the  importance  of  the  trust  and  gave  his  advice  accordingly. 

X  'Z 


308 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


The  result  was  Santi's  acceptance  and  election  by  public  accla- 
mation to  the  chieftainship  of  the  Bentivoglian  faction  and  tbe 
republic  of  l»ulogna  -^. 

The  Venetians  seeing  this  young  Florentine's  fidelity  to  his 
native  land,  conspired  to  unseat  him  by  a  domestic  jdot  coupled 
witli  the  secret  introduction  of  their  troops  and  a  l»and  of  exiles 
by  night  through  some  of  the  public  sewcis.  This  was  at- 
tempted and  the  city  thrown  into  terror  and  confusion  ;  Santi's 
friends  urged  him  to  tly  and  avoid  tlie  late  of  Anibale;  but 
with  the  name  he  had  also  assumed  the  spirit  of  tlie  lientivogli 
and  scorning  such  council  led  on  his  fullowrrs  to  the  charge 
and  beat  the  conspiratoi*s  from  the  cityf.  Tliis  attack  at  once 
decided  Florence  :  hostilities  now  became  certain  ;  and  (osimo. 
Xeri,  Agnolo  Acciaiuoli,  Luca  degli  AUdzzi,  Homenico  Bonin- 
segni  with  live  others  were  nominated  to  the  Balia  of  war: 
Simoneto  di  Cami)o  San  Piero  was  again  made  general  of  the 
forces ;  a  close  alliance  was  concluded  for  ten  years  with  Fran- 
cesco Sforza ;  Siena  was  warned  not  to  assist  the  enemies  of 
Florence,  and  this  warning  was  backed  by  a  special  embassy 
from  ^lilan  ;  Genoa  was  engaged  on  the  same  side  and  a  joint 
embassy  subsequently  despatched  to  Chaides  Vll.  of  France  to 
secure  his  coriperation.  Every  means  were  adii[)ted  by  Venice 
to  annoy  and  weaken  b'lorence  previous  to  the  declaration  of 
hostilities  and  though  Alphonso  was  ecjually  in  earnest  he  acted 
^ith  more  generosity  and  less  vindictiveness  than  that  republic. 
As  both  wished  to  give  some  reason  for  tlie  war  passports 
were  demanded  for  a  conjoint  embassy  to  Florence  and  at  once 
conceded  to  the  royal  ambassadors,  but  refused  to  the  Vene- 
tians  under  pretence  of  not  being  able  to  Uvid  without  the  ac- 
quiescence of  Sforza :  this  was  in  retaliation  for  the  same  sort 
of  treatment  to  their  own  ambassadors  a  short  time  before 
when  sent  to  remonstrate  against  the  expulsion  of  their  citizens 

Ncri  Capponi,  Commen.   Ror.  Ital.     xlviii. — Ammirato,  T.ib.  xxii.,  p.  C7. 
Scrip.,  tomo  xviii.,  from  p.    1207    to     f  Miscclla,   Hist,   dc    Bologiia,    Rcr. 
1211 . — Cavalcauti,  Scconda  Stor.,  cap.      Iliil,  Script.,  p.  tii)7,  tomo  wiii. 


Chap.  li.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


309 


and  was  done  on  pur})ose  to  show  how  little  the  Venetian  re- 
public was  now  regarded  by  Florence  -. 

Hostilities  seemed  now  imminent  but  w^re  a  while  suspended 
by  the  emperor's  arrival  in  Italy  :  Sigismun<l  died  in 
December  1437,  and  was  succeeded  as  King  of  tlie 
Romans  by  his  son-in-law  Albert  Duke  of  Austria,  a  man  of 
excellent  re[>utation  who  after  a  short  reign  of  two  years  ex- 
pired as  was  supposed  l\y  poison.  lie  was  succeeded  in  11  K) 
by  Frederic  III.  King  of  tlie  Uoinans  who  this  year  demanded 
a  passage  for  himself  and  two  thousand  followers  througli  the 
Florentine  territory.  It  was  fively  granted,  for  the  fears  and 
pretensions  of  ( rerinan  emperors  had  now  ecpially  diminished 
and  revolutions  no  longer  followed  their  traces  :  Frederic  was 
therefore  received  with  great  pomp  and  liospitality  by  the  Flo- 
rentines, and  the  whole  of  his  expenses  were  paid  to  the  amount 
of  35.00(1  Uoriiis  while  within  the  republican  territory  f.  He 
was  crowned  with  both  crowns  at  Fiome  in  2Iarch  but  his  de- 
parture seemed  to  be  the  signal  for  war  :  on  the  ninth  of  April 
the  French  monarch  s  adhesion  to  the  Florentine  league  was 
published  ;  on  the  Nixteenth  of  ^lay  Fn  tlerie  (putted  Ferrara 
after  investing  liorso  dEste  with  the  dukedom  of  ]\Iodena  and 
Reggio,  and  county  of  ll<jvigo  and  Comaccio  ;  on  the  same  day 
the  Venetians  attacked  Sforza  with  a  large  army,  and  in  July 
Alphonso's  son  I'erdinand  of  Calabria  with  twelve  thousand 
men  of  all  arms  under  Frederic  Count  of  Frbino  marched 
towards  Tuscany  {. 

While  Venice  began  hostilities  on  the  side  of  Lodi  the  Mar- 
quis of  Monferrato  principally  tlirough  her  inliuence  made  a 
corresponding  movenuMit  (»n  tluit  of  Alexandria  ;  but  Sforza 
met  both  with  vigour  and  having  beaten  the  Marquis  concen- 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  viii.,  pp.  250  and  253.  t    ^-  Boniiisc-ini,   Mem.  di   Fir.,   p. 

— Ammirato,  Stor.,  Lib.  xxii.,  pp.  (]}},  100. — CJio.   Cumbi,  p.   302. — Arnmi- 

69.  nito,  Lib.  xxii.,  pp.  70-72. — Muratori, 

t  Giov.  Cambi,  pp.  28()\  2.00.— D.  Bo-  Annali,  Anno  1452. — Sismondi,  vol. 

ninscgni,  Mem.  di  Fir.,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  i»5,  vii.,  p.  143. 
&c. 


.110 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


trated  his  troops  to  tlie  number  of  eighteen  thousand  horse  and 
tliree  thousand  footmen  on  the  Venetian  frontier  and  assailed 
the  Brescian  territor)-  with  great  success  and  damage  to  his 
enemies.    The  Duke  of  Calabria  advanced  by  Perugia  with  the 
intention  of  takhig  Cortona,  but  deterred  bv  its  strong  position 
sat  down  before  the  small  fortress  of  F(»iano  which  conniiands 
the  road  of  communication  between  the  Seiiese  and  Florentine 
territory  in  the  \'al-di-Chiana.      This  small  place,  weak  in  de- 
fences and  garrisoned  by  only  two  hundred  men  besides  the  inha- 
bitants, under  the  gallant  conduct  of  Piero  di  Somma  balHed  the 
young  prince  and  the  experienced  Count  of  Urbino,  with  all  their 
army  for  forty-six  days,  and  then  made  good  terms  of  surrender. 
The  prolonged  siege  of  Foiano  gave  Florence  time  for  preparation 
which  was  increased  by  the  enemy's  failure  before  Brolio  and 
Cacchiano  two  private  castles  of  the  Ricasoli  familv :  he  then 
besieged  Castellina  only  ten  miles  from  Siena  on  the  Florentine 
road,  a  place  weak  in  its  position  and  defences,  which  however 
stood  out  for  forty-four  days  when  the  siege  was  raised  with  dis- 
honour.   Nevertheless  Florence  during  all  this  time  seems  to 
have  been  veiy  inactive,  and  allowed  her  territory  to  be  ravaged 
without  mercy  even  to  within  six  miles  of  the  capital :  she  had 
only  collected  about  ten  thousand  men  of  all  anns  under  Simo- 
neta,  Astorre  da  Faenza,  and  Gismondo  iMalatesta,  which  were 
stationed  at  Colle  with  orders,  accordhig  to  the  usual  militaiy 
policy  of  Florence  as  recommended  by  ( iino  di  Xeri  Capponi, 
not  to  hazard  a  pitched  battle  but  save  important  posts  without 
attending  to  smaller  places  which  could  always  be  recovered 
by  treaty.      Gino  had  always  advocated  a  prolonged  wai-fare. 
"Let  pitched  battles  ever  be  shunned  by  our  communitv,"said 
he,  "  because  men-at-arms  are  made  like  sheep :  wherefore  it 
is  our  game  to  conquer  by  time  and  not  in  one  moment  by  for- 
tune ;  for  in  the  day  of  battle  no  man  can  tell  ere  it  finish  who 
shall  have  the  victory,  whatever  advantage  he  may  have ;  be- 
cause he  is  subject  to  a  thousand  perils." 


CHAP.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


311 


After  the  fruitless  siege  of  Castellana  which  was  raised  in 
November  Ferdinand  and  the  Count  of  Urbino  withdrew  their 
army,  now  much  diminished,  to  winter  quarters  and  thus  tliis 
formidable  campaign  terminated  in  nothing  but  the  usual 
plunder  of  the  unfortunate  peasantry  -. 

To  avoid  the  inconvenience  of  a  continual  change  of  magis- 
trates and  with  it  their  variable  designs  and  opinions  ;  to  secure 
a  prompt  supply  of  money  for  active  warfare  ;  and  probably  to 
strengthen  the  Medician  authority  ;  a  decree  passed  the  councils 
as  early  as  Alphonso  s  invasion  in  July,  for  the  creation  of  a  new 
Balia  of  three  hundred  citizens  with  full  powers  to  make  fresh 
scrutinies,  impose  taxes,  create  loans,  and  exercise  everj^  other 
act  of  sovereign  authority  that  circumstances  might  render 
expedient.     They  were  moreover  authorised  to  elect  the  gon- 
falonier of  justice  at  their  will  instead  of  by  lot,  during  the 
existence  of  hostilities  and  for  six  months  after ;  or  for  two 
years  certain  under  any  circumstances.     They  were  empowered 
also  to  divide  themselves   into   fractional  parts,  or  otherwise 
appoint  boards  of  citizens  for   specific  purposes  with   great 
powers  in  their  several  departments.  Five  citizens  were  chosen 
to  form  a  committee  of  ways  and  means  which  was  not  long  in 
proposing  that  580,000  florhis  should  be  raised  within  the 
year,  by  a  tax,  apparently  on  the  value  of  property  and  profits 
in  trade  ;  six  rates  were  also  imposed  called  the  "  Becime 
Xaove  "  to  be  collected  monthly ;  but  all  apparently  as  forced 
loans  at  the  enormous  price,  under  certain  conditions  of  imme- 
diate payment,  of  three  florins  stock  for  one  of  value  ;  and  yet, 
after  the  recent  foil,  this  was  about  thirteen  per  cent,  dearer 
than  the  market  price  of  stocks.    Five  additional  officers  of  the 
public  funds  were  also  nominated,  as  well  as  another  board  of 
equal  number  to  levy  a  tax  on  the  clergy  and  other  "  Non 
Sopportanti  "  or  untaxed  citizens  of  the  community. 

*  Poggio,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  253.— Bonin-     tomo    xviii.,    p.    1149.— Boninsegni, 
segni,    Lib.    ii.,  p.    100.— Ricordi    di     Lib.  ii.,  p.  101. 
Clno  di  Neri  Capponi,  Rer.  Ital.  Scrip., 


312 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP,  n.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


313 


The  inhabitants  of  Florence  were  in  fact  divided  into  two 
<,'reat  classes ;  one  registered  on  the  public  books  as  bable  to 
ordinary  taxation  and  called  "  Sopportautr  but  subdivided  into 
two  parts,  one  of  which  was  eligible  to  the  honours  of  office  the 
other  not.    The  second  grand  division  was  into  those  not  lialJe 
to  ordinary  taxation:  these  were  called  '' Xou  Sopportanti;' 
and,  excepting  the  clerg\%  lived  for  tlie  most  part  by  manual 
laboiu-  in  the  exercise  of  mechanic  arts  and  the  lowest  trades 
under  the  general  denomination  of  "  Ph-hv;'  "  Phhn  "  or  ''ple- 
beians "  as  in  ancient  Rome  ^.     All  refugees  for  public  or  pri- 
vate debts  being  inhabitants  of  the  contiidu  or  district  were 
allowed  to  return  to  their  habitations  free  from  any  demand  for 
five  years,  and  the  twenty  "  Accoppintori  "  and  s-.n  taries  who 
were  in  office  from  U44  to  1448  were  reestablished  with  tlie 
full  authority  of  that  important  office  ;  besides  which  the  Balia 
itself  assumed  the  power  of  jmssing  iiicasuiVN  by  a  biire  ma- 
jority of  votes  when  only  two-thirds  of  their  number  were 
assembled,  m  the  same  manner  as  if  two-thirds  of  the  whole 
number  liad  concurred.     This  was  consi.l.-rod  a  violent  and 
shameful  infiingement  of  constitutional  law  and  ancient  cus- 
tom.   "  Wherefore,"  exclaims  Giovanni  Cambi,  "  let  the  people 
beware  how  they  bestow  power  on  any  citizen  if  they  wish  to 
live  free  from  tyranny  in  their  city:  by  arms  or  secret  voting 
the  people  can  never  be  overcome,  but  the  power  of  the  gi-eat 
can  subdue  them."     Another  Board  of  Five  was  appointed  to 
recover  the  arrears  of  taxes  due  to  the  state,  which  was  accom- 
plished with  great  success  and  therefore  probably  witli  great 
severity.     The  Gonfalonier  of  Justice  was  selected  from  three 
citizens  chosen  for  each  quarter  by  the  twenty  Accoppiatori 
without  being  alTected  by  the  Divieto  which  was  shortly  after 
abolished  at  the  instance  of  Neri  Capponi  and  Vettori  for 
every  office  except  those  of  the  Seignory,  Colleges,  and  Decem- 
virate  of  War. 

*  Varolii,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  iii.,  r..  ]G}>. 


In  the  month  of  September  these  three  councils  with  the 
twenty  Accoppiatori  and  the  Great  Balia  of  three  hundred,  all 
assembled  to  elect  eight  citizens  for  six  months,  to  wliuni  there 
seems  to  have  been  delegated  extraordinary  and  sanguinary 
powers  except  in  civil  cases  ■',  and  the  Grand  Balia  assumed 
that  of  choosing  the  prjors  at  will  instead  of  by  lot  during 
the  war  and  for  two  years  after.  This  seems  to  have  been 
an  unusual  if  not  illegal  stretcli  of  authority  eitlior  hy  the  Balia 
or  councils,  not  sanctioned  even  by  the  enjpty  forms  of  a  par- 
liament: it  was  however  repeatedly  renewed  })y  that  assemVdy 
and  never  permanently  relin(juislied  until  the  revolution  of 
1494  f.  Besides  all  these  a  board  of  five  citizens  was  nomi- 
nated for  five  years  to  superintend  the  enlargement  of  the  great 
council-chamber  now  rendered  necessary  by  the  numerous 
influx  of  citizens  from  Venice  and  Naples  in  consequence  of 
the  late  decrees  of  thi»sc  states  :  this  like  all  other  commissions 
had  great  authority  in  its  department ;  it  was  paid  by  one  penny 
in  the  pound  deducted  from  the  soldier's  pay,  Jind  in  this  manner 
by  an  accumulation  of  places  with  salary,  privileges,  and  pa- 
tronage, Cosimo  and  his  new  Ixilia  nmltiplied  their  hold  on 
public  power  and  inilucnccd  every  particle  of  the  connnonwealth. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  return  for  a  moment  to  the  general 
affairs  of  Italy.  Pope  Nicholas  V.  only  mixed  in  Italian  ^^  ^^^^ 
politics  as  a  peace-maker  :  he  was  a  man  of  learning, 
of  literaiy  taste,  of  a  peaceful  and  virtuous  diaracter,  more 
absorbed  in  literature  and  spiritual  government  than  in  worldly 
politics,  and  therefore  impatient  of  the  numerous  interruptions 
to  these  favourite  pursuits  by  the  necessity  of  administering  the 
ci^-il  government.  He  set  no  value  on,  and  probably,  from  his 
education  amongst  the  lower  ranks  of  the  priesthood,  did  not 

*  Those  were  i>rol.al)ly  the  "  Otto  Mia  mcnfarj  lU  Fatti  CiviU  di  Firenze, 

GuariUa''  but  (iiovaani  Canibi's  Ian-  Lib.  iii.,  i>.  45. 

guage  is  very  old, confused,  and  (litlicult  f  (Jiov.  Canibi,  p.  -.00   to  p.   .5U_.-- 

to  disentangle,  Nerli  however  places  it  Aumiirato,  Lib.  xxn.,  p.  i  -. 

nearly  beyond  a  doubt.     (Vide  Com- 


3U 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


even  comprehend  the  practical  value  of  political  rights ;  or  it 
may  be  that  he  beheld  them  so  abused  by  faction  that  they  lost 
all  estimation  in  his  eyes,   and  he  expected  as  implicit'  obe- 
dience to  authority  as  if  they  were  cause  and  effect.  There  were 
however  many  Roman  citizens  of  veiy  different  sentiments  who 
bore  impatiently  the  ride  of  Itali^in  priests  .nul  still  less  so  the 
domhiion  of  foreigners.      Eugeuius  and  others  had  ftlt  this 
spirit,  and  even  after  that  priest's  death  but  before  the  accession 
of  Nicholas,  Stefano  Torcari  a  noble  of  higli  intellectual  ac- 
complishments dazzled  by  ancient  Iloman  fame  and  the  modern 
exploits  of  Rienzi,  thought  to  signalise  himself  by  an  attempt 
to  wrest  his  country  from  the  grasp  of  prelat.s  and  a  restoration 
of  the  democratic  government.     In  1447,  and  in  the  Bishop  of 
Benevento's  presence,  he  openly  addressed  an  assembly  of  his 
fellow-citizens  on  the  right  of  choosing  their  onmi  nders  and 
form  of  government ;  and  though  that  prelate  checked  his  elo- 
cution and  afterwards  denounced  him  as  a  dangerous  subject  he 
nevertheless  did  not  desist,  for  his  hopes  were  based  on  the 
scandalous  manners  of  priests  and  the  discontent  of  every  order 
of  Roman  citizens  :— but,  according  to  Macchiavelli,  he' relied 
above  all  things  on  the  concluding  lines  of  Petrarca's  "  Spirto 
<  rent  lie  "  which  sav, 

"  Siipra  M  Monte  Tarpeo,  Canzon,  vedrai 
Un  cavalier  ch'  Italia  tutta  onora, 
Pensoso  piu  d'  altrui,  chc  di  so  stesso.      Digli  &c."  *. 

For  poets  being  then  superstitiously  regarded  as  the  recep- 
tacles of  a  prophetic  spirit,  he  believed  that  what  Petrarch 
uttered  was  the  voice  of  Heaven  and  that  he  Porcari  was  the 
chosen  instrument. 

Elated  with  this  enthusiasm  he  at  the  public  games  excited 
his  coimtiymen  to  revolt  and  was  banished  for  it  to  Bologna, 
with  the  further  punishment  of  presenting  liimself  daily  before 

wih"seelln?l'r.\^''n'  T'\ 'T^'  '^""  ^'^'^  ''  '''''''  thoughtful  of  others  than 
wilt  see  a  knight  that  all  Italy  honours,     of  himself.     Tell  him  &c. 


CHA? 


.    ...] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


315 


the  cardinal  legate  Besarion.     Rome  for  the  three  last  ponti- 
ficates  had  been  the  scene  of  war   sedition  turbulence  and 
sanguinary  executions,    and   although    more    tranquil   under 
Nicholas  the  puldic  mind  was  still  averse  to  the  rule  of  priests 
and  foreigners  which  brought  with  it  a  strange  mixture  of 
anarcby  and  despotism  and  trampled  on  the  very  name  and 
shadow  of  liberty.     While  in  l^ologna,  Stefano  Porcari  had  full 
leisure  to  revise  and  reorganise  his  plans  and  not  only  managed 
to  continue  his  uitercourse  witli  Rouie  but,  what  is  scarcely  cre- 
dible, to  visit  that  city  several  times  and  return  within  the  period 
of  his  daily  presentation  to  the  legate.     In  14r>:i  his  nephew 
Baptista   Sciarra  was  instructed    to   absemble    his  friends  at 
supper  and  have  four  lunidred  armed  followers  in  readiness, 
promising  to  be  with  tlieni  ere  the  repast  was  finished.     All 
this  was  executed  according  to  liis  desire  and  he  suddenly  ap- 
peared and  harangued  the  assemVdy  dressed  in  rich  attire,  not 
from  vanity  but  to  facilitate  his  entrance  unquestioned  into  the 
scene  of  action.     After  an  eloquent  address  the  mode  of  rising, 
making  the  pope  and  his  gi-eat  officers  prisoners,  and  revolu- 
tionising  tlie  state,  were  all  settled ;  but  Nicholas  had  timely 
information  of  this  plot ;  he  surrounded  the  bouse  imprisoned 
all  the  guests,  and  hung  Stefano  with  nine  more  conspirators 
untried  and  even  without  the  last  comforts  of  religion ;  and 
this  was  the  spirit  even  of  a  mild  nud  gentle  pontiff!- 

Such  entei-prises  although  mostly  generous  and  sometimes 
glorious  are  rarely  fortunate  and,  as  Macchiavelli  remarks, 
ever  attended  in  their  execution  l>y  certain  evil.  They  are 
seldom  successful  because  they  require  a  congenial  spirit  in  the 
community;  they  require  the  same  virtue,  patriotism,  inde- 
pendence of  mind,  honesty  of  heart,  and  even  enthusiasm  in  the 
citizens  as  in  the  authors  ;  and  as  such  things  are  only  attempted 
or  become  necessary  in  times  of  extreme  tyranny  or  general 
corruption,  they  are  commonly  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  age 

•  Gio.  Camhi,  p.  306.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.  vi.— Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,  p.  174. 


I^WI«'*«B8P'  '"'^W9 


316 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


I 


fBf^OK  n. 


and  ultimately  fail  for  want  of  nourisluiicnt  even  tlumgh  at 
first  prosperous ;  but  the  reaction  is  always  sure  and  terrible. 
Nicholas  from  having  been  a  good  man  became  a  cruel  and 
suspicious  tyrant  so  that  the  vengeance  and  (wecutions  for  this 
conspiracy  were  bitter,  numerous,  and  long  continued. 

Although  the  French  monarch  Charles  MI.,  f(dt  well  dis- 
posed to  mingle  in  Italian  politics  and  bad  warmly  tmbraced 
the  Florentine  league,  he  was  prevented  by  a  war  with  England 
and  particularly  by  his  exertions  to   recover  Bordeaux,  from 
sending  immediate  succours  :  whereupon  Agiiulo  Acciaiuoli  and 
a  Milanese  ambassador  were  in  the  begimiing  of   [[:>:'}  des- 
patched to  France  to  secure   the  C()oi)eration  of  Kegnier  of 
Anjou,  with  the  further  assurance   of  subsequent  aid  in  the 
conquest  of  Naples.    Preparations  for  war  rpconnnenced  in  tlie 
spring  and  Sforza  exchanged  his  suprral»undiuu'(^  of  men  fur 
Florentine  gold;  two  thousand  soldiers  wrre  despatched  into 
Tuscany  under  his  brother  Alexander,  s(»,00()  Horins    hchvy 
received  in  retuni,  and  Agnolo  Acciaiuoli  succeeded  in  engag- 
ing Regnier  with  two  thousand  four  bundled  men-at-arnis  to 
be  in  Lombardy  by  the  middle  of  June. 

But  while  these  wars  and  seditions  were  coiiA-ulsing  Italy  all 
Christendom  was  astounded  by  the  intelligence  that  Constan- 
tniople  had  fallen  under  the  Turkish  scimitar  on  the  eighteenth 
of  June  1458,  that  the  Emj^eror  C(.nstantine  and  all  the 
Grecian  forces  besides  many  other  Christians  were  cut  to 
pieces,  and  tliat  Sultan  Mahomed  II.  was  lord  and  master  of 
the  Grecian  empire,  which  ended  as  it  began,  in  a  Constantine 
the  son  of  Helena.  This  did  not  relax  tlie  sternness  ,»f  Italian 
warftire ;  on  the  contrary  lie.gnier  s  advent  in  L(»ndjardy  with 
his  Frenchmen  gave  a  more  savage  and  crucd  aspect  to  hos- 
tilities and  exasperated  eveiy  Italian  both  friend  and  foe: 
for  bad  as  they  were,  the  Italian  soldiery  of  this  period  seem 
to  have  been  far  inferior  to  both  French  and  bjiglish  in  the 
ferocity  of  their  military  character.     One  of  the  immediate 


CHAP.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


317 


consequences  of  this  disgust  seems  to  have  been  Tiegnier  s 
withdrawal  to  France  against  all  Sforza  s  entreaties,  but  with 
the  promise  of  sending  his  son  as  a  substitute,  wlio  however  con- 
fined his  operations  to  Tuscany  and  the  military  command  of  the 
Florentines  amongst  whom  he  became  extremely  popular.  In 
that  country  the  sickness  which  thinned  Ferdinand  s  army  quar- 
tered in  the  2^Iarennna  allowed  Florence  to  make  an  easy  re- 
conquest  of  all  she  had  lost  during  the  preceding  year,  and 
even  to  think  of  chastishig  Siena  for  her  hostile  conduct  in  the 
war.  This  was  strongly  opposed  by  Cosimo,  and  still  more 
energetically  and  effectually  by  Neri  Capponi  who  insisted  that 
such'^a  proceeding  would  at  once  force  Siena  into  the  arms  of 
Alphonso  for  protection  and  thence  would  assuredly  follow  her 
subjugation  :  the  truth  of  this  was  afterwards  admitted  by 
Ferdinand,  who  praised  it  as  one  of  the  wisest  acts  of  Floren- 
tine policy ;  for  the  first  arrow-flight  against  Siena  would  have 
made  him  lord  of  that  republic -■-. 

Unhappy  at  the  perils  of  Christendom  Pope  Nicholas  vainly 
tried  to  restore  trmKiuillity  and  turn  the  tide  of  war  on  theTurks; 
but  no  efforts  of  his  availed  against  the  ambition  and  passions 
of  exasperated  or  self-interested  rulers,  until  necessity  led  them 
to  grant  what  religion  and  lunnanity  entreated  for  in  vain.  It 
was  this  necessity  wliich  iinally  led  Francesco  Sforza  and  the 
Venetians  to  conclude  the  [)e:icc  of  Fodi  in  Aprd  ^^  ^^^^ 
1454  without  consulthig,  and  therefore  atlVonting 
Alphonso.  The  Venetians,  whose  richest  possessions  lay  prin- 
cipally in  the  east,  were  terror-stricken  at  the  Turkish  conquests 
and  wished  for  peace  while  the  Duke  of  Milan  anxious  to 
consolidate  his  power  and  secure  a  tranquil  succession  was 
equally  desirous  of  it  so  that  they  soon  came  to  terms  and 
Cosimo "s  ambassadors  assisted  in  concluding  the  treaty.  Al- 
phonso angry  with  the  Venetians  for  treating  him  as  a  mere 

*  Neri  Capponi,  Com.  Rw.  hal.  Scrip.,  tomo  xviii.-Coiio,  Ilistor.,  folio  404-5. 
— Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,  p.  153. 


31S 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


I- 


[book  It. 


adherent  refused  to  become  a  party  and  continued  at  least  the 
appearance  of  hostilities  until  the  following  year  ^'. 

The  peace  of  Lodi  was  followed  by  a  defensive  league  for 
twenty-five  years  between  the  two  republics  and  Milan,  to 
which  Alphonso,  appeased   by  the  subsequent  behaviour  of 
Venice,  acceded  in  1455,  but  only  on  condition  that  Ghis- 
mondo  Malatesta,  Astorre  Manfredi  of  Faenza,  and  the  Geno- 
ese repubhc  should  not  be  included  ;  the  two  former  for  haviurr 
first  engaged  themselves  in  his  service,  received  their  pay,  and 
then  deserted  him  for  Florence  ;  the  last  because  he  had'  never 
forgiven  his  own  defeat  and  capture  and  the  devotion  of  Genoa 
to  the  house  of  Anjou,  besides  a  long-standing  national  hatred 
between  the  Genoese  and  the  Catalans.    While  the  Adonii  were 
in  power  he  was  appeased  by  a  nominal  tribute,  for  he  had  assisted 
them  when  they  were  in  exile  and  exasperated  at  their  in- 
juries ;  but  amidst  the  numerous  rapid  and  bloody  revolutions 
of  that  stormy  republic,  wlien  the  rival  house  of  Fregi)si  rose  to 
power,  the  Adorni  again  shared  Alphonso  s  enmity  and  led  his 
hostile  legions  against  their  country.    The  i\ill  of  Constantinople 
had  ruined  Pera  one  of  the  most  valuable  colonies  and  establish- 
ments of  Genoese  commerce  and  all  her  other  Levantine  pos- 
sessions were  in  jeopardy,   therefore  Alphonso  attacked  that 
convulsed  and  exhausted  state  at  great  advantage!  and  the 
government  in  this  emergency  probably  foreseeing  a  iailure  of 
means  to  maintain  these  colonies  made  over  their  sovereignty 
with  all  its  cares  to  the  rich  and  wisely-ordered  Bank  of  Saint 
George  which  from  its  estiiblishment"^  in  1407,  had  sailed  on 
quietly  and  steadily,  unruftled  by  the  violence  of  political  tem- 
pests.   Alphonso  made  a  desultory  and  galling  war  on  them  ly 
land  and  sea ;  their  allies  were  bound  by  treaty  not  to  assist 
them  :  aid  was  vainly  sought  for  in  Italy,  and  all  seemed  hope- 

♦  Po?gio,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  2.57.— Ammi-  his  rommc-ntaric-s  xvith   this  peace  of 

nito,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  7}{._Neri  Capponi,  Lodi. 

p.     1215,    &c.  —  Po-Tio    Bracciolini  f  Justiniano,  Ann.ili  dj  (ivwr,.  Lib   v,. 

finishes  his  history  and   Neri  Capponi  Carta  ccv. 


CHAP.   II.  J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


319 


less  when  the  Doge  Piero  Fregoso  in  a  fit  of  despair  conferred 
the  Seignory  of  Genoa  on  Charles  VII.  of  France.  John  son 
of  Regnier  d'Anjou  the  titular  Duke  of  Calabria  and  Alplionso's 
most  dreaded  rival  was  appohited  viceroy,  wherefore  the  war  was 
continued  with  increased  vigour  until  the  death  of  Alphonso  in 

June  1458  •!'. 

After  this  monarch  had  ratified  the  peace  of  Lodi  he  made 
a  double  marriage  with  the  house  of  Milan ;  first  between 
his  grandson  and  namesake,  and  a  daughter  of  Francesco 
Sforza ;  secondly  between  the  prince's  sister  and  that  duke's 
son  Giovan-Galeazzo,  both  of  whicli  were  publicly  announced 
by  a  herald  with  great  ceremony  to  the  Florentine  people  and 
afterwards  produced  important  consequences  f. 

Pope  Nicholas  also  l)ecame  a  willing  member  of  the  league 
by  binding  himself  and  his  successors  to  maintain  it   ^  j,  ^^^^ 
for  five-and-twenty  years  and  with  such  eagerness, 
that  a  decree  was  issued  from  tli<^  papal  court  for  its  publica- 
tion on  the  twenty-fifth  of  ^^larcli  in  every  city  belonging  to 
the  confederacy,  but  Nicholas  died  on  the  night  of  the  twenty- 
fourth  only  a  few  hours  before  its  accomplislnnent.     He  was 
succeeded  early  in  April  1155  by  Alphonso  Borgia  of  Valentia 
under  the  name  of  Calixtus  HI.  who  began  the  fortunes  and 
iiotorietv  of  a  family  infamous  throughout  the  world.     But 
though  peace  was  made,  war  did  not  cease  :  for  the  condottiere 
Jacomo  Piccinino,   dismissed    according  to  custom   from  the 
Venetian  service,  still  held  his  followers  together  and  being 
joined  by  other  chiefs  determined  to  maintain  hhnself  after  the 
maimer  of  the  ancient  companies;  wherefore  passing  into  Ko- 
magna  and  thence  into  the  Senese  territory  he  made  war  on 
that  republic  until  his  army  was  repulsed  at  a  place  called 
-  Valle  dell"  Inferno  "  near  the  river  Fiore  by  the  united  forces 

*  Paulo  Interiano,  Ristrctto  dollo   Is-     noa.  Lib.  v.,  c:^y  ccxi..  and  Carta  ccv. 
tor.  Genovesi,   Lib.   vii.,  M.   203.—     f  Aninmatu.  Lib    xxui.,  p.  H2. 
A''ostiuo  Justiniano,   Aunali    di    Ge- 


320 


FLORENTiNE   HISTORY. 


[book 


S  II 


of  Florence,  Sforza,  and  the  Venetians.  Success  or  extraneous 
aid  could  alone  keep  an  ai-my  together  whose  general  liad  no 
funds;  wherefore  Piccmino  reUred  with  diminished  forces  to 
Castiglione  della  Pescaia  then  in  the  possession  of  Naples : 
there  he  was  succoured  by  Alphonso  and  even  engaged  in  his 
service  in  1450,  when  he  was  compelled  to  restore  all  his  recent 
captures  from  Siena  for  20,000  florins  :=. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  domestic  affaii^  of  Florence 
which  in  the  quiet  of  peace  and  the  absence  of  political  anta- 
gonists began  to  assume  a  different  aspect.    In  December  1453 
the  all-powerful  Balia  was  renewed  for  h\e  years  accompanied 
by  a  fresh  scrutiny,  and  the  election  piu'se>  w.re  still  continued 
in  the  hands  of  the  Accoppiatori  of  1444  and  1 4  1«  to  draw 
whom  they  pleased  for  the  Seignoiyf.     In  the  following  year 
it  was  annulled  and  the  city  restored  to  the  h^gitimati^  drawing 
of  all  magistracies  and  the  ordinary  rule  of  the  councils;  but 
about  this  change  a  few  more  words  will  be  necessary ;.     The 
divisions  and  enmities  of  Florence  were  always  those'  of  fac- 
tion  ;  not  on  the  broad  principles  of  a  national  juirty,  but  faction 
in  its  narrowest  and  vilest  sense  as  connccti^d  with  the  govern- 
ment of  a  civilised  community,  and  were  therefore  always  mis- 
chievous.    Wiile  influenced  by  fear  of  their  rivals  each  })arty 
held  together  but  when  that  band  was  broken  they  si)lit  into 
pieces  and  quaiTclled  with  each  otlier.     Tliese  factions  were 
almost  a  necessary  consequence  of  the  system  of  govoniment : 
that  extreme  jealousy  of  pennanent  power  whiih  never  allowed 
any  magistracy  to  last  more  than  a  few  months,  except  when 
some  universal  danger  or  strong  sentiment  absorbed  tbe  public 
mind,  was  an  inconvenient  obstacle  to  consecutive  acts  and 
steady  councils:  hence  resulted  the  permanent  existence  of 
some  one  party  in  the  state,  the  depository  of  a  jiarticular 
system  of  political  action   and   the  nucleus  for  all  those  of 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,  p.  ISl.—Ammi-     f  Boniiisogni,  Mem.  di  Firenzc,  Lib. 
rate,  Lib.  xx.ii.,  p.  81.  ii., ,,.  107.  -  Ibid.,  p.  lOl). 


CHAP.   11.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


321 


similar  opinions  to  settle  upon.     If  this  party  were  in  power, 
its  leaders  though  aloof  from  office  ruled  the  state,  and  its 
politics  were  steadily  supported,   as   mider  the  Albizzi  and 
Medici;    but   such  authority  could   only  be   gained   by  the 
total  abasement  of  every  rival,  a  course  always  pursued  without 
mercy  by  the  winners.     The  losers  could  only  acquire  power  by 
a  fresh  revolution,  generally  bloody,  but  always  vindictive  and 
michievous;  and  thus  every  -  Xocitar'  or  change  of  adminis- 
tration became  a  serious  business  within,  though  it  seldom 
altered  the  external  policy  of  the  comitry.     National  prosperity 
was  of  course  much  inq)aired  and  impeded  by  these  struggles ; 
yet  whenever  tranquillity  returned  and  taxation  lessened  and 
commercial  energy  became  free,   the  great  masses  recovered 
with  wonderful  elasticity  and  the  state  advanced  in  power  and 
opulence  until  war  and  revolution  again  reduced  it.     The  in- 
sufficiency of  ordinary  government  in  difficult  times  occasioned 
repeated  creations  of  a  Balia  whenever  anything  extraordinaiy 
occurred,  and  the   ascendant   party  always  resorted   to  this 
dictatorship  to  trample  on  their  opponents.     As  the  Balui  was 
above  all  law,  the  faction  by  whom  it  existed,  and  of  whose 
creatures  and  partisans  it  was  composed,  was  also  above  the  laws 
although  acting  in  ai)p:irent  accordance  with  them  ;  and  in  the 
first  twenty  years  of  Cosimo's  reign  this  office  was  renewed  re- 
peatedly without  any  cessation  of  its  functions,  nominally  by  the 
free  voice  of  the  Florentine  people  in  full  assembly,  but  really 
under  the  glitter  of  a  thousand  mercenary  lances.     It  has  been 
already  said  that  for  the  greater  security  of  Cosimo  and  his 
faction  new  scrutinies  were  ordered  by  the  Balia  of  14o4.    That 
the  purses  were  accordingly  filled  with  Ids  partisans  ;  that  the 
ancient  mode  of  drawing  the  Seignory  by  lot  was  suspended, 
and  bv  means  of  a  set  of  officers  called  "  Accopiatori "  and 
"  Secretaries  of  the  Scrutiny "  combined  with   the   expiring 
Seignory,  their  successors  were  elected,  so  that  the  same  party 
consmntly  retained  the  government,  the  Divieto  itself  being 

VOL.    III.  ^ 


322 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[EOI'K 


11. 


sometimes  disregarded,  and  Florence  became  a  close  coi-poratiou. 
We  have  shown  that  even  this  was  insufficient  for  Cosimo's 
jealousy  of  the  as  yet  unhanished  but  suspected  citizens,  where- 
fore to  the  "  Otto  di  Guardia  "  was  given  full  power  over  the  life 
and  property  of  any  citizen  that  attempted  to  "  Far  novita  "  or 
make  a  change  in  the  existing  govenmient ;  or  who  acted  in 
any  way  against  the  state  ;  or  who  even  presumed  to  find  such 
fault  with  the  ascendant  faction  as  to  excite  their  suspicion  or 
displeasure.  We  have  seen  also  that  their  non-adherents  were 
studiously  oppressed  \\ith  a  taxation  heavier  than  they  could 
l)ear,  and  that  by  this  jealous  and  rigorously  executed  policy  at 
home,  combined  with  foreign  alliances  wliich  were  more  per- 
sonal than  national,  C'osimo  was  enabled  for  twenty  years  to 
maintain  a  stern  and  steady  coui-se  of  domestic  goveniment, 
modified  nevertheless  by  the  utmost  personal  urbanity  and  ap- 
parent equality  and  without  any  violence  ;  for  his  most  despotic 
and  oppressive  acts  were  sanctified  by  legal  and  constitutional 
forms  liowever  unjustly  made  use  of. 

^lucli  of  this  success  no  doubt  arose  from  the  foi'bearance  and 
even  cooperation  of  Neri  Capponi,  and  it  is  not  a  little  in 
Cosimo's  favour  that  such  a  citizen  should  ever  have  supported 
him  :  the  former  had  acquired  his  renown  by  public  services  in 
the  field  and  cabinet  and  therefore  had  gained  many  friends 
and  admirers,  but  few  partisans;  the  latter  both  by  public 
acts  and  private  beneficence  had  won  reputation  friends  and 
adherents  in  abundance.  Xeri  had  reputation  alone :  Cosimo 
added  wealth  and  authority:  Xeri  attracted  and  influenced; 
Cosimo,  in  addition,  commanded ;  either  directly  by  his  own 
power,  or  indirectly  by  the  innumeralde  liens  he  had  on  Flo- 
rentine society.  Xevertheless  Capponi  had  a  party  with  suf- 
ficient honesty  to  admire  his  character,  or  suflicient  emuity 
against  the  Medici  to  cling  to  the  skirts  of  their  riviil ;  but 
he  was  too  weak  to  overcome  Cosimo  though  too  powerful  to 
be  vanquished.     He  therefore  was  perhaps  more  really  useful 


CHAP.  H.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


323 


in  checking  unlawful  power  and  mitigating  domestic  oppression, 
as  well  as  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  and  external  war, 
than  he  would  have  been  in  attempting,  perhaps  vainly  attempt- 
in<T,  to  crush  liis  adversary  and  restore  Florence  to  that  liberty 
which  he  must  have  seen  had  been  willingly  bartered  for  the 
wealth  and  protection  of  Cosimo.  His  example  probably  re- 
pressed his  party  while  he  lived  ;  yet  two  years  before  his  death* 
a  change  came  over  the  spirit  of  the  people  and  disposed 
many  to  shake  off  the  unbounded  authority  of  Cosimo  nay 
some  of  his  followers  forgetting  tliat  even  their  very  existence 
depended  on  him,  began  to  look  still  further  and  contemplate 
their  own  complete  emancipation.  They  therefore  expressed 
their  wishes  more  frankly  than  was  either  expected  or  palatable 
and  obhged  him  to  discuss  the  remedy  with  his  most  confiden- 
tial advisers. 

Two  ways  immediately  presented  themselves  :  open  force  or 
an  apparent  yielding  :  either  to  grapjile  at  once  \rith  the  dan- 
ger and  trusting  to  friends  and  self-sufficient  power,  to  new 
partisans  and  even  the  restoration  if  need  were  of  some  exiled 
citizens,  to  maintahi  himself  against  aggressors  :  or  else  to  let 
the  new  spirit  have  its  way  and  work  itself  into  a  labyrinth 
of  difficulties  until  compelled  to  supplicate  his  assistance,  when 
he  would  return  more  despotic  and  unshackled  than  before. 
He  chose  the  latter ;  consented  that  the  Balia  should  expire, 
the  magistracies  be  drawn  bv  lot,  and  the  whole  constitution 
return  to  its  legitimate  and  original  movement.  He  was  well 
aware  that  the  election  purses  were  full  of  his  partisans,  that 
his  power  was  safe,  his  influence  undiminished  and  certain  to 
remain  so,  because  it  depended  on  his  riches,  his  personal  cha- 
racter and  his  exalted   sUition,   not  alone   in  Florence   but 

*  Both  Xerliand  March iavclli  erronc-  145.%  as  the  above  authors  attribute 
ously  phicc  Neri  Capjioni's  death  in  the  political  changes  of  that  year  to  his 
1455,  hut  the  codicil  to  his  vill  is  death  which  was  supposed  to  have  re- 
dated  in  1456,  and  he  probably  died  moved  the  lust  and  most  formidable 
in  1457. — It  seems  probable  tliat  he  impediment  to  Cosimo's  supremacy, 
may  have  retired  from  public  life  in 


/ 


Y  ^ 


324 


FLORENTINE    HISTOIIT. 


[i;ooK  II. 


throughout  Christendom  and  even  beyond  it.  Pie  also  foresaw 
that  those  who  imagined  him  unnecessary  to  their  gi'eatuess 
instead  of  the  trains  of  obsequious  chents  that  altcutled 
them  while  power  was  sure  and  permanent,  would  when 
the  magistracies  were  thrown  open  to  the  crowd  l)e  utterly  de- 
serted and  smk  into  the  neglected  obscurity  of  private  men. 
He  knew  that  they  could  never  bear  this,  nor  the  equality  they 
would  be  compelled  to  suffer,  nor  the  sight  of  inferiors  sur- 
passing them  in  the  acquirement  of  those  honours  that  tliev 
had  hitlierto  exclusively  enjoyed,  nor  the  neglect,  nor  derision, 
nor  insolence,  nor  humihation  to  which  they  would  be  exposed 
when  they  had  only  their  own  reputation  to  support  them:  and 
all  this  he  expected  would  soon  convince  them  that  not  he  but 
thev  had  fallen. 

All  happened  exactly  as  he  had  fores*  vn  ;  but  he  pretended 
not  to  notice  it,  and  supported  every  popular  measure  in  the 
councils  :  the  citizens  rejoiced  in  their  recovered  hberty;  liberal 
and  populai'  acts  became  frequent  ;  tongues  were  loosened ; 
opinions  openly  declai'ed ;  and  the  lately  enthraUed  Florence 
bounded  ^^^th  all  the  elasticity  of  recovered  freedom.  Cosimo 
looked  on  and  smiled  :  ])eing  resolved  to  let  things  run  to  extre- 
mity ere  he  interfered  to  stop  them  :  Eucellai  was  ihr  first  freely 
chosen  gonfalonier  for  July  and  August  1455.  Under  him  the 
artisans  and  less  powerful  citizens  assumed  unwonted  power 
and  triumphed  over  their  late  oppressors ;  democracy  raised  its 
many-headed  form  and  with  all  the  wantonness  of  newgotten 
power  scorned  and  insulted  the  very  men  who  had  procured  it, 
as  the  dogs  of  Scylla  barked  at  their  enchanted  mother. 

Sensible  of  their  mistake  the  new  seceders  most  Immbh 
entreated  Cosimo  to  reestabhsh  liis  authority  by  a  lialia  but  he 
refused;  their  supplications  were  frequent  but  he  was  inexorable 
A.D.  1456-7.  ^"^  resolved  to  humble  them.  This  state  of  things 
contmued  through  the  two  following  years;  in  the 
latter  of  which  the  plague  and  a  conspiracy  by  one  of  the  Eicci  for 


CHAP.   II. ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


325 


A.D.  1458. 


a  while  perplexed  the  community  :  but  in  January  1458,  public 
boldness  had  so  much  increased  with  this  brief  period  of  liberty 
that  a  decree  to  reestablish  the  Catasto  of  1427  was  proposed 
and  carried  in  the  councils  !     This  struck  terror  hito 
the  great,  and  coupled  with  an  increasing  audacity  of 
the  citizens  startled  even  Cosimo,  for  it  imposed  taxes  impar- 
tially and  legally,  and  not  by  the  mere  will  of  one  or  several 
powerful  citizens.     The  seceders  now  became  still  more  hum- 
ble and  importunate  ;  they  asked  for  a  parliament  and  Balia  ; 
he  was  still  implacable  imd  would  only  consent  on  condition 
that  the  proposal  was  carried  in  a  regular  manner  through  all 
the  councils  without  coercion.    This  motion  was  made  and  lost 
as  Cosimo  expected  ;  another  and  still  more  abject  deputation 
followed,  but  he  was   still  inexorable  and  resolved  to  bring 
(lo^vn  their  pride  to  the  lowest :   the  gonfalonier  Matteo  Bartoli 
tried  in  spite  of  him  to  carry  it  in  the  Seignory,  but  was  soon 
made  sensible  of  Cosinio's  imposhig  intluence  there  :   he  was 
laughed  to  scorn  and  retired  in  anger,  and  a  law  passed  making 
it  penal  for  any  Balia  to   l)e  created,  except  by  acclamation 
in  all  the  councils.     The  IMedici  however,  after  these  proofs 
of  supremacy,  not  choosing  that  things  should  get  quite  beyond 
his  reach,  deemed  it  high  time  to  curb  the  rising  spirit  of 

the  people. 

Luca  Pitti,  a  man  of  more  audacity  than  honesty  or  wisdom 
became  gonfalonier  in  July  and  Cosimo  resolved  to  make  him 
the  instrument  of  his  will  and  the  scape-goat  for  any  odium  that 
might  be  attaclied  to  the  resumption  of  his  former  authority. 
Pitti  accordhigly  proposed  in   the  councils  the  formation  of 
a  new  Balia,   but  in  vain :    he  then  plainly  threatened  that 
what  they  refuse.l  in  the  palace  they  should  be  compelled  to 
do  on  the  Ringhiera  by  force  of  arms,  and  after  a  month  spent 
in  unsuccessful  attempts  he  prep^ired  the  Seignory,  assembled 
a  strong  body  of  troops,  garrisoned  the  palace,  occupied  all 
the  leading  streets,  and  certain  of  the  armed  assistance   of 


326 


FLORENTINfc:    HISTORY. 


[mOOK   II. 


Cosimo  and  his  numerous  followers,  summoned  a  parliament  on 
the  eleventh  of  August  and  forcibly  cai-ried  his  decree.  Thus 
was  Cosimo's  game  well  played  for  liim ;  a  Balia  was  appointed, 
absolute  dominion  reestablished,  the  citizens  again  reduced  to 
servitude,  and  the  car  of  the  Medici  once  more  rolled  onward 
with  increasing  majesty-^' ! 

To  mark  this  epocli  more  distinctly  Luca  Pitti  was  subse- 
quently made  a  knight,  and  as  if  in  mockery,  the  priors  of  the 
Arts  assumed  in  1450  the  title  of  ^'Priors  of  Lilnrhj  /"  The 
name  for  the  substance  !  This  was  intended  to  exalt  the  Seig- 
nor>^  above  all  civic  equality  and  in  a  manner  separate  them 
from  those  citizens  by  whom  they  were  to  be  no  longer  elected. 
The  gonfalonier  was  ordered  amongst  other  forms  to  take  pre- 
.^edence  of  both  foreign  rectoi-s,  which  was  never  before  at- 
tempted ;  and  the  bold  successful  Pitti  became  after  Cusimo, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  leaders  of  the  republic  f. 

This  resolution  was  not  unattended  by  seveiity :  more  than 
two  yeai-s  of  emancipation  had  opened  many  a  bold  and  imprudent 
mouth  and  hlled  many  a  heart  with  the  fallacious  hopes  of 
permanent  liberty,  so  that  when  Luca  Pitti  fii-st  proposed  tiie 
re-api^ointment  of  a  Balia  he  was  resolutely  withstood  by  Giro- 
lamo  Macchiavelli  a  doctor  of  laws  who  naturallv  demanded  I'ea- 
son  for  tliis  change  at  a  time  when  profound  peace  existed  and 
nothmg  extraordinary  had  occurred.     If  money  were  rofpiircd 
there  was  the  Catasto  ready  to  supply  it  without  favour  or  op- 
pression, wherefore  he  asserted  that  some  deception  lay  concealed 
mider  this  veil,  a  deception  which  rerpiired  exposure  and  tliat 
the  people  should  be  no  longer  kept  in  ignorance  of  their  own 
affairs.    "He  saw  no  such  merits  in  the  more  powerful  citizens 
that  they  should,  by  excluding  the  rest  as  bondsmen  from  the 
government,  rule  alone  as  tyrants,"  wherefore  he  boldly  opposed 

•  Jacopo  Pitti,  Storia  Fiorcnt.,  LiTu^     Mnrrlriavclli,  r.il,.  vii.-MorcIli,  Co.. 
£    vl-i;     n  1  M^      ...  ^'   J'"-— lioninsepii,    Lib.    ii.,   from 

Lii    ;      Tr  '^'^••-  '"•'  P-    •*-5—     ^^^'^  12.1-Giov.  Cambi,  p.  358  to 
Aramirato,    Lab.    xww.^    p.    82-5.—     367. 


CHAP.   II. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


327 


the  bill.  This  opposition  defeated  the  project  for  the  time  but 
broucrht  down  vengeance  from  the  Seignory  and  potent  citizens 
on  his  audacious  head  ;  and,  as  it  were  to  exhibit  an  example  of 
Florentine  liberty,  he  and  his  brother  were  arrested  and  put  to 
the  torture  hi  order  to  have  this  question  answered,  "  P>y  whom 
»  he  was  instigated  to  speak  so  disrespe.-tfully  of  the  government 

-  and  propagate  words  so  offensive  as  's/^/^v.s  and  tumnis;  in  a 

-  free  city ;  and  what  open  or  secret  practices  he  held  against 
"  the  tranquillity  of  the  commonwealth?"  Macchiavelli  over- 
come by  the  extremity  of  torment  confessed  to  having  intelli- 
gence with  many  citiiens  wliose  opinions  were  similar  to  his 
own,  and  amongst  them  named  Antonio  P.arbadori  and  Carlo 
Benizi  as  the  principal.  These  two  were  also  tormented:  they 
confirmed  Macchiavellis  confession  and  miveiled  so  widespread 
a  spirit  of  political  liberty  as  to  determine  Luca  with  Cosimo  s 
covert  acquiescence  to  suiiiuKui  a  parliament  and  establish  a 
Daliii  by  force  of  arms,  as  aln  ady  related  -. 

Ten  new  accopiatori  and  ten  secivtaries  were  added  to  those 
of  14:U,  and  three  hundred  and  iifty-two  citizens  were  chosen 
to  conduct  the  fortliconung  scrutiny  ;   tliesc  widely  extended 
selections  while  they  enlisted  a  liost  of  rich  and  powerful  families 
in  his  favour  by  the  participition  of  public  honours  and  autho- 
rity, showed  also  the  vast  political  iiiiUience  of  Cosimo,  who  could 
thus  implicitly  trust  to  the  assured  support  of  so  many  citizens. 
After  this  came  persecution,  and  eighteen  distinguished  citizens 
including  the  above  prisoners  were  banished,  the  Llacchiavelli 
and  Benizi   for  five-and-twenty  years,  with  a  deprivation  of 
civic  rights  for  all  their  descendants  besides  a  large  fine  on 
the  first  named  f^miily.     The  rest  were  punished  by  mulcts, 
exile,  and  admonition  for  themselves  and  descendants  ;  and  all 
this  as  Cambi  quaintly  observes  -For  placuuf  the  eggs  in  the 
basket  after  their  own  fashion  "f.    This  was  followed  in  Novem- 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  87  —Gio.  t  Per  asscttare  F  uovanel  paneruzolo 
Cambi,  p.  358.-Lionardo  Morclli,  p.  a  lor  modo ;  (Gio.  Cambi,  Istoiie,  p. 
177.  362.) 


328 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  rr. 


CHAP,  n.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


329 


ber  and  December  by  a  sentence  of  ten  years'  additional  exile 
against  all  those  not  banished  from  the  state,  and  even  the  old 
offenders  of  1431  had  their  time  prolonged  to  a  period  of  five- 
and-twenty  years  after  the  original  sentence  sli,.uld  be  expired. 
Eleven  entire  families  were  thus  expatriated  ^  "Wherefore  " 
exclaims  Giovanni  Cambi,  "Learn  all  ye  that  read  this,  never 
*•  to  consent  to  the  creation  of  a  Balia  or  the  assembly  uf  a  par- 
"  liament;  rather  die  with  sword  in  hand  tlian  suffer  a  tyrant 
*'  over  you  ;  for  in  a  short  time  the  tyrant  will  humble  those 
"  who  have  made  him  great  and  exalt  new  and  ignoble  men  of 
"  no  reputation  in  the  cunnnunity  in  order  to  secure  their  sup- 
"  port ;  for  his  destruction  would  be  theirs  f  ". 

About  the  same  period  forty  of  the  banished  citizens  were 
proclaimed  rebels  and  live  more  beheaded,  besides  Girolamo 
.Alacchiavelli  who  was  taken  by  the  treachery  of  some  fiiend  in 
Lunigiana  while  plotting  against  the  govennuent  and  died  under 
the  torture,  bringing  down  a  sentence  of  exile  on  twenty-live  more 
citizens. 

A  new  council  of  a  hundred  was  created  in  January  1459  " 
A.T>.  1459.  ^^'^"^  ^^^^  principal  citizens  of  each  quarter  for  two 
months  and  with  a  Divieto  of  six  ;  but  it  seems  to 
have  been  ephemeral  and  its  precise  olyect  not  apparent.  Not 
so  another  smaller  council  called  the  "  Otto  di  Balia  "  which 
also  came  into  existence  at  this  epoch,  and  which  Amminito 
believes  to  be  that  subsequently  called  the  ^^Otto  di  I'ratuar 
It  was  invested  with  the  power  of  capital  punishment,  or  at 
least  that  of  declaring  exiles  to  be  rebels,  a  fonnidable  autho- 
nty  as  we  shaJl  hereafter  see ;  and  with  these  rigorous  pro- 
ceedmgs  finished  the  duration  of  this  Balia  ; . 

So  determined  a  course  of  policy  of  which  both  ihe  credit 
and  odmm  were  artfully  left  by  Cosimo  to  Luca  Pitti  raised 

*  Namely,  the  Castcllani,  Bardi,  Ar-     f  O.  Cambi   n   303 
dagn,,  a«d  Buldov.nott,.  „to,  Lib.  xxiii.,  pp.  «7,  88. 


the  reputation  of  the  latter  so  high  that  he  nearly  echpsed  the 
Medici  himself  and  was  almost  considered  as  chief  and  leader 
„f  the  common^-ealth:  and  so  high  was  the  Seignory  s  power 
then  held,  that  many  citizens  deemed  him  perfectly  justified 
after  vainly  tomg  to  carry  his  measures  legitimately  through 
the  councils,  in  thus  forcibly  vindicating  the  dignity  of  govern- 
ment    Whoever  wanted   anything  addressed  themselves  to 
him  •   on  him  were  showered  gifts  and  offerings  nuiumerahle 
from  Cosimo  downwards ;  while  passing  through  the  streets 
he  was  reverenced  as  a  prince  ;  he  was  attended  in  h.s  house, 
followed  to  the  palace,  to  churches,  to  assemblies ;  all  made 
way  for  him  :  nor  did  he  fail  to  increase  this  popularity  by 
gracious  mam.ers  ;  he  rendered  himself  acceptable  to  everybody 
by  attentions,  conversation,  and  every  kind  of  urbanity  *.    Ihus 
aided  and  honoured  he  soon  accumulated  a  mass  of  additional 
riches  to  the  amount  of  --iO.OOO  ilorius  and  began  to  build  two 
palaces ;  one  which  still  bears  his  name,  and  the  less  grand 
but  magnificent  villa  of  liuscianof.  The  former  eclipsed  everj- 
■  thin"  of  the  kind  before  attempted  in  Florence,   and  here 
again  not  onlv  the  Florentine  but  otlier  comnmnities  pressed 
forward  in  vivalrv  to  supply  labour,  materials,  and  every  re- 
quisite for  the  coiistmction  of  his  Idngly  residence  ;   nay,  even 
thieves,  robbers,  homicides  and  all  other  criminals,  provided 
they  were  useful,  there  as  Macchiavolli  assures  us  found  a 
sanctuary  t-     But  this  popularity  was  nevertheless  attended  by 
oppression,  tyi-anny,  and  breach  of  law,  especially  m  an  mdis- 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  87. 
t  Thus  Macthiavelli,  Amniinvto,  &c. 
But  these  buildings  according'  to  Va- 
sari,  would  seem  to  have  been  com- 
?/i<'>icer/longbefore,becausc  Filini)o  Bru- 
Tielleschi  \\\io  furnished  the  disi;/n  for 
both  died  according  to  that  author  in 
1446.  Yet  it  is  possible,  nay  probable, 
that  the  above  historians  are  riglit,  be- 
cause Vasari  does  not  say  that  Brunel- 
Icschi  executed  the  work  ;  on  the  con- 


trary, he  savs  this  was  done  by  a  pupil 
called  Luca  Fancclli  who  built  many 
things  for  Brunelleschi.  {Vide  Va- 
sari.  Vita  di  Fd.  BruncUcsco,  vol. 
iv.,p.-2oO,  <S:r.) 

+  There  were  not  wanting  those  who 
denied  these  charges,  and  Macchiavelli 
has  been  accused  of  uiisrepresentation 
from  private  anger  at  the  cruel  treat- 
ment of Girolamo  Macchiavelli.  {Vide 
Bruto,  ht.Fior.,  Lib.  ii",  p.  13L) 


330 


FLORENTINE    IIISTOKT. 


[book 


n. 


cnminate  protection  of  malefactors :  yet  he  was  not  singular 
for  all  who  had  been  restored  by  Cosimo  to  their  former^'state 
although  they  did  not  build,  says  lAIacchiavelli,  were  as  violent 
and  tyrannical  as  he*. 

In  this  condition  were  the  atlairs  of  t'lorence  when  tlie  death 
of  Pope  Calixtus  III.  made  room  for  .Enens  Sylvius  Jjishop  of 
Corsignano  in  the  Senese  state,  under  the  name  of  Pius  11. 
His  whole  soul  was  bent  on  sending  a  crusade  against  the 
Turks  then  a  more  legitimate  and  reasonable  undertaking  than 
in  preceding  ages,  for  they  were  rolling  westward  in  a  mighty 
wave  and  threatened  the  sulnnei-sion  of  Christendom.     A  coJ- 
gress  was  summoned  for  this  pui-pose  at  IMantua  where  the 
pontiff  appeared  in  May  1450:   but  miable  as  yet   to  effect 
A.I..  im.  ^"-^^  "^^ovement  he  returned  to  Kome  in  January  14i;o 
when  war  had  already  broken  out  between  King  Fer- 
dinand of  Naples  and  John  of  Anjou  titular  1  )ulve  of  Calabriaf. 
Ambassadors  ariived  at  Florence  from  both  these  piinces  to 
solicit  aid,  and  true  to  their  Gallic  predilections  the   Fl.,ren- 
tmes  without  hesitation  voted  80,0()(i  ducats  annuallv  to  the 
latter,  but  by  Cosimos  advice  the  grant  was  kept  secret  until 
Francesco  Sforza  s  opinion  became  known.  The  Duke  of  Milan 
with  a  long-sighted  p.,licy  was  not  only  opposed  to  the  measure 
but  so  fearful  of  French  interference,  and  of  course  influcnce.l 
by  his  family  connections  with  Naples,  that  he  had  alreadv 
detei-mmed  to  assist  Ferdinand  and   had    even  ingaged  the 
pope  in  his  views  for  the  maintenance  of  Italian  tianqurilitv,  as 
more  likely  to  be  preserved  by  a  native  monarch  than  a  trans- 
alpme  stranger.     This  unsettled  the    Florentines   who  after 
some  warm  debating  rescinded  their  vote  and  dismissed  both 
embassies  with  a  declaration  of  pure  neutralitv  on  the  ground 
of  impotence,  the  consequence  of  public  debt ;  but  not  with- 
out loud  complaints  from  Ferdhiand  as  a  palpable  neglect  of 
the  late  alliance. 


CHAP.  "■] 


FLORENTINE    IIISTOKY. 


331 


About  the  same  time  Girolamo  IMacchiavelli's  arrest  ana 
death  by  torture  occurred,  xvith  the  above  noticed  bamshmeut 
of  tweuty-flve  more  citi^eus,  and  this  led  to  a  prolongation  for 
five  veai-s  of  the  close  election  system  or  drawmg  the  magis- 
tracies "  hj  hand,"  as  it  was  called,  together  with  a  public  o«er 
of  reward  to  any  who  would  murder  those  exiles  that  had  been 
declared  rebels'  by  tlie  "  Olto  di  BuUar  In  this  the  benevo- 
lence of  Cosimo  and  his  party  may  be  seen,  not  that  such 
severities  were  singular  under  the  Medician  rule,  or  even  per- 
haps in  the  better  days  of  the  republic  against  individual  rebels 
in  times  of  high  excitement;  but  Cosimo  always  professed  his 

aversion  to  blood. 

Piero  his  eldest  son  became  gonfalonier  in  1 101,  and  i'lo- 
rence  was  calm  ;  but  according  to  Macchiavelli  it  was  ^  j,  ,^„ 
the  leaden  rest  of  despotism ;  for  the  rule  of  Pitti  and 

his  faction  continued  almost  intolerable  until  Cosimos  death  in 
UO-l ;  strengthening  as  that  veteran  waned  and  even,  as  is  said, 
embittering  his  last  days  by  political  violence.     Soon   alter 
their  recxaltation  old  age  and  its  attendant  weakness  seem  to 
have  gradually  diminished  his  energy  and  withdrawn  his  atten- 
tion from  public  business  so  that  those  whom  he  had  at  first 
humbled  and  then  restored  rode  onward  with  a  slackened  rem 
and  trampled  as  they  listed  on  the  commonwealth,     imncesco 
Sforza  when  low  in  fortune  had  promised  Cosimo  if  ever  he  be- 
came Duke  of  Milan  to  aid  him  in  the  conquest  of  Lucca  ;  an 
object  as  we  are  told  much  at  the  Medici's  heart  not  only  to 
compensate  for  his  former  intentional  and  cidamitous  failure 
against  that  city,  but  also  because  he  was  eager  to  signalise  his 
administration  "like  the  Mbi/./.i,  by  some  iioUble  acqmsition, 
and  none  seemed  so  advantageous  or  popular  or,  with  blorzas 
aid.  so  easily  accomplished  as  that  of  Lucca. 

The  Duke  of  Milan's  views  however  differed  from  those  of 
Francesco  Sforza  the  adventurous  condottiere  :  tired  of  war  and 
with  sufficient  occupaUon  in  the  settlement  of  his  own  states  he 


.  :'^&B 


332 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


["OOK  II. 


disregarded  the  promises  made  to  a  man  on  whom  he  wa.  no 
longer  dependent.     This  was  wise  and  politic,  but  ungrateful 
and  pamfully  felt  so  by  the  Medici  to  whom  he  was  above  all 
others  indebted  for  his  success  :  yet  Cosiuio  would  never  ouar- 
rel  with   Sforza  :  his  alliance,  his  nominal  support,  the  veiT 
gutter  of  his  reputation  were  of  importance  not  only  to  hi. 
own  family  and  private  interests  but  the  republic,  and  his  last 
mstmctions  were  to  keep  well  with  Milan  =:=.     Xevcrtbdess 
Francesco's  conduct  grieved  him  as  much  as  that  of  his  own 
party  is  said  to  have  disgusted  him  ;  and  the  more  so  as  from  his 
growing  infirmities  he  probably  felt  himself  unable  cffcctuallv 
J' '  ^1*P^^^  them.     Yet  his  son  Giovanni,  who  is  dos.ribed  as 
havnig  been  fully  e.pial  to  maintain  his  father  s  ivput.ition  was 
now  m  middle  life  and  therelbre  al>le  to  control  anv  unmly 
citizens,  but  as  we  hear  nothing  of  him  until  liis  death  it  may  be 
supposed  either  that  the  violence  of  faction  was  b-ss  thai/has 
been  represented,  or  else  not  so  displeasing  to  C  osuno.     How- 
ev.r  this  may  be,  the  latter  seems  now  to  hav,.  retired  much  from 
public  life  and  devoted  himself  to  literature  and  the  tine  arts  • 
to  bmldmg  and  the  embellishment  of  his  native  citv,  more  cspc^ 
cially  m  religious  editices,  a  strange  turn  for  one  who  declared 
^^hat  states  could  not  he  held  with  a  p.trrunstn-  in  the  handr 
Kut  Cosimo  felt  sure  that  the  good  word  of  the  priesthood  and 
the  praises  of  literary  men  would  be  a  more  favouralde  passport 
to  postenty  than  a  rigid  historical  scrutiny  ,.f  his  political  con- 
duct.    \et  with  all  his  errors,  and  they  were  many,  he  never 
apparently  stepped  beyond  the  ranks  of  civic  equality  :  his  rule 
was  modest  and  quiet ;  the  guiding  hand  was  little  seen  ;  its 
force  and  management  were  felt  rather  than  its  ostentation ; 
l>iit  he  was  all  the  while  esteemed  as  a  sovereign   prince  by 
A.D.  14G2.   ^^'*'^^«"  ^^t^s  ^"^^  acknowledged  as  the  arbitrator  or 
mediator  of  everj^  league  or  peace  that  was  made  in 
Italy.    He  had  already  passed  the  year  1  Xiy>  and  most  of  1  tOli 

•  Bruto,  Lib.  i.,  pp.  91,0.5. 


CHAF.   11.] 


FLORIIMTINE    niSTOllT. 


333 


in  comparative  seclusion  when  his  spirit  became  completely 
broken  by  the  death  of  his  youngest  sou  Giovanni  at  forty-two 
years   of\ge.      Piero,  though  probably  of  a  more   ^^^^^^^ 
amiable  nature  than  Cosimo  and  far  from  deficient  m 
ability  was  too  great  an  invalid  to  encounter  the  growing  auda- 
city oV  faction  ;  his  two  sons  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  however  pro- 
misinct  were  at  this  time  only  lifteen  and  ten  years  old  and  the 
son  of  Giovanni  had  already  passed  away,  so  that  when  Cosimo 
cripi)led  by  gout   wa^  borne  to  his  splendid  palace,  he  said 
^vitll  a  deep  s^gh,   "  Tim  lum^e  is  now  too  large  for  so  small  a 

famihir 

The  pope  who  had  finidly  succeeded  in  assembling  an  am.a- 
ment  at  Ancona  against  the  Turks  died  there  on  the  fourteenth 
of  Aucmst  1-104,  just  as  the  Doge  of  Venice  arrived  with  his 
fleet  and  army.      He  was  succeeded  by  Pietro  Barbo  a  noble 
Venetian  under  the  name  of  Paul  11.  but  Cosimo,  who  on  hear- 
incr  of  this  enterprise  had  remarked  that  the  pope,  an  old  man, 
w^  engaging  in  a  projct  lit  only  for  a  young  one,  did  not  live 
even  to  s^ee  this  proof  of  his  foresight.     He  had  reached  the 
acre  of  seventy-five  and  feeling  his  end  approach  assembled  his 
fdends  and  kinsmen  and  addressed  them  as  we  are  told  by  the 
historian  Bruto  substantially  as  follows. 

-  If  it  be  true  that  I  ought  to  have  so  lived  as  now  to  reap 
"  the  fruits  of  life,  I  might  well  believe  that  I  had  gathered 
"  them  in  abundance,  because  I  hardly  remember  anything  in 
"  my  past  conduct  that  gives  me  cause  of  repentance.  And 
"  since  I  feel  that  tht?  throwing  otf  of  this  mortal  nature  opens 
•'  the  door  to  a  better  life  I  am  now  with  a  liglit  and  cheerful 
"  heart  prepared  to  quit  the  world.     Although  I  might  during 

-  my  lifetime  have  easily  enjoyed  all  that  is  most  useful  and 

-  ornamental  to  man,  I  yet  nourished  my  soul  with  the  brighter 

-  hopes  of  those  joys  that  awaited  me  in  another  and  more 
"  blessed  existence,  and  thus  it  cost  me  but  little  to  despise 

-  the  remainder.     I  am  now  arrived  at  that  death  which  leads 


334 


FLORENTINE    HTSTOKy. 


[book  rr. 


-  to  immortality,  and  although  it  may  come  with  bitterness  to 
*'  you  who  expect  it  later,  I  tliink  that  for  me  it  is  best     In 
••  the  conduct  of  life  I  was  ever  distressed,  when,  foiling  in 
'•  those  sax^red  duties  imposed  on  me  by  nature  towards^'my 
••  country  and  kindred,  I  rather  chose  to  follow  my  own  plea- 
**  sure  and  convenience,  wherefore  my  heart  is  now  pained  ly 
'*  t:ie  thoughts  of  that  comitiy  and  kindred  which  are  still 
A.D.  1464.    *'  ^''^^'^  **^  "^^  tl^a»  lif^^-— I  liad  sons.— One  of  them 
"  m  whom  (if  J  am  not  blinded  by  paternal  affection) 
''  to  singular  virtue  and  magnanimity  was  joined  an  equal 
"  vigour  of  body,  I  have  lost  by  an  untimely  death.     T  leave 
••  another,  who  wants  not  patriotism  nor  alTection  towards  his 
**  fnends,  nor  i)ruden<>e,  nor  lirmness  of  mind  that  is  proof 

-  against  eveiy  fortune ;  but  on  him,  in  con<.e(}uenre  of  his 
•'  inconstant  health  and  strength,  tlie  reliance  can  be  but  weak 
'•  \et  to  hnn  and  to  his  sons,  although  without  my  protection 
*'  you,  wlnle  you  prosper,  will  bear  an  affectionate  remembrance' 

-  m  order  that  they  may  not  only  be  shelter,  d  from  misfor- 

-  tune  but  even  feel  this  blow  less  sensiblv;  and  I  trust  to 

-  your  thus  actnig  because  I  have  so  often  experienced  your 
••  great  benevolence  and  fidelity  when  the  i,ublic  good  forbade 
"  me  to  make  use  of  them.     I  declare,  as  I  hope  for  and  have 

•  ever  wished  to  go  from  this  world  to  Gods  presence,  that  the 
thought  of  the  commonwealth  alone  afflicts  me :  I  see  niin 

•'  and  devastation  overhanghig  it,  so  that  even  if  some  hope 
•*  remam  I  stdl  foresee  that  the  evil-di.sposed  can  destroy  it 

*  (and  at  this  they  are  aiming  with  a  wicked  and  impious  con- 
"  spiracy)  but  that  the  good  and  lovers  of  their  countrv  cannot 

-  so  easily  presene  it.   Throughout  my  whole  life  I  have  been 

-  ever  anxious  as  far  as  I  could,  when  mv  rivals  allowed  me, 

-  to  merit  well  both  privately  and  ,)ublicly  of  the  .onnnunity : 
thus  when  I  returned  from  exile,  while  mainUiining  concord 

'•  amongst  the  different  orders  at  home,   I  cultivated  and  I 
•'  gained  the  fiiendship  of  foreign  powers  either  by  connril  or 


CHAP.   II.  I 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


335 


(t 


(( 


ii 


conduct,  but  always  with  that  public  authority  which  I  never 
claimed,  but  which  you  wislied  me  to  hold  in  the  city ;  and 
thus  acting  as  becomes  a  citizen  towards  his  country  I  ruled 
'  the  commonwealth.  It  is  now  unsteady,  for  mcked  men 
have  been  long  conspiring  to  ruin  it :  I  leave  to  your  wisdom 
"  your  authority  your  vigilance  the  charge  of  staving  off  this 
"  calamity,  a  charge  which  you  m\\  cheerfully  undertake,  and 

-  doubtless  laace  the  safety  of  that  country  by  wliicli  you  have 
"  so  much  benefited  before  your  personal  and  private  interests. 
"  Nevertheless  to  this  hope  is  opposed  that  canker  which  eats 
"  mto  the  heart  of  even  the  well  disposed.— I  mean  ambition. 

-  —But  the  state  need  not  fear  even  this,  if  without  resorting 
"  to  that  violence  which  lias  so  often  been  the  ruin  of  empires 
•'  it  cede  to  the  love  of  country.  Beware  of  this,  and  you  have 
'  an  easy  and  expeditious  mode  of  defending  the  republic  ;  and 
"  you  may  easily  break  up  and  enfeeble  all  the  powers  of  that 
"  rice  if  you  entrench  youiselves  on  one  side  with  reason  ;  and 
"  suffer  no  surprise  on 'the  other  by  the  deceitfulness  of  honours 

-  and  command ;  if  you  detest  and  execrate  those  with  whom 
"  rapacity  can  do  more  than  patriotism  ;  and  if  you  deteimine 
"  to  build  your  own  reputation  on  the  praise  that  men  will 
•'  bestow  on  you  for  justice  piety  and  moderation.— We  have 
'•  no  foreign  war ;  and  the  concord  of  the  citizens  when  the 

-  ambitious,  (wlio  are  the  cruel  and  constant  pest  of  their 

-  country)  shall  be  repressc.l,  ^vill  preserve  peace  within  ;  and 

"  then  have  no  fear. 

-  One  thing  I  wish  more  especially  to  hnpress  on  you:  by 
"  eveiy  means  tiy  and  uuiintain  the  friendship  of  Francesco 
"  Sforza  whatever  may  have  been  his  conduct  towards  us  who 

-  have  made  him  the  lord  of  so  fair  a  dominion.    But  as  regards 

-  the  safety  and  reputation  of  the  community  tmst  him  only  so 

-  far  as  that  in  your  prosperity  alone,  rather  than  in  your  ad- 

-  versitv,  he  may  be  able  to  give  you  proof  as  he  has  already 
"  done  of  his  ingratitude.     1  would  rather  he  were  our  friend  ; 


336 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[nooK 


'*  but  as  he  appears,  and  really  is  so  great.  I  woul.l  udvisc  that 
"  the  circumstiince  of  his  power  not  being  turned  against  you 
*'  should  be  considered  a  positive  benefit.     Of  what  he  ulroadv 
*'  owes  to  the  republic  make  little  or  no  account ;  but  take  ye 
'*  good  care  that  for  the  future  he  shall  owe  nothing,  jind  when 
"  you  have  accomplished  this  be  satisfied.     From  this  time  for- 
"  wiml  let  not  the  recollection  of  former  fri»  ndshij)  induce  you  to 
"  give  him  your  confidence  :  man  by  nature  is  so  composed  that, 
'*  against  the  common  i*ule  of  right,  he  wlio  receives  ;nid  ou«rlit 
*'  to  remember  a  benefit  qiiiekly  forgets  it,  while  the  benefactor 
'*  who  ought  long  to  have  forgotten  it  carefully  presenes  it^ 
^'memon-:  and  this  must  necessarily  be  when  hotli  one  ami 
"  the  other  follows  his  interest  instead  of  his  duty.     He  that 
*'  receives  a  favour  and  has  made  use  of  it  cares  for  notliiii<r 
'*  further;  he  drives  away  the  recollection,  which  is  peradveii- 
**  ture  troublesome  and  burdensome  unless  nested  in  a  grateful 
"heart;    and  on   the  contrary  he  that  confers   it   keeps  the 
"  remembrance  constiuitly  fitted  in  his  mind  ;  and  nourished 
"  by  the  expectation  of  a  future  and  useful  return  it  remains 
'•  tenacious  and  Hvely  within  him.     Hence,  sucli  benefits  bein^^ 
*'  venal,  the  benefjictor  as  if  doomed  to  deserved  punishment 
"  expects  in  vain  that  the  obliged  ingrate  may  return  the  favour. 
•'  Sforza  will  never  make  war  for  you  as  long  as  he  wishes  to 
"  maintain  the  peace  of  his  dominions;  more  especially  as  he 
■■  is  wearied  aftt  r  the  achievements  of  so  manv  great  ex] doits; 
"  but  that  he  may  not  be  engaged  by  your  enemies  against  you 
■  should  be  most  sedulously  provided  for.    Let  him  tlien  remain 
"  quiet,  but  keep  his  friendship  ;  because  if  you  ever  he  enga<^ed 
"  in  war  the  reput<ition  he  enjoys  will  be  a  most  powerful  aux- 
'•  iliaiT."     Here  Cosimo  paused  for  breath  and  then  timiing  to 
hi.^  sou  continued.     "Thou  also  Piero  in  whom  the  reiHiblic  is 
"  about  to  place  its  confidence,  since  the  violenci?  of  my  in- 
"  firmity  will  not  allow  me,  as  I  intended,  completely  to  fulfil 
"  this  last  office  of  paternal  affection,  I  pray  and  conjure  thee 


CHAP.  n.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


337 


"  to  preserve  as  thou  best  can  that  devotion  to  thy  coimtiy,  of 
"which,  being  now  of  mature  age,  from  long  experience  of 
"  affairs,  domestic  discipline,  and  the  example  of  thy  forefathers, 
"  thou  art  capable ;  a  devotion  that  no  man,  however  prudent 
"  ever  found  it  easy  to  preserve.     In  the  government  of  the 
"  republic  demand  advice  from  those  whose  opinion  is  most  safe, 
*'  because  of  their  fidelity  benevolence  and  wisdom.    Remember 
*'  that  if  thou  seekest  fame  and  glory,  the  brightest  and  highest 
"  is  that  which  the  memory  of  a  grateful  country  consecrates 
"  to  patriotism :  if  power  and  riches,  remember  that  for  these 
•'  things  we  should  only  be  anxious  as  they  promote  the  public 
"  welfiire.     Far  ]>e  from  thee  tlie  desire  to  exalt  thyself  above 
"  thy  fellow-citizens,  because  tlie  wish  of  surpassing  them,  ex- 
"  cept  in  virtue  and  respectability  of  life,  is  an  impious  and 
•'  execrable  crime.     In  private  life  let  all  the  world  behold  thy 
"  temperance  and  equality :    towards  honourable  and  retiring 
"  men  use  liberality,  which  witliout  ostentation  or  display  of 
"  power,  or  suspicion  of  prodigality,  may  find  its  praise  in  bene- 
"  licence  alone.     In  the  magistracy  be  thou  mild  as  long  as 
'*  mildness  conduces  to  public  utility,  but  severe  if  the  times 
"  require  it ;  so  that  all  may  know  that  the  one  to  humanity, 
"  the  other  to  fidelity  and  the  magisterial  office  are  indispens- 
"  able.     Pardon  men,  but  make  war  on  their  crimes.     Let  the 
•'  friendship  of  foreigners  be  cultivated  if  not  detrimental  to  the 
"commonwealth;  and  on  the  contrary,  have  no  enmities  ex- 
"  cept  on  behalf  of  thy  country  and  against  the  wicked.     Let 
"  war  be  made  on  foreign  powers  either  to  sustain  national 
"  rights  or  repel  injuries  ;  but  so  that  it  may  seem  defensive 
"  not  afraressive  ;   and  only  after  every  endeavour  to  avoid  it. 

DO  •  •'  ' 

"  As  the  desire  of  extending  the  national  territory  is  unbounded 
"  so  let  moderation  in  doing  it  be  conspicuous  ;  and  let  it  be 
"  done  (an  importtmt  and  generally  neglected  thing)  in  the  best 
"  and  honestest  manner.  All  these  things  will  be  most  easy  if 
"  thou  rememberest  who  thou  art  and  what  part  thou  art  des- 

VOL.  III.  z 


S^S^SF,  JJtf' ^i"  5* ' 


338 


FLORENllNE    HISTORY. 


[book  :i_ 


"  tilled  to  act  for  thy  country ;  particularly  observing  this  ;  that 
"  not  satisfied  with  having  consulted  the  wisest  and  best  citi- 
'•  zens  about  thy  measures,  confide  little  or  nothing  in  thvself. 
*'  but  implore  the  assistance  of  Him  who  alone  is  powerful  when 
"  human  strength  fails ;  implore  the  aid  and  succour  of  the 
"Almighty"*. 

We  learn  from  Piero's  letter  to  his  sons  that  Cosimo  did  just 
before  his  death  convei-se  on  these  subjects,  but  whether  this 
discourse  as  given  by  Bruto,  certainly  no  fnend  of  the  Medici, 
were  reported  at  the  time  or  whether  it  is  a  mere  historical 
compilation  from  common  lame  is  difiicult  to  tell.  But  savs 
the  above  historian,  if  while  alive  he  had  exliibited  such  a  dispo- 
sition  as  is  apparent  in  his  last  words  he  would  have  been  tiiily 
worthy  (as  he  really  appeared  to  many)  from  his  excellent  ajid 
illustrious  mental  endo^\^nents  to  be  compared  in  power  and 
dignity  to  the  greatest  monarchs  of  the  agef  • 

The  striking  discrepancy  between  Cosirao's  dying  words  and 
the  principal  actions  of  his  life  except  in  a  politic,  and  perhaps 
natural  absence  of  ostentation,  is  startling  ;  but  becomes  less  so 
wheji  we  consider  that  he  addressed  himself  exclusively  to  the 
chiefs  of  his  own  faction ;  and  that  faction,  in  the  eyes  of  Cosimo 
and  all  his  auditoi-s,  identical  with  the  commonwealth.  There- 
fore when  he  speaks  of  ruin  overhanging  the  republic,  he  means 
his  own  party  ;  when  he  talks  of  the  good,  or  of  wicked  and  evil 
disposed  men  he  iuilicates  the  friends,  or  the  adversaries  and 
apostates  of  that  party,  such  as  Girolamo  Macchiavelli  and  the 
Bonizi.  When  he  mentions  conspiracy  it  must  b<-  taken  as 
against  Medician  ascendancy;  and  if  he  declares  the  republic  un- 
steady his  auditors  comprehend  only  dangers  against  that  fac- 
tion. In  a  similar  strain  he  deprecates  ambition  as  tending  to 
the  separation  and  destruction  of  that  which  he  had  raised  and 
cemented  :  patiiotism  is  fidelity  to  the  same  body ;  the  inor- 
dinate love  of  honoui-s  and  office  tend  to  weaken  ;  concord  and 

*  Bruto,  Lib.  i".,  p.  yi.  f  Ibid.,  p.  101. 


CHAP,  n.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


339 


self-abnegation  to  strengthen  the  state  or  predominant  faction. 
The  friendship  of  Sforza  is  strongly  pushed  forward,  certainly 
not  as  necessary  to  Florence  for  it  was  a  fertile  source  of  evil 
and  loud  complaint ;  but  as  all-important  to  the  preservation 
of  Medician  rule,  because  a  Milanese  force  was  always  supposed 
to  be  ready  for  assisting  the  politic  Cosimo ;  and  the  reputa- 
tion remained  useful  after  both  necessity  and  amity  had  ceased. 
His  mortification  about  the  conquest  of  Lucca  is  an  apt  com- 
mentar}'  on  his  injunctions  touching  the  enlargoiiKiit  of  na- 
tional dominion  and  principle  of  war ;  and  his  whole  discourse 
must  be  taken,  if  ever  really  uttered  ;  as  exclusively  partisan  ; 
though  probably,  if  his  circumstances  be  considered,  believed 
by  himself  and  his  audience  to  be  just  and  true.  A  few  days 
after  this  he  expired  at  his  \  ilia  of  Careggi  on  the  first  of  Au- 
gust 14(U,  in  his  seventy-seventh  year  regretted  by  everybody; 
for  his  very  enemies  looked  forward  in  dismay  to  the  future 
acts  of  men  who  even  when  awctl  liy  his  presence  were  so  un- 
reserved in  their  misrule,  and  Piero  inspired  no  confidence  ^-. 

There  are  few  men  whose  actions  and  public  character  have 
been  more  difiicult  of  appreciation  than  those  of  Cosimo  de' 
Medici:  that  he  was  a  man  of  high  intellectual  powers  and 
consummate  prudence  ;  bold,  ambitious,  and  politictdly  unscru- 
pulous his  actions  testify :  that  he  was  by  nature  benevolent 
in  all  that  did  not  thwart  his  ambition  is  vaunted  to  the  skies 
by  his  admirers  :uid  htirdly  denied  by  his  enemies ;  and  that 
even  his  ambition  itself  was  nourished  and  carried  forward  to 
complete  and  j)ermanent  success  by  an  apparent  generosity,  a 
benevolence  that  alleviated  want  and  supplied  public  necessity 
while  it  blinded  men  to  his  secret  rule  of  action,  is  asserted. 
But  who  shall  discriminate  between  real  benevolence  and  poli- 
tical intrigue,  between  ])ure  religious  feeling  and  In^^ocrisy,  be- 
tween patriotism  and  personal  ambition  ?  Cosimo  mingled  them 
altogether  with  so  cunning  a  hand  and  veiled  them  with  so 

*  Piero  di   Medici,   Ricordi.-   ^lacchiavelli,  Lib.  vii. 

Z  'i 


340 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bo.k 


i[. 


CHAP,  n.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


341 


if 


thick  a  veil  that  even  his  cotemporaries  though  they  suffered 
bv  his  deeds  were  staggered  in  the  helief  of  what  their  senses 
testified  *. 

For  all  these  things  lie  must  he  judged  hy  a  higher  tribunal 
than  that  of  histoiy.  Thus  much  is  certain  ;  Cosinio  was  re- 
solved to  be  supreme  in  the  republic,  but  in  solid  power,  not 
pageantry;  and  anything  that  crossed  that  n->oluti(jn  found  no 
mercy  at  his  hands  :  neither  did  he  ever  n>k  a  diminution  of 
authority  by  the  acceptance  of  any  external  empluyment  that 
might  remove  him  long  from  the  seat  of  government ;  appa- 
rently following  the  maxim  ofGino  Capponi,  who  advises  those 
that  aspired  to  be  great  within  the  city  not  tu  absent  themselves 
too  frequently,  miless  on  great  occasions  in  which  they  were 
likely  to  give  much  pleasure  to  the  community,  and  the  conse- 
quences of  which  were  immediate  and  palpalde  |.  His  adminis- 
tration of  the  laws  is  said  to  have  been  just  where  it  did  not  in- 
terfere \N-itli  politics,  but  his  suspension  of  the  same  Catasto  in 
w^hich  his  more  virtuous  fiither  gloried  and  which  was  intrinsi- 
cally so  just  and  populai',  and  the  substitution  of  a  partial, 
grinding,  and  arbitrary  taxation  is  enough  to  show  that  his 
whole  mind  was  imbued  with  that  ambition  which  his  dvin^ 
accents  so  strongly  deprecated. 

But  we  have  already  asked,  who  is  now  to  draw  the  line  be- 
tween sincerity  and  deceit  ?  If  we  are  to  judge  from  appear- 
ances, and  literaiy  adulation,  and  filial  love  ;  (?osimo's  life  was 
one  of  religion,  humility,  benevolence,  and  moderation ;  many 
were  they  that  blessed  him  :  none  had  ever  just  cause  of  com- 
plaint against  hhu.  If  we  are  to  judge  from  facts,  his  whole 
life  seems  to  have  been  one  of  deep  and  all-embracing  simida- 
tion ;  of  stem,  unrelenting  ambition ;  and  unmitigated  selfishness 
ill  ever}'thing  connected  with  that  absorbing  passion.  His  de- 
ception was  the  more  easy  because  there  is  reason  to  believe 

*  Bruto,  Lib.  i".— Varclii,  Lib.,  i^  Scrip.,  torn,  xviii.,  p.  1 149.— Ricordi 
P-  5.  di  ricro  de'  Medici, 

t  Ricordi  di  Gino  Capponi,  Rcr.  It 


that  the  virtues  his  ambition  led  him  to  affect  were  not  unna- 
tural, and  had  he  been  a  legitimate  hcreditaiy  sovereign  he  would 
have  been  a  blessing  to  his  country  and  an  honour  to  the  age. 

As  relates  to  public  trariquillity  in  the  common  concerns 
of  life  after  peace  relaxed  taxation,  Florence  under  Cosimo  s 
administration  at  least  enjoyed  a  respite  from  the  sanguinary 
turbulence  of  by-gone  times ;  and  that  the  labouring  classes 
were  more  satisfied  may  be  inferred  from  the  a}>parent  absence 
of  tumult  and  Cosimo's  popularity  amongst  them.  After 
having  once  passed  tlie  rubicon  he  was  compelled  by  necessity 
to  annihilate  his  adversaries  or  be  annihilated  himself;  and 
as  he  was  indebted  for  his  success  and  subsequent  support  to 
a  hydra-headed  implacable  faction,  he  found  himself  forced  by 
another  necessity  to  satisfy,  porbajts  fn-  beyond  his  own  desires, 
its  insatiable  avarice,  its  cruelty,  and  revenge.  Cosimo  and  his 
partisans  like  a  famished  crew  dev<jured  some  for  the  general 
safety,  but  carefully  selected  their  viitims.  A  reciprocal  ex- 
change of  crime  between  him  and  his  followers  became  neces- 
sary for  the  support  of  an  unholy  cause,  and  Cosimo  saw 
himself  exalted,  a  splendid  criminal,  on  the  neck  of  his  sub- 
jugated countiymen. 

He  was  nevertheless  one  of  the  most  celebrated  men  who 
ever  rose  ^vithout  military  glory  to  the  head  of  a  free  state. 
Fairly  considering  the  notions  and  customs  of  the  age,  when  no 
means  of  destroying  a  rival  faction  were  considered  foul  as 
long  as  they  were  successful,  Cosimo  h;id  fewer  personal  crimes 
to  be  reproached  with  than  most  usurpers ;  while  the  perma- 
nent adherence  of  such  a  man  as  Xeri  Capponi  speaks  strongly 
in  his  favour.  His  wisdom,  his  riches,  his  prudence,  his  libe- 
rality, and  his  gracious  unassuming  manners  undermined  the 
hearts  of  men,  and  there  was  scarcely  a  distressed  citizen  of 
any  note  whom  he  had  not  assisted  even  without  solicitation. 
The  whole  city  publicly  and  priviitely,  individually  and  col- 
lectively, was  his  debtor ;    not  in  gratitude  alone  but  solid 


?Mf 


342 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


If. 


CHAT.   II.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


343 


gold ;  all  Florence  was  at  his  feet,  and  thus  he  became  her 
master.     ''Florence,''  said  Niccolo  di  Uzzano,  '*  »v/.<?  ready  to 
"  sell  hernelf  and  Fortune  had  been  so  favourable  as  to  Jind  her 
"  a  purchaser.^'    His  riches  were  great,  yet  not  so  gi-eat  as  the 
number  and  magnificence  of  his  public  and  private  works  would 
lead  lis  to  suppose :  in  the  division  of  his  fathers  fortune  his 
brother  Lorenzo's  son  had  even  a  <:jreater  portion  than  (A)sinio 
for  he  had  shared  his  commercial  profits  without  liis  pohtical 
expenses  or  those  of  his  domestic  establishment.     His  nume- 
rous buildings  raised  the  wonder  of  cottniporarics  and  still 
make  posterity  man-el  ;  and  as  if  Italy  were  too  narrow  a  field, 
he  generously  l»uilt  and  endowed  an  hospital  at  Jerusalem  for 
wayworn  pilgrims.     Cosimo  was  accused  of  u>iug  the  public 
moneys  in  these  works,  but  along  with  charities  and  taxes  he 
expended  of  his  own  as  much  as  would  be  equnl,  grain  for  grain, 
tu  about  os7,T-.27/.  of  English  gold,  and  j)roluibly  to  between 
800,000/.  or  000,000/.  of  our  present  money.     This  estimate 
however  continues  the  expenses  on  to  sLx  years  after  Cosimo  s 
death,  a  period  which  was  probably  necessar}'  to  complete  what 
he  had  begun. 

He  courted  princes  for  ambition,  not  for  family  alliances, 
which  were  all  amongst  his  fellow-citizens  :  sa^icious  and  lonji- 
sighted,  he  was  as  quick  in  perceiving  as  lie  was  pnident  in 
removing  incipient  evils  or  turning  otl'  their  mischief,  so  that 
for  thirty  years  together  he  succeeded  against  his  own  and  the 
public  enemies:  all  those  who  stood  by  him  prospcivd,  their 
opponents  smik ;  and  when  Venice  and  Naples  leagued  tugetlici 
against  Florence  and  Milan,  Cosimo  accelerated  the  peace  by 
using  his  unbounded  credit  to  drain  both  cities  of  their  specie-. 
Borgo  San  Sepolcro,  Monte  d'(  >glio,  the  Casenthio  and  the  Val 
di  Bagno,  were  either  by  purchase  or  conquest  added  in  his 
time  to  the  Florentine  stute ;  and  Lucca  would  probaljly  have 
followed  if  Sforza  had  been  tme  to  his  promise. 

*  Macciiiavclli,  Lib,  vii. 


It  was  lucky  for  Cosimo's  liime  that  he  lived  at  the  moment 
when  a  combination  of  circumstances  began  to  raise  a  new 
spirit  of  literary  inquiry  and  imi)rovement  in  Italy  and  when 
the  progress  of  Turkish  conquest  with  the  fall  of  Constantino- 
ple drove  the  remnant  of  ancient  literature  to  seek  a  home 
there.     He  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive  and  the  intellectual 
greatness  to  favour  this  crisis,  and  merits  the  honourable  dis- 
tinction of  having  promoted  civilisation  by  nourishing  reviving 
literature  with  heart  and  hand  and  more  than  regal  munifi- 
cence :  he  thereby  stamped  a  pleasing  and  peculiar  character 
on  his  nation  and  family,  and  his  descendants  followed  up  this 
example   with  equal   enthusiasm  and  far  more  leaniing,  for 
Cosimo  though   lovhig   and   appreciating  literature,  was  not 
himself  instructed.     Nevertheless,  dazzled  as  Europe  was  by 
the  Medici's  brilliancy,  his  political  opponents  at  Florence  saw 
through,  or  thought  the>'  saw  through  all  tliis  apparent  mode- 
ration and  humility,  all  this  ostentatious  display  of  religion, 
patriotism,  and  assumed  benevolence  which,  as  they  asserted, 
covered  enormous  vices,  such  as  a  superb  and  haughty  disposi- 
tion, and  a  love  of  tvrannv,  insolenco,  disdain,  scorn,  hatred, 
and  cnieltv :  bv  him,  thev  averred,  even  wlnle  his  father  lived, 
the  magistrates  were  corrupted  with  bribes ;  snares  were  laid 
for  the  best  and  most  illustrious  citizens ;  assassins  who  had 
attempted  the  life  of  Uzzano  received  shelter  and  protection  in 
his  house  :  he  afflicted  the  country  within  l)y  perpetual  discord; 
without,  by  foreign  arms  :  he  it  wjts  who  fomented  the  Lucchese 
war  so  dishonourable  and  unfortunate  for  the  country :  it  was 
he  that  decimated  the  community  by  unjust  exiles  and  the  ruin 
of  ancient  houses,  and  iifter  reducing  his  fellow-citizens  to  a 
bitter  servitude  he  left  them  as  a  sort  of  heir-loom  to  his  family, 
besides  inflicting  numerous  other  misfortunes  which  ultimately 
destroyed  the  republic.     Such  were  the  opinions  secretly  mur- 
mured but  not  openly  heard  in  Florence  ;  for  they  were  drowned 
in  the  shouts  of  liis  followers,  in  the  praises  and  empliatic 


344 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ir. 


eloquence  of  the  learned,  and  in  the  surging  power  of  his  race 
now  fast  rolling  onward  to  absolute  and  overwhelming  autho- 
rity *.     Cosimo  was  tall  and  handsome,  of  a  dark  complexion 
and  venerable  presence,  and  a  republican  in  everything  but  his 
ambition ;  but  according  to  his  son  Piero  s  record,  which  it  seems 
but  fair  to  transcribe,  he  was  good  and  amiable  in  all  things. 
"  He  was  a  man,"  says  Piero,  "  of  extraordhiary  prudence  and 
'•  much  greater  goodness;  and  the  most  reputed  citizen,  and 
'"  of  the  greatest  credit  that  our  city  has  had  for  a  long  time: 
"  and  one  in  whom  more  conlidence  was  placed  and  who  was 
^'  more  beloved  by  all  the  people  :  nor  is  there  memoiy,  in  this 
"  age,  of  any  man  who  enjoyed  more  favour  or  greater  fame. 
"  or  whose  death  was  more  generally  lamented  ;  and  with  rea- 
"  son,  because  none  can  be  found  who  may  fairly  complain  of 
''him.     But  many  were  they  whom  he  benotited,  aided,  and 
"  supported  :  in  which  he  delighted  more  than  in  any  other  em- 
"  ployment ;  and  not  only  relations  and  fiicnds,  but  what  seems 
"  difficult  to  believe  and  nmch  more  to  do,  even  those  who 
"  were  unfriendly :  by  such  laudable  proceedings  he  made  many 
"  and  many  a  person  who,  from  their  own  or  others*  defects, 
"were  not  his   friends,   most  friendly.     He  was    extremely 
"  liberal,  charitable,  and  compassionate,  and  l)estowed  alms  in 
"profusion  while  he  lived,  not  only  in  the  city  and  district, 
"  Itut  also  in  distant  places,  as  well  for  the  multiplication  of 
"  religious  houses  as  the   repairs  of  churches,  and  generally 
"  for  ever}'  good  work  that  occurred.     He  was  greatly  esteemed 
•'  for  his  wisdom,  and  consulted  by  all  the  lords  and' potentates 
'•  both  in  and  out  of  Italy.     He  was  honoured  with  all  tlie  most 
'*  worthy  offices  in  our  city,  for  beyond  the  walls  he  would  not 
"  accept  of  any.    He  fulfilled  the  most  honourable  and  important 
"  legations  that  occurred  in  his  day,  and  m  the  city  he  mii<le 
"  many  a  man's  fortune  by  his  commerce,  ov(  r  and  above  the 

•    Jacopo    Pitti,    Istoiia    Fiorentina,     .Me<li<  i.-Bruto,    Lib.  i.,  p.  ;};i.-Ti 
Lib.  I",  p.    19.— Ricordi   di  I'iero  de'     nutd,  ConfcsMone. 


CHAP.   11.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


34.5 


"  profits  that  remained  to  himself;  in  which  business  he  w^as 
"  not  onlv  a  wise  but  a  very  fortunate  merchant.*  "  He  would 
have  no  funeral  pomp  and  was  therefore  as  privately  buried  as 
filial  affection  and  his  exalted  station  would  admit,  in  the 
Church  of  Saint  Lorenzo  on  the  '2nd  of  August  1 4(U,  and  by 
a  public  decree  was  inscribed  upon  his  tomb  the  doubtful  but 
high-soundhig  title  of  "  Padre  della  Patria.}  "' 


CoTEMPORAav  MoNAUCHs. — Englaiul :  Henry  VI.  to  1460;  then  Edward 
IV. — Scotland:  James  II.  until  14<>0  ;  then  James  III.— France  :  Cliarles 
VII.  to  14G1  ;  then  L.niis  XI. — Castile  :  John  II.  to  14.54  ;  tlien  Henry  IV. 
to  1465. — Aragon:  Alj'honso  V.  to  1455$;  then  .John  II.  King  of  Navarre  by 
marriaire  from  \4:'2.'). — Poituiial  :  Alphunso  V. — German  Kmperor,  Frederic 
III. — X;ipU'>  and  Sicily  :  Alphonso  V.  of  Aragon  until  14.58  ;  tlien  Ferdinand 
his  natural  son. — Pdpes  :  Nicliulas  V.  to  14.).5  ;  then  Calistus  HI.  (Borgia)  to 
1458;  then  I'ius  II.  to  1464  ;  then  Paul  H. — CJreek  Kmperor:  Constantine 
XL,  ^son  of  Helena,  and  last  Kmperor. — Turkish  Emperor:  Mahomed  II., 
the  Conqueror  of  Constantinople. 


*  Ricordi  tli  Piero  de'  Medici, 
f  Leonardo  Morelli,  Cronaea,  p.  17iK     Maechiavelli,  Lib.  vii. 


346 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[boo 


ii  n. 


CHAPTER   III. 


FROM    A.D.     1464    TO    A.D.    147R. 


The  death  of  a  great  man  is  generally  regretted  even  bv 
his  adversaries  as  the  parting  of  so  much  intellectual  bright 
A.D.  14G5.   "^^^  ^^'^^  mankind;  his  errors  fade  with  his  fading 
days  and  his  worth  becomes   more   vivid  as   public 
crimes  or  misfortunes  produce  comi^arisons  between  the  past 
and  present.     Cosimo  de'  Medici's  loss  was  thus  felt  by  all 
parties :    thirty  years  of  successful  and  absolute  power  had 
famdiarised  the  citizens  to  his  nde,  and  his  errors  were  so 
greatly  surpassed  by  the  crimes  of  his  followers  that  almost 
ever}'  party  bewailed  his  death.    The  first  of  his  sen  Pieros  acts 
was  to  place  all  private  business  in  the  hands  of  Dietisalvi  Neroni 
to  whose  advice  and  assistance  Cosimo  had  especially  recom- 
mended him  ;  nor  is  it  a  slight  testimony  in  favour  of  the  latter 
that  so  far  from  leaving  enonnous  riches  to  Piero,  the  fomily 
affaii-s  were  in  such  difficulty  as  to  occasion  the  sudden  de- 
mand of  immediate  payment  from  all  his  fathers  ,  icditors. 
Tliis  seems  to  have  arisen  from  the  extent  of  ( 'osinio  s  public 
works  and  private  beneficence  in  which,  if  lie  vmv  made  use  of 
the  national  funds,  he  certainly  did  not  S|>:ue  his  own.     As  the 
distribution  of  this  money  had  gained  iniuunerable  friends  and 
followers,  so  did  its  reclamation  lose  them  ;   and  Xeroni  is 
accused  by  Macchiavelli  of  having  advixd  this  course  from 
interested  political  motives.     Dietisalvi  Xeroni  had  the  cha- 
racter of  great  artfulness,  but  he  was  the  unluchj  leader  of  a 
successless  faction,  and  as  his  conduct  to  the  Medici  was  marked 


ciup.  in. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


34! 


by  private  ingratitude  it  naturally  became  exposed  to  many  sub- 
sequent attacks  from  the  adherents  of  that  more  prosperous  race. 
In  this  way  more  ungenerous  motives  for  the  above  counsel  may 
have  been  attributed  to  him  than  he  deserved,  and  according 
to  Bruto  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  he  had  nothing 
further  to  do  with  it  than  the  availing  himself  of  Piero 's  conse- 
quent unpopularity  to  overthrow  his  power.  But  whatever 
Dietisalvi  s  real  motive  was,  it  is  clear  that  after  an  examina- 
tion of  Piero  s  affairs  (which  resulted  in  a  balance  sheet  of 
nearly  equal  debts  and  credits, )  and  the  prospect  of  many  im- 
portunate creditors  rendered  apprehensive  by  Cosimo's  death 
and  Piero  s  precarious  health,  this  counsellor  had  but  one  of 
two  courses  to  take  ;  either  to  allow  liis  benefactor's  family  to 
be  ruined  in  their  private  resoin"ces  while  they  retained  their 
public  influence,  or  to  save  them  by  exacting  immediate  pay- 
ment of  tlieir  numerous  creditors  at  the  risk  of  that  influence. 

Xow  Dietisalvi  Xeroni  however  inclined  to  bow^  to  Cosimo's 
ascendancy  had  no  idea  of  i)aying  hereditaiy  allegiance  to 
Ms  family;  and  considering  himself  one  of  the  ablest  men 
in  Florence,  became  ambitious  to  govern  it.  lie  therefore,  as 
Macchiavelli  asserts,  advised  Piero  who  was  neither  a  good 
merchant  nor  a  great  statesman,  to  demand  payment  of  the 
loans  made  by  Cosimo  for  political  puq)oses  and  turn  all  into 
land.  Such  advice  was  equally  sound  either  as  a  friend  or  a 
politician,  whether  his  political  views  were  selfish  or  purely 
patriotic ;  whether  his  object  were  to  succeed  to  Medician 
power  or  restore  his  country's  liberty.  The  blow  was  felt  not 
only  in  I'lorence  but  with  great  and  extensive  evil  wherever 
the  commercial  affairs  of  that  city  and  the  Medici  extended :  in 
Venice,  in  Bologna,  in  Avignon,  and  other  places  numerous 
feilures  occurred,  and  Piero  was  universally  execrated  only  for 
attempting  to  recover  his  own  fiimily  property  and  satisfy  his 
lawful  creditors. 

Luca  Pitti,  Agnolo  Acciaioli,  and  Xiccolo  Soderini  were  the 


348 


FLORENTTNE    HISTORY. 


f TOOK  n. 


cliief  conspirators  with  Neroni  against  the  Medician  power: 
the  first  puffed  up  hy  his  own  vanity  and  public  aduhition  could 
scarcely  bend  even  to  Cosimo  s  superiority:  and  despising  Picro, 
resolved  to  establish  his  own.  Neroni  aware  of  his  weakness 
determined  to  make  use  of  him  as  an  instrument  fur  Piero's  poli- 
tical destmction  and  then  cast  him  otT  for  the  aceoinplislnneiit 
of  his  own  pui-poses.  Agnolo  Acciaioli  had  long  been  secretly 
incensed  against  Cosimo  for  some  private  wrong  wliich  is  va- 
riously related,  and  he  appears  to  have  been  in  close  fricndsliip 
with  Neri  Capponi  for  a  long  time  before  the  latter  died.  Xio- 
colo  Soderini  who  when  young  had  been  as  Tenucci  asserts, 
protected  by  the  Medici  from  the  consequences  of  a  plot  to  kill 
Niccolo  da  Uzzano,  was  a  man  of  spirit  learning  and  consider- 
able eloquence :  from  him  much  was  expected,  and  he  was  said 
to  have  been  moved  by  a  sincere  and  warm  attachment  to  his 
country's  good.  All  these  various  designs  were  carried  on 
under  the  duak  of  liberty  which  cut  from  the  same  false  web 
as  tbat  of  religion  is  of  universal  npplicati<>n,  and  ever  ready 
for  the  sellish  use  of  h^-pocritical,  ambitious,  and  self-interested 
citizens*. 

The  odium  against  Piero  increased  daily  and  the  projected 
marriage  of  his  son  Lorenzo  with  Clarice  degli  Orsini  of  Rome 
gave  fresh  cause  for  scandal ;  he  was  instantly  accused  of  des- 
pismg  the  Florentines,  and,  perhaps  not  unjustly,  of  aiming  at 
princely  rank  and  seeldng  high  foreign  alliances  to  support 
his  influence  at  home.  Thus  did  the  swarm  follow  the  tink- 
ling sound  of  liberty  until  many  of  Piero "s  friends  dreading 
serious  disturbance  proposed  the  exhibition  of  public  games 
and  amusements  to  dissipate  more  dangerous  and  uneasy 
thoughts  amongst  the  citizens.  These  tiilles  being  over,  old 
troubles  returned  ;  Luca  Pitti  through  Xeroni's  secret  intluence 
and  his  own  inclination  had  long  appeared  as  the  open  opposer 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  93.— Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  20.— Bruto,  Lib. 
ii**,  p.  125. 


f  ir.A 


F.  II!.] 


FLORENTINE    IJISTOKV. 


349 


of  Piero  de'  Medici :  he  declared  most  justly  that  no  free  city 
could  for  a  moment  submit  to  the  hereditary  succession  of 
supreme  power  in  one  family.  The  age,  the  wisdom,  the  pru- 
dence, the  genius,  the  public  services  of  Cosimo  were  so  many 
claims  to  respect  and  deference,  all  of  which  Piero  wanted:  he 
on  the  contrary  was  proud,  avaricious,  and ;  from  bad  health 
and  uiexperience ;  of  little  public  utility :  Luca  on  the  other  hand 
was  accused  of  selling  Florence  by  retail,  of  bestowing  public 
offices  at  his  pleasure,  of  constantly  entertaining  criminals  and 
eveiy  sort  of  disreputable  person  withhi  his  palace,  in  despite 
of  all  law;  of  indisciiniinately  robbing  the  public  and  private 
individuals  under  a  deceitful  [ip])earance  of  courtesy  and  liber- 
ality, of  despising  heaven  and  the  saints  and  confomiding  all 
things. 

The  Pitti  palace  built  on  tlie  skirts  of  the  "  Po(j(fw  "'  or  hill 
of  Saint  George  gave  to  Lucas  faction  the  name  of  "  Bel  Fog- 
gio ; "  and  that  of  tlie  ^Medici  in  Via  Larga  from  its  compara- 
tively low  situation  was  contradistinguished  by  the  appellation 
of  "  Dd  Piano  "  or  the  plain.  These  dissensions  continued 
with  one  slight  intermission  until  the  gonfaloniership  of  Nic- 
colo Cerretiini  in  September  and  October  1405,  when  the  spuit 
of  freedom  soared  so  boldly  over  the  public  councils  that  the 
election  purses  were  closed  almost  by  acclamation  and  the  con- 
stitutional mode  of  drawing  the  magistracies  by  lot  reestablished 
amidst  the  shouts  of  the  citizens*.  This  was  an  alanning 
symptom  for  Piero's  friends  but  he  made  no  opposition  to  the 
vote  nor  any  attempt  to  renew  the  Balia  which  had  just  ex- 
pired, although  the  most  gentle  of  his  enemies  counted  largely 
on  the  latter  for  his  gradual  ruin  without  either  exile  or  blood- 
shed. It  was  thought,  in  the  involved  condition  of  his  family 
affairs,  that  having  once  lost  the  power  of  supporting  private 
credit  with  public  money  ruin  must  necessarily  have  ensued 
and  libertv  have  been  established  without  violence,  because 


*  Morelli,  Cron.,  p.  181. — Amniiralo,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  94. 


350 


FI.OEENTINE    HISTORY. 


[cook  II. 


many  would  step  forward  to  support  a  persecuted  man  who 
might  have  calmly  looked  on  while  the  same  individual  quietly 
sank  under  the  sole  influence  of  his  o\mi  misfortunes. 

This  was  however  too  slow  a  process  for  the  more  ardent 
nature  of  faction  as  all  lost  time  tended  to  strengthen  Piero, 
and  it  was  thought  hetter  to   ruin  him  in  the  midst  of  his 
unpopularity  =:-.      Bolder   measures   were    therefore   expected 
when  Niccolo  Soderini  amidst  the  shouts  of  tlie  citizens  was 
led  crowned  witli  olive  to  the  palace,  mid  insUxlled  as  gonfalo- 
nier for  the  last  two  months  of  1405.     He  had  however  a  rela- 
tive named  Tommaso  Soderini,  an  abler  and   more  jiractical 
stitesraan  and  strongly  attached  to  the  Medici,  who  seeing  how 
things  stood,  determined  that  his  brother  should  not  be  the  in- 
strument of  tlieir  fill.     The  folly  of  risking  public  safety  by 
useless  dissension,  after  the  freedom  of  election  had  been  re- 
stored  and  the  Balia  had  expired,  was  urged  by  Tommaso  on 
Xiccolo  who  without  any  decisive  plan  was  simultaiicously  in- 
cited to  stronger  measures  by  his  own  j^arty  until  his  period  of 
office  slipped  insensibly  away  unimproved  and  fruitless.     Tom- 
maso s  pui-pose  was  thus  accomplished  and  Xiccolo  wasted  his 
time  in  theoretical  elocution  :  he  first  addressed  an  assembly 
of  five  hundred,  then  a  more  select  council  of  three  hundred 
citizens,  but  from  so  many  discordant  particles  produced  nothing 
solid  and  all  unity  of  action  became  suspended.     A  proposal 
to  investigate  the  public  accounts  was  opposed,  probably  with 
good  personal  reason,  by  Luca  Pitti,  and  the  oidv  measm-es 
earned  were  a   fresh  scrutiny  of  every  mngistracv  and  the 
repeal  of  a  law  passed  under   the  gonfaloniership   of  Tom- 
maso Soderini  which  had  set  a  price  upon  the  head  <»!'  rebels. 
This  trial  of  Niccolo  not  only  proved  his  incapacitv  as  a  public 
leader  but  by  strengthening  the  opposite  j.arty  prevented  anv 
present  violence;  yet  preparations  were  silentiv  and  earnestly 
continued  until  March   1400   when    the  death  of  Francesco 


*  MaccLiavclli,  Lib.  vii. 


CHAP.    HI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


351 


A.D.  14G6. 


Sforza  presented  a  favourable  occasion  for  political  conflict  and 
a  fresh  point  of  discussion  on  which  to  found  it. 

Piero  deprived  of  Francesco  Sforza's  countenance  would  it 
was  thought  be  more  easily  overcome  if  the  connection 
between  Florence  and  Milan  were  completely  severed 
and  as  the  Florentines  had  been  paying  him  an  annual  pension, 
but  rather  in  his  character  of  condottiere  than  sovereign  prince, 
it  was  resolved  l)y  the  Poggio  faction  to  weaken  their  advei-sa- 
ries  of  the  Piano  by  refusing  this  to  the  young  Duke  Galeazzo- 
^Maria.  This  roused  up  Piero  to  unusual  exertion,  and  in  an 
eloquent  and  able  speecli  before  the  (^ouncils  he  not  only 
defended  his  own  conduct  and  exposed  his  opponents,  but 
insisted  on  the  sound  policy  of  retaining  M'i]ai\  by  an  annual 
subsidy  as  a  bulwark  against  the  ambition  of  Venice  whose 
success  hi  Lombardy  he  insisted  would  not  only  involve  the 
conquest  of  Tuscany  Init  even  Italian  independence.  The 
other  party  asserted  that  tliis  pension  was  a  mere  expedient  of 
Cosimo's  to  support  his  own  usurpations  from  which  Florence 
had  never  received  the  smallest  benefit  but  on  the  contrary  was 
compelled  to  pay  the  very  insti-ument  of  its  subjugation. 

These  disputes  continued  with  great  heat  but  small  progress, 
for  the  foundations  of  Medician  power  were  laid  too  deep  to 
be  easily  shaken  even  by  all  Piero "s  unpopularity  :  the  "  Plebe  " 
still  clung  to  their  idol  house,  those  laniilies  who  had  risen  by 
and  still  depended  on  the  Medici  wei-e  true,  and  the  f^eneral 
reputation  of  their  party  was  better  than  that  of  their  oppo- 
nents. Dietisalvi  Neroni's  dissimulation  was  not  as  yet  un- 
masked, but  some  decisive  step  became  necessary  :  a  proposal 
to  kill  Piero  was  discussed  but  relinquished  as  impolitic  at 
that  moment  and  the  support  of  some  able  condottiere  re- 
commended; whereupon  Hercules  of  Este  who  disliked  the 
Medici  willingly  engaged  to  support  them  l)y  an  immediate 
advance  on  the  capital.  This  assurance  of  succour  renewed 
the  proposal   of  Piero 's  death,  and   the  evils  that  resulted 


«>*>* 


FLORENTINE    IlISTOKY. 


[LuUK    II. 


CHAP.  III. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


353 


from  sparing  his  fothers  life  in  1483  were  adduced  in  evidence 
of  its  necessity ;  for  freedom  and  the  Medici  it  was  asserted 
could  never  flourish  simultaneously  in  Florence. 

During  all  these  intrigues  Piero  de'  Medici  was  for  from 
dormant ;  he  watclied  their  progress,  confirmed  the  f  lith  of  his 
older  friends,  attracted  new  ones  hy  promise  and  reward,  drew 
even  neutrals  and  enemies  to  his  side  by  present  liberality  and 
flattering  prospects,  and  left  no  means  untried  to  secure  a  mul- 
titude of  adherents.  His  enemies  when  aware  of  this  activitv 
in  one  whose  infmnities  and  inexperience  were  supposed  to 
have  incapacitated  him,  at  once  resolved  on  violence,  and  life 
itself  was  to  answer  for  such  energy.  He  was  lirst  doomed  to 
be  murdered  while  i)assing  in  a  litter  from  Cai'eggi  to  Flo- 
rence ;  then  they  were  to  strengthen  themselves  with  foreign 
soldiers  and  so  compel  the  Seignoiy  to  order  another  scrutiny 
and  till  the  purses  according  to  their  dictation  with  citizens 
who  would  offer  no  opposition.  But  during  all  these  consulta- 
tions in  which  Xeroni  was  a  chief  actor  lie  still  continued  his 
intimacy  with  Piero,  visited  him  at  Careggi,  conversed  on  pub- 
lic affiiirs,  insisted  that  no  revolution  was  contemplated  ami 
discussed  the  most  efficient  means  of  keeping  Florence  united 
by  maintaining  the  existing  government.  Dietisalvi  was  well 
adapted  both  by  nature  and  long  practice  for  such  deceitful 
missions  :  but  Piero  whom  he  contemned  was  no  longer  de- 
luded ;  many  of  his  partisans  had  free  access  to  the  adverse 
conclave  and  kept  him  well  informed  of  all  that  past  while  he 
affected  ignorance  of  everything  and  by  tlius  confirming  their 
mean  opinion  of  him  prevented  any  sudden  movement  until  he 
became  able  to  strike  a  hard  and  unexperted  blow *.  In  fact 
Niccolo  Fedini,  acthig  as  secretaiy  to  the  Poggio  faction,  showed 
the  list  of  conspirators  to  Piero  who  surprised  at  their  rmmber  im- 
mediately bound  all  his  own  adherents  also  by  subscription  ;  and 

•  Maochiavclli,   Lib.  vii.— Bnito,   1st.  Fiorent.,    Lib.  ii"    p.  125  :  Lib.  iii**, 
?.219.  * 


such  was  the  corrupt  and  inconstant  state  of  public  principle 
that  many  names  appeared  at  the  same  time  on  both  rolls. 

Much  of  this  was  caused  by  Soderini's  failure  and  the  weak- 
ness of  the  really  liberal  party :  Luca  Pitti  who  had  been  en- 
riched by  peculation  was  no  friend  of  one  that  proposed  an 
examination  of  the  public  accounts,  while  the  new  scrutiny 
alienated  all  those  who  had  been  or  were  likely  to  be  rejected 
bv  it ;  so  that  in  this  state  the  timid  the  doubtful  and  the 
calculating  clung  to  old  habits,  future  prospects,  and  the 
powerful  name  of  IMedici. 

While  thus  determined  Piero  was  informed  bv  his  friend 
Domenico  Martelli  that  Dietisalvi  s  brother  Francesco  had  been 
repeatedly  urging  him  to  imitate  his  ancestors  and  johi  the 
liberal  cause  ;  but  though  he  prized  the  sacred  name  of  Lil)eity 
and  the  fiime  that  posterity  might  bestow  on  its  defenders,  lie 
was  by  no  means  sure  of  them  that  were  most  loudly  calling 
on  it,  and  if  they  were  insincere  inlinite  mischief  would  befall 
the  community  :  wherefore  ho  advised  Piero  to  act  promptly 
and  either  make  peace,  or  if  resolved  on  war  to  temporise  no 
more,  but  boldlv  tiT  tlie  chance  of  arms  :  for  if  the  enemy 
began,  supported  as  he  was  by  ci-owds  of  reckless  men,  the 
whole  city  would  be  plundered ;  consequently  for  his  own  and 
his  followers'  safety  there  oudit  to  be  no  delay  lest  his  adver- 
sary's  augmented  strength  should  render  the  conflict  doubtful. 
Piero  though  well  aware  that  contempt  for  liim  had  made  them 
comparatively  heedless  and  that  a  little  delay  was  not  impo- 
litic, yet  determined  to  avail  himself  of  this  good  spirit  in  his 
followers  to  strike  hard  and  suddenly  on  the  first  favourable 
occasion  -'•'. 

.  The  fact  of  Hercules  d'EiSte  having  espoused  their  cause  was 
uot  unknown,  and  Piero  took  care  that  not  only  the  intefligence 
of  that  prince's  advance  to  Fiunie  d"All»o  with  evil  intentions 
towards  the  commonwealth,  should  be  spread  abroad  but  that 


VOL.  III. 


Bruto,  1st.  Fior.,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  225. 
A  A 


354 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book    II. 


he  had  or  feigned  that  he  had  warning  letters  from  Gio- 
vanni Bentivoglio  of  Bologna  (whose  messenger  an-ived  on 
:27th  July)  which  confirmed  it;  and  this  was  more  easily  cre- 
dited because  of  the  well-known  intimacy  between  tlie  Benti- 
Yogli  and  Medici  *. 

Whether  this  intelligence  were  real  or  feigned  matters  but 
little  ;  the  main  fact  was  true  as  well  as  Piero  s  resolution  to 
arm,  so  that  he  lost  no  time  in  collecting  all  his  strength  aiul 
especially  summoned  a  Milanese  commander  then  stationed 
with  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  in  Romagna  to  advance 
by  forced  marches  towai'ds  Florence.  On  the  twenty-third  of 
August  he  quitted  the  villa  of  Careggi  and  proceeded  under  au 
escort  to  the  city  where  he  arrived  safely  but  with  a  narrow 
escape  from  assassination  :  the  whole  road  between  that  villa 
and  San  Gallo  had  been  clandestinely  occupied  by  armed  men 
on  the  watch  for  his  life ;  but  his  son  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  s 
suspicions  having  been  awakened  he  ordered  tliat  Piero's 
litter  should  be  carried  through  by-lanes  while  he  himself 
anxiously  but  boldly  proceeded  by  the  usual  road  where  he  ex- 
pected to  meet  the  assassins.  Nor  had  Lorenzo  gone  far  when 
a  party  stopped  him  to  ask  whereabouts  he  had  left  Piero,  but 
promptly  answering  that  his  father  was  close  at  hand  they 
allowed  him  to  pass  unmolested,  for  the  latter  s  death  alone 
was  required,  and  that  from  political  no"  r^-ity  not  private  ven- 
geance f .  Macchiavt'Ui  takes  no  notice  of  this  anecdote,  whicli 
is  related  by  Niccolo  Valori  in  his  Life  of  Lorenzo,  and 
repeated  on  his  authority  by  Bruto  and  Ammirato ;  but  on 
the  contrary  asserts  that  Piero  entered  Florence  at  the  head 
of  an  armed  force,  which  could  hardly  be  if  this  incident,  as 
is  probable,  really  took  place  J. 

•  Leonardo  Morelli,  p.   181. — Bruto,  X  Macchiavelli's    inaccuracy  is  noto- 

Lib.  ill.,    p.   2*25. — Ammirato,    Lib.  rious  :  Amminito  thus  speaks  of  hiui, 

x.xiii.,  p.  96. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  vii.  "  Which  obliges   me   to   refute  what 

•f*  Niccolo  Valori,  Vita  di   Lorenzo  de'  Macchiavelli  says,  namely   that   Piero 

Medici. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  96.  feigned  the  having  received  Bentivog- 

— Bruto,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  227.  lio's  letter;  more  especially  because  1 


CHAP.   III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


355 


Whatever  credit  may  be  given  to  Macchiavelli's  assertion 
Piero  without  doubt  had  either  then  or  very  soon  after,  a  strong 
force  in  Florence  and  tins  threw  the  whole  town  into  commo- 
tion :  the  adverse  faction  hastily  armed,  but  thus  taken  una- 
wares were  hurried  and  incomplete  in  their  preparations  while 
the  Medici  were  ready  for  any  enterprise.  Neroni,  whose 
residence  was  near  that  of  the  Medici,  fearing  for  his  own 
property  and  doubtful  of  the  resolution  of  his  party  promptly 
repaired  to  the  palace  and  urged  the  priors  to  command  the 
immediate  dismissal  of  Piero's  followers  and  invite  him  to 
bring  forward  his  grievances  in  a  legitimate  manner  before  the 
Seigoory  ;  then  seeking  out  Luca  Pitti  and  the  rest  he  encou- 
raged them  to  be  firm  in  tlie  cause ;  Niccolo  Soderini  now 
displayed  more  spirit  than  he  did  as  gonfalonier;  with  two 
hundred  friends,  three  Imndred  Flemish  weavers,  and  most 
of  the  quarter  of  Santo  Spirito  in  arms  he  endeavoured  to 
inspire  some  resolution  into  Luca  Pitti,  who  somewhat  encou- 
raged by  this  junction  of  forces  discussed  their  next  proceeding: 
some  wished  to  attack  the  palace  where  the  gonfalonier  and 


have  compared  it  with  other  very 
faithful  memoirs  which  show  tliat  the 
fact  passed  as  I  liuvc  related  it  :  he- 
sides  which  in  truth  Macchiavelli's 
want  of  care  is  seen  throughout  his  his- 
tory. If  we  were  to  go  on  reproving 
his  errors  we  should  either  become  un- 
observant of  tlie  deconiui  of  history  or 
be  blamed  as  malignant.  He  places 
Duke  Francesco's  death  before  th(* 
gonfalonierslu'p  of  Niccolo  Soderini, 
and  makes  Piero  de'  Medici  to  be  alive 
after  Pope  Paul's  death.  He  attributes 
to  Luca  Pitti  that  which  ])elongs  to 
Ruberto  Sostegni ;  names  Bardo  Alto- 
viti  as  gonfalonier  of  justice  after  Ru- 
berto Lioni  which  he  never  was.  In 
short  he  changes  years,  alters  Hicts, 
substitutes  names,  confounds  causes, 
augments,  diminishes,  adds,  subtracts, 
and  lets  his  fancy  run  without  a  bridle 

A 


or  anv  legitimate  control ;  and  what 
most  annoys  is,  that  in  many  places  he 
seems  to  act  thus  more  from  design 
than  error  or  ignorance  of  wh.at  oc- 
curred :  perhaps  because  by  thus  doing 
he  was  enabled  to  write  more  elegantly 
and  less  drily  than  he  would  have 
done  if  obedient  to  dates  and  facts.  As 
if  the  things  to  the  style,  and  not  the 
style  to  the  things  were  to  be  accommo- 
dated." {Vide  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii,, 
p.  96.)  Bruto  alsosays  (Lib.ii.,p.  125) 
"I  propose  to  follow  Macchiavelli  when 
I  can  get  at  no  better  authority  ;  but 
where  he  wants  sincerity  (which  fre- 
quently happens)  or  accuracy,  I  will 
not  shield  him.  *  *  *  Let  me  not  be 
blamed,  for  I  do  not  find  fault  with  the 
author,  whose  style  delights  me  and 
whose  genius  is  very  dear  tome  ;  but 
with  the  things  he  has  left  written." 
A  2 


356 


FLOBKNTINE    HISTORY. 


[book    II. 


four  priors  were  fi'iendly ;  others  proposed  setting  fire  to  the 
houses  of  their  adversaries  ;  but  while  Piero  was  or<^iiiisin" 
his  adherents  he  produced  lientivogho  s  letter  and  hcnt  it  to 
the  Seignory  as  an  excuse  for  his  having  armed  in  self-defence, 
and  to  impress  on  them  the  necessity  of  providing  fur  public 
safety. 

However  favourable  to  the  Poggiu  faction  no  government  could 
pass  such  intelligence  unnoticed;  they  therefore  despatched 
Bernardo  Curbhielli  as  theii'  commissary  to  know  what  armv 
this  was  that  approached  the  city,  by  whom  and  for  what  pur- 
pose sent,  and  to  stop  its  further  i)rogress  ;  while  by  means  ol 
common  friends  they  urged  both  iiictions  to  disarm  :  but  neither 
were  so  inclined  and  Piero  was  continually  receiving  reenfurce- 
ments  from  the  country  ;  many  of  his  party  would  have  at  once 
crossed  the  Anio  and  attacked  the  enemy  in  his  own  (piarters 
but  others  opposed  thi.^  and  Medician  authority  kept  eventhing 
quiet,  so  that  nothing  was  as  yet  done  by  either  side.  Luca 
Pitti  and  Niccolo  Soderini  now  began  to  reproach  each  other  as 
the  particulai-  cause  of  failure,  whereby  both  time  and  means 
were  wasted  in  negotiations  and  vain  attempts  at  restoring 
tranquillity.  This  dehiy  was  satisfactory  to  Piero  who  hoped 
little  from  the  existing  Seignory  but  much  from  its  successors, 
because  the  gonfalonier  would  then  be  chosen  from  the  quarter 
of  Santa  Croce  where  he  had  many  adherents  :  in  the  interim 
lie  gained  over  Luca  Pitti  himself  by  the  most  tempting  otlers; 
amongst  others  a  matrimonial  tdliance  with  his  family;  and 
also  increased  his  own  forces  to  four  thousand,  or  according  to 
Jacopo  Pitti  six  thousand  men :  in  this  way  Piero  ably  ma- 
naged to  occupy  his  enemy  s  time  until  the  twenty-eighth  of 
August  when  a  new  Seignorj-  was  drawn  who  together  with  tlieir 
predecessors  sent  for  the  hostile  chiefs,  Luca  api»earing  for 
his  party,  and  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  de'  Medici  for  Piero  : 
and  effected  an  apparent  reconciliation  *. 

•  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i«.  p.   22,  23.— Ammirato,    Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  97,  98.— 
M.  Bruto,  Lib.  iii.,p.  243. 


CHAP.   III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


357 


Here  we  have  a  strildng  example  of  the  strength  of  Flo- 
rentine faction  and  the  weakness  of  Florentine  government:  its 
favour  to  either  party  would  liave  insured  victory ;  but  mis- 
trustin<]f  both  it  stood  anxiously  watching  the  event,  and  unable 
between  two  angiy  factions  to  vindicate  its  own  authority  as- 
sumed the  more  timid  part  of  a  mediator  and  humbly  sued 
for  peace !  According  to  Jacopo  Pitti  all  Piero  s  acts  both 
political  and  military  were  advised  if  not  exclusively  directed 
by  Nicodemo  Frandiedino  the  Duke  of  ^Milan's  ambassador 
who  had  dwelt  long  in  Florence  and  was  attached  to  the  house 
of  Medici  by  the  benefits  received  both  from  Cosinio  and  Piero ; 
this  and  his  son  Lorenzo's  spirit  will  perhaps  account  for  the 
vigour  and  promptness  witli  which  an  almost  bed-ridden  invalid 
like  the  latter  acted  amidst  so  much  danger  and  difficulty--. 

Soon  after  this  pacification  a  meeting  of  all  parties  with 
the  shigle  exception  of  Xiccolo  Soderini  who  disdained  to  bend; 
took  place  at  the  Medici  palace  where  Piero  was  obliged  to 
receive  them  in  bed,  and  where  much  bitter  language  and 
reproach  preceded  another  liollow  reconciliation  :  Soderini  then 
made  one  more  indignant  attempt  to  rouse  Luca  up  to  a  sense 
of  his  own  honour  and  dignity:  for  a  moment  he  was  successful, 
a  new  revolutionary  movement  was  felt  and  the  city  l)ecame 
anxious  and  agitated;  an  appeal  io  arms  was  again  resolved  on; 
the  Ferrarese  succours  advanced  to  San  ]\Iarcello  in  the  Pistoian 
hills  and  evervtliing  once  more  looked  gloomy.  These  mock  or  at 
least  unsatisfactory  reconciliations  repeatedly  occurred,  and  Piero, 
thougli  conscious  of  liis  own  strength  and  desiring  tranquillity, 
was  yet  afraid  to  disarm,  while  liis  enemies  disunited  in  councils, 
in  ol)jects,  and  resources,  were  so  continually  shifting,  and  so 
little  to  be  trusted;  for  though  unable  to  make  head  against  the 
Medician  power  they  still  disdained  obedience. 

Alarmed  at  these  new  commotions  Piero  employed  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici  and  others  to  confirm  Luca's  hesitation  in  their 


Jacopo  Pitti,  Ittor.  Fiorent.,  Lib.  i",  p,  2L 


338 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


favour:  be  was  now  seventy-two  and  disposed  for  tranquillity; 
desirous  to  finish  his  vast  palace ;  doubtful  of  his  companions' 
ultimate  objects;  and  hoping,  through  his   promised  alliance 
with  Lorenzo,  that  when  Piero  died  he  should  be  able  from  the 
former  s  youth,  to  mle  P'lorence  at  his  pleasure.     All  this  was 
known  and  worked  on,  and  he  accordingly  deserted  his  friends; 
but  such  vacillation,  which  had  long  thwarted  Dietisalvi  and 
Soderini  s  efforts,  became  now  so  suspicious  that  along  \nth  the 
new  elections  it  annihilated  eveiy  hope  of  their  party.     What- 
ever might  have  been  Piero  s  inward  motives  or  wishes  in  this 
dangerous  crisis  the  language  which  he  held  to  his  fellow-citizens 
at  the  last  interview  was  moderate  and  reasonable.    He  encou- 
raged them  to  act  in  a  manner  consistent  both  with  their  own 
dignity  and  public  duty  ;  and,  without  showing  f^ivour  to  any 
man,  pass  those  measures  which  should  be  niost  conducive  to 
public  deconnn,  liberty,  and  general  tranquillity.     He  advised 
them  to  look  forward  only  to  the  future  distinction  which  their 
public  conduct  would  give  them  a  fair  and  honest  claim  to  from 
Florence  ;  and  as  to  himself  whatever  they  enacted,  whether  to 
continue  the  government  by  Balia  or  otherwise,  he  would  ap- 
prove of,  as  an  honest  citizen  eager  for  tranquillity  and  his 
country's  happiness,  was  bound  to  do-. 

There  was  a  general  desire  for  repose  ;  but  repose  was  not 
easily  acquired  in  an  age  when  life  was  despised  as  a  mere  load 
of  infamy  unless  hatred  and  injury  were  waslied  away  in  the 
blood  or  destruction  of  one  or  the  other  party  :  Piero  s  faction 
eagerly  voted  for  the  death  of  the  four  adverse  leaders,  but  he 
would  not  hear  of  blood  and  a  parliament  was  resolved  on.  The 
new  gonfalonier  lioberto  Leoni  is  said  i-ather  to  have  calculated 
his  own  chances  than  the  public  benefit  f,  and  to  have  discovered 
that  these  lay  entirely  with  the  Medici :  wherefore  on  the 
second  of  September  1466,  he  by  Piero  s  direction  summoned 
a  parliament  and  with  the  accust<jmed  precautions  created  a  new 


•   Brute,  Lil».  iii«,  p.  257. 


t  Ibid.,  274,  275. 


CHAP.   III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


359 


Balia  composed  of  the  captain  of  the  people  and  eight  citizens 
who  with  absolute  authority  were  empowered  to  reform  the 
commonwealth.  On  the  sixth  they  were  eml)odied  and 
their  functions  commenced,  whereupon  Agnolo  Accaiuoli  and 
Dietisalvi  Neroni  at  once  fled  from  Florence  as  Soderini  had 
done  some  days  before,  to  escape  from  the  usual  and  inevitable 
persecutions  *. 

The  Balia  was  elected  for  ten  years,  a  much  longer  period 
than  even  Cosimo  ventured  upon,  and  with  restricted  numbers ; 
so  tme  is  it  that  unsuccessful  resistance  imparts  new  strength 
to  despotism :  the  elections  of  priors  were  again  made  at  pleasure 
for  an  equal  period  ;  the  Neroni,  the  Soderini,  the  Panciatichi, 
the  Gondi,  the  Nardi,  and  many  others  were  exiled,  fined,  or 
admonished ;  Neroni  s  brother  the  archbishop  of  Florence  fearful 
of  consequences  retired  into  vohmtaiy  banishment ;  the  Balias 
myrmidons  scoured  Florence  in  search  of  proscribed  citizens, 
and  were  clothed  in  such  terrors  that  even  the  very  children, 
according  to  Jacopo  Pitti,  began  to  question  their  memory  lest 
they  should  ever  have  unwittingly  offended  Piero  de'  Medici  or 
any  of  his  faction.  Many  people  fled  from  the  city,  but  this 
was  met  by  an  arbitraiy  act  of  the  "  Otto  di  BaJlci,''  who  at 
their  own  pleasure  summoned  any  citizen  to  appear  before  them 
mider  the  penalty  of  immediate  banishment,  Luca  Pitti  alone 
of  all  his  faction  remaining  unscathed  yet  disappointed  at  the 
failure  of  his  granddaughter  s  marriage  with  the  young  Lorenzo 
de' Medici;  which  was  probably  never  intended  :  despised,  self- 
blamed;  and  with  the  shadow  rather  than  the  substance  of 
authority  he  gradually  sunk  into  insignificance  f .  Nardi  tells 
us,  though  not  confidently,  that  Luca  furnished  Piero  with 
accurate  lists  of  all  his  unfortunate  companions ;  and  Macchiavelli 
that  he  lived  despised ;  and  having  been  driven  into  obscurity 
by  public  opinion  wandered  through  the  vast  solitudes  of  his 


•  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  23. — Amnii- 
rato.  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  99. — Bruto,  Lib. 
iii^  p.  277.— Lion.  MorcUi,  p.  182.— 


Macphiavelli,  Lib.  vii. — Filippo  Nerli 

Lib.  ii",  p.  52. 

t  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i^,  p.  24. 


360 


PXORENTINE    HISTORY. 


I  BOOK  :i. 


«• 


deserted  palace,  once  the  emblem  as  well  of  his  prosperity  as 
the  adulation  of  a  cornipted  people,  and  linallj  a  token  of  his 
pride,  his  fully,  and  his  infomy  *. 

Severity  did  not  tenuinate  here  ;  a  few  days  jifter,  some  more 
itizens  were  exiled,  lined,  or  admonislied,  and  no  less  than 
forty  deprived  of  their  arms  on  suspicion  of  an  intention  to  use 
them.     Such  was  the  termination  of  Luni  Pittis  attempt  to 
unseat  the  ^Medici;  thus  the  conspiracy  commenced  and  tinished 
witliin  the  city  and  the  yoke  was  more  lirmly  iixed  ;  hut  with- 
out, a  different  scene  presented  itself;   the   exiles,  banished 
proscribed  and  mined    as  they  were,  still   maintained    their 
spu-it,  whether  it  were  vengeance  or  patriotism,  and  resolved 
not  to  sink  without  a  blow.     Dietisalvi  repaired  to  V«niice  and 
began  a  secret  negotiation  with  that  republic  and  its  general 
Coleoni  {for  the  Venetians  had  never  forgiven  Florence's  sup- 
port of  Sforza)  wherefore  he  was  declared  a  rebid  in  December 
14(»(»,  and  Accaiuoli  and  Soderini  in  January  1407; 
till  having  left  their  place  of  exile  and  repaired  to 
Venice.     The  son  of  Palla  Strozzi  who  had  settled  at  Ferrara 
and   become   wealthy  by  connnerce,  joined    them   heart   and 
liand  with  most  of  the  older  exiles,  and  money  was  not  wantinj.^ 
to  promote  their  enterprise.     Tliis  proceeding  wa>  met  witli 
as  lively  a  spirit  at    Florence    where   10U,(»U0   Horins   were 
mstantly  levied,  preparations  for  war  begim,  and  notice  sent 
to  the  various  powers,  that  although  the  Murentines  desire.l 
peace,  if  they  were  compelled  to  take  up  arms  in  self-defence 
all  might  be  aware  from  what  quarter  the  disturi)ance  of  ludiaii 
tranquillity  ]>roceeded. 

An  alliance  for  live-and-twenty  years  was  nia<le  with  both 
Milan  and  Naples ;  the  latter  was  now  tranquil,  lor  Ferdinand 
had  beaten  John  of  Anjou  find  his  reliellious  barons,  and  thought 
by  a  close  alliance  with  the  Florentines  in  their  i)resent  nee<l 

*  Hmto,  Lib.  iii«,  p.  297.— MacchiavcUi,   J.ib.  vii.—  \erli,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  52.— 
Naifli,  Lib.  i",  p.  n. 


A.D.  Uf>7. 


CHAP,  in.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


361 


to  detach  them  entirely  from  that  prince.  Nor  was  he  insen- 
sible to  the  general  danger  of  Italy  if  by  a  restoration  of  the 
Florentine  exiles  their  republic  became  tributary  to  Veni<'e ; 
for  with  such  an  accession  of  strength  her  fleets  would  com- 
mand both  coasts,  her  armies  subdue  Milan,  and  her  ambition 
look  to  the  conquest  of  all  the  peninsula.  Amongst  the  Flo- 
rentine refugees  Agnolo  Acciaioli  alone  seems  to  have  sued 
for  peace  and  forgiveness  tVom  the  ^ledici :  in  a  supplicatory 
and  at  the  same  time  reinoacliful  and  undignified  letter  to 
Piero,  unworthy  of  a  man  who  professed  to  act  and  suffer  for 
the  cause  of  freedom,  he  endeavours  to  move  the  justice  and 
gratitude  of  Cosimo's  son  whilp  he  wishes  him  to  believe  that 
it  is  not  so  much  for  his  own  interest,  although  in  great  neces- 
sity, as  through  liis  anxiety  for  Piero 's  reputation.  He  was 
answered  with  sense  and  s])irit  and  some  degree  of  ridicule, 
softened  however  bv  as  nuich  mildness  as  could  well  be  ex- 
pected  in  such  times  and  circumstances,  and  not  in  the  sharper 
language  of  Macchiavelli's  more  elegant  paraphrase  -''.  Agnolo 
seeing  his  pardon  hopeless  quitted  Naples  for  liome  and  united 
with  the  other  exiles,  even  those  whom  he  and  his  party  had 
banished  in  1  t;U.  Here  they  formed  a  plan  that  was  near 
proving  fatid  to  the  Medici ;  for  knowing  Piero's  difficulties,  they 
succeeded  in  producing  so  sudden  and  extended  a  run  on  his  great 
banking  establishment  in  that  city  that  with  all  the  assistance 
of  his  friends  he  could  scarcely  withstand  the  torrent  f. 

Frederic  duke  of  Urbino  was  without  loss  of  time  engaged  as 
general  of  the  Florentines  and  several  other  condottieri  were 
attached  to  their  standard  ;  nor  was  this  speed  unnecessary  for 
Bartolomeo  Coleoni  the  Venetian  commander  behig  nominally 
released  from  that  service  had  alreadv  taken  the  field  with  six 
thousand  horse  and  a  mniierous  infantry  accompanied  and  guided 

*  MaccliiavcllijLib.  vii. — Roscoe,  Life     ii**,  p.  36. 

of  Lorenzo  dc   Medici,   Appendix. —     f  Biuto,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  300. — MaccIiJH- 

Fabroni,  Laurcntii   Mcdicis  Vita,  vol.     velli,  Lib.  vii. 


362 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


II. 


CHAP.    III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


363 


bj  the  Florentine  exiles  at  whose  cost  this  armament  is  said  to 
have  been  principally  maintained,  and  whose  general  Coleoni 
was  reputed  to  be,  the  Venetians  keeping  as  much  out  of  si"ht 
as  possible.     Tliere  were  various  reports  about  Coleoni  s  move- 
ments and  precise  objects  ;  but  in  May  he  crossed  the  Po  sup- 
ported by  Hercules  of  Este,  Sforza  of  Pesaro,  Cecco  and  Pino 
Ordelaffi  of  Forli,  the  lord  of  Faenza,  those  of  Miraiulola  and 
Carpi,  the  count  of  Anguilara  and  several  others,  so  much  wealth 
and  influence  had  the  exiled  Florentines  and  so  congeniid  was 
the  hatred  of  the  Medici  to  many  Italian  princes.    Venice  how- 
ever was  undoubtedly  the  mainspring  of  this  enterprise,  for  her 
enmity  was  intense  against  that  family  once  so  caressed  and 
honoured  within  her  walls :  Coleoni  as  one  of  the  last  reimiants 
of  the  old  Itiilian  generals  preser\'ed  a  sort  of  reflected  reputa- 
tion for  militar}'  talent  which  he  scarcely  deserved,  and  certainly 
not  more  so  than  his  no  less  veteran  adversary  Frederic  of  Mon- 
tefeltro  duke  of  Urbiuo.     Both  were  men  of  learning  and  lite- 
rature, both  experienced  in  wai-,  and  both  too  old  and  cautious 
for  the  conduct  of  an  enterprise  that  required  froui  either  side 
the  vigour  of  a  bold  and  youthful  energy  with  rapid  and  decisive 
consequences  =5^. 

The  result  was  protracted  operations  and  general  dissatisfac- 
tion ;  but  still  Coleoni  s  movement  allowed  of  no  slackness  in 
Florence  ;  a  Balia  of  war  was  named  and  Urbino  at  once  des- 
patched with  eight  hundred  cavalry  to  watch  the  enemy's  mo- 
tions in  Romagna,  where  after  the  reduction  of  several  towns  he 
had  encamped  near  Imola.  The  Florentine  confederates  soon 
collected  in  great  force  round  Montefeltro's  banners  under  Gio- 
vanni Bentivoglio,  Prince  Frederic  of  Naples,  and  Giovan- 
Galeazzo  Duke  of  Milan  in  person.  The  two  armies  were 
nearly  equal  and  the  Florentines  in  each  strongly  desirous  of 
battle,  as  both  suffered  from  excessive  expense  and  anxiety ; 
but  the  two  generals  sparred  long  and  cautiously  and  the  war 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  vii.,  p.  364,  &c. 


appeared  interminable  :  the  exalted  rank  of  Giovan-Galeazzo 
Sforza  gave  him  powerful  influence,  wiiile  his  folly  vanity  and 
empty  vaunting  destroyed  all  confidence  and  led  the  troops  into 
difficulties  that  might  have  proved  fatal  with  a  younger,  less 
cautious,  and  more  enterprising  adversary.  The  decemvirate 
of  war  perceived  this  danger  and  either  flatteringly  invited  him 
to  honour  Florence  with  his  presence  ;  or,  as  Biuto  and  Mac- 
chiavelli  assert,  cunningly  induced  him  to  return  home  and 
watch  the  enemy's  designs  on  his  own  frontier  which  might  be 
endangered  by  his  absence.  Probably  both  ;  but  his  interference 
was  given  as  the  true  reason  of  Urbino's  inactivity,  so  that  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  July,  only  four  days  after  his  arrival  at  Florence, 
the  two  armies  engaged  in  a  long  and  somewhat  bloody  battle 
at  a  place  called  San  Piero  or  La  Molinella  in  the  Bolognese 
state,  and  judged  to  be  won,  or  nearly  so,  by  the  Duke  of 
Urbino.  It  would  be  diffi<'ult  to  determine  who  gained  the  day 
for  both  generals  fell  back  astonished  from  the  shock,  neither 
of  them  knowing  whether  he  were  beaten  or  victorious ;  an 
armistice  soon  followed  and  opened  the  way  to  final  negotia- 
tions for  a  pennanent  peace  which  however  was  not  so  speedily 
accomplished  *. 

The  circumstances  of  this  expedition  are  variously  related  : 
Macchiavelli,  and  Bmto  who  follows  him  in  this  portion  of  his 
work ;  assert  that  tliere  was  no  blood  shed  in  the  battle,  and 
Valori  says  that  Galeazzo  was  present  in  itf  :  the  Cardinal  of 
Pavia  gives  a  somewhat  difterent  story  and  Sabellico  asserts 
that  the  Florentine  exiles  never  were  admitted  to  an  audience 
by  the  Venetian  senate  ;  that  the  army  of  Coleoni  was  his  own 
and  paid  by  them,  and  that  hostilities  began  without  any  parti- 
cipation of  Venice ;  with  other  variations  that  only  add  more  proofs 
to  the  everlasting  doubtfulness  of  all  records;  an  uncertainty 
that  often  makes  the  writer  pause  in  despair  ere  he  risks  the 

♦  Lion.  Morelli,  p.  183. — Ammirato,     f   Niceolo  Valori,  Vita  di  Lorenzo  de' 
Lib.   xxiii.,  p.   102. — Sismondi,  vol.     Medici,  p.  6. 
vii.,  p.  365. 


364 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book    II. 


I 


addition  of  auotiier  unit  to  the  daily  nccumulatiiig  mass  of  his- 
torical apociypha. 

The  armistice  for  twenty  days  began  in  Angnst,  yet  peace  was 
retarded  ;  for  Florence  wcndd  not  treat  with  Coleoni,  hut  witli 
Veiiice  alone  as  the  real  belligerent  power;  nor  would  she  at 
fii-st  consent  to  the  arbitration  of  one  so  unfriendly  as  Borso 
d'Este  ;  nor  to  the  pope's  being  left  unnoticed  ;  nor  to  the  grant 
of  indemnity  demanded  for  her  exiled  citizens.     Some  of  these 
difi&culties  having  been  overcome,  negotiations  were  allowed  to 
commence  while  fresh  reenforcements  arrived  from  Naples,  and 
Giovan-Galeazzo  incensed  against  Trbino  for  giving  battle  in 
Ms  absence  marched  off  the  Milanese  troops  to  aid  his  friend 
the  Marquis  of  Mouferrato  whose  states  were  threatened  by  the 
Duke  of  Savoy's  brother.     The  truce  finished,  sunnner  wore 
away,  and  the  armies  retired  into  winter  quarters  without  any  de- 
cisive event  either  diplomatic  or  military  ;    but  in  Florence 
1/^00,000   llorins  for  the  war  expenditure   during  the  three 
forthcoming  years  were  voted  in  the  absence  of  any  appearance 
of  an  amicable  settlement  of  hostilities.     Cideoni  wanted  a  sub- 
sidy, the  exiles  an  amnesty  ,  to  neither  of  these  would  Florence 
consent;  moreover  Pope  Paul  II.  who  wa>  a  Venetian  and 
incensed  against  Ferdinand  began  to  take  a  leading  part  in  tlie 
negotiation  and  alanned  all  the  confederates.    These  apprehen- 
sions were  soon  realised  by  his  arrooantly  publislun<f 
a  treaty  entirely  of  his  <>wn  coiiqiosing,  and  contain- 
ing amongst  other  unpalatable  things  an  engagement  to  retain 
Coleoni  with  a  salary  of  10i),0()()  ducats  for  the  war  in  Albania 
against  the  Turks,  each  state  paying  a  part  according  to  its  then 
estimated  wealth  and  di^mity. 

According  to  this  scale  we  tind  that  Rome,  Naples,  ^filan,  and 
Venice  were  taxed  at  10,000  ducats  each,  while  Florence 
Siena  and  Ferrara,  contributed  fifteen,  four,  and  three,  respec- 
tively ;  two  thousand  only  being  assigned  between  ^Mantuaand 
Lucca :  so  low  was  the  last  and  Siena  foUen  in  consequence  of 


A.D.  1468. 


^.. 


CHAP,  in.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


3G5 


war,  conquest,  civil  dissension,  and  the  superior  genius  of  Flo- 
rence ;  while  the  once  powerful  Pisa  was  blotted  altogether  from 
the  list  of  independent  nations. 

fjxcommunication  was  the  penalty  awarded  for  non-compli- 
ance with  this  exclusively  Venetian  and  ecclesiastical  treaty, 
and  Florence,  at  first  temporising,  <leclared  her  readiness  to  pay 
whenever  Coleoni  should  actually  take  the  field  in  Albania: 
but  on  learning  that  the  Duke  of  Milan  openly  declared  his 
determination  not  to  contril)ute,  Tonniiaso  Soderini  and  Antonio 
Ridolfi  were  despatched  to  arrange  an  effectual  mode  of  resist- 
ance with  him  arid  King  Ferdinand,  whereupon  it  was  resolved 
to  meet  any  attempt  at  exi-onnnunication  by  the  threat  of  a 
general  council.  Pjud  was  hidignant  and  refused  to  recede,  so 
that  preparations  for  renewed  hostilities  were  again  in  progress 
when  through  Borso  d'  b'stc's  intluence  a  wiser  and  calmer 
spirit  came  over  him  and  a  more  satisfactory  ti-eaty  was  pub- 
lished in  April  14 OS.  To  Florence  this  peace  was  a  Idessing, 
but  it  did  not  hinder  discontent ;  new  conspiracies,  new  expa- 
triations, and  other  punishments  succeeded  each  other  for  several 
months,  and  the  exiles  in  spite  of  defeat,  banishment,  death, 
and  incarceration,  but  almost  without  hope,  continued  to  liarass 
their  native  country.  Influenced  by  the  lords  of  l'<trli  and 
Faenza  several  were  captured  while  attempting  to  surprise 
('astiglionchio,  and  afterwards  decapitated  at  Florence:  this 
produced  a  momentary  calm,  during  which  Sarzana  imd  Sarza- 
nella  were  purchased  for  :;n,00n  florins  and  added  to  the  Flo- 
rentine dominions:  but  tranquillity  was  .soon  disturbed.  Towards 
the  end  of  140?^  died  ( iismondo  jMalatesta  Lord  of  llimini  a 
man  who  is  said  to  have  surpassed  all  others  of  his  day  in 
cruelty,  rapine,  licentiousness  and  every  description  of  infamy  : 
he  had  murdered  two  or  tlu'ee  wives  because  they  had  borne 
him  no  children,  but  left  an  illegitimate  son  Roberto,  who  was 
for  the  time  and  country  as  virtuous  and  well-beloved  as  Gis- 
mondo  was  vicious  and  detested.     This  popularity  coupled  with 


366 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


CRAP.  III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


367 


A.D.  1469. 


i| 


some  treachery  towards  the  pope  enabled  him  to  succeed  his 
father  in  the  Lordship  of  Rimini  which  as  an  ecclesiastical  fief 
rightly  devolved  on  the  church.  Paid  II.  after  waiting  some 
time  for  Roberto's  volmitaiy  resignation,  at  last  sent  an  army 
against  him  under  the  Archbishop  of  Spalatro ;  yet  de- 
pending more  on  the  assistance  of  Alexander  Sforza  of 
Pesai'o,  wlio  indulged  the  hope  of  gaining  that  principality  as 
his  brother  Francesco  had  Milan.  Roberto  wanted  neither 
friends  nor  spirit :  his  wife's  father  Frederic  Count  of  Urbino; 
Ferdhiaiid  King  of  Naples,  the  young  Duke  of  Milan,  and 
the  Florentines,  all  supported  him  in  order  to  preserve  the 
threatened  peace  of  Italy,  but  Venice  tuded  her  countn-maii. 
though  it  is  said  unwillingly,  because  her  own  views  extended 
to  the  future  conquest  of  Rimini ;  Paul  however  having  been 
beaten  in  a  pitched  battle  was  compelled  to  resign  his  preten- 
sions and  all  further  designs  on  Romagna  and  receive  the  victor  s 
conditions*. 

These  events  kept  up  a  certain  degree  of  agitation  in  Flo- 
rence while  the  rest  of  Italy  was  at  peace  with  a  general  desire 
to  maintain  it ;  and  even  in  Florence  tranquillity  was  desired 
by  the  ast-endant  party,  for  in  the  gonfaloniership  of  Bardo 
Altoviti  a  resolution  passed  that  none  who  were  suspected  of 
favouring  the  exiles  should  have  the  power  of  doing  so  ;  ami 
to  accomplish  this  the  gonfalonier  em[)loyed  himself  in  banish- 
ing, and  admonishing,  and  forcing  to  a  premature  resignation 
of  ofl&ce  and  withdrawal  from  Florence,  all  who  were  likely  to 
give  any  trouble  to  the  government,  and  this  by  his  solo  wll 
and  pleasure!  The  tyranny  of  faction  now  rose  so  high  that 
even  Piero  with  all  his  moderation  and  authority  could  not,  for 
want  of  physical  energy,  in  any  way  control  it.  His  followers 
seemed,  says  Bnito,  more  like  foreign  conquerors  than  native 
citizens ;  robbing  both  private  and  public  property ;  abusing 
their  official  powers  and  oppressing  without  distiiK^tion  eveiy 
man  from  whom  profit  could  possibly  be  extracted.     To  this 

•    Ammirato,    Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  104-5,  &c. —  Muratori,  Annali.  —  Sismondi, 
vol.  vii.,  p.  378.  I 


Piero 's  failing  health  could  oppose  little  resistance,  and  even 
had  he  possessed  all  the  spirit  and  vigour  of  youth  it  would 
have  been  difficult  to  restrain  those  by  whose  arms  and  fidelity 
he  like  Cosimo  had  overcome  his  political  opponents. 

Nothing  is  more  malignant  than  the  acts  of  a  successful 
faction ;  the  spirit  of  the  bad  flames  through  the  whole  com- 
munity and  involves  even  the  virtuous  and  well-meaning  in  the 
general  ferment :  leaders  however  averse,  are  compelled  for 
[)arty  purposes  to  wink  at  the  excesses  of  tlieir  subordinates  or 
lose  their  favour,  and  party  hatred  smothers  every  feeling  of 
humanity  or  justice  in  the  multitude. 

Piero  de'  Medici,  according  to  Brato ;  and  any  praise  of  a 
Medici  from  him  may  be  safely  tnisted ;  endeavoured  to  re- 
press this  disorder  ;  sometimes  by  gentle  and  friendly  admoni- 
tion, sometimes  by  severe  reproof ;  and  occasionally  even  with 
menaces  he  implored  them  to  cast  an  eye  of  pity  on  their 
countiy  and  put  some  limit  to  their  exorbitant  pretensions.  If 
they  w^ere  determined  to  continue  their  inexoral)le  course  he 
bade  them  remember  that  even  violence  is  weak  against  the 
will  of  many  should  they  once  rise  in  their  wratli ;  and  when 
hated  l)y  the  riiii  and  opposed  to  an  injured  people  it  was 
rarely  that  any  faction  could  endure.  These  exhortations  fell 
pointless :  nay  to  such  a  height  did  the  tyranny  of  this  faction 
mount  tliat  whomsoever  they  had  a  mind  to  ruin  needed  only  a 
sim^de  indication,  given  by  his  enemies,  as  one  of  their  oppo- 
nents, to  be  instantly  run  down  and  persecuted  by  those  both 
in  and  out  of  office,  publicly  and  privately  ;  so  that  general 
and  individual  tyranny  ruled  with  unmitigated  rigour.  The 
unhappy  Piero,  though  tormented  by  unceasing  pain,  was  still 
more  vexed  by  the  conduct  of  his  partisans  and  the  consequent 
misery  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  in  despite  of  all  his  suffering 
made  one  more  effort  at  refonn,  firmly  resolved  to  put  an  end 
to  such  misrule  either  by  force  or  persuasion  *. 

*  Brute,  Lib.  iv«,  p.  379. 


I 


368 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


Assembling  the  various  leaders  of  Lis  party,  ho  lu  a  severe 
and  eloquent  diseoui-se,  as  given  l>y  IJriito,  and  more  concisely 
1)}'  Macchiavelli,  is  said  to  have  addressed  them  thus  : — 

"  I  never  could  have  believed,  after  all  my  exertions  for  the 
*•  safety  and  welfare  of  Florence ;  1  sav  I  never  could  havo 
'*  believed  that  I  should  now  be  most  sorrowfully  yet  impera- 
••  lively  and  necessarily  compelled  to  raise  my  \oke  against 
•'  those  who  were  once  my  coniidential  supporters.     I  thoufrht 
*'  that  1  had  selected  for  my  companions  the  most  honoured 
"  and  respected  citizens;  men  who  would  not  only  second  mr 
"  but,  (and  1  declare  it  with  sincerity)  incite  ni*^  to  aim  at  tlip 
"  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  commonwealth.     They  had  so 
*'  nobly  backed  me  in  overcoming  those  seditious  and  tm'l)U- 
**  lent  citizens  who  with  the  pretence  of  my  ruin  plotted  against 
"  liberty  and  ])ublic  good  that  1  never  for  an  instant  suspected 
•*  the  time  would  come  when  1  should  have  to  save  my  country 
*'  from  the  wickedness  and  rnpaciousness  of  the  very  men  in 
"  whose  fidelity  I  had  tmsted.     And  this  unworthy  t  unduct  is 
'*  the  more  painful  and  mortifying,  because  I  had  hoped  that 
"  in  times  so  unfortunate  for  my  fellow  citizens,  I,  (half  dead 
"  as  I  am  with  extreme  suffering)  should  have  had  some  relief 
*'  from  your  wisdom  and  fidelity.     If  I  am  m<»w  cheerfully 
*'  awaiting  that  death  which  must  speedily  arrive,  it  is  because 
*  it    brings   along  with    it    the    termination   of   my  bitterest 
•'anguish:  yet  I  have  other  apprehensions;    itecause  I  also 
"  foresee  that  then  will  be  increased  the  \i( c  and  inhumanitv 
'*  of  the  wicked  to  the  injuiy  of  my  country  .  the  good  man's 
"hope  will  be  blasted;   if  any  good   man  escape  from  your 
•*  rapaciousness  and  cruelty ;    and  the  whole  commonwealth 
"  (Oh  !  how  my  soul  shudders  in  saying  so  I)  will  tumble  into 
"  utter  desolation!     It  is  even  too  true  that  by  the  conduct  of 
'*  those  \ery  men,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  that  life  so  often 
"  perilled  by  the  treacherj'  of  my  enemies,  1  should  at  last  be 
"  driven  to  wish  for  a  speedy  death  !     We  conquered  ;  yes  ;  as 


r 


CHAP.  III.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


3G9 


it 


n 


t< 


was  to  be  desired,  for  our  nation's  good,  which  all  should 
*'  wish  for :  but  it  was  for  ourselves  we  really  conquered ;  not 
"  for  our  country :  and  what  none  who  have  their  country's 
good  at  heart  can  tamely  suffer,  you  in  order  to  satisfy  pri- 
vate enmity  and  ruin  the  place  of  your  nativity  assume  and 
''  abuse  the  sacred  name  of  patriot  I     And  yet ;  as  if  words 
"  were  better  than  deeds  we  are  become  so  shamelessly  inso- 
'*  lent  that  we  still  aspire  to  the  name  and  reputation  of  good 
**  citizens !     But  what  hope  can  I  ever  have,  identified  a>   T 
•'  am  with  those  whose  prowess  once  helped  me  to  defend  my 
"  country  and  save  my  fellow-citizens,  ^yhen  I  am  now  com- 
"  pelled  to  implore  them  to  respect  that  fidelity,  religion,  and 
"  humanity,  of  which  they  have  completely  divested   them- 
'*  selves  ?     Oh !   how  changed !   how  changed  from  what  you 
"  were  ere  3'ou  made  passion  and  self-interest  law,  and  the 
"  uifamous  propensities  wliieh  have  deprived  you  of  both  sense 
'*  and  reason,  your  rule  of  government !     Ere  vindictiveness 
"  overcame  pity  ;  sensu:dity  modesty ;  rapaciousness  fidehty  ; 
'*  and  cruelty  humanity !     But  I  must  now  patiently  discuss 
"  what  may  be  really  useful  and  conducive  to  your  ti*ue  inte- 
"  rest :  yet  I  aliandon  much  discussion  with  men  blinded  as 
"  you  are  by  passion  and  (letei-mined  to  act  capriciously.     It 
**  is  not  therefore  my  intention  to  show  (what  could  easily  be 
**  done)  that  in  a  free  city  that  knows  its  own  strength,  servi- 
*•  tude  cannot  long  exist   without  the  advent  of  a  liberator  : 
"  neither  will  1  stop  to  declare,  what  is  understood  by  all,  that 
"  private  hatred  will  kindle  a  smouldering  fire  under  the  sur- 
"  face,  which  gaining  strength  from  secret  nourishment  (may 
''  it  please  God  to  falsify  my  words  !)  will  suddenly  break  forth 
"  to  the  destruction  of  many  and  burst  fearfully  over  all.    I  will 
■'  not  argue  with  you  hypothetically  nor  generally  from  the 
"  times,  nor  from  ofTences  committed  against  nations,  nor  from 
"  the  WTongs  you  yourselves  have  inflicted,  nor  yet  from  my 
"  apprehensions  of  coming  evil  altliough  you  are  well  aware 

VOL.    III.  B  B 


370 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ti 


f 


a 


i  ( 


(. 


u 


it 


tliat  the  exiles  have  only  disarmed  from  necessity  not  relin- 
quished their  resentment,  or  their  hopes,  or  their  faith  in 
the  coming  of  hotter  times.      I  will  not  stop  to  declare  that 
as  hitter  foes  they  are  intently  watching  for  your  destruc- 
tion ;  that  their  ferocity  affects  not  their  counsel,  while  their 
I'rudence  increases  theirenergy  and  loftiness  of  mind;  which, 
when  occasion  offers,  will  overwhelm  you  with  the  veiy  hatred 
you  have  created  for  yom'selves.  They  will  never  want  friends, 
because  your  oppressions  will  always  keep  the  city  full  of 
despemte  spirits  ready  fcr  any  change ;  and  as  no  reason> 
deduced  from  the  nature  of  tiie  times  and  the  condition  ot 
the  republic  will   move  you,  perhaps  the  examples  of  yoiii 
forefathers,  and  these  placed  in  such  a  light  that  you  may  read 
them,  may  warn  you  of  the  coming  end  of  all  your  tyranny. 
Others  have  also  conquered  as  you  have  done,  because  in  a 
seditious  city  furiously  toiinented  by  faction  matter  is  never 
wanting  for  civil  war ;  but  as  they,  like  you,  desired  such  a 
victory  as  would  bring  gain  to  themselves  rather  than  tran- 
quillity to  their  country,  the  gates  were  soon  opened  for  an 
easy  return  of  the  vanquished  as  well  as  for  the  multitud. 
to  expel  the  victors.      Omitting  the  examples  so  numerous 
in  our  annals  that  they  would  furnish  matter  for  a  day  s  dis- 
course, I  will  confine  myself  to  one,  and  that  in  my  own 
house  ;  not  so  much  because  the  fact  is  recent  and  in  the  re- 
collection of  all,  as  for  its  present  utility ;  for  by  reminding 
you  of  what  my  excellent  father  did  I  shall  be  able  to  e.v- 
plain  what  I  think  you  ought  to  do.     \Miat  cabimity  more 
bitter  than  his  exile  could  have  befallen  our  family?     And 
yet  what  will  be  more  glorious  for  him  in  future  ages,  what 
more  illustrious  event  than  that  very  exile  ?     God  assisted 
him  in  the  depth  of  that  misery  to  which  his  enemies'  injustice 
had  condemned  him  !  None  can  deny  this  assistance,  nay  any- 
thing may  be  believed  sooner  than  God's  forsaking  goocl  and 
right  intentioned  men  ;  but  that  the  exile  might  be  brief  and 


CH4P.   111.] 


P'  r.O  R  F.NT  [  \  1 :    1 1  IST(  >11Y 


371 


the  restoration  easy,  none  managed  more  admirably  than  his 
rivals  themselves.  They  liad  deeply  hijured  him  ;  l)ut  after 
he,  (who  from  conscious  innocence  believed  liimself  secure) 
after  he  returned  to  that  hom(^  from  which  he  had  I  teen  so 
unjustly  driven,  and  brought  back  so  nmch  joyto  his  friends. 
perhaps  you  may  think  that  prosjierity  made  him  insolent ; 
perhaps  more  cruel  to  the  van(|uished  ;  or  a  fierce  and  infa- 
mous conqueror  sucli  as  you  yourselves  are  become  by  your 
rapacity  cupidity  and  haughtiness?  I  tell  you  no!  but  the 
contrary,  however  desirous  the  evil-minded  may  be  to  dimi- 
nish his  glory  by  slandering  his  reputation  !  To  some  he 
showed  cleniencv.  to  <)th<rr>  magnificence  and  liberality  ;  iie 
maintained  tlie  attachment  of  his  partisans  with  ample  recom- 
penses ;  and  by  forgiving  injuries  (a  sui'prising  liberality  of 
mind  I)  and  adopting  all  moderation  and  courtesy,  he  concili- 
ated even  his  adversaries  and  from  that  moment  fixed  both 
friends  and  enemies  mon;  lirnily  in  his  favour.  Kemember 
that  when  ynu  panlon  a  rivjd  you  provide  not  more  for  his 
than  your  own  welfare  ;  beeause  he  will  eitlier  be  grateful  to 
his  preserver  (for  there  i>  udt  a  more  praise wortliy  act  than 
preserving  those  whom  you  could  ruin,  and  clemency  and 
humanity  are  nevei-  without  reward)  or  he  is  of  so  hard  a 
heart  that  he  more  easily  rememliers  ancient  hate  than  recent 
benefit,  and  even  then  his  ferocious  and  inhuman  disposition 
will  be  at  least  softened  towards  tlie  man  who  showed  liimself 
kind  and  gentle  hi  the  flusli  of  victory.  And  as  an  enemy 
cannot  be  pardoned  without  at  the  same  time  saving  a  man, 
and  a  citizen  ;  you  will  always  act  like  a  j^ood  Christian 
in  doing  so  besides  paying  a  debt  to  humanity  and  your 
countiy  by  the  forgiveness  of  injuries.  But  if  the  force  of 
benevolent  actions  is  sufficient  to  destroy  an  enemy's  recol- 
lection of  former  injuries  and  make  him  a  constant  friend, 
what  should  be  thought  of  those  who  having  no  hatred  that 
prevents  their  wishing  you  every  prosperity,  are  moved  by 

B  H  '2 


372 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fl 


[book  ir. 


■  gratuitous  beneficence  on  your  part  to  desire  it  with  more 

"  ardent  and  lively  aspirations  ?     And  as  it  is  natural  fur  those 

who  love  us  to  become  more  and  more  atUiched  by  the  bene- 

'•  fits  we  bestow,  so  if  we  injure  those  whom  we  ought  to  be- 

•  nefit  the  more  keenly  will  they  be  affected ;   because  they 

•  feel  that  from  the  source  of  their  present  evil,  good  should 

•  have  come.  Now  you  seek  but  one  object :  your  own  interest ! 
"  Ihit  certainly  it  is  a  bmtal  and  evil  ^^^sh,  if  it  be  not  nefa- 
"  rious,  and  even  impious,  tliat  of  attempting  to  acquire  what 
"  may  be  denomhiated  tyrannical  nile  rather  than  the  just 
••  chieftainiy  of  the  citizens.     However,  since  you  have  thus 

•  resolved  I  would  wish  to  lead  you  right :  you  have  two  ways 
•■  to  accomplish  your  puqiose  :  benevolence  and  terror.  You 
••  may  choose  between  them  ;  you  may  employ  rewards  to  iu- 
"  jXratiate  yourselves  with  the  citizens;  or  punishments  to 
•■  make  yourselves  hateful ;  but  you  ^ill  never  finish,  never 
"arrive  at  your  object:  men  will  not  long  remain  unjustly 

•  rinbed  by  terror  unless  earned  to  an  inhuman  excess  : 
••  nrithrr  are  they  to  be  cajoled  by  those  trilling  boons  which 
••  are  generally  bestowed  (because  even  with  liberal  wishes  the 
"  means  are  not  always  forthcoming)  to  bear  senitude  in  tran- 
"  quillity.  X„r  can  I,  supposing  you  to  be  of  this  mind  be- 
"  lieve  you  to  be  the  '  Liberators  of  the  Fa'pubUv;  of  which 
*•  title  you  vaingloriously  boast  in  order  to  claim  merit  from 
'•  your  countn-men ;  but  on  the  contrary  J  can  only  consider 
•■  you  as  oppressoi-s  of  your  native  city  and  as  most  inhuman 
"  and  proud  tyrants,  so  that  you  cannot  even  listen  to  the  voice 

'  <'f  su  culpable  an  ambition  without  having  previously  divested 
''  your  soul  of  even-  kind  feeling  of  humanity  !  Jhit  now,  what 
*'  is  your  object  ?  What  will  be  the  end  of  such  cruelty  ?  The 
"  way  that  I  have  shown  to  you  as  the  most  gentle  and  simple, 
■'  is  not  i)Hlatable  ;  but  you  are  on  the  contrary  cajL.'rr  to  adveii- 
"  ture  on  that  which,  difficult,  arduous,  tortuous,  full  of  tuni> 
•'  and  windings,  will  conduct  you  with  ignominy  and  maledir- 


CllAP,   III.] 


FLOR  ENTI N E    HISTORY . 


37:i 


tions  to  your  own  destruction.  Up  then  ;  listen  to  the  voice 
of  cruelty,  of  inhumanity,  of  your  own  caprice:  be  hard- 
hearted to  the  citizens,  insult  their  misery,  prepare  tortures 
and  massacres,  and  rapacity,  and  every  sort  of  barbarity  for 
your  countr}' :  imprison,  decapitate,  exile,  admonish,  plant  a 
human  butcher  in  the  market-place,  fill  up  your  measure  of 
infamy  ;  let  cruelty  overflow!  But  with  all  this  you  will  nut 
have  made  a  road  to  the  rock  of  tyranny  so  garrisoned  and 
barricaded  as  to  prevent  your  being  ultimately  forced  to  ao 
knowledge  that  the  few  must  fear  the  union  of  the  many 
more  than  the  many  the  oppressive  violence  of  the  few.  Alas 
for  my  poor  country  I  And  yet  how  well  she  has  merited  of 
you !  She  has  exalted  yuu  to  splendour  :  she  has  showered 
on  you  the  highest  honours  I  Therefore,  if  you  refuse  tu  act 
with  sufficient  filial  affection  as  to  repay  her  the  debt  of  duty, 
you  should  at  least  be  somewhat  less  cruel  and  not  connnit 
such  crimes  against  her  I  Now,  even  through  me,  this 
miserable  country  imi)lores  you,  and  supplicates  you,  and 
conjures  you  :  (and  hi  thus  doing  she  shows  how  you  should 
recede  from  vour  crueltv  when  she  recedes  so  much  from 
her  rights)  she  supplicates  you  1  say  ;  your  country  suppli- 
cates you  !  If  you  have  a  remnant  of  humanity,  if  you  have 
any  remembrance  of  the  benefits  she  has  bestowed  on  you 
so  bomitifully  ;  she  conjures  you  to  pause  and  pity  her !  But 
because  no  respect  for  your  duty,  no  charity  towards  her  can 
move  you  ;  and  because  you  show  the  thirst  of  power,  rather 
than  the  zealous  preservation  of  the  highly  honoured  and 
respected  rank  which  each  of  you  enjoys ;  try  at  least  to 
merit  the  love  of  your  fellow  citizens  by  beneficence,  insteatl 
of  rousing  their  anger  and  hatred  against  you  by  malevolence. 
As  to  myself,  death  is  close  at  hand  ;  nevertheless,  feeling 
too  sensibly  that  I  am  not  considered  worthy  of  obtaining 
from  citizens  so  ungrateful  the  salvation  of  my  country 
which  even  barbarians  often  concede ;  in  order  not  to  appear 


A7i 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[UOOK   II. 


-  trom  mental  weakness  to  be  forgetful  of  my  native  place  an.l 
•'  my  own  dignity;  I  now  declare  that  what  I  am  unable  to 
••  accomplish  with  your  good  will ;  againsf  your  will  and  in 
•"  despite  of  you,  I  Nvill  achieve  by  force  ;  and  ha vii,. 4  rendered 

•  this  last  service  to  my  countiy  and  in  my  last  days  merited 

•  something  of  my  fellow  citizens  ;  in  accordance  with  mv  p.st 
•  lite,  and  with  a  light  and  joyf.d  mind  I  will  depart  for  the 

••  .itlier  world."      Piero's  auditoi-s  somcwliat  abashed  by  this 
angry  discourse,  answered   with    a])i>arent   compunction!   and 
promised  amendment :  but   they   wen    incredulouslv   listened 
to,  and  dismissed  from  the  sick  mmi'schauiber  without  a  shii^l, 
mark  of  approbation  -. 

This    exhortation   had    no    real     etfcrt,   so    that    ac online 
to    ^facchiavelli    Piero    determinerl    to     strengthen    himselt 
by  an    alliance  with  the  exiles  and    had   an    hiterview    with 
Agnojo  Acciaioli  at  the  villa  of  C^Uaggiolo  t,.  arrange  the  con 
ditions   of  their    return,  but  died  earlv  in   December  before 
they  were  completed,  at  the  age  of  fifty-three.    Annnirato  takes 
no  notice  either  of  thi.  interview,  Piero's  determinatio,,  in  the 
exdes  favour,  or  his  severe  reproof  to  the  dominant  faction  as 
alx.ve  given  on  the  authority  of  Hruto  and  Macchiavelli  :  the 
latter  though,  as  already  said,  notoriously  incnrrect  in  his  facts, 
could  scarcely  have  invented  one  of  such  consequen.e  ^o  soon' 
after  the  event ;  and  an  enemy  like  Bnm  who  lived  so  much 
with  Florentine  exiles  would  without  reason  hardly  have  followed 
and  even  enlarged  on  these  two  occurrences  so  favourabh'  to  the 
Medici.      -Piero  de' Medici,"  says  this   last  author,   "a.  in 
wisd.an  and  prudence  so  in  resolution  and  magnannnitv  was 
mferior  to  hi.s  father  but  equalled  him  in  even-  other  virtue. 
In  the  splendour  and  affluence  of  private  life,  whether  natu- 
rally inclined  to  them  or  that  the  times  required  it;  he  sur- 
passed ( 'osimo.    He  was  less  celebnited,  for  he  had  less  time  to 


CHAP.   I 


,..] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


375 


sifnialise    himself,    and   because    he   lived   mostly    with  his 
father  whose  glory  obscured  the  merits  of  the  son ;  and  also 
from  constant  bodily  suffering  which  compelled  him  to  attend 
more  to  himself  than  to  his  country.     After  Cosimo  s  death 
Piero  mled  the  commonwealth  but  a  brief  space ;  but  never- 
theless it  was  so  governed  that  in  tlie  midst  of  the  most  bitter 
contests,  although  numerous  citizens  conspired  for  his  destruc- 
tion he  showed  himself  wanting  neither  in  force  nor  resolution 
in  the  administration  of  public  atfairs  ;  nor  in  wisdom  nor  vigour 
in  tlie  defence  of  liis  position,  nor  firmness  in  expelling  his 
adversaries.     All  these  things  either  proceeded  directly  from 
himself,  in  which  case  he  merits  the  jiraise  of  a  virtuous  and 
prudent  man  ;  or  by  others'  counsel,  which  gahis  him  the  repu- 
tation of  justice  and  nioderatit)n,  for  a  man  cautious  in  choos- 
ing friends  seems  naturally  to  place  himself  on  a  level  with 
them,  to  take  the  advice  of  the  wisest  and  best  and  to  command 
himself:   and  this  deserves  so  much  tlie    more  praise,  as  it 
more  becomes  a  chief  who  holds  the  reins  of  government,  to 
avoid  inconsiderate  rashness  as  well  as  ignorance  "  *. 

Piero's  character  was  decidcdlv  humane,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  he  alone  restrained  his  faction  from  blood  ;  yet  com- 
ing, and  but  for  a  short  sickly  and  tempestuous  interval,  between 
such  men  as  Cosimo  and  Lorenzo,  his  genius  has  not  received 
the  justice  it  merited  or  the  praise  which  a  longer  and  more 
unimpeded  course  would  probably  have  gained.  He  was  learned, 
and  an  encoimiger  of  learning,  and  filled  several  public  em- 
ployments with  great  credit :  during  his  latter  years  he  is  said, 
and  probably  with  truth,  to  liave  been  materially  assisted  in  all 
public  matters  by  Lorenzo  whose  extraordinary  talents  and 
social  disposition  were  even  thus  eariy  appreciated  as  well 
as  the  inclination  he  then  showed  to  conciliation  and 
clemency.  The  counsel  and  steady  friendship  of  Tommaso 
Soderini  also  aided  Piero  in  life  and  continued  after  his  death, 


Bruto,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  399. 


376 


f 


FLORENTINE    HISTOBY. 


[book  II 


CHAP,  in.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


377 


when  the  youth  of  Lorenzo  and  GiuHano  required  such  support 
from  one  of  the  most  powerful  and  influential  of  Florentine 
i'itizeus. 

Xo  sooner  was  Piero  dead  than  all  eyes  were  simultaneously 
tunied   on   Tommaso   Soderini    as   chief  of  the  republic,  or 
rather  perhaps  as  chief  of  the  dominant  foction  calling  itself 
the  republic ;  so  necessarj^  did   these  people  fnid   it  to  have 
an    acknowledged   lord.     Nor  by  the    Florentines    alone   but 
also  by    the    potentates   of  Italy   was    he  considered  in  tbis 
light,  so  that  his  house  as  we  are  told  was  filled  with  iiative 
courtiers,  and  his  table  with  foreign  desi)atches  ;  but  tlie  last 
were  left  unanswered  and  the  first  directed  to  the  palace  of 
the  Medici  as  their  legitimate  destination.    Tommaso  chose 
rather  to  go  on   quietly  directing   the  republic  in  the  name 
of  Piero's  sons  as  he  had  probably  done  fur  their  father,  than 
create  new  disturbance  and  new  jealousy :  men  were  from  Ion- 
habit  becoming  reconciled  to  the  .Aledician   rule,  and  would 
more  easily  follow  what  they  had  been  used  to,  than  cling  long 
to  a  new  order  of  things  however  eagerly  thev  might  at  first 
have  embraced  it.  Moreover  Tommaso  s  lu-otection  had  been  ii,.- 
plored  for  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  by  his  dying  fiiend,  and  he  was 
of  an  honester  stamp  than  Dietisalvi  Xeroni,  of  equal,  perhaps 
superior  talents,  and  infinitely  less  and)itious.     By  whatever 
means  acquired  all  historians  allow  that  he  possessed  extraor- 
dinary hifluence  in  the  republic,  of  which  he  had  frequently 
held  the  highest  offices  both  at  home  and  abroad  ;  so  that,  savs 
Ammii-ato,  none  dared  to  mount  the  Kiughiera  before   Sode- 
nm's  opinion  was  known  ;  and  Bnito  tells  us  that  he  regulated 
the  public  councils  and  from  his  shigular  rei)utation  for  virtue 
cill  eyes  and  minds  were  fixed  on  him.     This  may  be  true; 
indeed  his  subsequent  conduct  proves  his  worth  and  fidelity  to 
the  Medici  whose  hereditaiy  succession  it  is  evident  he  pre- 
ferred to  a  turbulent  democracy ;  but  it  seems  strange  that  one 
so  virtuous  and  powerful  and  so  closely  linked  with  Piero 


should  for  a  moment  have  suffered  the  disorders  which  drove 
that  chief  to  the  desperate  alternative  of  recalling  his  enemies 
to  oppose  his  friends  !  And  yet  as  they  did  continue  unchecked, 
we  must  either  discredit  his  influence,  or  else  condemn  his 
character;  by  identifH^ng  him  with  the  authors  of  these  dis- 
orders  •  be  this  as  it  may,  the  people  looked  to  him,  and  he 
to   the   house   of  Medici,  as  leader   of  the   commonwealth. 
Wherefore,  at  a  nocturnal  assembly  of  the  chief  citizens  Lo- 
renzo and  Giuliano  being  present,  he  expatiated  on  the  state 
of  Florence  as  connected  with  Italian  politics ;  disclosed  the 
secret  intentions  of  Paul  II.  to  bestow  Bologna  on  Venice  ; 
showed  the  necessity  of  internal  peace  and  union  to  prevent 
such   transactions   and    maintain    tlieir    own    independence; 
pointed  out  the  advantages  of  continuing  tlie  chief  citizenship 
in  the  same  f^imilv,  and  conjured  them  to  place  that  confidence 
in  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  that  they  had  already  given  to  Piero 
and  Cosimo ;  inasmuch  as  it  was  s:ifer  and  easier  to  maintiun 
established  things  tlian  uphold  novelties.     Tommaso  s  speech 
was  eflectual,  for  independent  of  his  personal  influence  both 
hunself  and  friends  had  prospered  under  the  :\Iedician  banner 
in  the  name  of  the  commonwealth  :  liis  auditors  could  be  cer- 
tain of  nothing  but  strife  and  jealousy  by  a  change,  and  of  the 
two  representatives  of  that  house  one  was  still  a  child,  the  other 
devoid  of  experience,  ineligible  from  liis  years  to  the  public 
magistracies,  and  though  of  great  intellectual  promise,  unlikely 
for  some  time  to  interrupt  their  movements :  still  there  was 
some  reluctance  in  the  old  statesmen  to  bend  before  the  fiat  of 
a  youth ;   but  the  convicti(.)n  that  he  would  act  with  graver 
counsellors  and  that  they  tliemselves  would  not  be  without  a 
voice  in  the  government  reconciled  them. 

\\Tien  the  discussion  ceased  Lorenzo  rose  and  spoke  with 
modesty  gravity  and  eloquence,  addressing  his  discourse  to  the 
existing  feelings  of  liis  auditors  he  had  little  difficulty  in  unit- 
ing every  suffrage  and  a  general  reconciliation  followed  :  ulte- 


37S 


/ 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


ir. 


nor  views  were  closed,  in.lividual  ambition  for  the  moment 
repressed  the  two  yoimg  Medici  were  liailed  as  the  lending 
citizens  of  Florence  and  escorted  to  their  palace  amidst  univer! 
sal  acclamations  in  which  the  name  of  Tonnnaso  Sodcrini  was 
loudly  mmgled.  \or  did  Lorenzo  immediately  mi>;  a  n-eat 
deal  in  politics ;  he  mid  Giuliano  followed  their  studies°a„.l 
amusements  and  for  some  time  were  content  to  he  «„i,led  hv 
Soderini's  councils  «.  ° 

This  assembly  confirmed  the  union,  tlic  tranquillitv,  the  .ub 
jugation  of  Florence,  and  was  mainly  conducive  to  tlic  political 
balance  and  general   peace  of  Italy ;  i,   pbued  a  man  at  the 
head  of  the  commonwealth  with  broad  views  of  Italian  „„licv 
combined  with  dem-  notions  of  his  own  private  mtores,    ii, 
which  the  general  good  of  the  reninsula  was  intimatelv  blended 
.1  not  Identified  with  that  of  his  family,  as  regarded  the  main- 
tenance  of  its  political  ascendancy  in  Florence.     He.uefoiward 
wth  little  intermission  it  is  Lorenzo  alone  that  acts,  not  tlie 
Horentme    people:    he    now   becomes   ,m    Italian   potenUUe 
backed  by  the  vast  resources  of  his  countn-  vet  averse  frou. 
war  and  unambitious  of  conquest ;  with  deep  and  expansive 
thought  clear  views,  and  extreme  prudence,  his  influence  exteiuls 
.tself  through  the  lUilian  Peninsula  and  penetrates  the  rest  „l- 
Lurope,  and  he  stamps  a  peculiar  character  on  his  own  time 
and  counto-.     But  the  political  position  of  Florence  is  hence- 
forward  changed  ;  she  has  fallen  from  her  pride  of  place,  and 
.s  scarcely  more  than  the  metropolis  of  arts  and  literature  and 
the  private  domain  of  this  extmordinaiy  and  fortunate  family. 
High  spint,  discontent,  and  poverty  render.d  the  eviles  stUl 
troublesome ;  a  young  man  of  family  called  Bernardo  Xardi 

•  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  1 06.— Bnito, 
'>ib,  v.,  p.  13.— Macchiavelli,Lib.  vii. 
— Sismondi,  vol.viii.,p.  l,&c.— This 
account,  which  all  native  historians 
agree  in,is  doubted  bv  Roscoe  because 
unnoticed  by  Lorenzo  himself:  but 
Ins    Ricordi   are    merely    short    notes 


gn-ing  results  ratlfcrthan  transactions. 
nor  IS  there  anytltintr  discordant  in 
these  rec(»rds  with  tlie  above  account 
except  the  time  neccssirv  f..r  Soderini 
to  have  received  letters' from  foreign 
potentates,  a  circumstance  not  affecting 
the  general  truth  of  the  statement. 


(HAi'.  m.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


379 


with  more  enterprise  than  discretion  but  encouraged  by  Die- 
tisalvi  Neroni ;  having  some  intelligence  within  the    ^  ^^  ^^^^^ 
town  of  Prato,  especially  with  an  officer  of  the  Podesta 
Cesare  Petruccio,  and  backed  by  a  few  companions  made  an 
attempt  to  surprise  that  place  and  nearly  succeeded.     He  and 
his  whole  party  were    ultimately  taken  or  kiHed,  and  Ber- 
nardo with  six  others  decapitated.    Tt  was  a  bold  and  desperate 
attempt  the    success   of   which   might   have  shaken  Lorenzo 
and    his    whole  friction ;    but    its  tailure  preserved   him  ^  not 
only  Jit  that  moment  but  afterwai'ds  in  the  conspiracy  of  the 
Pazzi,  by  the  suspicious  caution  it  impressed  on  the  mind  of 

Petniccio  -■'. 

Tliis  danger  was  succeeded  by  a  visit  of  Galeazzo  Maria 
Sforza  and  his  wife  Bona  of  Savoy  to  Florence  on  pre-  ^^  ^^.^ 
tence  of  a  vow,  but  in  reality  to  nudvc  some  political 
arrangements  with  Lorenzo^  the  result  of  which  was  a  close 
alliance  between  them  on  personal  as  well  as  general  grounds : 
and  according  to  some  authors,  tliough  the  fact  is  doubtful,  it 
was  also  secretly  agreed  that  tlie  city  of  Imola  from  which 
Galeazzo  liad  i^cently  expelled  Taddeo  Manfredi  sh.ndd  l>e 
sold  to  Florence  but  tliat  afterwards  Pope  Sixtus  IV  becom- 
ing aware  of  tliis  resolved  to  defeat  the  bargain,  laager  for  the 
aggrandisement  of  his  familv,  the  Pontitf  hastened  before  its 

Do  '  /^  *       1  11  •        ■ 

conclusion  to  propose  a  marriage  between  (Tirolamo  Itiario  a 
reputed  nephew  and  the  more  celebrated  Caterina  Sforza 
natural  daughter  of  Galeazzo,  ^vith  Im.da  for  her  portion.  This 
exasperated  Lorenzo  and  his  faction  who  thus  saw  a  city  filched 
from  their  grasp  on  which  they  had  counted  for  extending  the 
republican  intluence  in  Romagna;  and  it  was  also  believed  to 
be  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  that  quarrel  with  Sixtus  IV  which 
concluded  so  tragically  in  tlie  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi.  Another 
object  of  this  visit,  besides  the  useless  disj-lay  of  barbaric  pomp 

•  Bruto,  Lib.  v..  p.  43.  -  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii..  p.  lOG.-Lionard.  MorcUi, 
p.  IfiC. 


3*0 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


and   splendour   that  accompanied   it,  was   the   seom-in-r  of 
florenune   support  against  King  Ferdinand  of  Xal  \i, 
when.  Galea.,  had  ree.ul,  ,narre,>ed  and  .as  preU;:;': 

The  death  of  Bo.^o  d'Este  who  had  .just  been  created  Duke 
f  f  er«ra  b,  Taul  II.  and  the  decease  of  that  pontitF  in  ^ 

the  former  was  celebrated  for  virtues  that  not  only  svuvul  h  ! 
piness  amongst  his  own  subjects  but  becan.e  a  proVerb  i     ne l*^ 
souths,  and  often  led  to  .he  peace  of  Italv ;  and  the   a     " 
ucceeded  l,-  Francesco  deila  Kovere  Cardinal  „f  San  Per 
u,cula  under  the  na„,e  of  Sixtus  IV.  a  n,a„  who  n.ato  id 
influenced  the  destinies  of  Florence.     To  congratula,,  '     , 
embassy  cons,s.ing  of  Lorenzo  de'  .Medici.  Agnolo  d  ela  S  ff 
Buong,ann,  G.anfiglazzi,  Domenico  Jlartelli   Piero  ?,Iin  rb     i 
and  Donate  Accia.oli ;  all  leading  citizen.  :  was  ,b  ;      he 
Ro„.e  and  recened  by  Sixtus  with  n.arked  dixincil     '   k 
was  not  on  y  shown  in  public  honou.  and  private  ^  t 

cts  ssit::;r '^xhtT^°-  r"  "f  --'^  °^  ^■ 

were  m.A7*  7      ad.nnnstrators  of  his  bank  at  lionie 

quent  iefu.al  of  winch  was  said  to  be  one  cause  of  thWr  nnarrel 

and  n.a„y  precousolgects  of  antiquitv  were  bestowed  u  o     ,  ,' 
among,, ,,,, ,,,  ,„^^  ^^  ___•  ^  ^^    ^^^  ^     jn 

ntrSlr^"'^"  of  PopeSmus  IV  it   is  ,.,.,ain    h 
u  eri^r  ^7  ''T  ";"  '*"^'"^''  °"  ^'"'•''"-  -i'l>o»t  some 

were  a,  jet  comparatively  unknown,  and  onlv  his  prospective 
power  and  pohtical  influence  in  Florence  could  cifote 
unusual  marks  of  attentionf. 

ratcTb.  xxiiK/p!*! 09  '^'-^'"°^''  -^i-rdi  di  Lorenzo.-  Bruto,  Lih.  v.. 
t  Platina,  Vite  dei  Pontefici,  p.  460.      ^*  '^'^  — ^^"i""rato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  10.9. 


iHAP.  in.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


381 


A.D.  1472. 


One  of  the  earliest  measures  of  1472  was  to  reduce  the  trade 
lorporations  back  to  their  ancient  number  of  twenty- 
one  for  they  had  been  diminished  to  twelve  in  some 
of  the  various  changes  and  reforms  of  Florentine  institutions, 
though  so  important  an  alteration  is  apparently  unnoticed  by 
anv  author  but  Lionardo  IMorelli  and  Ammirato  and  by 
them  only  incidentally  while  relating  the  fact  of  their  reestab- 
lishment  *.  Nothing  perhaps  tends  more  directly  to  show  the 
(piiescent  state  of  Florence  and  its  complete  obedience  to  the 
Medici  than  this  incident  which  a  century  before  would  have 
been  attended  by  violence  and  revolution ;  and  though  we  are 
not  told  when  or  by  whom  this  was  etfected  there  is  no  doubt 
of  its  liaving  been  under  their  immediate  influence. 

More  proscriptions  followed  this  act,  and  then  all  eyes  were 
attracted  towards  Volterra,  where  after  many  years  of  perfect 
submission,  a  rebellion  suddenly  burst  forth  as  from  an  extinct 
volcano,  and  startled  the  Florentine  republic.    The  cause  was  as 
follows.     Tn  the  preceding  year  Benuccio  de'  Capacci  of  Siena 
asked  permission  of  the  municipality  of  Volterra  which  was 
locally  independent  of  Florence  to  work  the  alum  mhies  then 
recently  discovered  in  their  territory  :  this  permission  with 
some  opposition  on  account  of  legal  or  constitutional  informality 
was  at  last  accorded  and  three  Florentines,  namely  a  Capponi, 
a  Giunti,  and  a  Boninsegni  were  associated  with  Benuccio  in 
the  speculation.     There  also  seems  good  reason  to  believe  that 
Lorenzo  de'  j\Iedici  was  taken  into  partnership  after  the  first 
disagreements  and  while  solicited  in  his  public  character  to 
settle  the  dispute  :  he  had  the  bad  taste  to  accept  this  task  and 
thus  became  both  judge  and  party  in  the  cause  :  whether  this 
partnership  remained  secret  or  open  we  are  not  hifomied  but 
there  seems  to  have  been  no  ol)jection  made  by  Volterra  to  his 
arbitration.     Disputes  had  been  maintained  from  the  beginning 
between  the  company  and  the  Seignory  of  AV)lterra ;  the  first 


'   Lion.  Morclli,  p.  lf>9. — Auiii»ir:ito,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.  110. 


382 


KLORKXTINE    TTIsTOllT. 


I  nooK  II. 


assertmg  the  validit.v  of  their  .ran,,  the  second  deelarin.  i, 
.Hega  and  utUI  from  infonuality  and  the  ne.-ligence  o    the 
offica    predecessors.      The  speculation   was  donl.tful  ■    JZ 
um,l  the  t.me  of  Pius  II.  as  we  are  ,old,  was  not  known  ad 
beheved  not  to  e.xist  in  Italy :  the  discovery  in  th.t  no.  f m' 
-g«  of  the  rich  .nines  of  La  Toha  and  after:::,:  '.,  ^J. 
Montione*  near  Massa  Maritin.a,  (if  indeed  the  huter  were  no 
prevously  known)  destroyed  this  iHusion,  and  the  ex.cnsW 
use  of  tins  .uineml  in  the  Flo.-entinc  nmnufaCori,  s  afforded 
great  encouragement  to  the  enterprise.     Its  sncc.s  m-obahlv 
macle  the  comnmni.y  of  Volte.ra  dissatislied  with  thei.  har^aii, 
and  caused  the  .juarrels.  for  we  find  that  the  con.panv  w^ar 
of  constant  altercation  otiered,  apparently  l,v  Lorenzo';  advic'c 
o  compound  tor  a  higher  rent ;  negotiations  began  on  th  s 
bas.s  but  were  soon  broken  olf  in  arranging  details.     The 
people  0    ^  olterra   then    drove   their  adversaries   fro.n    the 
nunes :  tins  displeased  Lorenzo  and  the  Florenti.ies.  who  sem 
oftcers  to  reinstate  them  :  but  even  these  w,.re  opposed  bv  the 
angry  citizens  an.l  nothing  more  was  efiVcted.    The  Floremine 
podesta  e.xerted   his  authority   to  subdue  this  ...subordinate 
sp.nt,  when  a  fu.-.ous  n.surrectio.i  followed  with  the  massacie 
and  expulsion  of  .na.,y  belonging  to  the  cn.panv  a..d  their 
adhere..,s ;  a  cmnnnttee  of  gove...me..t  was  i„s,„.tiy  arpoi..ted 
and  the  usual  fle,-ce  persecutions  of  civil  discord  and  partv 
mtred  ensued.    Nevertheless  order  was  so  far  maintained  tlJ.t 
the  whole  case  was  referred,  perhai,s  for  the  second  time  to 
Jlorence    and   ,,.    the  beginning   of    Februa.T  Lo.enzo  do' 
Medio,  an-epted  the  office  of  judge  in  his  own  ;.anse :  but  the 
citizens  of  \  olterra  probably  doubtft.l  of  .justice  fi-„„,  .,ul,  a 

^olxtTKi'i-rb,"  nSv  .r^  h'laTr" '?"'  -■•""■"> '"'"  ••"- 

Eliza  nn,l  soon  cmplovcra ,  v  hun      ,,""'''"'""''  ''^'.'    '"  '""'■  '""uhrd 
dnd  people  :  „„,v  .rprice  of  ■,!„„,  U         T"'''"  ,  ""■  "'"''  '"''''''  '^  I""''"'  "' 


CHAP.  HI.] 


FLORENTINK    ITTSTOllY. 


383 


quarter  though  their  leaders  had  accepted  him,  would  not  wait 
for  his  judgment  and  aceoi-ding  to  their  historian  Cecena  at 
once  hroke  out  into  0})en  rebelUon  :  ]Macchiavelli  says  that  it 
was  after  a  decision  of  the  Fh:>rentines  against  them,  and  there  is 
some  reason  to  believe  that  tliere  might  have  been  two  decisions 
before  the  final  rupture  :  however  this  may  be,  Vol  terra  on  tlie 
twenty-seventh  of  April  1 47-^,  after  forty-three  years  of  tran- 
quil obedience  again  revolted. 

In  a  warm  discussion  at  Florence  it  was  decided  at  the 
instance  of  Lorenzo  (who  wanted  to  strike  terror  by  extreme 
severity,  and  against  the  wishes  of  Soderini)  to  liear  no  excuses 
and  at  once  reduce  the  insurgents  by  force  of  arms.  Frederic 
of  I'rbino  was  again  called  to  the  military  command  ;  100,000 
llorins  were  voted  for  the  war  ;  an  extraordinary  Italia  of 
twenty  leading  citizens  was  named  to  conduct  it  -' ;  from  six 
to  twehe  thousand  men  were  quickly  in  the  field,  and  towards 
the  middle  of  ]\Iav  Volterra  found  itself  invested  on  every  side 
with  onlv  about  a  tliousand  insubordinate  mercenaries  enlisted 
in  its  service  f . 

The  result  was  a  short  and  weak  defence  and  a  capitulation 
which  beim?  broken  bv  the  misconduct  of  a  single  soldier 
others  soon  fdllowed  the  example,  insubordination  l)ecame 
contagious  and  Volterra  was  exposed  for  a  whole  day  to  all 
the  horrors  of  a  storm  :  slaughter  rapine  and  violation  over- 
spread the  town,  and  penetrated  even  to  the  convents  and 
mostsam-ed  i)laces,  b(jth  friend  and  foe  uniting  in  one  headlong 
course  of  unmitigated  outrage  and  devastation.     This  enterprise 

*  They  were   Luca  Pitti,   Gianiioz/.o  Antonio   di    Puccio,   iind    Biirtolonico 

Pitti,  Antonio  Ridolti,  Jacopo  Guicci-  del  TioH-io. — These  were  the  leading 

ardini,  Giov.  Serristori,  Giiolanio  Mo-  and  most  jiouerful  citizens  of  the  Me- 

rclli,  Piero  Minerbetti,  Nieolo  Fedini,  tlieian  faction.   (Vide  Aiitiiiirato,  Lib. 

Jacopo  de' Pazzi,    Lorenzo  de' Medici,  x.viii.,  p.  110.) 

ToramasoSoderini,Gio.  Canpani,  lier-  f  Bnito,  Lib.  v.,  p.  DO,  and  Note  13. 

nardo  Corbinelli,  Bern",  del  Xero,  Itu-  — Anmiirato,    Lili.    x.\iii.,   p.    110. — 

berto  Lioni,   Bongianni  Gianfigliazzi,  Sisniondi,  vol.  viii  ,  p.  9. 
Lionardi  Bartolini,  Agnolo  della  Stnfa, 


384 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[boo 


K  ir. 


being  deemed  entirely  the  work  of  Lorenzo  procured  for  him 
deep  curses  from  the  vanquished  people  while  it  exalted  his 
reputation  amongst  his  own  for  success  in  those  days  covered 
eveiy  iniquity  and  suffering  humanity  met  with  scanty  com- 
miseration.    But  when  Soderini  was  asked  what  he  had  now 
to  object,  as  Volterra  was  gained  ?     ''  To  me,"  replied  Tom- 
maso,  "  it  seems  lost ;  for  had  you  acquired  it  by  negotiation 
*'  you  would  have  got  utility  and  security ;  but  now  you  must 
*'  hold  it  by  force,  and  therefore  will  only  derive  weakness  and 
*•  vexation  in  war,  and  in  peace  injury  and  expense."  As  a  com- 
ment on  this  the  Bishop  of  Volterra "s  palace  was  demolished  and 
a  citadel  erected  in  its  place  which  for  a  long  time  was  the  only 
tie  by  which  that  unfortunate  city  remained  united  to  Florence  >!=. 
Xothuig  remarkable  signalised  the  year  1473  except  a  reso- 
lution to  nominate  fresh  accoppiatori  every  year,  in 
order  to  secure  the  governing  power  in  the  hands  of 
confidential  pei*sons  and  the  exhibition  of  extreme  commer- 
cial jealousy  by  outlawing  a  certain  Florentine  cloth  manufac- 
turer for  refusing  to  discontinue  the  teaching  of  his  trade  in 
Naples  where  he  had  settled  for  that  pui'pose  f . 

But  though  all  was  (]uiet  at  home  symptoms  of  coming 
uneasiness  began  to  show  themselves  elsewhere  :  the  pope, 
liimself  of  an  ambitious  unquiet  nature,  was  governed  by  more 
unquiet  and  ambitious  sons  under  the  usual  appellation  of 
nephews,  and  became  eager  to  advance  them  ;  anxious  also  to 
hold  the  ecclesiastical  fiefs  in  obedience  he  had  plundered  the 
rebellious  Spoleto  and  turned  his  arms  against  Citta  di  Castello 
then  governed  by  Niccolo  Vitelli,  who  had  also  shown  symp- 
toms of  restiveness.     Vitelli  was  in  alliance  with  Lorenzo  de' 

Medici  from  whom  as  well  as  Galcazzo  of  Milan  he 
A.I).  1474.  .  .  ,  .  ,      ,         ,     .         V.   • 

received  assistance  which  though  msuincicnt  to  save 

him  laid,  along  with  other  thinj:js.  the  foundation  of  that  enmity 


*  Bruto,  Lil'.  V",  |).  109 — Animii-ato,     f  Amminito,  Lib.  xxiii.,  p.   112. — 
r.ib.    xxiii.,    i».    111. —  Mui-chiavclli,     Lion.  Morelli,  p.  190. 
Lib.  vii. 


CHAP  m.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


385 


between  Sixtus  and  the  Medici  which  terminated  so  unfor- 
tunately *.  This  enmity  would  not  have  long  remamed  hidden 
if  the  pope's  son  Piero  lUario  cardinal  of  San  Sisto  had  lived  : 
he  was  a  bold  intriguing  licentious  man,  magnificent  in  everj^- 
thincT,  and  possessing  great  influence  over  his  fiither  who 
amongst  numerous  other  benefices  had  given  him  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Florence.  Piero  died  suddenly  at  Rome  not  without 
suspicion  of  having  been  poisoned  by  the  Venetians  who  feared 
the  power  of  Sixtus  when  directed  by  such  mind  and  energy. 
The  death  of  this  prince  for  a  while  relaxed  the  pontiff's  acti- 
vity ;  but  Florence  Ijecame  suspicious  at  seeing  him  in  close 
friendship  with  the  King  of  Naples  and  in  order  to  be  prepared 
renewed  her  league  with  Milan  and  Venice  for  five-and-twenty 
years  leaving  a  place  for  Sixtus  and  Ferdinand  if  they  pleased 
to  join.  They  however  kept  aloof  and  appointing  Count  Fre- 
deric of  Montefeltro,  soon  after  created  Duke  of  Urbino,  as 
tlieir  general,  lield  a  separate  policy :  thus  Italy  was  divided 
into  two  factions  between  which  daily  causes  of  enmity  were 
occurring ;  one  was  the  desire  of  Ferdhiand  to  possess  himself 
of  Cvprus  then  in  the  rniwer  of  Venice,  by  marrvin«T 

*■  AD  1475 

his  illegitimate  son  to  tlie  natural  daughter  of  the 
late  king.     Nothing  lidwover  occurred  of  importance  until  the 
month  of  Decenilter  I  17 O  when  all  Italy  was  startled  by  the 
intelligence  of  (ialrazzo  ^laria  Sforz;i's  assassination 
in  the  church  of  San  Stetano.    This  discomposed  Flo- 
rence because  the  young  Duke  (iiiui  Galeazzo  Maria  was  but 
eight  years  old  and  his  uncles,  jtiu'tirulaily  Fodovico  the  ^loor, 
ambitious  restless  and  unscrupulous.     Ivxcept  by  an  unsuccess- 
ful attempt  of  Carlo  da  IMontone,  son  of  the  celebrated 
Braccio,  to  possess  himstdf  of  Perugia  with  tlie  secret 
connivance  of  Florence,  and  his  ravaging  the  Senese  countiy 
until  again  quieted  by  the  llorentines,  the  peace  of  Italy  con- 


A.D.  1476. 


*  Ammirato,     Lib.  xxiii.,    p.    113. —  Macclnuvelli,    Lib.    vii.  —  Muratori, 
Anno  1474. 


VOL.    III. 


CC 


386 


FLORENTINE  mSTORY. 


[book    I!. 


tinned  undisturbed  until  1478,  when  the  famous  conspiracy  of 
the  Pazzi  broke  its  slumbers. 


CoTFMPORARY  MoNARCHs. — England:  Edward  IV. — Scotland:  Jamts  III. 
— France  :  Louis  XI. —  Castile  :  Henry  IV.  and  Alphonso  struggling  for  tlu 
crown;  Alphonso  dies  in  146"8;  Henrj' in  1474;  then  his  sister  Isabella,  uho 
married  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  in  1 469  succeeds  to  the  throne  of  Castile. — Aragon : 
John  II.  (King  of  Navarre)  from  1458  to  1470;  then  Ferdinand ;  union  ol 
Castile  and  Aragon  in  1470,  under  Ferdinand  II.  and  Isabella;  inquisition  in- 
troduced in  1480. — Portugal  :  Alphonso  V. — Burgundy  :  Philip  the  Good  to 
1467,  then  Charles  the  Bold  to  1477,  then  his  daughter  Maria  who  married 
Maximilian  of  Austria  in  1477. —  German  Emperor:  Frederic  III. —  Naples: 
Ferdinand. — Sicily  and  Sardinia  provinces  of  Aragon  in  1460. —  Popes:  Paul  11. 
to  1471  ;  Sixtus  IV. — Ottoman  Empire:  Mahomet  II. 


CHAP.   I  V.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


38: 


CHAPTER    IV. 


FROM    A.D.  1478  TO  A.D.  1401. 


A.D.  1478. 


While  the  Medici  were  contented  to  remain  as  simple  citizens 
with  more  extensive  influence  and  authority  than  the  rest  of 
their  countrymen,  the  adverse  families  could  fearlessly 
and  legitimately  oppose  them  either  in  council  or  in 
arms ;  and  the  supreme  magistracy  being  to  a  certain  extent  free, 
it  was  not  until  one  party  had  completely  gained  the  ascendant 
that  their  opponents  had  any  personal  cause  of  alarm  :  it  was 
an  open  struggle  of  faction  against  faction  for  supremacy  with- 
out treason  against  the  government.  But  after  Piero's  vic- 
tory in  14G0  when  the  sovereign  authority  became  restricted 
and  placed  completely  in  the  hands  of  his  family  by  the  dic- 
tatorial power  of  a  Balia,  and  then  by  the  still  narrower  council 
of  five  Accoppiatori,  who  as  will  be  hereafter  seen  had  the  privi- 
lege of  choosing  the  priors  and  gonfalonier  without  consulting 
any  body :  when  therefore  supreme  power  thus  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Medici,  it  was  no  longer  an  equal  struggle  or  a 
safe  opposition :  the  forms  of  a  republic  remained,  but  the  sub- 
stance was  absolute  monarchy.  The  connection  between  the 
citizens  and  that  family  then  lost  its  balance ;  freedom  and 
equality  mouldered  away;  the  garb  was  indeed  there  but  it 
covered  a  skeleton.  Those  who  saw  clearly  through  the  illusive 
veil  and  mourned  their  fallen  hopes  were  filled  with  anger ; 
with  jealousy,  with  every  selfish  emotion  generated  by  disap- 
pointed ambition ;  some  few  perhaps  with  real  sorrow  for  their 
country's  wrongs  and  shame  for  her  present  degradation.    They 

c  c  '2 


388 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


II. 


had  either  to  suffer  in  patience;  phmge  into  open  wai*  with 
foreign  aid  ;  or  remove  the  obnoxious  family  by  secret  conspiracy 
and  assassination.  For  the  first  their  republican  spirit  was 
still  too  high  and  buoyant ;  the  inefficacv  of  the  second  taken 
by  itself  had  been  recently  demonstrated ;  wherefore  the  tliird, 
or  if  possible  a  combination  of  these  two,  was  the  only  expe- 
dient that  remained  to  vindicate  the  country'  and  avenge  their 
private  injuries.  The  murder  of  rulers  is  always  a  difficult 
exploit  and  rarely  attended  with  any  lienefit  when  the  deed  is 
private ;  that  is,  when  the  act  of  an  individual  or  a  faction.  If 
it  do  not  succeed  the  tyrant  is  doubly  armed  and  strengthened: 
if  it  do,  a  single  man  or  set  of  men  is  removed,  but  the  people 
are  not  more  free,  for  liberty  neither  sits  on  the  dagger's  point, 
nor  lui'ks  within  the  poisoned  bowl. 

**  Who  loves  Ler  must  first  be  wise  and  good." 

But  when  tyrants  are  openly  brought  to  the  scaffold  and  fall 
by  the  solemn  act  of  a  nation ;  howsoever  private  feelin<.^ 
and  private  judgment  may  condemn  the  deed  and  pity  the 
offender,  there  is  yet  a  halo  of  majestic  justice  about  the  pro- 
ceeding ;  a  scorn  of  concealment ;  a  noble  avowal  of  the  bold 
and  lofty  spirit  of  freedom  that  almost  sanctities  the  oblation 
while  the  unhappy  fortune  of  the  mlim  is  deplored  !  Such 
examples  are  felt  in  distant  times  and  climes ;  they  are  high 
and  solemn  warnings  to  the  human  race  ;  and  while  vindicating 
the  dimiitv  and  rij^hts  of  man  they  serve  as  beacons  for  botli 
l»rime  and  people  to  beware  of.  If  a  whole  nation  be  imbued 
with  the  true  spirit  of  liberty,  and  not  I  ice  nee ;  it  will  burst 
forth  like  a  summer's  sun :  if  not.  the  deatli  of  a  tyrant  will 
never  bring  it.    Cajsar's  gave  no  liberty  to  Rome. 

The  Medici  had  purchased  Florentine  independence  with  a 
price,  wherefore  they  assumed  a  right  to  dispose  of  it  as  they 
listed  and  mould  the  constitution  to  their  will :  they  accordingly 
changed  the  provisional  authority  of  the  Baliii  into  permanent 


CHAP.   IV.  ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


389 


power  by  constant  renewals,  and  this  office  being  placed  above 
all  law  governed  without  law,  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the 
dominant  family.  Summary  condemnations,  excessive  an<l 
arbitrary  taxation,  retrospective  and  aggravated  punishments 
inflicted  on  old  offenders  without  new  offences,  and  an  uncon- 
trolled expenditure  of  public  money,  were  amongst  the  many 
despotic  acts  of  Medician  oligarchy.  A  hundred  thousand 
florins  from  the  public  treasury  saved  Lorenzo's  banldng  esta- 
blishment at  Brages,  and  divers  sums  to  other  Medician  houses 
were  applied  in  various  ways  by  public  peculation  to  support 
the  credit  and  supply  the  wants  of  that  family ;  for  Lorenzo 
and  Giuliano  apparently  without  having  been  initiated  nito 
business  continued  the  extensive  money  trade  of  their  grand- 
father unsupported  by  his  skill  or  experience,  and  hence  arose 
the  disorder :  but  this  assistance  occurred  at  a  somewhat  later 
period  and  more  than  two  years  after  the  death  of  the  latter 

Medici-. 

Lorenzo  and  his  brother,  even  independent  of  the  powerful 
aid  of  Tommaso  Soderini,  had  not  nor  were  they  likely  to  have 
much  disturbance  in  their  government ;  not  only  because  of  the 
multitude  of  citizens  who  were  flourishing  under  their  auspices 
and  who  had  been  raised  through  tlieir  favour,  but  also  from  the 
numbers  still  in  exile  from  a  want  of  union  in  their  remaining 
opposers,  and  the  slender  followhig  which  any  one  of  them  could 
bring  single-handed  to  withstand  so  long  established  an  autho- 
rity.'' Besides  which  the  great  body  of  citizens,  though  often 
forced  by  factious  violence  into  the  vortex  of  civil  commo- 
tion, was  still  more  keenly  intent  on  private  traffic  and  not 
unwiUing  to  keep  aloof  from  disturbance  \.  The  Pazzi  at  this 
moment  were  perhaps  the  only  family  in  Florence  that  trod 
closely  on  the  heels  of  the  Medici,  for  Luca  Pitti,  although 

*  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  13.— Ja-     diti  Toscani,  p.  1— 3.-Sismondi,  vol. 

como  Pitti,  1st.  Fioren.,  Lib.  i«,  p.  25.     viii ,  p.  57. 

— Ammii-ato,Lib.xxiv.,p.  145.— Gio.     +  Jaconio  Pitti,  Istor.  Fiorcnt.,   Lib. 

Cambi,  vol.  xxi.,  Delizie  degli  Eru-     i**,  p.  24. 


390 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


we  find  his  name  in  the  Balia  appointed  for  the  expedition 
against  Volterra,  had  lost  all  public  influence  and  was  moreover 
too  old  for  political  struggles. 

The  Medician  party  was  now  apparently  composed  of  all 
the  ancient  popolani  who  had  shared  the  fortunes  of,  and  de- 
pended on  that  family  for  their  present  greatness ;  almost  all 
the   men   of  letters,  poets,  and   artists  who   frequented  the 
Medician  halls  and  enjoyed  their  friendsliip  or  patronage ;  and 
finally  of  all  the  lower  classes  of  both  citizens  and  "  Plehe  " 
who  since  the  days  of  Salvestro  and  Vieri  had  clung  faith- 
fully to  their  house ;  a  strong  presumption  that  apart  from 
political  intrigue  and  pei-sonal  ambition,  there  must  have  been 
some  substantial  good,  whatever  might  have  been  the  secret 
motives  of  that  able  and  designing  race.     It  might  have  been, 
and  perhaps  to  a  great  degree  was  the  result  of  a  deep  laid 
policy ;  but  happy  should  that  countiy  be  where  the  prosperity 
of  the  humliler  but  more  numerous  classes  is  acknowledged  as 
identical  with  that  of  the  ruling  power.     Almost  all  the  re- 
maining citizens  of  the  ancient  popular  families  who  had  for- 
merly opposed  the  Medici  were  still  sullen  and  inimical :  these 
formed  the  only  free  class  in  Florence,  the  only  class  that 
really  felt  the  loss  of  liberty,  who  looked  with  despair  on  its 
contracting  circle,  and  not  sharing  in  the  profits  of  despotism 
were  unmodified  in  their  aversion  to  the  despot.     Many  of 
them  were  scattered  throughout  the  world  by  the  proscription  f.f 
1434  and  its  successive  repetitions;   but  a  great  city  is  not 
easily  depopulated,  and  the  wrongs  of  the  fathers  are  multiplied 
in  the  children,  as  the  fragments  of  a  single  mirror  sparkle 
vdth  a  thousand  lights  :  the  spirit  of  party  outlives  much,  and 
enough  of  them  remained  to  form  a  strong  though  silent  band 
of  discontented  men  had  they  honestly  united  for  their  country- s 
good. 

Giuliano  de'  Medici,  who  is  described  as  a  milder  and  more 
amiable  person  than  Lorenzo,  frequently,  as  we  are  assured 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


391 


by  Bruto  and  Macchiavelli,  remonstrated  against  his  brother's 
despotic  conduct  and  hinted  the  probability  of  his  losing  all  by 
attempting  to  gain  too  much :  Lorenzo  on  the  conU'ary  full  of 
the  spirit  and  confidence  of  youth  and  great  ability,  perhaps 
belonging  to  a  higher  order  of  genius  than  his  gentler-mmded 
relative ;  ambitiously  resolved  to  acknowledge  no  equal  in  the 
stat^  •  aiid  as  the  chief  opposition  families  were  already  dis- 
persed and  the  Capponi  with  the  suspension  of  hereditary  talent 
had  lost  their  ancient  influence,  Lorenzo  detennined  that  none 
of  tlie  Medici  faction  should  so  luxuriate  as  to  overshadow  his 
greatness ;  for  even  he  and  Giuliano  had  already  begun  to  enter 
into  a  sort  of  rivalry  about  the  government*. 

The  family  whom  Lorenzo  most  feared  and  hated  was  the 
Pazzi  of  Val  d'Amo  which  for  antiquity  riches  and  numbers, 
was  one  of  the  fii-st  and  noblest  in  Florence  :  along  with  the 
Ubertini,  Ubaldini,  Tariati  and  others  they  had  been  conti- 
nually opposed  to  Florence ;  many  of  their  castles  were  reduced 
in  1269,  and  that  family  afterwards  became  gradually  incor- 
porated and  identified  with  the  citizensf.    Excluded  from  public 
office  like  other  nobles  by  the  ordinances  of  Giano  della  Bella  m 
1292  diey  were  amongst  those  restored  to  civic  honours  by 
Cosimo  in  1434.     Andrea  dei  Pazzi  fii^t  profited  by  this  act, 
and  tlie  family  through  its  extensive  banking  trade,  its  nches 
and  high  nobility,  became  so  powerful  that  Cosimo  endeavoured 
to  fix  their  good-^rill  by  the  marriage  of  Lorenzo's  sister  Bianca 
with  Guglielmo  the  son  of  Antonio  de^  Pazzi  and  grandson  of 
Andrea.    Lorenzo  however,  with  different  views ;  and  perhaps 
on  the  same  principle  which  makes  some  think  that  money 
dealings  should  be  avoided  between  intimate  friends  and  rela- 
tions, as  indulgence  or  delicacy  often  occasions  inconvenience, 
wished  to  be  quit  of  any  such  associates  and  accordmgly  denied 


♦  M.  Bruto,  Lib.  vi.,  p.  203.  -  IVIac-  Casa  dci  Medici,  MS.,  p.  82, 
chiavelli,  Lib.  vnii.  -  Sismondi,  vol.  Nardi,  Stona  Lib.  i  .,p.  1^. 
viii.-Origine  e   Desccndenza  della    t  Ricor.  Malespmi,  cap.  Ix. 


— Jacopo 


392 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


them  all  public  honours  and  employments ;  not  however  directly 
and  openly  as  his  own  individual  act ;  but  by  artfully  leavina 
the  appearance  of  originating  public  measures  to  the  magistracy 
whose  every  motion  he  secretly  and  jealously  directed.     All 
this  was  too  well  and  too  generally  understood  to  deceive  rivals 
so  keen-sighted  and  aspiring  as  the  Pazzi :  their  chief  Andrea 
had  three  sons  Antonio,  Piero,  and  Jacopo,   and  eight  grand- 
sons by  the  two  first;  but  Jacopo  remained  single :  the  two  last 
had  been  gonfaloniei-s  of  Justice  in  MfU  and  1409.     Piero 
had  five  sons  namely,  Galeotto,  Renato,  Andrea,  Giovanni  and 
Kiccolo  ;  and  from  Antonio  there  issued  Francesco,  Giovanm*, 
and  Guglielrao  who  became  the  husband  of  Bianca  de'  Medici  *.' 
Without  a  clear  knowledge  of  latent  motives  it  is  alwavs  a 
difficult  task  to  judge  of  the  right  and  wrong,  the  just  and  un- 
just of  private  quarrels,  and  still  more  so  when  they  are  almost 
identified  with  the  enmity  and  jealousy  of  pohtical  faction  or 
the  mtolerance  of  religious  behef ;  and  where  tliis  acrimonious 
feelmg  extends  both  publicly  and  privately  beyond  the  state, 
and  generates  the  most  lamentable  disasters,  the  subject  lio- 
comes  still  more  intricate.   The  grounds  of  that  dispute  between 
Pope  Sixtus  IV.,  with  the  Pazzi  and  Salviati,  on  one  side;  and 
the  Medici  and  Florence  on  the  other,  which  led  to  Giuliano's 
murder,  have  been  frequently  discussed  without  producing  any 
clear  or  certahi  conviction.     What  one  asserts  another  denies, 
and   the  same  quotations  which  clearly  elucidate  contested 
points  to  the  first  have  no  light  for  the  second :  neither  does  it 
seem  necessary  to  scrutinize  such  discrepancies  :  it  is  enough 
for  histor}'  to  ascertain  that  an  implacable  aversion  was  in  being, 
at  least  on  one  side,  and  but  Httle  friendliness  on  the  other"^; 
and  that  both  private  and  public  reasons  existed  for  it,  if  any- 
thing could  be  called  public  in  those  days  of  low  unscrupulous 
ambition  and  selfish  recklessness  of  purpose. 

It  will  nevertheless  be  expedient  for  the  sake  of  perspicuity 

*  Gio.  Cambi,  tomo.  xxi.,  Deliz.  Er.  Tos.— Ammiralo,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  116. 


CHAP.  IV.  J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


393 


to  give  the  most  probable  and  generally  received  account  of 
those   uicidents   that  led   to   the  melancholy  catastrophe  of 
Giuliano's  death.     Bianca  de'  Medici's  brother-in-law  Giovanni 
de'  Pazzi  had  married  the  only  child  of  Giovanni  Borromei,  an 
opulent  citizen  who  died  intestate,  which  according  to  Florentine 
law  made  her  heiress  to  all  his  property :  this  was  disputed,  we 
are  not  told  on  what  grounds,  by  the  nephew  Carlo  Borromei 
who  claimed  a  portion  of  the  estate :  but  while  the  cause  was 
pendmg  a  new  and  retrospective  law  was  promulgated  by  Lo- 
renzo's influence  which  constituted  the  nephew  heir-at-law  of 
any  person  dying  intestate,  to  the  exclusion  of  females,  and 
thus  Giovanni  and  his  wife  were  deprived  of  their  inheritance  =5^ 
There  were  nine  of  the  Pazzi  eligible  at  this  moment  to  pub- 
lic honours,  but  all  their  hopes  were  blasted  by  Lorenzo's  in- 
fluence and  the  ver}^  name  of  Pazzi  seems  to  have  been  blotted 
out  of  the  registei-s  of  the  Seignory  between  1409  and  1478. 
Jacopo  remained  quiet  under  this  persecution  ;  but  a  deep  and 
deadly  hatred  took  possession  of  some,  and  Francesco  a  bold 
and  violent  man  could  least  of  all  brook  the  notion  of  obe^dng 
an  enemy  to  whom  he  was  far  superior  in  rank,  and  considered 
himself  equal  in  every  other  quality.     He  therefore  left  Flo- 
rence, took  charge  of  the  fomily  bank  at  Borne,  was  made  pon- 
tifical treasurer  instead  of  the  Medici,  and  necessarily  became 


*  MacchiavelH,  Lib.  viii. — M.  Bnito, 
Lib.  vi.,  p.  203.  —  M.  Jacopo  Nardi, 
Hist.  Fior.,  Lib.  i",  p.  11.  —  Pignotti, 
Lib.  iv.,  p.  190. — Sismondi,  vol.  viii., 
p.  58. — Amniirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  116. 
— Percival,  Hist,  of  Italy,  vol.  ii.,  p. 
195. — Lorenzo  da  Ponte,  Hist,  of  Flo- 
rence, vol.  ii.,  p.  41. — Origine  e  Dis- 
ccndenza  de'  Medici,  MS.,  p.  82.  — 
Roscoe  endeavours  to  throve  the  odium 
of  this  proceeding  off  Lorenzo  by 
citing  Luigi  Pulci's  letter  to  the  latter 
while  yet  a  boy  on  his  travels  in  1 465. 
The  private  and  familiar  allusions  in 
this  epistle  are  diflRcult  to  comprehend ; 
but  they  seem  to  indicate  some  boyish 


freak  that  Lorenzo  (by  his  absence)  pro- 
bably escaped  being  concerned  in  ;  and 
the  letter  itself  is  anything  but  conclu- 
sive of  the  fact  Avhich  it  was  cited  to 
establish.  But  it  is  not  required  ;  for 
Sismondi  truly  asserts  that  Giov.  Bor- 
romci's  name  is  to  be  found  amongst 
those  of  the  Seignory  for  March  and 
April  1471  as  given  by  the  cotempo- 
rary  historian  Giov.  Cambi,  (p.  407, 
tomo  xxi.,  Delizie  degli  Enid.  Tos  ) 
wherefore  he  could  not  have  been  dead 
in  1465,  and  the  law  must  have  been 
made  after  April  1471.  This  is  also 
corroborated  by  an  ancient  manuscript 
"  Piiorista "  in  my  possession. 


394 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


I». 


intimate  by  his  official  situation  with  all  the  papal  family  The 
nomination  of  Francesco  Salviati,  a  man  of  bad  character 
and  mimical  to  Lorenzo,  as  archbishop  of  Pisa  disgusted  the 
ascendant  faction  and  he  was  vexatiously  obstmcted  in  the 
taking  possession  of  his  see  for  a  considerable  period  :  this  na- 
turally augmented  his  former  enmity  and  drew  him  closer  to 
the  pontiff  and  the  Pazzi. 

The  fears  of  the  Medici  and  the  openly  expressed  indignation 
of  the  Pazzi  who  saw  themselves  frowned  on  by  the  magistrates 
and  excluded  from  every  civic  privilege,  acted"  and  reacted  on 
each  other ;  and  the  latter  s  enmity  was  not  diminished  bv 
Francesco's  being  summoned  from  Rome  to  Florence  on  some 
tnvial  occasion,  thus  discarding  in  his  person  all  the  respect 
usually  paid  to  great  citizens  by  the  Florentine  magistracy  * 
Insult,  wTong,  and  jealousy  therefore,  united  with  ambition  to 
goad  on  this  powerful  family  to  any  excess  ;  and  their  unmea- 
sured abuse  of  the  government  augmented  its  suspicions  and 
their  own  injuries,  although  without  any  apparent  breach  of 
personal  intercourse  with  Giuliano  or  even  with  Lorenzo  him- 
self.     This  may  be  easUy  conceived  when  we  recollect  that 
Lorenzo  governed  with  a  long  and  hidden  wand  that  set  all 
the  ordinary  wheels  in  motion  at  his  will,  while  they  ap- 
peared to  be  self-acting  instruments  of  good  or  evil  and  alone 
responsible  to  the  community.     "  His  private  life  and  habili- 
ments," says  a  Genoese  author  and  almost  a  contemporan', 
"  differed  little  from  those  of  other  Florentine  citizens,  but  his 
name  was  great  amongst  his  own  people  and  amongst  strangers; 
he  had  followers  out  of  number ;  cattle,  money,  and  possessions 
also  m  abundance ;  so  that  all  the  things  he  possessed  surpassed 
the  condition  of  any  private  citizen  :  and  he  appeared  so  great 
that  he  already  followed  the  contumaciousness  of  some  kings 
and  princes  against  the  Church  of  Rome,  by  not  permitting  the 
exercise  of  any  papal  rights  or  jurisdiction  except  what  pleased 

*  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viiL 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


395 


him.  He  maintained  continual  embassies  in  foreign  courts  and 
exerted  himself  not  only  to  preserve  but  to  augment  the  Flo- 
rentine rule  which  he  had  entirely  absorbed,  and  exalted  or 
abased  whatsoever  citizen  it  pleased  him  to  favour  or  oppose  : 
nor  would  he  suffer  a  single  enemy  to  remain  in  the  city ; 
and  it  was  believed  that  he  was  striving  to  banish  the  family 
of  the  Pazzi  (who  were  his  rivals  in  banking  and  merchandise) 
by  a  magistracy  that  he  had  created  in  Florence  of  persons 
entirely  devoted  to  him ;  and  he  also  belonged  to  this  ma- 
gistracy. AVhen  this  was  discovered  by  the  Pazzi  they  instantly 
(as  is  said)  communicated  with  King  Ferdinand  and  laid  a 
snare  for  the  destruction  of  Lorenzo,"  &c.  * 

This  attempt  to  shake  the  pontiffs  power  might  alone  account 
for  his  enmity;  but  there  were  other  reasons,  and  amongst  the 
first,  Lorenzo's  secret  assistance  to  Vitelli  of  Citta  di  Castello 
a  contumacious  vassal  of  the  church  ;  also  his  supposed  counte- 
nance of  Carlo  da  Montone's  intrigues  to  possess  himself  of  the 
ecelesiastical  city  of  Pemgia,  of  which  Braccio  da  Montone  had 
once  been  master :  thirdly  his  strong  opposition  to  Salviati's 
nomination  as  archbishop  of  Pisa  and  his  subsequent  perse- 
cution of  that  prelate.  Fourthly  Lorenzo's  intrigues  to  dis- 
possess  Girolamo  Riario  of  Imola  which  he  had  received  as 
Caterina  Sforza's  dower,  and  the  belief  that  at  the  pope's  death 
such  would  be  the  case  if  the  Medici  were  not  previously 
overthrown.  These  added  to  Lorenzo's  vexatious  opposition 
to  Girolamo's  raising  a  loan  of  40.000  florins  which  he  was 
bound  to  pay  for  Imola  marked  him  as  a  peculiar  object  of  the 
pontiffs  enmity. 

The  incipient  favour  of  SLxtus  to  Lorenzo  was  decided  and 
substantial  whatever  might  have  been  the  motive  ;  and  Lo- 
renzo's anger  about  the  loss  of  Imola,  if  true,  would  have  been 
more  justly  directed  against  Galeazzo  Sforza ;  but  his  object 
was  the  consolidation  of  his  own  power  within  and  out  of 

*  Agostino  Gius'aniano,  Annali  di  Genoa,  Lib.  v",  Carta  ccxxxvi. 


396 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book 


II, 


Florence,  while  he  at  die  same  time  checked  papal  ambition 
The  pope  railed  openly  and  even  indecently  against  him,  and 
this  abuse  was  more  than  answered  in  a  similar  strain  by  the 
Florentines,  amongst  whom  his  nuncio  soon  lost  all  power  and 
scarcely  escaped  insult  *. 

Italy  as  we  have  said  was  at  tliis  time  divided  into  two  fac- 
tions ;  the  alliance  of  an  ambitious  pope  with    the  powerful 
Ivmg  of  Naples  had  produced  the  northern  league  between 
Florence  Venice  and  Milan :  it  was  a  defensive  league  which 
the  king  and  pontiff  affected  to  applaud  but  would  not  join, 
and  thence  new  suspicions  about  their  objects :  no  war  was  yet' 
but  the  angry  looks   of  all   parties   indicated   its  approach.' 
Sixtus  wished  to  turn  over  the  government  of  Florence  from 
the  Medici  to  the  Pazzi,  in  order  to  secure  a  protector  instead 
of  an  enemy  for  Riario  of  Imola  after  his  own  decease.     Siena 
too  was  angry  at  the  Florentines  for  encouraging  Carlo  da 
JVrontone  to  attack  her  as  he  was  doing  about  this  time,  nor 
did  his  retirement  at  the  request  of  Florence  persuade  her  to 
the  contraiy,  wherefore  she  also  joined  the  papd  league.    The 
pope  moved  up  his  forces  to  besiege  the  to^vn  of  Montone  and 
punish  Carlo  for  his  intrigues  in  Pemgia  as  well  as  for  his 
attempts  to  disturb  the  peace  of  Italy;  and  this  served  as  a 
cloak  for  his  ulterior  designs  on  Florence  which  in  all  cases 
would  require  the  support  of  a  strong  military  force. 

From  the  dying  confession  of  Giovanbattista  di  Montesecco 
one  of  the  pope  s  condottieri  who  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in 
this  tragedy  we  learn  that  the  archbishop  Salviati  informed  him 
one  day  in  his  own  palace  at  Rome  of  his  wish  to  impart  a  secret 
which  had  been  for  a  long  time  at  heart  and  swearing  Montesecco 
to  secrecy  added  that  he  and  Francesco  de'  Pazzi  had  the  means 
with  the  latter  s  assistance  of  creating  a  revolution  in  Florence. 
Montesecco  declared  his  willingness  if  sanctioned  by  the  pope 
and  Count  Riario  ;  Salviati  wondered  at  his  supposing  that  they 

*  Aminirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  U5.~Bruto,  Lib,  v.,  p.  83. 


Cil.ii*.    IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


397 


were  acting  without  Riario's  knowledge  for  whose  particular 
l)enefit  and  security  it  was  proposed  ;  Lorenzo  they  said  was  his 
deadly  enemy  and  after  the  pontiff's  death  would  do  his  utmost 
to  ruin  him,  the  more  so  as  he  felt  himself  most  deeply  in- 
jured.    The  particulars  of  this  injury,  principally  touching  on 
the  appointment  of  Salviati  to  the  archbishopric  and  the  loss  of 
the  papal  treasurership,  are  not  enumerated ;  but  Montesecco, 
an  old  and  cautious  soldier  seems  to  have  unwillingly  promised 
that  in  all  things  touching  the  count's  honour  and  prosperity 
he  would  be  obedient  to  his  orders.     Count  Riario,  Salviati, 
and  Pazzi  had  several  consultations  at  which  Montesecco  was 
not  present ;  but  some  days  after,  Riario  asked  him  what  he 
thought  of  the  enterprise ;  to  this  Montesecco  could  give  no 
answer  without  knowing  the  plan  of  execution.     He  was  as- 
sured that  the  Pazzi  and  Salviati  would  lead  half  Florence ; 
that  their  intention  was  to  kill  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano,  and  have 
a  body  of  troops  outside  to  support  the  conspirator.     Mon- 
tesecco was  startled  by  the  difficulty  and  danger,  especially 
because  of  Lorenzo's  known  popularity  ;  but  they  assured  him 
of  the  contrary,  and  that   the  Medici   once   removed   there 
would  even  be*^  a  general  thanksgiving  and  rejoicing  in  Flo- 
rence.   The  veteran  still  remahiing  incredulous,  Salviati  strove 
eagerly  to  convince  him  :  he  was  told  that  it  required  only  to 
iulkme  the  mind  of  old  Jacopo  de'  Pazzi  whom  they  repre- 
sented as   colder   than   icicles,    but   being   once   gained   the 
enterprise  was  certain.     The  still  hesitating  soldier  asked  how 
Sixtus  was  disposed  and  received  assurances  that  they  could 
easily  manage  him,  as  he  also  detested  Lorenzo  and  wished 
eagerly  for  the  plot;  that  he  had  been  already  consulted ;  and 
tinally  that  from  the  holy  father's  own  lips  Montesecco  should 
hear  his  wishes. 

The  plan  of  gradually  closing  up  several  divisions  of  troops 
round  Florence  was  then  discussed  with  other  details,  yet  Mon- 
tesecco was  far  from  sanguine  although  he  finally  gave  way  but 


393 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


I    ■'!: 


stiU  unconvinced  by  their  reasoning.  It  was  finally  settled  that 
Francesco  should  proceed  to  Florence,  ostensibly  for  a  change 
of  air,  and  that  Montesecco  should  foUow  on  the  pretence  of 
consulUng  Lorenzo  about  certain  lands  occupied  by  the  dying 
lord  of  Faenza,  to  which  Riario  had  a  claim  and  pretended  to 
wish  for  the  Medici's  council  and  assistance.    Montesecco  first 
had  an  interview  with  Jacopo  Pazzi  in  a  secret  chamber  of  the 
then  noted  mn  of  the  "Campamt;'  but  could  scarcely  induce 
him  to  listen  for  an  instant  until  the  pontiffs  consent  was  de- 
^ared.     Montesecco  therefore  told  him  that  before  leaving 
Rome  he  had  spoken  with  Sixtus  in  the  presence  of  Count 
Rwno  and  the  archbishop  and  liad  received  orders  from  the 
holy  father  himself  to  urge  Jaeopo  de'  Pazzi  to  expedite  the 
business,  because  another  siege  of  Montone  might  not  so  conve- 
niently occur  for  the  maintenance  of  so  many  troops  on  the  very 
threshold  of  Florence,  and  as  there  was  danger  in  delay  Jacopo 
was  entreated  by  his  holiness  to  assist  in  promoting  the  enteV 
pnse     The  pope  however  declared  to  Montesecco  that  he 
wished  the  revolution  to  be  accomplished  without  blood :  to 
this  Montesecco  replied.  "  Holy  Father  these  things  can  hardly 
"  be  done  without  the  death  of  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  and  it 
;*  may  be  of  others."     Sktus  answered,  "  I  wUl  have  no  one 
_^  killed  on  any  account,  for  it  is  not  our  office  to  consent  to 
^  the  death  of  any  person ;  and  although  Lorenzo  may  be  a 
viilam  and  may  have  behaved  shamefully  towai-ds  us,  still  1 
"  will  by  no  means  consent  to  his  being  put  to  death ;  but  a 
•'revolution  of  the  state  I  do  wish  for."    Count  Riario  then  said 
that  everything  would  be  done  to  prevent  that ;  but  "  If  it  did 
"  happen,  his  holiness  would  of  course  pardon  those  that  com- 
•|  nutted  the  crime  ?  "  To  this  Sktus  replied  "  Thou  art  a  beast: 
J.  tell  thee  that  I  will  not  have  the  death  of  anybody;  but 
"  the  mutation  of  the  state,  yes.     And  thus  I  tell  thee  Gio- 
••  vambattista ;  that  I  strongly  desire  to  have  a  revolution  in 
"  the  state  of  Florence,  and  that  it  may  be  snatehed  from  Lo- 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


399 


'*  renzo's  hands,  because  he  is  a  villain  and  a  wicked  man, 
"  and  has  no  respect  for  us,  and  if  he  were  once  expelled  from 
*'  Florence  we  could  do  what  we  pleased  with  that  republic 
"  and  govern  it  at  our  will."  On  this  both  the  count  and  arch- 
bishop instantly  exclaimed,  "  Your  holiness  speaks  the  tmth ; 
"  when  you  have  Florence  in  your  power  and  can  dispose  of  it, 
•'  as  you  will  be  able  to  do  when  in  their  (the  Pazzi's)  hands, 
"  your  holmess  will  dictate  the  law  to  half  Italy  and  everybody 
"  will  be  eager  for  your  friendship ;  so  that  we  pray  you  to  be 
**  satisfied  to  allow  everything  to  be  done  which  may  be  neces- 
"  sary  for  this  purpose.*'  *'  I  tell  thee,"  answered  Sixtus, 
•*  that  I  will  not.  Go  and  do  what  you  please  provided  no 
-"  blood  be  spilt."  After  this  they  all  rose  from  their  knees 
before  the  pope  who  promised  every  requisite  aid  of  troops  for 
the  occasion.  The  archbishop  finally  said,  "  Holy  father  are 
'•  you  content  that  we  should  guide  this  barque,  we  will  guide 
"  it  well?  Sixtus  said,  *'  I  am  content."  They  then  quitted 
the  pope's  presence  and  retiring  to  Count  Girolamo's  apart- 
ment decided  that  the  work  could  not  be  accomplished  without 
kilHng  both  the  Medici.  Montesecco  remarked  that  it  was  a 
bad  affair  and  was  answered  that  great  things  could  not  other- 
wise be  effected  :  his  mission  was  the  consequence*. 

But  even  after  hearing  all  this  it  was  with  the  utmost  diffi- 
culty that  Jacopo  could  be  brought  to  concur,  nor  was  it  until 
after  Montesecco  s  return  from  Komagna  and  with  the  aid  of 
Francesco  de'  Pazzi  who  had  been  absent  at  Lucca,  that  he 
suffered  himself  to  be  completely  brought  round.  Montesecco 
was  received  with  great  hospitality  by  Lorenzo  and  profited  by 
his  sound  advice  on  the  matter  in  discussion  touching  the  lord 
of  Faenza,  so  that  he  quitted  him  with  a  profound  impression 
of  his  vast  ability  and  the  conviction  of  his  being  a  very  different 
person  from  what  the  tongues  of  enemies  had  represented,  and 
anything  but  inimical  to  Count  Girolamo  Riario  f . 

*  Confessione  di  Gio-Battista  di  Montesecco.  See  Gatteschi's  Brute,  Lib.  vi", 
note.  f  Maccliiavelli,  Lib.  viii. 


4U0 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


It  is  asserted  l)y  Corio  that  Montesecco  had  more  soHd  rea- 
sons for  his  admiration  of  Lorenzo,  because  encom'aged  by  his 
familiai-ity  he  made  no  scruple  of  asking  him  for  a  pension,  which 
was  so  liberally  and  graciously  promised  tliat  he  determmed  not 
to  be  the  instmment  of  his  murder,  and  when  the  time  came 
refused  to  assassinate  him  =:=. 

Matters  were  now  iiist  drawing  to  a  crisis  ;  Jacopo  de'  Pazzi 
had  finally  agreed  that  Francesco  should  act  as  his  representa- 
tive at  Rome  and  that  he  would  adhere  to  all  that  might  there 
be  resolved  on :  Montesecco  and  Francesco  in  fact  returned  to  that 
city,  and  along  with  Sixtus,  Count  Riario,  and  the  Neapolitan  Am- 
bassador, settled  that  as  the  expedition  to  Montone  was  already 
arranged  Giovanfrancesco  da  Tolentino  one  of  the  papal  com- 
manders should  proceed  to  Romagna  and  another  of  them  called 
Lorenzo  di  Castello  into  his  own  country',  and  both  hold  their 
troops  in  readiness  to  obey  the  ordere  of  1  lancesco  Pazzi  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Pisa,  who  were  to  proceed  immediately  to 
Florence  and  make  all  necessary  preparations  for  the  last  act  of 
the  tragedy.  Lastly  the  Xeapulitan  ambassador  in  his  master's 
name  promised  every  support  that  might  be  practicable  in  so 
infamous  a  business. 

Besides  the  great  conspirators  the  principal  subordinate 
actors  in  this  drama  were  Jacomo  Rracciolini  son  and  translator 
of  the  historian,  himself  an  author,  and  whose  father  had  been 
under  considerable  obligations  to  the  Metlici.  He  is  described 
as  young,  ambitious,  and  desirous  of  change ;  at  least  no  other 
reasons  are  given  for  his  conduct.  The  next  were  the  two  Jacopi 
Salviati,  one  a  brother  the  other  a  kinsman  of  the  archbishop : 
tlien  came  Reniardo  l^andini,  and  Napoleone  Franzcsi  of  San 
Gimignano,  bold  aspiring  youths ;  the  first  a  reckless  spend- 
thrift ready  for  any  change,  and  both  of  them  devoted  to 
the  Pazzi.  There  was  besides  a  certain  Antonio  Matfei  of  Vol- 
terra  a  priest  and  apostolic  scribe,  wlio  it  is  sjiid  had  vowed 


♦  Corio,  Parte  vi»,  folio  428. 


CHAP.  IV. j 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


401 


deadly  vengeance  against  Lorenzo  for  the  devastation  of  Vol- 
terra.  After  him  came  Stefano  Bagnoni,  also  a  priest,  who 
instructed  Jacopo  Pazzi  s  daughter  in  the  Latin  language,  and 
besides  these  a  band  of  Perugian  exiles  engaged  to  lend  theif 
aid  for  a  promise  of  subsequent  restoration. 

Most  of  the  younger  Pazzi  joined  in  the  plot ;  but  Renato 
a  grave  and  prudent  man  aware  of  the  uncertain  good  and  cer- 
tain evil  that  attended  these  enterprises  not  only  refused  to 
l)ecome  a  party  but  retired  to  his  villa  where  he  faithfullv  kept 
ibe  secret  and  died  through  his  fidelity  in  doing  so. 

Each  actor  having  received  his  part  the  only  remaining  difficulty 
was  to  bring  them  well  together  on  the  scene  and  to  secure  a 
l)roper  stage  for  tlieir  jierformanee.     This  was  accomplished  as 
follows.     There  was  then  a  young  student  at  the  Pisan  univer- 
Nity  called  Rafiiiello  Riario  a  nephew  of  Count  Girolamo :  he 
was  then  about  eighteen  years  of  age  and  had  been  made  a 
cardinal  in  the  previous  December  :  a  visit  to  Florence  so  soon 
after  his  exaltation  it  was  supposed  would  cause  some  festivities, 
especially  from  the   known   hospitality  of  the  Medici,  and  he 
was  accordingly  brought  to  the  villa  of  Jacopo  de'  Pazzi  at 
]\Iontughi  about  a  mile  from  the  city  with  strict  injunctions  to 
obey  the  archbishop  in  all  things.     The  conspirators'  design 
was  to  bring  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  together  at  an  entertain- 
ment and  then  despatch  them  both  :  their  tirst  hope  was  at  a 
party  given  to  him  by  the  Medici  themselves  at  their  Fiesoline 
villa  (now  Mozzi)  but  (iiuliano  either  by  design  or  accident, 
did  not  attend :  Iiiario  was  next  invited  to  an  entertainment 
in  Florence  where  everj  arrangement  was  made  for  the  assas- 
sination, but  Giuliano  again  disappointed  them.    The  plot  had  now 
Itecome  known  to  many  and  there  was  much  danger  in  delav, 
for  one  weak  link  in  the  chain,  one  repentant  individual  would 
have  drawn  down  destruction  on  all  and  ruined  the  enterprise. 
At  a  secret  meeting  of  the  conspirators  it  was  resolved  to  waive 
all  religious  sciiiples,  all  superstitious  fears,  and  choose  the 

VOL.  HI.  D  D 


402 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[hook 


M. 


great  church  as  the  place,  the  hour  of  prayer  the  time,  and  the 
moment  of  death  when  the  hody  of  Christ  himself  was  supposed 
by  a  miracle  to  be  actually  present  for  adoration  !    The  bell  that 
tingled  for  the  elevation  of  the  Host  was  to  be  the  knell  of  the 
Medici,  the  signal  of  revolt,  and  a  daring   revolution  in  the 
state  of  Florence.    It  was  intended  that  Giovambattista  Monte- 
secco  should  have  stabbed  Lorenzo  while  Francesco  l\izzi  and 
Bandini  despatched  Giuliano;    but  Montesecco  liad  received 
favour  and  hospitality,  perhaps  something  more,  and  probably 
soutrht  an  excuse  to  avoid  shedding  the  blood  of  his  benefoctor. 
He  declared  that  he  did  not  dare  to  commit  such  a  crime  in  the 
temple  of  God  ;  it  was  enough  to  have  betrayed  him  ;  he  would 
not  add  sacrilege  to  murder  and  call  on  Christ  as  a  witness  to 
the  deed.     This  was  the  cause  of  failure  ;  for  time  drew  shoit 
and  thev  were  forced  to  commit  the  execution  to  less  skilful  l)iit 
also  less  scrupulous  hands.  The  two  priests  ;  to  whom  the  house 
of  (iod  was  no  more  than  the  house  of  man,  and  the  mystic 
emblem  of  their  faith  a  mocker}' ;  showed  no  hesitation,  but 
rheerfuUy  undertook  that  murder  which  the  rough  old  veteran 
had  refused  >;^     The  archbishop  with  his  followers  mid  Jacopo 
di  Poggio  Bracciolini,  were  to  force  the  palace  while  the  murder 
was  doing ;  and  thus  each  aware  of  what  was  ex}>ected  from 
him,  looked  for  the  fearful  moment  with  anxiety. 

On  Sunday  the  twenty-sixth  of  April  147^^.  a  <lay  that 
dawned  in  beauty  and  declined  in  blood  ;  the  citizens  of  Flo 
rence  in  gay  and  careless  groups  had  filled  the  cathe<li-al  where 
the  young  cardinal  was  conspicuously  posted  :  the  prelates  were- 
kneeling  quietly  at  their  devotions  the  priests  were  busy  at  the 
altar ;  Lorenzo  too  was  there  all  unconscious  of  the  fate  that 
awaited  him  ;  but  his  brother  was  nowhere  to  be  seen.  The 
service  had  already  commenced,  the  archbishop  had  departed 
with  his  brother,  his  cousin,  Jacopo  Rraceiolini  and  some  thnty 
followers,  to  do  their  work  at  the  palace,  when  Francesco  Pazzi 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  117. 


CHAP.   IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


403 


and  Bandini  alarjned  at  Giuliano  s  absence  and  the  prospect  of 
another  failure  suddenly  quitted  the?  church  to  find  their  victim. 
He  was  at  home,  somewhat  indisposed  from  a  recent  accident, 
and  disinclined  to  attend  divine  service :  with  gav  entreaties 
and  pleasantries  they  finally  succeeded  in  drawing  him  fortli. 
Francesco  occasionally  threw  his  arms  round  him  apparentlv 
in  playful  kindness,  but  really  to  feel  if  there  were  a  coat  of  mail 
beneath,  as  in  those  days  was  sometimes  customary*. 

Giuliano  had  hurt  his  thigh  and  wore  no  armour ;  had  even 
left   his  sword  behhid  which  chafed  his  wounded  limb;    for 
notwithstanding  that  both  he  and  his  brother  were  well  aware 
of  Francesco  Pazzi's  enmity  tliey  did  not  l)elieve  it  went  so  far 
as  deliberate  assassination.     ih\  their  entering  the  cathedral 
both  brothers  were   encompassed  l)y  two   distinct  groups  of 
murderers;   Bernardo  and   Francesco   still  maintaining  their 
jiosition  on  each  side  of  Giuliano,  while  Stefano  Bagnone  and 
Antonio  Maftei  stood  se(.wliii<r  askance  on  Lorenzo.     There- 
was  a  deep  pause.     The  sound  of  a  small  bell  announced  the 
Host,  the  golden  chalice  was  elevated,  and  like  a  corn-field 
struck  by  the  summer  breeze   the  whole  congregation  bent 
before  their  God !  four  tall  dark  figures  alone  remaining  up- 
right in  this  universal  bow.     One  moment  more  and  the  knives 
of  three  were  in  the  tliroats  of  their  victims.     Giuliano  was 
struck  by  Bandini  to  the  heart  and  staggering  fell  forward 
amongst  the  crowd,  while  Francesco's  steel,  more  envenomed 
it  is  said  by  jealousy  for  a  faithless  woman,  followed  up  the 
blow  and  blinded  with  rage  gashed  his  own  thigh  in  mangling 
with  repeated  stabs  the  lifeless  body  of  his  victim.     Lorenzo 

This  extreme  familiiuity  lictwccn  so  mIioso  account  is  however  considered 

hitter  :m  enemy  us  Fran.  Pazzi  and  tlu-  more  as  an  ehullition  of  strong  feelins; 

Medici  seems  inconsistent,  unless  we  than    a  historical    record.      The    in- 

supposc  a  decided  difference  in  politics  cident  tliough    emphatically   told    bv 

(and  there  is  some  reason  for  sucii  asup-  Macchiavelli  seems  doubtful  from  tli'e 

I>osition),  between  Giuliano  and   Lo-  very  minuteness  of  the  circnmstan.  Os 

renzo.     Ammirato  does  not  say  a  word  related  whirh   could  have  come  onlv 

otthisincident  anymore  than  Poliziano,  from  Bandini. 

D  I)  '2 


40-1 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY 


[book  II. 


was  but  slishtly  burt :  Antonio  da  Yolterra  in  placing  bis  hand 
on  tbe  Medici's  slioulder  for  a  sure  blow,  gave  bim  time  to  start    , 
up,  and  twisting  his  cloak  round  the  left  arm  he  stood  boldly 
on  his  defence.     The  two  priests  fled;    but   Bernardo  still 
reeking  with  Giuliano's  blood  rushed  madly  on  Lorenzo  stab- 
bing Francesco  Nori,  who  had  thro\\ii  himself   between,    to 
the  very-  heart  in  his  way.     Nori's  devotion  saved  the  Medici 
who  with  the  few  friends  that  gathered  round  him  took  shelter 
in  the  sacristy :  the  i)oet  Poliziano  closed  the  doors  while  An- 
tonio Ridolli  sucked  the  wound  for  fear  of  poison  :  Lorenzos 
friends,  who  were  scattered  about  the  church,  assembled  sword 
in  hand  before  the  brazen  portals  of  the  vestiy  loudly  demaiid- 
inf»  entrance  :  but  apprehensive  of  more  treachery  there  was  a 
dead  silence  withhi  until  Sismondi  della  Stufa  had  ascended 
the  organ-ladder  to  a  window  looldng  into  the  church  to  identity 
them:  thev  were  then  admitted  and  taking  Lorenzo  in  the 
midst  carried  him  safely  otT  to  his  own  palace.     During  this 
bloody  transaction  screams  shouts  and  universal  uproar  pealed 
through  the  vast  cathedral  and  made  it  seem,  says  Macchia- 
velli.  (and  as  a  child  he  might  have  been  present)  as  if  the 
church  were    tumbling   to   pieces:    the   young  cardinal   fled 
trembling  to  the  altar  for  protection  where  encompassed  by  a 
numerous  priesthood  he  was  with  great  difficulty  preserved 
mitil  the  storm  had  somewhat  abated,  when  they  were  enabled 
to  lodge  him  as  a  state  prisoner  in  the  public  palace. 

While  these  scenes  passed  in  the  cathedral  Salviati  and  bis 
conspirators,  amongst  whom  were  the  exiled  IVrugians,  hurried 
on  to  tbe  palace.  The  gate  was  to  be  occupied  by  one  portion 
the  moment  that  they  heard  a  tumult  within  :  the  rest  followed 
Salviati  up  towards  the  Seignoiy's  apartments  where  he  ordered 
them  to  retire  into  an  empty  room  to  avoid  suspicion.  He 
then  proceeded  neariy  alone  to  the  chamber^  of  Cesare  Pe- 
tmccio,  then  gonfalonier  of  justice,  and  requested  his  presence: 
the  Seigniory  were  atdiimer ;  but  Petruccio  immediately  waited 


\ 


CHAP.    IV.] 


FLORKNTI N E    HISTORY. 


405 


on  the  archbishop  who  at  once  entered  on  the  discussion  of 
some  ecclesiastical  business  from  the  pope ;  yet  in  a  manner  so 
strange  and  suspicious  that  Petruccio,  who  had  not  forgotten  the 
recent  events  at  Prato,  instantly  took  the  alarm.  He  called  aloud 
for  assistance,  sprang  suddenly  to  the  door  and  there  tinding 
Jacopo  Bracciolini,  seized  him  by  the  hair  at  the  same  moment 
that  he  gave  further  alarm  by  calling  out  to  the  priors  to 
defend  themselves.  The  conspirators  in  the  chamber  had  shut 
the  door  which  having  a  spring  lock  could  not  be  opened  fnjm 
either  side  without  a  key  and  they  remained  prisoners :  those 
below  on  hearing  this  tumult  took  possession  of  tlie  gate  and 
barred  any  assistance  from  without ;  but  the  archbishops  fol- 
lowers being  overpowered  above,  the  former  were  ultimately 
driven  from  their  hold,  and  then  for  the  first  time  Petruccio 
heard  of  what  had  been  done  in  the  cathedral. 

The  gonfalonier  Ccsarc  Petruccio  was  bound  by  every  tie  of 
gratitude  and  self-interest  to  the  ]\Iedici,  for  by  them  he  had 
been  raised  from  the  rank  of  a  poor  and  humble  upholsterer  to 
the  highest  honours  of  the  state,  and  being  a  generous-minded 
man  his  indignation  rose  accordingly.  He  instantly  ordered 
halters  for  the  archbisho])  and  his  two  kinsmen,  with  Jacopo 
Bracciolini,  and  hung  them  from  the  palace  windows  in  full 
sight  of  the  multitude,  while  the  rest  were  either  massacred  on 
the  spot  or  cast  headlong  from  the  casements,  so  that  not  one  of 
Salviatis  followers  remained,  except  a  miserable  wretch  who 
four  days  after  was  dragged  from  concealment  half  dead  with 
fright  and  i^miine.    He  alone  was  suffered  to  escape. 

Bernardo  and  Fnuicesco  seeing  that  Lorenzo  was  safe  and 
one  of  themselves  badly  wounded  became  disheartened  and  the 
former  at  once  resolved  to  lly  :  the  latter  on  returning  home, 
endeavoured  in  vain  to  mount  his  horse,  so  threw  himself 
uudrest  and  bleeding  upon  his  bed  entreating  old  Jacopo  to 
sally  out  and  excite  the  peojile  to  rise.  Unfftted  both  by  age 
and  disposition  for  such  a  task  the  latter  nevertlieless  issued 


40G 


tXOUENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book    II. 


forth  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  followers  to  strike  the  last  blow  for 
liis  house  and  country :  pushing  on  to  the  great  square  lie  was 
recoived  with  showers  of  stones  and  other  missiles  from  the 
palace  windows,  with  sullen  silence  by  the  people,  and  sarcastic 
reproofs  by  one  of  his  own  kinsmen  who  met  him  on  the  way. 
Still  he  called  on  the  citizens  in  the  name  of  their  country's 
freedom  to  rise  and  assist  him.  Alas  !  the  fonner  were  charmed 
by  Medician  gold,  and  the  latter  had  been  long  a  stranger  to 
Florence  I  Seeing  all  lost,  even  to  hope  ;  Jacopo  called  Hea- 
ven to  witness  that  he  had  done  his  utmost  fur  his  country,  and 
bidding  farewell  to  Florence  passed  through  the  nearest  gate 
and  shaped  his  coui'se  towards  Homagna. 

Lorenzo  shut  up  in  his  o^vn  palace  took  no  measures  for 
arresting  the  conspirators ;  he  left  vengeance  to  the  peojde  and 
fearfully  did  they  fultil  his  expectations :  all  who  had  exhibited 
any  opposition  to  the  Medici  became  objects  of  persecution : 
even  those  who  had  been  only  seen  with  the  conspirators  were 
with  cruel  mockeries  murdered  and  dragged  through  the  streets: 
their  mangled  bodies  were  torn  to  shreds  and  carried  on  the 
points  of  a  thousand  lances  by  the  furious  multitude  :  the 
dwellings  of  the  Pazzi  were  plundered  ;  Francesco  was  dragged 
naked  and  bleedhig  from  his  bed,  carried  in  triumph  to  the 
public  palace  and  hung  at  the  veiy  same  window  from  which 
the  archbishop's  lifeless  corpse  still  dangled.  On  his  way  to 
execution  all  the  taunts  and  insults  of  the  populace  or  slarish 
citizens,  could  not  draw  from  him  a  single  word ;  he  calmly, 
perhaps  contemptuously,  regarded  them  imd  sighed  in  silence: 
Guglielmo  was  saved  by  the  entreaties  of  his  wife  Bianca, 
Lorenzo's  sister  ;  Renato  who  was  only  guilty  of  knowhig  the 
secret  endeavoured  to  escape  from  his  villa  but  was  taken  and 
hung  at  Florence ;  Jacopo  was  arrested  by  the  mountahieers 
of  the  Apennines  and  reconducted  to  the  city  notwithstanding 
all  his  entreaties  to  be  put  to  death  l)y  the  peasantry  who 
escorted  him. 


CHAP.   IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


407 


For  four  whole  days  was  this  vengeance  continued  until 
about  seventy  persons  either  guilty  or  suspected  fell  under  the 
executioner's  knife  for  the  death  of  one  Medici  and  the  wound 
(A   another,    besides  two  hundred  more,  according  to  some 
authors,  ere  the  last  act  of  this  tragedy  was  finished  !     There 
was  scarcely  a  citizen  that  either  armed  or  unarmed  did  not 
offer  life  and  fortune  to  Lorenzo  but  it  would  be  curious  to 
know  how  many  did  this  from  real  love  and  how  many  from 
policy  and  fear.     Jacopo  de'  Pazzi  was  addicted  to  play  and 
swearing,  yet  otherwise  pious  and  charitable  according  to  the 
notions  of  the  day,  by  extensive  almsgiving  and  the  endowment 
of  benevolent  institutions.     On  the  Saturday  before  the  con- 
spiracy exploded  he  discharged  all  his  debts;   and  whatever 
merchandise  he  had  in  charge  for  others  was  sent  to  its  several 
owners  in  order  that  no  injury  should  come  to  them  by  his 
misfortunes.     Being  desperate  at  the  moment  of  dv;ath  he 
is  said  to  have  uttered  blasphemous  execrations  which  were 
shocking  to  the  by-standers,  and  the  violent  rains  that  fell 
soon  after  were  attributed  to  the  anger  of  Heaven  because  his 
body  was  intended  in  consecrated  ground.     It  was  therefore  by 
a  public  order  removed  from  the  family  sepulchre  in  Santa 
Croce  and  buried  under  the  city  walls  but  even  there  no  rest 
was  permitted  to  his  bones,  for  the  veiy  children  wild  with  the 
common  frenzy  rooted  up  the  festering  carcase,  dragged    it 
like  bacchanals  througli    the  streets  and   making  periodical 
visits  to  his  omi   dwelling   with   loud    knocking   and  exul- 
tation   shrieked    out    "  02)en    the   door  for  Messcr   Jacopo." 
This  barbarity  was  finally  stopped  by  the  magistrates  and  the 
dead  body  cast  into  the  Arno,  down  which  it  floated  for  several 
miles  ;  aiid  thus  ended  these  barbarous  and  degrading  scenes. 
Giovambattista  di  Montesecco  was  beheaded  after  a  long  ex- 
amination aiid  confession,  and  Bernardo  Bandini  who  fled  to 
Constanthiople  was  delivered  up  by  Mahomet  II.  at  the  request 
of  Lorenzo  and  hung  at  Florence  the  following  year :  Napo- 


408 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


i  II. 


leoiie  Frauzesi  escaped  ;  Guglielmo  de'  Pazzi  was  banished 
from  the  city,  aiid  some  of  his  cousins  who  survived  were  im- 
prisoned for  life  in  tlie  fortress  of  Volterra.  The  two  unscru- 
pulous priests  were  discovered  concealed  in  the  Badia  and 
hanged  from  the  palace  windows  at  the  same  time  that  ]\Ionte- 
secco  was  decapitated  *. 

To  assert  that  Lorenzo  was  the  author  of  all  this  bloodshed 

would  perha2)s  be  unjust ;  be  might  not  ami  possibly  did  not 

wish  it ;  and  doubtless  many  of  his  faction  availed  themselves 

of  the  crisis  to  wreak  their  private  vengeance :  but  although 

the  prisoners  were  made  by  the  people  the  executions  were 

public ;  ordered ;  and  carried  into  effect  by  public  authority ; 

and  in  some  instances  after  going  through  certain  forms  of 

investigation  :  they  were  not  altogether  the  frenzied  acts  of  an 

outrageous  mob;  and  though  Lorenzo   might  have  found  it 

difficult  to  stop  them ;  and  much  allowance  must  be  made  for 

liis  own  feelings  while  he  gazed  on  a  brothers  corpse  ;  he  still 

was  lord  of  Florence.     With  respect  to  the  pontilTs  guilt  in  the 

bloody  portion  of  this  conspiracy,  there  may  be  two  opinions : 

tlie  most  direct  evidence  of  it  is  in  Montesecco's  Confession. 

and  there  it  appears  that  after  repeated  ordei*s  to  shed  no 

blood  Sixtus  is  content  to  give  the  whole  management  of  the  plot 

into  the  hands  of  those  who  had  just  declared  that  it  could  nut 

possibly  be  accomplished  without.      Notwithstanding  the  inge 

nious  attempt  of  a  modern  Italian  author  to  exculpate  Sixtus  l\ . 

from  this  crime,  it  seems  clear  to  any  unprejudiced  mind,  (it 

any  faith  be  due  to  Montesecco's  dying  words)  that  pope  Sixtus. 

*  Origine  e  Dcscendenza  dei    Medic,  tiniano,     Anuali    di    (Jtiioa.  —  Neili. 

MS. — Jacopo  Nurdi,  Storia  Fiorentina,  Comment.,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  .}4. — Pipriotti. 

Lib.  i»,  p.  IL — Roscoe,  Life  of  Lo-  Stor.  Tos.,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xiv. — Muru- 

rcnzo. — Sismondi,vol.viii,,cap.l\xxiii.  tori,  Ann.'ili,  Anno  147J{.-  Discorso  di 

Leon.    Moielli,   Cronaca,  p.    193. —  Marco  Foscaii,  p.  IGG'.      Deli/..  Enid, 

.lacopo    Pitti,  Stor.,    Lib.   i«,   p.  25.  Tos.   tomo  xxiii.— Platina,   Vite  de" 

— Ammirato,    Lib.   xxiv",  p.    115. —  Pontifici,  p.  468.— Philip  de  Comino, 

Bruto,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  vi«,  p.  181.  cap.  v.,  p.  361. — Confessione  di  (Jiov. 

—  Macchiavelli,     Lib.     viii. — Corio,  Battista  da  Montesecro. 
StoriaMil.,  Parte  vi%  folio  428.— Gius- 


ciur.  IV. ] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


409 


carried  away  by  his  eagerness  for  the  ruin  of  Meilician 
power  cared  little  about  the  means  provided  they  were  success 
ful,  and  that  he  were  not  personally  implicated  in  the  murder. 
He  was  much  too  clear-sighted  and  able  a  politician  not  to 
have  perceived  and  felt  the  whole  form  and  pressure  of  the 
plot ;  and  he  declares  himself  emphatically  against  bloodshed 
while  he  orders  a  general  movement  of  troops  to  support  the 
conspirators  I  And  even  when  the  deed  is  done  his  rage  breaks 
forth  agahist  the  sufferers,  not  against  the  perpetrators  of  this 
crime.  Nevertheless  such  acts  were  too  common  in  tliose 
bold  unscnipulous  times  to  be  much  blamed  or  considered  if 
successful;  a  hundred  such  nuirders  of  humbler  men  would 
have  been  lightly  viewed;  it  was  the  high  rank  of  the  victims 
and  the  failure  of  the  enterprise  that  rendered  it  so  criminal 
in  the  eyes  of  Italy. 

It  does  not  appear  that  either  the  populace  or  tumultuous 
citizens  in  all  this  agitation  put  any  one  to  death  themselves, 
but  it  is  asserted  by  Anunirato  that  such  forbearance  would 
never  have  been  shown  had  Lorenzo  not  shown  himself  at  a 
window  of  his  palace  and  conjured  them  to  refrain  from  violence 
and  leave  retribution  to  the  magistrates  lest  both  innocent  and 
guilty  should  perish  together.  It  was  in  the  first  moments  of 
anguish  that  Lorenzo  sanctioned  this  sunnnary  and  sweeping 
destruction  of  citizens ;  but  some  time  afterwards  in  order  to 
acquire  the  reputation  of  clernoncy  he  is  said  to  have  restrained 
the  bloody  career  of  the  magistracy,  alleging  that  too  much 
punishment  would  bring  on  him  the  odium  of  having  violated 
the  rights  of  humanity.  Many  were  consequently  absolved,  but 
it  was  still  difficult  to  stop  the  violence  of  persecution  although 
he  himself  set  the  following  noble  example.  Filippo  Valori 
one  of  Lorenzo's  most  intimate  advisers  having  one  day  brought 
into  his  presence  Averardo,  a  relation  of  his  arch-enemy  Fran- 
cesco Salviati,  who  had  concealed  himself ;  Lorenzo  not  only 
gave  him  his  life  but  to  wipe  oft'  all  memory  of  the  injury  and 


410 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


ruAP 


v.  rv.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


411 


convince  him  of  his  safety  actually  bestowed  his  own  daughter 
Lucretia  de'  ]Medici  in  marriage  on  Averardo's  nephew  Jacopo    ^• 
Salviati ;  and  this  clemency  was  not  ill-bestowed  •''. 

When  tumult  and  persecution  had  somewhat  abated  Giuli- 
ano  s  obsequies  were  celebrated  with  solenni  grandeur  by  the 
whole  Florentine  people  who  from  various  motives  were  eager 
to  testify  their  respect  for  his  memory;  but  the  prevailing 
sentiment  was  that  of  deep  sorrow,  not  only  from  the  place,  the 
time,  and  the  atrocious  manner  of  his  death ;  but  because  he 
was  of  a  milder  spirit  and  gentler  nature  than  Lorenzo  and  mon* 
generally  beloved.  Giuliano  left  one  natural  son  born  as  wa> 
generally  believed  after  his  death  and  well  known  as  Pope 
Clement  VII.  under  whose  stormy  pontilicate  great  changes 
afterwards  took  place  in  Christendom  f . 

Thus  finished  the  famous  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi.  That 
of  Cola  and  his  unfortunate  companions  at  JMilau  though  it 
began  more  generously  ended  as  unsuccessfully :  they  were 
both  bloody  :  the  last  removed  an  acknowledged  tyrant  stained 
by  the  darkest  and  most  disgusting  crimes ;  a  tyrant  seated 
above  all  law  and  anned  with  more  than  its  most  fearful  powers. 
The  tyrant  fell,  but  tyranny  continued,  and  no  good  came :  in 
a  people  so  long  accustomed  to  servitude  no  popular  syuipatliv 
with  the  generous  though  mistaken  spirit  of  the  conspirator^ 
existed!  A  despot  was  removed,  but  liberty  kept  aloof  I 
A  child  succeeded  and  the  country  suffered  all  the  evils  of 
a  minority;  unscrupulous  kinsmen  assumed  unlawfid  i)ower; 
nay,  one  of  them  even  seized  on  the  throne  itself;  foreign 
arms,  ruin,  and  subjugation,  desolated  the  state  of  ]\lilan  and 
ultimately  ruined  Italy.  The  Florentine  conspiracy  was  the 
work  of  a  faction ;  a  jealous,  ambitious,  insulted,  injured  ;  per- 
haps deeply  injured  fection  :  it  was  more  than  this  :  it  was  a 
combination  of  foreign  powers  to  subject  an  independent  state : 
all  the  great  accessories  for  successful  conspiracy  were  brought 

•   Bruto,  Lib.  vi«,  p.  251. 
t  Pij:iotti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xiv.,  p.  201.— Storia  di  Tosc,  note  13. 


to  bear  upon  it,  and  yet  it  failed ;  because  ill-timed  and  adverse 
to  the  common  feeling  of  the  country.  Nor  was  there  for  this 
the  excuse  of  an  odious,  personal,  and  individual  tyranny  as 
at  W\\m.  The  despotism  of  the  Medici  clothed  itself  at  least 
in  the  garb  of  law ;  their  crjnng  sin  was  ambition  ;  in  all  else 
they  were  simple  citizens  ;  and  even  in  that  they  only  differed 
from  others  by  superior  talent  and  success.  They  were,  from 
whatever  cause,  beloved  by  a  great  mass  of  the  community ; 
vast  ability  seemed  to  be  inherent  in  the  race  ;  and  public  power 
had  been  so  long  in  their  family  that  the  lordship  of  Florence 
was  almost  considered  as  hereditaiy.  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano 
were  therefore  less  to  blame  than  Piero  and  Cosimo  for  using 
the  means  they  did  to  secure  their  authority ;  and  of  these  last 
tlie  former  was  less  culpable  than  the  latter.  Their  govern- 
ment was  nearly  absolute,  and  yet  that  of  a  faction ;  wherefore 
it  was  naturally  prone  to  misrule  :  uncontrolled  power  is  almost 
always  fruitful  of  injury;  but  there  was  necessarily  a  great 
proportion  of  the  people  absolutely  free  from  its  influence  and 
others  who  scarcely  felt  it ;  the  circle  of  political  action  there- 
fore must  have  been  comparatively  narrow :  the  great,  the  am- 
bitious, the  intriguing;  the  bold  and  honest  patriot;  all  felt 
either  the  golden  sceptre  or  the  iron  rod ;  but  the  universal 
indignation  against  those  in  any  way  mixed  up  with  the  con- 
spiracy, (even  allowing  for  the  promptness  of  human  nature  to 
strike  at  the  unsuccessful)  proved  that  Lorenzo's  government 
was  at  least  in  some  sort  of  harmony  with  the  feeling  and 
sentiments  of  Florence,  while  all  foreign  powers  considered 
liim  as  a  legitimate  and  hereditary  potentate. 

Like  the  giant  Antaeus,  Lorenzo  rose  the  stronger  for  his 
fall ;  his  most  powerful  enemies  were  annihilated ;  his  friends 
were  up  and  flushed  with  victory ;  and  even  amongst  the  neu- 
trals a  strong  sympathy  had  been  awakened  for  his  misfor- 
tmies.  Giuliano 's  death  too,  notwithstanding  their  fraternal 
affection,  had  relieved  him  from  a  somewhat  troublesome  and 


412 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


fnooK  II. 


CIIA 


p.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


413 


more  scmpulous  colleague,  who  with  talents  little  if  at  all  iu- 
ferior,  had  already  begun  to  differ  with  him  iii  political  feeling. 
Lorenzo  was  now  alone  in  the  full  vigour  of  youth  and  all  the 
innate  confidence  of  talent ;  a  rich  and  powerful  nation  at  his 
feet,  and  Italy  for  his  field  of  action  I  yet  his  position  was  more 
splendid  than  enviable ;  for  a  league  between  the  p<»[)e,  the  king 
of  Naples,  and  Siena  against  Florence,  was  innnediatcly  pub- 
lished and  a  personal  war  against  Lorenzo  de'  ^Medici  declared 
as  the  only  means  of  rectifying  the  failure  of  unsuccessful 
crime.  Eveiy  excommunication  and  malediction  under  heaven 
was  thundered  against  that  city  and  its  chief  and  an  interdict 
was  threatened  unless  he  and  all  others  concerned  in  the  deatli 
of  Salviati  and  the  two  priests  were  not  delivered  up  within  a 
specified  period. 

The  hanging  of  an  archbishop  even  in  our  own  age  and 
countr}',  and  according  to  the  forms  of  law,  would  perhaps  be 
considered  rather  a  strong  act  of  government;  but  in  those 
times  when  the  most  humble  priest  was  amenable  to  the  eccle- 
siastical courts  alone  this  was  much  too  audacious  a  crime 
against  church  privilege  to  escape  its  bitterest  censure.  In  the 
opinion  of  Sixtus  IV.  a  pope  had  the  right  of  extirpating 
tyrants,  of  striking  down  the  wicked  and  exalting  the  good. 
all  which  his  duty  compelled  him  to  do  whenever  occasion 
required  it ;  but  he  thought  it  by  no  means  followed  that 
secular  princes  were  to  imprison  cardinals;  strangle  arch- 
bishops ;  hang,  draw,  and  quarter  consecrated  priests ;  and 
sweep  guilty  and  innocent  away  in  one  promiscuous  ruin  ! 
These  things  he  thought  were  never  lawful.  It  is  true  that 
the  young  cardinal  Pdario  was  soon  after  hberated ;  but  this 
did  not  render  the  pontiff  more  placjible ;  all  the  Horentine 
property  both  at  Rome  and  Naples  was  seized,  and  Alphonso 
Duke  of  Calabria  prepared  to  cany  death  and  desolation  into 
Tuscany  where  Tolentino  and  Lorenzo  di  Castello  were  already 
awaiting  with  all  their  forces  for  the  result  of  the  conspiracy. 


Florence  was  quite  unprepared  for  hostilities  and  could  get 
no  assistance  from  Venice  which  protested  against  espousing 
the  cause  of  any  private  citizen,  but  only  that  of  the  republic  ; 
for  the  pope  had  made  an  artful  distinction  in  his  manifesto 
between  the  Florentine  people  and  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and 
thus  all  treaties  were  annulled.  By  the  intrigues  of  Naples 
Genoa  had  revolted  fi'om  Milan,  under  the  dominion  of  which 
however  it  had  been  again  reduced,  and  the  disturbances  of  this 
last  state  from  the  ambition  of  the  3'oung  duke's  uncles  rendered 
the  Duchess  Bona  powerless  as  regarded  Florence  -''.  On  the 
^Yst  of  June  a  bull  of  excommunication  was  published  w^iich 
doomed  the  whole  Florentine  people  to  perdition  unless  Lo- 
renzo, the  gonfalonier,  the  priors  and  the  "  Otto  di  Balia  "  with 
all  their  assistants  were  delivered  over  to  the  ecclesiastical  courts 
to  suffer  for  the  enormity  of  their  recent  crimes  :  a  second  ana- 
thema was  thundered  against  them  in  July  when  Cardinal  Riario 
had  returned  safe  to  Borne,  wliieh  interdicted  all  communica- 
tion with  the  faithful,  dissolved  their  existing  alliances,  forbid 
new  ones,  and  prohibited  any  condottiere  to  enter  their  service. 

The  Florentines  who  had  generously  and  unanimously  made 
Lorenzo's  cause  their  own,  replied  with  some  digriity  to  the 
pontifl's  violence.  "  You  say,"  replied  tliey,  "  that  our  liberty 
"  is  dear  to  you,  that  Lorenzo  is  a  tyrant,  and  you  command 
"  us  to  expel  him :  but  how  are  we  freemen  if  thus  compelled 
"  to  obey  your  connnands  ?  You  call  him  tyrant :  the  majority 
**  of  Florentines  call  him  their  defender :  nor  has  he  a  supe- 
"  rior  amongst  us  in  religion  and  true  piety."  After  touching 
on  the  various  incidents  of  the  conspiracy,  and  their  careful 
preservation  of  young  Riario's  life  ;  and  asking  if  these  are  the 
causes  of  his  anger?  they  finish  by  reminding  the  pope  who  he 
was  and  what  was  his  true  office,  and  then  boldly  declare  that 
the  republic  would  fight  manfully  for  religion,  Lorenzo,  and 
for  liberty  !     The  interdict  after  having  been  declared  unjust 

Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  1-1. 


414 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   11. 


by  the  most  learned  doctors  of  Florence  and  Pisa  was  cast 
aside  unheeded,  eveiy  religious  function  proceeded  as  usual 
and  a  synod  of  the  Florentine  clergy  which  was  held  in  the 
cathedral  to  answer  the  pontiff  on  the  twenty-third  of  July 
147!^  under  the  auspices  of  Gentile  d'  Urbino  Bishop  of 
Arezzo,  proved  itself  fully  a  match  for  his  holiness  in  violence 
of  language  and  unmeasured  vituperation  *.  The  Florentines 
appealed  to  a  general  council ;  they  published  the  Confession 
of  Montesecco,  in  order  to  prove  the  pontiff's  acquiescence  in 
the  plot,  and  sent  it  with  their  appeal  to  the  emperor  the 
king  of  France  and  other  Christian  powers,  while  they  showed 
their  anxiety  for  Lorenzo's  personal  safety  l>y  voting  him  ii 
bodv-iniard  of  twelve  Florentine  citizens  f . 

The  principal  Christian  potentates  at  once  espoused  tlic 
cause  of  Florence  and  Lorenzo,  whom  they  considered  as  its 
lawful  sovereign  ;  and  as  far  as  strong  diplomatic  expostula- 
tions availed  were  strenuous  in  their  efforts  to  restore  tran- 
quillity. Louis  XL  sent  Philip  de  Comines  to  strengthen 
them  with  the  name  of  France,  and  he  was  of  some  service, 
but  the  absence  of  military  support  lessened  liis  iiillueiice  witli 
the  pontiff*.  Ambassadors  from  the  Emperor  Frederick  111. 
and  the  King  of  Hungary  arrived  at  the  same  period  on  their 
way  to  Home,  and  by  their  advice  the  republic  also  sent  an 
embassy  to  aid  in  the  conclusion  of  a  peace,  but  with  so  little 
effect  that  their  ambassador  narrowly  escaped  impris(»nment  in 
the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo.  On  the  loth  of  June  a  Balia  of  war 
was  created,  consisthig  of  Lorenzo,  Tommaso  Soderini,  (iuic- 


*  Macchiavclli,  Lib.  viii. — Bruto,  Lib.  Stanislao   Gatteschi    the   translator  ot 

vii.,  p.  283, 285. — Roscoc,  App.  xxvii.  Bruto  still  doubts  it.     {Vide  Storia 

— Macchiavclli,  Lib.  viii.,  &c*.     If  the  Fiorentina,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  2<{2,  note  4.) 

notice  of  this  synod  by  Macchiavclli  and  f  Sisniondi,  vid.  viii.,  p.  74. — Auinii- 

more  especially  by  Lami  (Anticklta  mto,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  \'2o. 

di  F'irenz€y   Preface,  p.  135)  wanted  X   Animirato,    Lib.   xxiv.,  p.   120. — 

any  confirmation  it  is  supplied  by  Pig-  Meui.  de  Phil,  dc  Comines,   Lib,  vi.. 

notti   (Storia  di  Toscana,   Lib.  iv.,  cap.  v. 
cap.    xiv.,    p.   208,    note).      Though 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


415 


ciardini,  Gianfiglazzi,  Minerbetti,  Buongirolami,  Lioni,  Serris- 
tori,  Antonio  di  Dino  and  Niccolo  Fedini,  all  thorough  partisans 
of  the  Medici,  who  exerted  themselves  in  making  eveiy  militaiy 
and  diplomatic  preparation  that  the  sudden  nature  of  the  emer- 
gency would  admit :  Pier  Filippo  Pandolfini  was  despatched  to 
Venice,  Girolamo  Morelli  to  Milan  to  engage  those  states  ;  and 
were  successful  in  everything  but  military  aid.  Frontier  towns 
were  strengthened  ;  agents  despatched  into  Lombardy  with  un- 
limited credit  to  engage  troops  and  generals ;  and  ere  long 
Niccolo  Orsino,  Count  of  Pitigliano,  Piidolfo  Gonzaga,  brother 
of  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  and  his  two  sons ;  besides  other 
condottieri  became  Florentine  soldiers.  The  two  Marchesi 
Malespini  were  ordered  to  guard  the  Genoese  border;  Francesco 
Soderini  fhially  succeeded  in  attaching  Venice  to  the  league 
and  under  Galeotto  Pico  Lord  of  Mirandola  a  body  of  auxiliaries 
besides  some  Milanese  detachments  and  the  Florentine  levies 
as  they  joined ;  were  marched  against  the  Dukes  of  Calabria 
and  Urbino,  Costanzo  Sforza  of  Pesaro,  and  Ptoberto  Mala- 
testa  of  Piimini ;  all  under  the  guidance  of  the  Florentine  com- 
missary Jacopo  Guicciardini.  The  Florentines  fiir  inferior  in 
numbers  to  the  enemy,  and  not  knowing  on  which  side  to  e.\- 
pect  an  attack  concenti'ated  most  of  their  forces  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Poggibonzi  then  called  Poggio  Imperiale;  but 
here  the  number  and  variety  of  troops  and  independent  con- 
dottieri destroyed  all  general  subordination  to  the  Florentine 
commissary,  and  the  chief  command  was  oflered  to  Hercules 
Duke  of  Ferrara.  This  was  contrarv  to  the  advice  of  Venice, 
because  little  vigour  could  be  expected  from  this  general's  exer- 
tions against  his  own  brother-in-law  Alphonso  Duke  of  Calabria  ; 
nor  was  it  until  the  end  of  August  that  the  agreement  after 
great  difficulty  was  completed-. 

Hostilities  had  begun  early  in  July ;  the  Florentine  territory 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  12G. — Sisniondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  82. 


416 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  u. 


CHAT.  IV. J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


417 


had  been  ravaged  with  the  usual  barbarities  ;  Radda,  Rencine, 
and  Castellina  had  been  invested  and  taken,  though  as  Philip 
de  Comines  tells  us  much  less  skilfully  and  rapidly  than  the 
French  would  have  done,  but  in  the  management  of  an 
army,  its  commissariat,  discipline,  and  so  forth,  he  acknow- 
ledges that  the  Italians  were  superior  *.  The  Duke  of  Ferrara 
joined  the  army  towards  the  middle  of  September,  but  not  yet 
as  general,  and  v\ithout  any  benefit  to  the  Florentines  :  the 
delivery  of  the  truncheon  of  command  was  deferred  by  the  astro- 
logers until  the  twenty-seventh  of  September  at  a  certain  hour 
and  minute  which  did  not  however  prove  fortunate ;  he  was 
either  faithless  or  devoid  of  militaiy  talent  and  let  the  enemy 
take  Cacchiano  and  besiege  Monte  San  Sovino  which  commanded 
the  entrance  to  the  plains  of  Arezzo  and  Cortona,  the  Val-di 
Chiana  and  the  vales  of  Ambra  and  upper  Arno,  and  all  tins  whilt 
lie  was  waiting  for  the  lucky  moment  of  command  f.  His  whole 
conduct  aftei-wards  was  either  vacillating  or  treaclierous  :  he  was 
in  continual  disputes  with  his  officers  and  the  Florentine  com- 
missar}^ ;  he  kept  aloof  from  the  enemy ;  he  granted  them  an 
advantageous  truce  and  even  allowed  them  to  continue  t]i< 
siege  of  San  Sovino  during  the  eight  days  that  it  lasted,  thu^ 
exhibiting  every  sign  of  imbecility  or  downright  treachery.  He 
refused  altogether  to  fight  although  he  had  ninety-four  squad- 
rons and  the  Duke  of  Urbino  a  hundred  and  nine,  as  they  then 
began  to  count  their  cavaliy,  of  about  seventy-five  men  each. 
San  Sovino  surrendered  on  the  eighth  of  November  and  its 
capture  insuring  good  winter  quarters  in  the  neighbom-hood, 
the  papal  army  retired  for  that  season  to  a  position  between 
Foiano,  Lucignano,  and  Asinalunga  on  the  Senese  frontier. 
The  Duke  of  Ferrara  quartered  his  troops  between  FOlmo  and 
Pulicciano  beliind  the  Chiana  and  thus  finished  his  disgraceful 
eourse  of  conduct  |. 

*  Pliil.  (le  Comines.,  Lib.  vi.,cap.  v.         +  Anunirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  128. 

X  Amtnirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  130. 


Florence  was  in  considerable  agitation,  for  while  thus  be- 
leagured  in  the  south,  the  King  of  Naples  raised  another 
enemy  against  her  in  the  west  in  the  person  of  Robert  of  San 
Severino  a  Milanese  exile  who  had  been  instrumental  in  the 
revolt  of  Genoa,  but  was  expelled  in  consequence  of  the 
Duchess  Bona  of  Milan's  timely  and  politic  reconciliation  witli 
that  republic  *.  Ferdinand  had  also  tried  to  excite  Pistoia  to 
revolt,  and  great  apprehensions  were  entertained  of  Lucca 
while  Pisa  was  threatened  up  to  the  very  ramparts  after  all  her 
territory  had  been  overiim  by  the  enemy  f.  To  watch  the  con- 
duct and  confirm  the  friendship  of  Lucca,  Piero  di  Gino  di  Neri 
Capponi  was  kept  almost  constantly  in  that  city  with  orders  to 
comply  with  every  wish  of  the  citizens,  while  great  anxiety 
was  suffered  and  measures  taken  for  the  safety  of  three  large 
galeases  worth  300,000  florins  that  were  daily  expected  in 
port,  and  the  loss  of  wliich  would  have  a  material  influence  on 
the  war. 

The  same  ten  were  reestablished  as  a  Balia  for  another  six 
months  and  Tommaso  Soderiui,  though  now  old  and  infirm, 
was  despatched  to  arrange  a  plan  for  the  next  campaign  with  the 
Venetians.     The  memorable  year  1478  finished  in  these  and 
other  preparations  ;  early  in  the  summer  of  that  year  Donate 
Acciaioli  a  man  of  great   talent  and   learning  had  been  in- 
trusted with  the  conduct  of  an  embassy  to  France  but  died  at 
Milan  on  his  way  and  Guidantonio  Vespucci  was  charged  with 
the  mission  in  his  place,  this  was  answered  by  six 
B'rench  ambassadors  who  made  their  public  entiy  into 
Florence  on  the  tenth  of  January  1479,  with  orders  to  pro- 
claim the  king  of  France's  adhesion   to  Florence  unless  the 
pope  ceased  from  war :  thus  instructed  they  departed  for  Rome 
tollowed  by  an  imperial  embassy  to  support  their  efforts  for 
restoring  the  peace  of  Italy  l 

*  Brute,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  293.  f  Ibid.,  p.  21)7.— Ammirato,Lib,xxiv.,p.  133. 

+  Ammiiato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  131. 
VOL.  III.  ^  ^., 


A.D.  1479. 


418 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


419 


The  war  did  not  entirely  cease  even  during  the  depth  of 
winter:  San  Severino  assembled  a  large  body  of  troops  at 
Chiaveri,  entered  Lunigiana,  crossed  the  Magi'a,  and  was  se- 
verely repulsed  in  an  attack  on  Sarzaua  by  the  garrison  under 
Bongianni  Gianhglazzi :  about  the  same  time  the  neighbour- 
ing Swiss  stirred  up  by  Ferdinand  poured  down  from  their 
mountains  on  Bellinzona  but  were  driven  back  by  reenforce- 
ments  from  Milan,  and  would  have  been  completely  routed  if  a 
panic  fear,  occasioned  by  a  runaway  mule,  had  not  thrown 
the  ducal  armv  into  confusion  of  which  the  retreatinf'  Swiss 
instantly  availed  themselves  and  gained  a  victory  *. 

This  was  not  the  only  or  the  greatest  misfortune  that  hap- 
pened to  Milan ;  the  quarrels  of  the  reigning  family  produced 
more  and  deeper  woe  than  all  her  other  enemies.  Francesco 
Sforza  left  sl\  legitimate  sons  of  whom  Sforza  Duke  of  Bari  in 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  Lodovico  suraamed  "  11  ]\Ioro 
were  in  consequence  of  a  family  dispute  exiled  to  France, 
whence  they  returned  to  Milan  at  (ialeazzo's  death.  They 
were  not  long  in  quarrelling  with  the  Duchess  Bona  of 
Savoy  and  her  ministers,  the  cliief  of  whom  was  Cecco  Simon- 
etta  formerly  Francesco  Sforza's  secretary.  These  differences 
were  alternately  made  up  and  renewed,  until  the  regency 
tired  of  the  contest  exiled  Sforza  to  his  duchy  of  Bari,  Lodovico 
to  Pisa,  Ascanio  to  Perugia,  and  Ottaviano  a  youth  of  eighteen 
was  drowned  while  attempting  to  cross  the  Adda  ui  his  flight 
from  Milan  ;  Filippo  being  the  only  one  who  gave  no  cause  of 
olTence.  About  this  period  Lodovico  broke  his  boundaries  and 
went  to  Lucca,  and  the  duke  of  Bari  at  the  same  moment  ap- 
peared at  Piombino  with  considerable  treasure ;  both  movementN 
giving  gi'eat  alarm  at  Florence;  nor  was  this  lessened  when 
certain  conditions  of  peace  were  offered  by  the  still  incensed 
pontiff  which  were  too  haughty  and  hitolerable  to  be  listened  to. 
On  the  contrary,  in  conjunction  with  their  allies  an  appeal  to  a 

•  Corio,  Stor.  Mihincsc,  Parte  vi.,  fol.  429. 


general  council  was  intimated  and  a  resolution  taken  to  follow 
up  the  war  with  the  utmost  vigour  as  the  only  means  of  securing 
an  honourable  peace.    The  Venetians  were  especially  requested 
to  send  Count  Charles  of  Montone  and  Diefebo  d'  Anguillara 
as  commanders  into  Tuscany;  the  former  being  a  natural  enemv 
of  the  pope  in  consequence  of  his  hereditary  claims  on  Peru^^ia 
as  heir  to  Braccio  di  Montone,  and  the  latter  a  personal  enemy  of 
Ferdinand,  it  was  therefore  expected  that  they  would  botheiiter 
most  heartily  mto  the  cause  of  Florence.     Venice  having  just 
concluded  a  treaty  with  Constantinople  was  enabled  to  comply ; 
France  promised  to  treat  all  the  Genoese  merchants  in  Lyon 
as  enemies ;  and  even  Lucca,  which  had  hitherto  more  than 
leaned  towards  the  papal  confederacy,  now  began  to  change. 
lU)berto  Malatesta  also  as  well  as  Costanzo  Sforza  lord  of 
Pesaro,  who  had  previously  been  enemies,  were  engaged  by 
Florence  along  with  Antonello  da  Forii  and  many  other  great 
and  leading  condottieri,   and  notwithstanding  that  Lodovico 
Sforza  and  the  duke  of  Milan's  other  uncles  had  joined  San 
Severino  in  Lunigiana,  wliere  they  were  besieging  the  Marquis 
of  Malespina  at  Panzano,  that  government  promised  to  send 
the  J\Iarquis  of  Mantua  himself  to  the  assistance  of  Florence, 
and  he  in  fact  joined  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  in  May.    Lunigiana 
now  became  the  principal  seat  of  war  until  these  princes  drove 
^i^Severino  across  the  Magra. 

^0  armies  besides  that  of  Lunigiana  were  formed  in  June, 
one  at  Poggio  Imperiale  to  act  on  the  defensive  under  the  Duke 
and  Marquis ;  the  other  to  make  an  active  war  on  the  side  of 
Pemgia ;  and  this  was  to  be  conunauded  in  chief  by  Cario  da 
Montone  with  Iloberto  of  IJimini  and  other  leaders  of  Romagna ; 
but  Cario  fell  sick  and  died  in  June  at  Cortona  :  Malatesta  suc- 
ceeded him  and  vigorously  pursuing  the  war  defeated  the  enemy 
under  Matteo  da  Capua  and  the  Prefect  of  Rome  in  a  pitched 
battle  at  a  place  called  Montesperello  by  the  lake  of  Thrasemene 
<m  the  seventeenth  of  August  1470.   :\feanwhile  Roberto  Sanse- 

E  E  2 


420 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


421 


verino  and  Loclovico  Sforza  leaving  Lunigiaiia  had  made  an 
irruption  into  the  Milanese  dominion  :  this  hrought  the  Duke    > 
of  Ferrara  from  Poggio  Imperiale  to  oppose  them,  lea^ing  his 
brother  Sigismond  in  command  of  the  army  ^\ith  orders  to  join 
that  of  Perugia.     This  was  not  done,  but  by  Costanzo  Sforza's 
counsel  the  troops  from  Lunigiana,  having  no  enemy  in  front, 
were  brought  up  instead,  while  a  detachment  from  the  papal 
army  which  had  moved  on  Poggio  was  despatched  under  :Matteo 
di  Capua   into   Romagna.     The   Dulve  of  Ferraras   absence 
destroyed  all  subordination  ;  Sigismond  of  Este  and  Costanzo 
Sforza  were  soon  hi  high  dispute  and  the  latter  mi  hearing  of 
:Matteo  di  Capua's  movement  finally  departed,  to  protect  liis  o\Mi 
estates  in  Romagna.     Profiting  by  all  this  the  enemy  suddenly 
appeared  on  the  Arbia  and  moving  rapidly  forward  atUicked  and 
cai-ried  the  Florentine  camp  at  Poggio  on  the  seventh  of  Sep- 
tember :  Poggil)onzi  was  immmediately  invested,  the  comitry 
overnm   and  Certaldo    plundered;    an    indecisive  battle  was 
afterwards  fought  at  Gambassi,  and  Poggibonzi  surrendered  on 
the  twenty-fourth.     CoUe  was  next  attacked  by  the  whole  forre 
of  the  enemy  ;  succours  were  thrown  in  ;  honours  and  rewards 
given  and  promised  to  the  people,  retnforccments  on  both  sides 
rendered  the  struggle  obstinate,  until  after  sustaining  four 
desperate  assaults  on  four  different  days,  and  making  great 
havoc  amongst  the  papal  troops,  CoUe  with  all  its  defences  ruiigd. 
was  forced  to  capitulate  on  the  fourteenth  November  IW- 
Meanwhile  Amoratto  and  Jacomazzo  Torelli  with  Sanseverino 
passed  hito  liomagna  and  alarmed  all  the  allies  of  Florence  by 
threatening  Bologna,  Faenza,  liimini  and  Pesaro :  aftenvards 
collecting  at  Iniola  they  sent  detachments  amongst  the  hills  as 
far  as  Firenzuola  and  kept  all  that  frontier  in  apprehension. 

Lodovico  Sforza  had  ere  this  made  his  peace  with  th»' 
Duchess  of  Milan  and  thus  gained  the  lirst  sure  step  to  his 
own  and  his  country's  destruction :  this  intelligence  depressed 
the  ilorentines  who  could  now  no  longer  depend  on  Milanese 


aid,  and  even  the  Venetians  had  suddenly  taken  fright  about  a 
war  which  had  just  broken  out  between  the  Turks  and  Hungaiy. 
Murmurs  began  in  Florence  but  were  as  yet  suppressed  by  the 
retirement  of  the  Romagniau  army  to  Imola,  the  Duke  of 
Calabria  to  Siena,  and  Frederic  of  Urbiiio  to  Viterbo :  tlie 
Florentines  established  their  winter  quarters  about  Arezzo, 
the  Venetian  aiLxiliaries  round  Pisa,  and  the  ^lilanese  returned 
to  Lombardy ;  but  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  November  through 
the  mediation  of  France  a  truce  was  offered  by  the  pope  and 
gladly  accepted  by  Florence  -. 

There  was  a  gloomy  prospect  without  the  walls,  sullen  dis- 
content within  and  murmurs  continually  increasing;  until  at 
last  Lorenzo  was  roughly  told  by  Girolamo  Morelli  one  of  the 
staunchest  of  his  party,  and  in  public  council  too,  that  Florence 
was  tired  of  war  and  would  not  suffer  interdict  and  excommuni- 
cation merely  to  uphold  the  Medici  so  that  it  behoved  him  at 
once  to  think  of  peace  f.  Fearing  to  try  the  patience  of  his 
fellow-citizens  too  severely  if  hostilities  were  to  continue  through 
the  coming  year,  Lorenzo  resolved  to  make  use  of  the  existing 
truce  as  a  means  for  permanent  tranquillity.  After  having  by 
a  secret  correspondence  with  the  Neapolitan  admiral,  then  off 
the  Tuscan  coast,  secured  an  unmolested  passage  to  Naples ;  and 
after  having  with  equal  caution  obtained  a  safe-conduct  from 
both  pope  and  king,  (although  to  allow  the  latter  more  credit 
for  magnanimity,  and  himself  the  appearance  of  greater  devotion 
to  his  country,  he  seemed  to  risk  his  own  safety)  he  assembled 
a  council  of  the  principal  citizens  on  the  fifth  of  December 
and  addressed  them  on  the  state  of  the  country  and  his  own 
mtentions  ^ :  dissatisfaction  was  great  and  general ;  long  harassed 
by  all  the  evils  of  war  the  citizens  hailed  this  short  respite  of 
a  three  months'  truce  as  a  beam  of  sunshine  the  harbinger  of 
better  times,  so  that  when  Lorenzo  and  the  leading  chiefs 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  130-142.       +  Aramirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  143.— Ja- 
t  Jacopo    Nardi,    Storie   Florentine,     cono  Pitti,  Stor.  Fior.,  Lib.  i«  p.  25. 
Lib.  io,  p.  12.  '        i  ' 


4  2  2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   !|. 


tiilked  of  renewing  the  war  they  were  badly  received  and  uni- 
versally frowned  on  by  the  community.  Grievances  were  loudly 
complained  of  not  only  in  private  circles,  where  in  so  free 
a  community  no  tongue  was  ever  much  restrained  or  feared 
chastisement ;  but  also  in  the  public  councils,  and  moreover 
directed  pointedly  against  the  Seignoiy  and  Lorenzo  de'  Medici 
even  to  their  veiy  faces.  The  citizens,  it  was  asserted,  were 
drained  to  their  last  penny  and  the  public  treasiu'e  no  less 
exhausted  without  any  proportionate  adv[mtage,  but  on  the 
contrary  a  series  of  unmodified  disasters ;  and  more  than  this, 
by  the  timidity,  or  cowardice,  or  more  properly  the  knavery 
and  avarice  of  condottieri  whose  interest  was  to  maintain 
themselves  at  their  employers'  expense  ;  not  only  many  towns 
liad  been  lost  to  the  republic  but  some  of  its  best  friends  dis- 
gusted ;  so  that  it  became  difficult  to  say  whether  the  city  had 
sutfered  most  from  scorn,  injuiy,  or  ignominy.  Ferocious  in 
camp,  cowardly  in  the  field  ;  more  eager  for  plunder  than  glorv 
or  victory,  and  more  rapacious  in  dividing  the  spoil  than  intre- 
pid in  gaining  it,  the  soldiers  were  a  scourge  to  the  country 
that  employed  them.  The  commanders  were  weak,  iudulgonr 
to  the  vices  of  their  men,  and  consequently  unable  to  maintain 
their  own  position  or  the  discipline  of  war  amongst  these  inso- 
lent and  audacious  followers :  vain  of  their  pompous  titles. 
sordid,  illiberal,  they  differed  in  nothing  but  rank  and  ancestn 
from  the  vulgar  crowd  of  their  soldiers ;  and  the  result  of  the 
war  exhibited  the  little  skill  experience  or  niilitar}'  virtue  they 
possessed.  They  allowed  their  troops,  gorged  as  they  were 
with  plunder,  to  break  into  ruffianly  brawls  amongst  them- 
selves, with  unfolded  banners  and  almost  in  military  order ; 
and  when  it  became  necessar}'  to  face  the  common  enemy  they 
dared  not  stand  his  attack,  but  shamefully  throwing  down 
their  weapons  not  only  abandoned  their  ill-gotten  plunder  but 
even  their  own  proper  baggage  to  his  mercy.  With  such  troojis 
so  managed  war  became  as  dangerous  as  absurd,  and  peace 


CH\P.   IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


42.3 


indispensable,    both    for    commercial    enterprise    and   public 
good. 

All  this  was  heard  with  uneasiness  by  Lorenzo  who  in  a 
short  address,  after  thanking  his  fellow-citizens  for  their  sym- 
pathy and  support,  and  the  guard  that  by  their  favour  attended 
his  person,  reminded  them  of  the  pontiff's  declaration  that  the 
war  was  waged  solely  against  him  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and 
that  therefore  he  was  bound  if  possible  to  put  an  end  to  it ; 
that  it  became  necessary  to  seek  the  favour  and  friendship  of 
SLxtus  or  Ferdinand  and  that  the  latter  who  had  no  cause  of 
jiersonal  hatred  was  the  more  eligible  :  he  therefore  announced 
his  determination  to  proceed  at  once  to  Naples  and  putting 
himself  in  the  power  of  their  enemies  either  bring  back  peace 
and  salvation  to  his  country  or  remain  and  suffer  for  her  sake-. 

Lorenzo's  proceeding  appeared  patriotic,  bold,  and  dangerous ; 
and  it  partook  in  some  measure,  if  the  faithless  character  of 
that  age  be  considered,  of  all  these  qualities,  but  not  to  the 
extent  exhibited.  The  fiite  of  Jacomo  Piccinino  whom  Ferdi- 
nand had  put  to  death  a  short  time  before  in  despite  of  all 
safeguards,  was  in  everybody's  mmd,  and  Lorenzo's  romantic 
courage  was  in  consequence  lauded  to  the  skies ;  but  Piccinino 
was  a  simple  condottiere,  Lorenzo  a  powerful  ruler  ;  the  former 
left  none  to  revenge  him,  none  that  his  murderer  feared  ;  but 
the  latter  would  leave  a  powerful  and  indignant  nation  to 
punish  his  betrayer  and  vindicate  the  sacred  character  of  am- 
bassador with  which  it  had  invested  him.  Lorenzo  therefore 
ran  but  little  risk,  and  this  little  he  took  care  to  diminish 
by  his  secret  intelligence  with  the  enemy,  whose  counsel  and 
invitation,  backed  by  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  would  appear  to 
have  previously  made  him  determine  on  so  wise  and  politic 

*  Bruto,  Lib,  vii.,  pp.  319-29.— Am-  spoken  to  the  councils  the  letter  from 

mirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  pp.  141-3.     This  is  Sim  Miniato  would  hardly  have  been 

the  substance  of  Ammirato's  version  of  written  or  even  necessary  :  indeed  it 

Lorenzo's  speech  which  perhaps  might  seems  to  prove  that  he  had  not  prc- 

have  been  addressed  to  a  meeting  of  viously   explained    himself,   at    least 

his  immediate  friends,  but  if  publicly  publicly. 


424 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


Hii  act;  this  the  following  letter  preserved  by  Malavolti  will 
go  fai'  to  prove,  independent  of  other  narratives.  It  is  dated 
from  Florence  the  sixth  of  December  1479,  and  addressed  to 
the  Dukes  of  Calabria  and  Urbino  in  these  words.  "  My  most 
"  illustrious  lords.  I  am  at  this  moment  on  the  point  of 
"  departure  for  Pisa  and  thence  to  Leghorn  according  to  the 
'*  order  given,  for  the  purpose  of  transferring  myself  to  the 
"  feet  of  the  king's  majesty.  I  leave  things  here  in  good  order 
"  and  in  a  way  that  I  hope  to  find  them  as  I  leave  them  ;  and 
"  it  appears  to  me  to  be  my  duty  instantly  to  give  this  notice 
"  to  your  excellencies  under  whose  auspices  and  counsel  with 
"  right  good- will  I  take  this  resolution.  I  have  accrechted 
"  M.  Francesco  Gaddi,  and  to-morrow  he  quits  tliis  to  join 
"  your  excellencies  and  proceed  forward  according  to  your  ex- 
'*  cellencies'  opinion ;  because  he  has  a  free  commission  fiom 
*'  me  to  do  all  that  may  seem  good  to  your  illustrious  lordships; 
*'  and  he  has  no  other  instmction  from  me  save  what  your 
'•  excellencies  may  give  liim.  Your  lordships  have  now  added 
"  to  your  other  cares  also  that  of  my  affairs  which  I  have  freely 
"  put  into  your  hands  on  account  of  the  great  confidence  that 
"  I  think  I  may  place  in  you,  which  is  certainly  such  as  now  ren- 
"  ders  it  superfluous  for  me  to  recommend  my  business  because 
"  it  has  become  that  of  your  excellencies,  to  whom  I  recom- 
"  mend  myself.        "  From  your  excellencies'  servant, 

"Florence  vi  December  1479.*'  "  LoRENZO   OF  MeDICIS."  ■■■ 

The  way  being  thus  cleared  Lorenzo  departed  for  Pisa  after 
recommending  the  care  of  the  republic  to  Tommtiso  Soderini 
then  gonfalonier  of  justice :  from  San  Miniato  he  wrote  u 
formal  letter  to  the  Seignory  with  his  reasons  for  thus  acting, 
and  they  in  return  conferred  upon  him  the  title  of  Orator  or 
Ambassador  of  the  Florentine  people  with  full  powers  to  do 

*  Bruto,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  329.— Macchia-     Lib.  iv.,  Parte  iii%  fol.  75-6.-  Mnru- 
velli,  Lib.  viii. — Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,     tori,  Annali,  Anno  1479. 
p.  123. — Orl.  Malavolti,  1st.  di  Siena, 


CHAP. 


IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


425 


all  he  might  deem  expedient  for  the  republic.      His  letter  to 
the  Seignory  of  Florence  is  as  follows  : 

"  Exalted  Seigniors.  If  I  have  not  otherwise  explained  to 
"  yom'  highnesses  the  reason  of  my  departure  it  has  not  been 
"  from  presumption  but  because  I  thought  that  in  the  existing 
"  troubles  of  your  city,  deeds  and  not  words  are  most  required  : 
"  it  seems  to  me  that  that  city  desires  and  has  the  gi'eatest 
"  need  of  peace  ;  and  as  all  other  means  have  failed  it  seems 
"  better  to  place  myself  in  some  danger  than  allow  the  whole 
"  community  to  remain  so.  Wherefore  I  have  resolved  with 
"your  highnesses'  permission  to  repair  at  once  to  Naples; 
"  because  I  being  the  person  who  am  principally  persecuted  by 
"  our  enemies,  1  may  perhaps  be  also  the  means,  by  delivering 
"  myself  into  their  hands,  of  restoring  peace  to  your  common- 
"  wealth.  I  consider  one  of  two  things  to  be  certain  :  that  is  ; 
"  either  the  kings  majesty  loves  tliis  city  as  he  has  declared 
"  and  as  some  have  believed,  rather  seeldng  our  friendsliip  by 
"  means  of  war  than  to  deprive  us  of  liberty :  or  verily  his 
"  majesty  desires  the  ruin  of  our  republic.  If  his  disposition 
"  is  favourable  there  is  no  better  way  of  proving  it  than  to 
"  place  myself  voluntarily  in  liis  power ;  and  this  I  will  ven- 
"  ture  to  say  is  the  only  method  of  obtaining  peace  on  honour- 
'*  able  conditions.  And  if  on  the  contrary  his  majesty  wants 
"  to  deprive  us  of  liberty,  I  tlien  think  it  will  be  well  to  ascer- 
"  tain  it  quickly,  and  rather  with  injury  to  one  than  all ;  and  I 
'•  am  well  satisfied  to  be  that  one,  for  two  reasons.  The  first 
•'  because  I,  being  the  person  that  am  chiefly  persecuted  by 
"  our  enemies,  will  the  more  easily  be  able  to  test  the  king's 
"  intention,  as  it  may  be  that  they  seek  nothing  further  than 
"  my  individual  ruin.  The  other  is  that  I  having  had  more 
"  honour  and  consideration  in  the  city,  not  only  beyond  my 
'*  merits  but  perhaps  more  than  any  other  citizen  of  our  own 
"  time ;  I  therefore  consider  myself  more  bound  than  all  the 
"  rest  to  act  for  my  country,  even  at  the  peril  of  my  life.  With 


426 


FXOKENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


"  this  good  disposition  I  leave  you  :  perhaps  it  may  be  God's 
"  will  that  as  this  war  began  with  mine  and  my  brothers 
"  blood  it  may  also  finish  by  my  hands :  and  I  only  wish  that 
"  my  life  or  death,  my  prosperity  and  adversity  may  ever  be 
**  for  the  people's  benefit.  I  will  therefore  follow  up  my  reso- 
"  lution,  which  if  it  succeed  according  to  my  wishes  and  expee 
'*  tations  I  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  benefiting  my  country 
•'  wliile  I  preser\'e  myself.  If  however,  evil  overtake  mv  I 
*'  shall  complain  the  less,  it  being  for  my  country's  good  as  it 
"  necessarily  must  be.  For  if  our  adversaries  want  only  me 
*'  they  will  have  me  voluntarily  in  their  power ;  and  if  they 
"  are  aiming  at  more  it  will  be  made  manifest.  To  me  it 
*'  seems  certain  that  all  our  citizens  will  combine  in  defence  of 
*'  liberty,  and  in  such  a  way  that  by  the  grace  of  God  it  will 
*'  be  defended  as  our  fathers  have  always  done.  In  this  dis- 
'*  position  I  leave  you,  and  without  any  other  consideration 
*♦  than  the  good  of  the  city  :  may  God  give  me  grace  to  perform 
*'  that  which  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  for  the  benefit  of  his 
*'  country.  I  humbly  recommend  myself  to  your  highnesses. 
*'  From  San  Miniato  the  seventh  of  December  147'.).  Your 
"  highnesses'  good  and  obedient  son  and  servant 

Lorenzo  de'  Medict  '"    . 

The  humble  conclusion  of  this  letter  in  a  tone  so  difi'ereiii 
from  the  former  is  a  striking  proof  of  Lorenzo's  extreme 
caution  and  anxiety  to  conceal  the  master's  hand  under  the 
folds  of  the  civic  garment :  after  despatching  it  he  proceeded 
to  Pisa  where  he  received  his  full  powers  as  plenipotentiarv. 
and  embarking  at  Leghorn  was  received  at  Naples  with  the 
highest  honours  as  well  as  the  greatest  curiosity  by  all 
people  from  the  monarch  downwards,  for  his  reputation  great 
in  itself,  had  been  carried  by  the  late  conspiracy  far  and  wide 
all  over  the  civilised  world.     The  King  of  Naples  had  in  fact 

*  Lottere  di  Principi,  vol.  ii.,  p.  1,  Venice  Kaitioii,  a.d.  1575. 


CHAP.   IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


427 


no  personal  dislike  to  Lorenzo ;  his  objects  were  purely  poli- 
tical ;  he  wished  to  extend  his  sway  over  Lombardy  and  Tus- 
cany and  Florence  was  an  obstacle  :  Genoa  had  fallen  com- 
pletely under  his  influence  and  the  quarrels  of  Milan  gave  him 
some  hold  of  Lombardy  :  the  Duke  of  Calabria  was  endeavour- 
ing to  establish  his  power  over  Siena  wherefore  he  felt  more 
disposed  to  separate  from  Pope  Sixtus  whose  objects  were  dif- 
ferent, but  who  would  nevertheless  partake  of  all  the  good  for- 
tune that  fell  to  the  house  of  Naples.  Sixtus  on  the  contrary 
still  nourished  a  deadly  hatred  towards  Lorenzo  and  the  Floren- 
tines, both  for  the  injuiy  he  had  done  them  and  for  what  he  had 
failed  in  doing ;  for  the  insults  he  had  received  ;  for  their  bold 
exposition  of  his  conduct  to  the  world,  and  their  escape  from 
the  subjection  he  had  prepared :  he  therefore  would  listen  to 
nothing  but  absolute  humiliation  ;  wherefore  it  became  neces- 
sar}'  that  Florence  and  Naples  should  treat  separately  and 
Ferdinand  calculated  that  a  peace  with  that  city  would  give 
him  time  to  establish  his  influence  more  surely  in  Siena  while 
the  Florentines  would  be  sufficiently  occupied  by  their  own 
factions  therefore  less  able  to  resist  him  when  occasion  arrived*. 

A  treacherous  attack  and  the  final  capture  of  Sarzana  by 
the  Fregosi  of  Genoa  during  the  truce,  alarmed  Florence  and 
together  with  the  decapitation  of  Bernardo  Bandini,  who  had 
through  Lorenzo's  influence  been  delivered  up  by  the  sultan, 
finished  the  piddic  transactions  of  the  year  1479  f. 

Lorenzo  remained  full  three  months  at  Naples  attaching  all 
the  leading  courtiers  to  him  by  bribes  under  the 
gentler  term  of  gifts,  and  gradually  gaining  over 
the  cautious  and  politic  Ferdinand  by  his  diplomatic  ability 
and  the  charms  of  his  personal  qualities.  He  succeeded  in 
convincing  that  monarch  that  the  general  interests  of  Naples 
and  Florence  as  independent  Italian  states  were  too  much 
alike  for  either  to  benefit  by  war  at  that  moment :  he  informed 


A.D.  1480. 


*  0.  Malavolti,  Parte  iii.,  Lib.  iv. 


f  Aramirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  144. 


428 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


(T 


him  of  a  treaty  already  in  progress  with  Kegnier  of  Lorraine, 
a  claimant  of  the  Neapolitan  throne  as  grandson  l)y  the  female 
line  of  old  Regnier  Count  of  Provence  who  was  still  liviiifr 
after  having  survived  all  his  male  descendants.  This  youn 
prince  had  engaged  to  bring  sLx  thousand  horse  against  tlie 
house  of  Aragon  and  seconded  by  Louis  XL  (who  tliough  old 
was  still  active  and  intriguing)  would  have  been  a  formidable 
antagonist.  This  negotiation  was  the  work  of  Lorenzo ;  but 
both  he  and  Ferdinand  were  sensible  to  the  danj]fer  of  allo\Nin<' 
Frenchmen  to  set  their  foot  in  Italy  instead  of  opposing  the 
Duke  of  Milan  to  all  their  attempts  of  entering  by  the  northern 
provinces,  yet  Lorenzo,  in  concert  with  Venice,  had  been 
forced  to  it  for  self-defence  *.  It  was  their  interest  also  to 
strengthen  Venice  against  the  Turks  without  leaving  her  am- 
bitious projects  of  aggrandisement  unwatched  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  to  curb  the  turbulent  designs  of  Sixtus  whose  nepotism 
was  more  than  sufficient  to  convulse  as  it  already  had  done, 
the  whole  Italian  peninsula. 

All  these  things  were  discussed ;  but  Ferdinand  s  own 
ambition  although  as  dangerous  as  either  the  Pope  s  or  Vene- 
tians' was  kept  out  of  sight ;  and  the  king  before  he  came  to 
any  conclusion  resolved  to  try  what  effect  Lorenzo's  protracted 
absence  might  have  on  the  malcontents  of  Florence.  He 
therefore  spun  out  these  negotiations  Nnth  the  Medici,  for  whose 
safety  his  domestic  enemies  now  began  to  express  much  anxiety 
hinting  what  they  might  be  supposed  to  wish,  that  he  would 
fall  like  Giacopo  Piccinino  by  Ferdinand's  treachery  and  never 
return  to  Florence.  But  there  was  no  commotion,  no  sign  of 
revolution,  no  approach  to  disloyalty  :  and  therefore  Ferdinand 
consented  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  on  the  sixth  of  March 
1480  mider  the  following  conditions.  That  they  should  re- 
ciprocally defend  each  other's  territories ;  all  captured  places  to 
be  restored  to  Florence  ;  the  remaining  Pazzi  still  prisoners  in 


*  Sisraondi,  vol.  viii,,  p.  U9, 


CHA 


t:  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


429 


the  dunf^eon  of  Volterra  were  to  be  released,  and  the  Duke  of 
Calabria  to  receive  a  specified  annual  salary  from  the  Flo- 
rentines in  the  character  of  condottiere  *. 

The  pope  and  Duke  of  Milan  became  parties  to  the  treaty, 
though  the  former,  as  well  as  Venice,  was  indignant  at  the 
want  of  consideration  shown  to  him,  and  withdrew  to  coalesce 
with  that  republic  at  the  end  of  April :  these  things  alarmed 
Lorenzo  who  in  consequence  resolved  to  concentrate  and  fix 
liis  own  authority  more  firmly  in  Florence  :  his  power  and 
popularity  were  already  much  augmented  by  this  imposing 
stroke  of  political  sagacity,  not  only  at  home  but  throughout 
Italy :  its  secret  history  was  not  thoroughly  known,  wherefore, 
wise  and  bold  and  successful  as  it  proved,  the  danger  and  self- 
devotion  were  exaggerated ;  nor  could  his  enemies  underrate' 
it  because  they  had  most  loudly  proclaimed  their  apprehen- 
sions for  his  safety.  The  circumstances  as  already  remarked 
were  somewhat  diflferent  from  those  in  which  Piccinino "s  death 
occurred ;  yet  there  was  something  finely  romantic  and  mag- 
nanimous in  this  appearance  of  self-devotion  to  his  countiy ; 
in  unhesitatingly  placing  himself  in  the  hands  of  a  treacherous, 
crafty,  and  unscrupulous  monarch  who  had  just  been  conspiring 
against  his  life  by  open  force  and  secret  assassination. 

Thediscontentof  Sixtus  and  Venice  at  first  created  great  appre- 
hension in  Florence ;  but  the  peace  continued  and  many  internal 
changes,  all  destmctive  of  liberty,  were  begun  and  accomplished. 
"On  the  twelfth  of  April  ]4f!i0,"  says  Giovanni  Cambi  (who 
from  this  period  becomes  the  historian  of  his  own  times)  "  the 
citizens  then  governing  led  by  Lorenzo ;  who  was  so  great  that 
lie  might  well  be  called  the  tyrant  of  Florence ;  held  the  election 
purse  of  the  priors  in  their  hands  or  as  it  was  called  '  a  mano.' 
They  appointed  the  Accoppiatori,  and  these  again  selected  any 
one  they  pleased  for  the  Seignory."  The  gonfalonier  was 
always  nominated  from  amongst  the  ruling  foction  and  the  rest 


Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  j>.  145. 


430 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[eoo 


iv     tl. 


of  the  Seigiiory  obeyed  liim;  for  in  the  cabinet  councils,  a^s 
they  may  be  called,  the  gonfalonier  alone  represented  all  the 
priors,  their  presence  being  considerately  dispensed  with.  Tht 
governing  party  also  nominated  the  *'  Otto  di  Balia  "  with  the 
concurrence  of  the  colleges  and  council  of  a  Imndred  but  put 
only  a  certain  number  of  select  names  to  the  vote  whose  elec- 
tion was  secure,  because  all  those  eligible  t«>  be  or  who  had  sat 
as  gonfaloniers  of  justice,  belonged  by  right  to  the  council  ul"  a 
hundred  and  formed  a  solid  party.  Whenever  the  five  Accop- 
piatori  had  to  nominate  a  Seignory  two  candidates  were  simul 
taneously  proposed  for  the  gonfaloniership  while  those  for  tlu 
priorate  were  unrestricted  in  number,  and  this  always  securtnl 
two  and  perhaps  more  votes  in  the  council  of  a  hundred.  To 
strengthen  himself  still  further  Lorenzo  was  in  a  state  of  con- 
stant machination,  and  just  at  this  moment  with  the  consent  of 
his  party  created  a  board  of  thirty  citizens  who  along  with  th»- 
Seignory  and  Colleges  were  empowered  to  compose  a  Iklia  of 
two  hundred  and  ten  citizens  with  the  whole  jiuthority  of  t\u' 
republic  for  three  months,  and  to  establish  a  fresh  scrutiny  in 
the  following  November. 

After  havmg  moulded  this  formidable  council  to  their  will 
Lorenzo  6  party  caused  it  to  issue  written  orders  for  the  dis- 
bursement of  a  hu-ge  amount  of  public  money  to  save  his  credit 
at  Bruges  and  other  places  as  already  mentioned,  and  ihn> 
says  Giovanni  Cambi,  "  the  poor  coninmnity  paid  for  every 
tiling ;  because  tlie  ambitious  members  of  the  Balia  enticed  h\ 
the  expectation  of  becoming  scrutineers  in  the  forthcoming 
scrutiny,  (an  office  of  great  power  and  privilege)  carried  all  that 
w^as  proposed  to  them.  This  was  too  powerful  an  instruuinit 
to  abandon  soon  or  lightly,  and  the  scrutiny  appears  to  have 
been  postponed  by  successive  adjournments  for  four  years: 
thus  was  the  community  uuderaiined  and  corrupted  day  by  day. 
the  citizens  gradually  abased,  and  a  whole  people  reduced  tn 
servile  obedience  by  the  mere  force  of  their  own  ambitious  and 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


431 


selfish  craving,  if  the  name  of  ambition  that  ennobUng  when 
unabused  passion,  may  be  applied  to  sordid  aspirations  undig- 
nified by  worth  honesty  or  independence  of  character. 

When  this  powerful  machinery  was  duly  arranged  and  set  in 
motion  accorcHng  to  the  will  of  Lorenzo,  his  party  began  dis- 
puting with  each  other  for  the  right  of  entrance  into  the  council 
of  thirty,  so  that  to  restore  tranquillity  forty  more  were  chosen  l)y 
the  two  hundred  and  ten  from  amongst  themselves  and  added 
to  that  body  the  whole  being  appointed  for  life,  half  of  them 
governing  for  the  first  six  months,  and  the  rest  for  the  remain- 
der of  the  year.  This  was  a  great  change  ;  no  less  than  the 
absolute  creation  of  a  senate  in  which  every  public  measure 
was  to  originate  and  pass  before  it  went  down  to  the  council 
of  the  people,  to  the  municipal  council,  or  to  that  of  the  com- 
nmuity ;  and  finally  to  the  new  council  of  a  hundred.  And 
in  order  to  hold  the  citizens  well  in  hand  by  means  of  their 
cupidity  and  ambition,  a  decree  passed  which  rendered  all 
future  gonfaloniers  of  justice  who  were  not  already  members 
of  the  seventy,  eligible  to  that  dignity  in  right  of  their  office 
l>y  a  vote  of  this  i)repotent  body  ;  and  this  expressly  to  insure 
the  subserviency  of  those  magistrates  ■'-. 

In  this  council  which  was  to  supersede  the  odious  name  of 
Balia  the  absolute  power  of  the  whole  conunonwealth  was  con- 
centrated, and  through  it  hi  Lorenzo  ;  nor  were  there  wanting 
many  who  from  the  first  had  asserted  what  was  now  proved, 
that  he  did  not  peril  life  and  liberty  for  the  public  good, 
hut  merely  l)y  that  bold  and  somewhat  hazardous  stroke  of 
policy  to  recover  his  decUning  credit  and  strengthen  his  per- 
sonal influence  over  the  Florentines.  This  thev  declared 
would  ere  long  be  made  manifest  when  he  would  be  seen  steal- 
thily drawing  to  himself  the  mass  of  public  business  together 
with  all  the  authority  of  the  laws  until  without  opposition  he 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  145. —  copo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  25. — Jacopo 
Gio.  Cambi,  Istor.  Delizic  dcgli  Em-  Nanli,  Lil*.  i",  p.  I'l. — Ar.  8tor.  Ital., 
diti  Toscani,  vol.  xxi.,  p.   1-3. — Ja-     Documeuto  i",  and  note.  vol.  i. 


432 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


liiially  made  himself  master  of  everything.  Another  con- 
firmation of  this  was  the  reduction  of  the  provisional  board 
of  the  Decemvirate  of  war  to  a  permanent  council  called  the 
**  Otto  di  Pnttica  "  or  privy  council  with  the  same  duties  but 
more  regulated  and  restricted  authority,  whicli  emanating 
from  the  same  source  brought  this  powerful  magistracy ; 
hitherto  independent ;  entirely  under  the  all-absorbing  control 
of  Lorenzo  *. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  Florence  and  others  in 
Romagna  by  which  Sixtus  got  possession  of  Forli  for  Count 
Girolamo  Riario.  Alphonso  duke  of  Calabria  was  busily  nrghv^ 
forward  liis  fathers  and  grandfather's  policy  to  get  possession 
of  Siena,  and  hnally  succeeded  in  establishing  that  inilucnce 
which  had  been  one  great  object  of  Nenpolitan  ambition  since 
king  Alphonso  s  invasion  in  1410.  The  restoration  of  the 
"  Fuontsciti ''  or  banished  citizens  and  the  exile  of  all  those  who 
opposed  him,  together  \N-ith  the  creation  of  the  "  Monte  "  or  party 
of  the  "  Afjtjreiiati,''  which  aggregated  idl  parties  not  advei*se 
to  Neapolitan  ascendancy,  gave  Alphonso  so  preponderating  a 
power  in  that  city  that  not  only  the  Senese  repiddicaris  Init  even 
Florence  began  to  tremble  for  the  safety  and  hidependence  of 
Tuscany  f.  Lorenzo  in  his  eagerness  for  peace  had  overlooked 
or  more  probably  had  l)een  compelled  to  shut  his  eyes  on  the 
ambitious  projects  of  Ferdinand,  which  the  continuance  of  war 
would  rather  have  favoured  than  arrested,  and  the  abasement 
of  Florence  most  surely  have  been  consummated ;  and  hence 
he  has  been  perhaps  unjustly  blamed  for  concluding  a  treaty 
on  the  basis  of  his  personal  interests  that  opened  so  direct  a 
road  to  the  subjugation  of  his  country.  But  it  was  not  Lorenzo's 
private  interest  to  have  Florence  lose  her  independence  or  be 
subjugated  by  anybody  Ijut  himself:  lie  had  tlie  choice  of  a 
ruinous  and  disastrous  war  that  threatened  the  very  existence, 


*  Aniniirato,  LiU.  xxiv.,  p.  145. 
t  Mulavolti,  Lib.  v.,  Parte  iii*,  tol.  78. — Maci-hiavclli,  Lib.  viii. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


433 


of  his  country  as  an  independent  nation  along  with  his  own 
certahi  min ;  or  else  allow  the  victor  to  dictate  a  peace  that  at 
least  staved  off  the  present  danger,  gained  time  for  Florence 
and  therefore  gave  a  greater  chance  of  ultimate  safety  ;  for  the 
question  was  not  between  a  good  or  a  bad  peace,  but  between 
peace  and  war,  and  perhaps  final  subjugation.  The  increasing 
power  of  Alphonso  in  Siena  no  doubt  assumed  a  formidable 
attitude,  and  in  consequence  of  the  pope  s  enmity  and  close 
alliance  with  Venice  together  with  the  unsettled  state  of  Milan, 
there  seemed  to  be  no  remedy,  no  hinderance  to  the  Duke  of 
Calabria's  soon  becoming  lord  of  Siena,  and  ultimately  of  Flo- 
i-ence ;  for  at  no  other  period  according  to  Macchiavelli  was 
she  ever  in  sucli  danger ;  when  the  sudden  capture  of  Otranto 
iy  Mahomet  II.  most  opportunely  saved  her-. 

A  Turkish  armament  under  the  command  of  the  grand-vizier 
Achniet  Gieclick  consisting  of  one  hundred  vt^ssels  full  of  troops 
suddeidy  disembarked  on  the  coast  of  Otranto  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  July  1480  ;  and  after  a  vigorous  defence  by  the  gar- 
rison took  that  city  on  the  eleventli  of  August  by  storm  with  the 
slaughter  of  twelve  thousand  inhabitants  and  great  subsequent 
crueltv.  This  invasion  was  attributed  to  the  Venetians'  hatred 
of  Ferdinand,  and  Pope  Sixtus  was  supposed  to  be  cognizant  of 
it;  both  were  to  join  in  bringing  over  Kegnier  of  Lorrain  as 
generalissimo  of  their  forces,  and  if  possible  to  min  Ferdinand. 
But  Sixtus  was  probably  no  party  to  the  Turkish  invasion,  for 
it  struck  him  with  deep  fear ;  more  especially  as  there  then 
existed  a  strong  disposition  amongst  many  Italians  to  join  the 
infidels  for  the  purpose  of  Itreakhig  down  both  political  tyranny 
and  priestcraft.  This  event  compelled  Al2">honso  to  withdraw 
all  his  forces  from  Tuscany,  which  he  said  an  evil  fortune  had 
snatched  from  his  grasp ;  and  also  disposed  the  pontiff  to  a 
reconciliation  \rith  Florence :  to  effect  this  thev  were  advised 

*  Bnito,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  357. — Sisnumdi,     fol.  78. — Camillo  Porzio,  Congiura  de' 
vol.  viii.,  p.  132.— Macchiavelli,  Lib.     Baroni  di  Napoli,  Lib.  i^  p.  5. 
viii.— Orl.  Malavolti,  Lib.  v.,  Parte  iii", 
VOL.  III.  F  F 


434 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[koOK   11. 


by  Ferdinand  to  humble  themselves  before  the  latter  and  an 
embassy  of  twelve  leading  citizens  was  appointed  accordingly : 
these  repaired  to  Rome,  entered  that  city  l)y  night  unaccom- 
panied by  noise  or  show,  presented  themselves  next  day  at  the 
portico  of  Saint  Peter  where  Sixtus  on  his  throne,  suiTounded 
by  a  numerous  assembly  of  prelates  and  cardinals  was  expecting 
them :  all  the  twelve  immediately  threw  themselves  at  his  feet 
and  humbly  demanded  pardon  for  the  crimes  of  their  countiy, 
while  they  expressed  their  readiness  to  submit  to  any  punish- 
ment that  his  holiness  might  please  to  inflict.     The  pontiH" 
touched  each  lightly  on  the  shoulder  with  a  wand,  and  after 
causing  to  be  read  some  sacred  forms  of  absolutiuu  usual  in  such 
cases,  absolved  them  altogether  from  past  errors,  and  readniitte.l 
them  to  the  bosom  of  the  church  and  her  divine  offices.    They 
were  then  allowed  to  be  accompanied  home  by  the  prelates, 
courtiers,  and  the  cardinals'  attendants  ;  not  as  scliismatics  and 
disobedient  cliildren,  but  as  good  Christians ;  and  thus  every 
contention  finished  with  the  termination  of  the  year  1  l^O;  yet 
it  was  not  mitil  Guidantonio  Vespucci  returned  from  a  mission 
to  France  that  the  Florentines  were  enabled  by  his  diplomatic 
talents  to  procure  absolution  from  the  heavy  penance  of  main- 
taining fifteen  galleys  against  the  Turks  while  they  kept  their 

footing  in  Italy-'''. 

The  king  of  Naples  also  in  addition  to  the  late  treaty  with 
Florence  made  a  new  league  with  that  republic  to  which  the 
Duke  of  Ferrara,  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  the  Duke  of  Milan, 
and  even  Louis  XL  of  France  became  parties.  Thus  strength- 
ened, the  only  remaining  cause  of  inquietude  wa>  Agostino 
Fregosos  continued  occupation  of  Sarzana  to  which  neighbour- 
hood a  body  of  men-at-aims,  each  then  consisting  of  live  soldiers, 
besides  other  forces  were  despatched ;  but  after  some  blows 
Alphonso  of  Calal)ria  who  had  not  as  yet  left  Tuscany  promised 
to  ai-range  the  dispute  in  an  amicable  way  and  restore  the 

•  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,   p.    14G.-Bruto,  Lib.   vii.,    p.  373.-Maccbiavclli, 
Lib.  viii. 


CHAP.  IV.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


435 


town*.  The  restoration  of  all  the  captured  Florentine  places 
by  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  which  was  partially  carried  into  effect 
early  in  tlie  following  spring,  raised  the  indignation  of  Siena 
and  diminished  his  influence  while  the  fame  of  Lorenzo  was 
proportionately  augmented  l)y  this  favourable  turn  in  national 
affairs :  he  was  now  exalted  to  the  skies  for  skilfully  regahiing 
by  friendly  negotiation  what  had  been  lost  in  unsuccessful  war, 
and  overcoming  the  powerful  and  crafty  sovereign  of  Naples  by 
the  mere  force  of  superior  talent.  All  his  great  ability  would 
however  have  availed  but  little  with  Ferdinand  if  the  Turkish 
invasion  liad  not  suddenly  arrested  every  hope  of  Tuscan  con- 
quest and  enabled  him  to  grant  as  a  favour  what  he  was  in 
reality  unable  to  retain  f. 

Nevertheless  Lorenzo  received  the  praise,  as  he  would 
equally  liave  borne  the  blame  of  these  events  had  they  turned 
out  less  fortunate,  and  perhaps  without  meriting  one  more 
than  the  other ;  so  much  more  do  people  look  to  results  than 
an  inquiiy  into  the  means  that  produced  them. 

Thus  ended  the  troubles  consequent  upon  the  Pazzi  conspi- 
racy ;  out  of  which,  after  seeing  himself  reduced  to  the  most 
perilous  condition  both  personally  and  politically ;  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici  rose  like  a  giant  refreshed  witli  wine ;  in  augmented 
strength,  with  more  penetrating  influence,  and  almost  absolute 
sway  over  Florence. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHS. — Ell  til  .1  ml :  Edwaid  IV. — Scotland:  .Tames  III. 
— France  :  Louis  XL — Castile  and  Ara^nn  :  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  from 
1479. — Portugal:  Alphonso  V. —  Burgundy:  Maria  and  Maximilian. — Ger- 
man Emperor:  Frederic  IIL — Naples:  Ferdinand. — Sicily:  a  Province  of 
Aragon. — Pope  :  Sixtus  IV. — Ottoman  Empire  :   Mahomet  IL 


Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiv.,  p.  146.  f  Bruto,  Lib.  vii.,  p.  375. 


F  F    2 


436 


Fl.ORENTlNE    HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


en 


AP.  v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


437 


CHAPTER  V. 


FROM    A.D.    1480   TO    A.D.    1.492. 


When   we    compare  the    traiKiiiillitj   of   Florence    uiul.  r 

the    elder    Medici    with    its    previous    turbulence,    in    our 

iroiorance  of  the  real  condition  of  the  popular  iiia>> 

A.D.  1481.   ^^   ^^^^^   ^^^.^   periods  we    are  tempted  to  con^idev 

the  ascendancy  of  that   family  as  a  relief  if  not  a  blesshig  to 
the  peoide :  for  whatever  may   have    hecii   tho    loss   of  real 
liberty,  the  public  peculaticai,  the  interested  and  useless  wai-s, 
or  the  excessive  taxation  under  ^ledician  rule  ;  all  these  evils 
existed  more  or  less  directly,  or  in  other  forms,  during  some 
of  the  best  periods  of  the  Florentine  re])ublic.     It  is  true  that 
they  gradually  became  shai-per  and  more  concentrated  under 
Cosimo,  riero,  and  Lorenzo  ;  more  easily  inilicted  ;  and  mor.- 
invariably  directed  into  exclusive  channels  ;  but  the  forms  cf 
liberty,  and  even  some  of  its  most  beneticial  consequences,  as 
far  as  they  had  ever  existed  in  the  commonwealth  ;  the  appa- 
rent equality  of  the  citizens ;  the  freedom  of  human  euer^'v 
in    its  ever-var}'ing  aspect ;    all   these  were  apparently  lett 
untouched  by  any  positive  enactments  ;  and  the  confinement  ot 
political  power  and  patronage  to  an  ascendant  faction  abso- 
lutely ruled  by  the  Medici,  was  the  only  real,  though  most 
impoitant,  restriction,  beyond  what  had  ever  been  common  in 
the  state.     Even  this  was  more  notable  from  its  stability  than 
any  real  difference  of  character ;  for  as  Florence  had  been  ever 
governed  by  friction  the  same  exclusiveness  had  always  existed, 
only  with  greater  mutability  as  it  shifted  from  party  to  party 


according  to  the  direction  of  the  storm.  But  this  very  muta- 
bility circulated  an  energetic  though  turbulent  spirit  in  the 
community,  a  spirit  in  constant  struggles  against  hidividual 
supremacy,  until  it  was  undernuned  by  the  Albizzi  and  ulti- 
mately mastered  by  the  ]\Iedician  chiefs  ;  it  was  this  canker 
that  formed  the  great  evil  of  their  government  though  its 
demoralising  influence  was  not  in  the  first  instance  apparent. 

Lorenzo  de' Medici  began  the  year  Usl  with  greater  power 
and  better  prospects  than  at  any  former  period  :  his  reputa- 
tion  was  high,  his  success  acknowledged,  his  popularity  imdi- 
minished ;  yet  without  being  now  able  to  detect  motives,  or 
discover  how  for  private  enmity  and  how  for  general  discontent 
may  have  operated  we  perceive  strong  symptoms  of  dissatis- 
faction brealdng  out  from  time  to  time,  the  causes  of  which  are 
slurred  over  or  entirely  unnoticed  by  historians*.  Giovanni 
Cambi  a  cotemporary  writer  and  a  decided  enemy  to  Medi- 
cian  power  walks  over  nearly  five  years  in  silence ;  perhaps 
fearful  of  writing  his  real  sentiments  ;  and  Lionardo  Morelli 
confines  himself  during  the  same  period  to  a  dry  and  meagre 
record  of  a  few  insulated  and  generally  unimportant  facts 
without  any  passing  remark.  Ammirato,  commonly  so  diffuse, 
who  wrote  for  and  under  the  Medici  was  not  a  cotemporaiy 
and  is  ever  cautious  in  his  strictures  on  that  family  :  Macchia- 
velli,  then  a  boy,  enters  but  little  into  the  civil  history  of 
Florence  after  this  period,  but  hastily  threadhig  a  lal)yrinth  of 
small  Italian  wars  jumps  to  its  conclusion  in  11 0-2.  He  also 
wrote  for  a  Medici.  Bruto,  always  a  doubtful  mthoritj  a r/a Inst 
that  race,  is  during  most  of  this  period  a  mere  paraphrast  of 
]\Iacchiavelli ;  Jacopo  Nardi  and  Jaciqio  Pitti  are  the  only 
two  Florentines  that  give  a  clear  and  decided  opinion  on 
Lorenzo's  internal  government,  and  by  both  of  these  historians 
we  are  impressed  with  the  belief  that  he  was  as  unscrupulous 
in  the  exercise  of  his  politictd  influence  as  he  was  cautious  in 

♦  Maccliiavelli,  Lib.  viii. 


438 


FLORENTINE   HISTORT. 


[book  II. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLOEENTINE    HISTORY. 


439 


M 


exhibiting  any  appearance  of  personal  superiority  over  bis 
fellow-citizens.  Seizing  with  a  bold  and  skilful  hand  on  the 
substance  of  power  he  turned  its  glitter  on  the  magistrates  tuid 
veiled  his  supreme  and  sovereign  autliority  under  the  quiet  garb 
of  a  simple  citizen.  He  had  so  remodelled  and  modiiied  the 
ancient  constitution  that  little  was  now  to  be  apprehended  from 
popular  feeling  except  the  choice  (in  times  of  great  suffering 
and  dissatisfaction)  of  a  chief  magistrate  who  apparently  a 
devoted  adherent  should  reallv  be  inimical  altliouf^h  chosen 
with  his  own  consent.  For  in  contradiction  to  all  appear- 
ances and  precautions  men  suddenly  and  frequently  change, 
no  one  knows  whv,  and  are  sometimes  hard  to  unravel  and 
guard  against ;  as  will  soon  be  apparent  in  the  account  of  a  new 
attempt  on  Lorenzo's  life  which  began  the  present  year. 

To  prevent  the  possilnlity  of  such  an  occurrence  as  we  have 
above  alluded  to,  he  is  said  to  have  conceived  a  xevy  simple 
and  effective  plan  which  would  have  made  him  the  acknow- 
ledged and  legitimate  prince  of  the  republic  under  all  the 
ancient  forms  of  democracy ;  a  plan  subsequently  executed  by 
the  free  choice  of  the  citizens  although  not  in  the  person  of  a 
Medici.  It  has  been  before  observed  that  Lorenzo  had  already 
reduced  the  Priors  of  Liberty  to  a  mere  cabinet  council  de- 
pendent on  the  gonfalonier  of  justice,  and  that  this  magistrate 
in  fact  was  invested  with  the  whole  power  of  the  Seignory  :  his 
present  plan  was  to  create  a  gonfalonier  for  life  and  have 
himself  elected  to  that  ofiBcc.  This  however  could  only  be 
prepared  for  because  according  to  the  ancient  regulations  of 
the  state,  which  as  it  would  seem  he  had  not  in  this  instance 
attempted  to  annul,  no  citizen  was  eligible  to  the  gon- 
faloniership  under  five-and-forty  years  of  age ;  but  when  that 
period  did  arrive  it  was  his  intention  to  appoint  a  new  and 
concentrated  Balia  for  the  refonnation  of  the  state  and  by 
means  of  this  convenient  instrument  create  a  gonfdonier  of 
justice  for  life  to  which  none  but  himself  could  well  have  been 


elected  and  thus  remove  all  future  fears  arid  difficulties.  This 
with  a  long  life  would  probably  have  established  the  sovereignty 
in  Lorenzo's  family  but  he  died  the  year  before  he  would  have 
become  eligible  ;  and  it  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  the 
same  man  who  had  despotically  ruled  the  Florentine  republic 
for  three-and-twenty  years,  should  never  have  been  old  enough 
to  hold  the  chief  magistracy  of  his  native  country,  although  for 
a  great  part  of  that  time  he  also  governed  the  political  fabric  of 
Italy  and  even  spread  his  influence  amongst  the  great  trans- 
alpine nations  *  ! 

In  the  interim  Lorenzo  continued  to  make  a  private  use  of  the 
pecuniary  resources  of  Florence  without  any  opposition  and  so 
effectually  that  he  remedied  the  disorder  of  his  family  affairs 
which  until  the  time  of  Piero  was  excessive,  and  had  since 
increased  by  the  effects  of  his  own  magnificence  and  the  negli- 
gence or  dishonesty  of  foreign  agents.  Taking  advantage  of 
his  position  Lorenzo  was  in  the  habit  of  drawing  upon  the 
public  purse  by  what  Nardi  sarcastically  denominates  the  fol- 
lowmg  '*  Jionest  nteans.'^  He  borrowed  through  his  agents,  say 
1000  florins  from  one  of  the  four  great  treasurers  of  the 
republic,  and  whether  from  fear  or  affection  no  man  dared  any 
longer  refuse  him,  and  when  this  treasurer's  period  of  ofiBce 
was  on  the  point  of  expiring  Lorenzo  ordered  his  successor 
nominafly  to  make  good  the  deficiency  by  charging  himself 
with  the  amount  of  money  thus  taken ;  additional  sums  were 
then  borrowed  from  him,  and  thus  a  succession  of  loans  was 
made  on  the  treasury,  the  fraudulent  books  being  handed 
regularly  over  to  each  new  official  servant  in  the  four  revenue 
departments;  namely,  the  ''Mount,''  or  public  funds;  the 
"  Salt  Office;'  the  "  Customs^'  and  the  "  Contract  Office," 
all  of  whom  served  him  without  difficulty  on  the  certainty 
of  future  reimbursement.  Whether  any  of  the  money  so  pecu- 
lated were  ever    repaid  is  not  recorded  because  the  secret 

»  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i^  p.  25. 


440 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


It. 


ledger  of  the  pei-petual  "  Proved itorc  "  could  never  be  found 
amongst  the  papers  of  the  Mount  during  the  state  revolution 
of  the  year  1404,  and  it  was  believed  to  have  been  purposely 
hidden  or  destroyed  by  the  principal  actors  on  that  occasion. 
But  in  other  books  of  the  same  office  wert-  Juund  the  names  of 
many  private  pensioners  of  the  ]\Iedician  faction  who  were  paid 
from  the  public  purse  besides  foreign  chiefs  of  party  |)rin- 
ripally  of  Romagna :  neither  was  there  wanting  in  those 
days,  especially  after  the  troubles  of  1478,  many  mercantile 
men  who  were  eager  for  Lorenzo's  name  and  countenance 
in  order  that  he  might  seem  a  partner  in  their  business, 
and  for  this  favour  he  shared  their  protits.  ( Hlier  citizens  in 
the  exercise  of  offices  conferred  on  them  Ity  the  Mediei  made 
great  fortunes  by  public  supplies  and  eontraets  coiiiRcted  in 
various  wavs  with  the  armv,  and  thus  he  attaehed  himself  bv 
a  thousand  ties  to  almost  eveiy  citizen  of  consequenee  in 
Florence -. 

These  proceedings  were  sure  to  raise  up  personal  enemies, 
wherefore  the  lirst  six  months  of  14s  1  had  nut  yet  passed  when  a 
new  plot  against  the  life  of  Lorenzo  was  discovered  and  the  actors 
executed.  Battista  Frescobaldi,  Filippo  Baldinucei  and  a  na- 
tiu-al  son  of  Guido  Baldovinetti  had  settled  to  assassinate  him 
in  the  church  of  the  Carmine,  Francesco  the  lirother  of  Filippo 
Baldinucei  being  also  implicated.  Frescobaldi  was  apparently 
an  adherent  of  the  Medici ;  he  held  the  high  office  of  Floren- 
tine consul  at  Constiintiuo2->le  when  Bernardo  l^andini  was 
arrested  for  the  murder  of  Giuliano,  and  as  he  beeame  activelv 
employed  in  that  negotiation  it  was  a  subject  of  some  astonish- 
ment why  he  should  so  soon  have  involved  himself  in  a  more 
dangerous  and  less  promising  enterprise.  Nor  are  tlio  motives 
of  liis  coadjutors  more  patent  although  Girolamo  liiario  ha> 
been  named  as  their  instigator :  Francesco  lialdinueii  is  said  to 
have  spoken  strongly  against  the  deed,  lait  Ije  was  hanged  with 


Jacopo  Nardi,  Stor.  Fiorent.,  Lib.  i",  p.  13,  Ed".  Fircnza,  1504, 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


441 


the  rest  for  keeping  the  secret  too  well,  and  the  whole  conspi- 
racy fiiiled  because  certain  armour  ordered  to  be  made  for  the 
occasion  was  not  completed  in  time !  On  such  cobwebs  rests 
the  destiny  of  nations-!  The  death  of  Mahomet  IL  enabled 
Ferdinand  when  he  least  expected  it  to  recapture  Otranto 
which  surrendered  on  the  tenth  or  twelfth  of  September,  to 
the  great  relief  of  all  the  Itiilian  powers  w^ho  had  unwillingly  sus- 
pended their  dissension.^  while  under  the  dread  of  so  powerful 
an  enemy.  Fifteen  hundred  Turks  entered  the  service  of 
Naples  and  showed  themselves  as  faithful  in  extremity  as  the 
Saracens  of  former  days  had  proved  to  Manfred ;  the  rest  re- 
joined their  countrymen  after  some  breach  of  faith  on  the  part 
of  Alphonso  Duke  of  Calabria  who  commanded  at  the  siege. 
As  there  was  a  general  league  against  the  infidels  between 
Mathew  Corvinus  King  of  Hungary  and  all  the  Italian  powers 
except  Venice  who  would  take  no  part ;  as  well  as  with  the 
nionarchs  of  Aragon  and  Portugal,  and  as  the  two  Ottoman 
l)rothers  were  strugglhig  for  tlie  throne  of  Mahomet,  the 
Christian  soldiers  shouted  to  be  led  against  Constanthiople ; 
but  dissensions  broke  fortli  which  along  with  Count  Pdario  s 
intrigues  for  self-aggrandisement  in  the  following  year 
defeated  every  attempt  of  the  pontili^  and  the  whole  combined 
armament  fell  to  pitH-es  f. 

Tranquillity  was  thus  restored  for  a  moment  and  only  for 
a  moment :  after  Bona  Duidiess  of  IMilan  liad  by  means  of 
Prospero  Adorno  and  a  strong  force  uiulor  Pobert  of  San  Seve- 
rino,  regained  the  lordsliip  of  (ienoa  in  1 177,  tlie  quarrels  of 
the  reigning  family  of  ^lilan  assisted  by  Ferdinand  engendered 
fresh  troubles  in  the  former  citv  whicli  revolted  under  the  same 
Prospero  in  147s.  The  whole  population  exasperated  by  the 
licentiousness  of  Milanese  garrisons  threw  themselves  on  Fer- 
dinand, who  eager  at  that  moment  to  Inunble  both  Milan  and 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  148. — Pignotti,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xv.,  p.  2H3. 

t  Muratorij  Aumili. 


442 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


11. 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


443 


li 


Florence  most  cheerfully  met  their  wishes.  The  revohuion 
being  completed  Robert  of  San  Severino,  then  an  exile  at  Asti, 
was  made  general  of  the  Genoese,  and  the  popular  faction 
under  Prospero  Adorno  and  Lodovico  Fregoso  triumphed  over 
the  nobles  who  were  driven  in  great  numbers  from  the  city. 
A  ^Milanese  annv  was  soon  after  defeated  without  the  walls 
while  fresh  troubles  raged  within.  The  nobles  returned  :  and 
Battista  Fregoso  carrying  in  his  hand  the  promise  of  Bona  to 
restore  the  fortresses  winch  she  still  held  and  with  them  the 
independence  of  Genoa,  was  declared  Doge  of  that  republic  and 
with  re^^tored  freedom  became  an  ally  instead  of  an  enemy  of 
Milan  *.  After  this  revolution  San  Severino  who  with  Pros- 
pero Adorno  was  still  powerful  in  the  Genoese  territory  joined 
Sforza  Duke  of  Bari  and  Lodovico  the  Moor :  the  former  died 
suddenly,  not  without  suspicion  of  poison  from  his  brother  who 
succeeded  to  that  title,  and  along  with  San  Severino  marched 
from  Tu^'^any  in  August  1470  and  got  possession  of  Tortona. 
He  soon  managed  to  attach  the  governor  of  Milan  Castle  to  his 
party,  was  admitted  into  that  fortress,  etfected  a  forced  recon- 
ciliation with  Bona  which  the  old  and  favourite  minister  Cccco 
Simonetta  foretold  would  be  his  own  death  and  her  ruin  and  she 
■soon  felt  its  ti-uth:  Simonetta  was  imprisoned,  tortured,  and 
executed  in  October  1479,  at  Pavia,  and  Lodovico  became  sole 
governor  of  Milan  and  keeper  of  his  nephew's  person.  After 
removing  all  Bona's  ministers  he  declared  Gian-Galeazzo 
Maria  to  be  arrived  at  his  majority  and  invested  him  with  the 
ensigns  of  government  on  the  seventh  of  October  14H0,  although 
only  twelve  years  of  age.  The  duchess  retired  from  Milan  in 
disgust,  and  San  Severino  who  had  been  general  of  the  forces 
and  one  of  Lodovico's  counsellors  quarrelled  with  him  early  in 
1481.  An  affray  took  place  in  Febmary  between  their  fol- 
lowers, other  causes  of  distrust  and  quarrel  supervened,  and 
San  Severino  also  retired  from  the  capital.     King  Ferdinand 

*  Interiano,  Storia  di  Genoa,  Lib.  viii.,  fol.  216. 


and  the  Florentines  attempted  to  reconcile  them  but  in  vain 
and  Costanzo  Sforza  lord  of  Pesaro  was  sent  by  the  latter  to 
succeed  him*. 

Venice,  ever  eager  for  self-aggrandisement  at  any  price, 
longed  for  Ferrara  and  with  one  of  those  flimsy  pretexts  for 
a  quarrel  whicli  are  always  at  hand,  threatened  the  min  of  the 
house  of  Este.  Ferdinand,  Lodovico  and  the  Florentines  all 
united  in  trying  to  interest  the  pontiff  in  this  Duke's  defence ; 
but  they  spoke  to  a  wolf  in  the  lamb's  behalf,  for  Sixtus 
swaved  bv  the  interested  counsel  of  Riario  who  in  concert 
with  Venice  wanted  to  add  part  of  the  Ferrarese  territory  to 
Imola  and  Forli,  not  only  refused  to  defend  his  vassal  s  cause, 
but  in  the  month  of  August,  even  before  the  recapture  of 
Otranto,  secretly  joined  the  Venetians  against  him  ;  and  as 
part  of  the  dominions  of  Este  was  an  imperial,  and  part  an 
ecclesiastical  fief,  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  be  thus  par- 
titioned between  the  republic  of  Venice  and  the  sovereign 
pontifl'. 

Italy  therefore  was  now  divided  into  two  great  parties  by 
existing  alliances  ;  for  all  felt  that  war  was  inevitable ;  the 
pope  and  Venice  with  the  Genoese,  Senese,  and  several  minor 
powers  on  one  side  ;  Naples,  Florence,  Milan,  Bologna  and 
some  petty  states  and  princes  on  the  other.  The  i'lorentines 
with  these  prospects  renewed  the  "  Otto  di  Pratica  "  instead 
of  appointing  a  decemvirate  of  war  whicli  was  now  reserved 
for  more  pressing  emergencies,  and  in  this  feverish  state  of 
affairs  terminated  the  year  14^^1  f. 

Hercules  of  Este,  after  having  tried  in  vain  both  to  appease 
the  Venetians  and  engage  his  liege  lord  the  sovereign 
pontiff  to  protect  him,  prepared  fur  a  war  which  was 
proclaimed  by  the  doge  Giovanni  ]\Ioncenigo  in  the  name  of 
the  Venetian  republic  on  the  third  of  May  1482  ;  and  simul- 

*  Mnratori,  Ann.ili,  Anni  1479-81. 
t  Ammii-ato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  148. — :Muratori,  Annali. 


444 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II 


taneously  by  Sixtiis  IV.  and  Girolamo  Riario  lord  of  Forli  and 
Imola  who  was  to  divide  the  spoil  with  Venice  by  a  previously 
arranged  convention.  War  thus  burst  forth  like  the  explosion 
of  a  bomb-shell  and  its  fiery  fragments  flew  to  all  parts  of 
Italy:  the  Colonna  broke  from  their  fostnesses  and  carried 
lire  and  sword  throughout  the  adjacent  lands ;  the  Savelli  soon 
joined  their  desolating  course  ;  the  Orsini  with  hereditary 
hate  opposed  their  fury,  holding  hard  by  the  church  ;  and  the 
streets  of  Rome  were  often  red  with  the  blood  of  tlie  combatants. 
The  Duke  of  Calabria  marched  without  delay  to  the  relief  of 
his  brother-in-law,  but  was  met  by  the  papal  forces  and  another 
dismal  arena  of  son-ow  and  desolation  was  established  witliin 
forty  miles  of  Ilome.  Not  for  on  the  other  side  Florence  had 
reestablished  Nicholas  Vitelli  by  force  of  arms  in  the  lordship 
of  Citta  di  Castello  by  driving  out  Lorenzo  (iiustini  the  papal 
governor  who  ravaged  all  the  adjacent  country  in  revenge. 
In  Romagna  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  was  warring  witli  the  usual 
devastations  against  Girolamo  Riario  the  original  author  of 
the  war:  Ibletto  Fieschi  from  the  Ligurian  Alps  harassed  the 
Milanese  frontier :  the  octogenarian  Piero  Maria  de'  Rossi  of 
Parma  carried  all  the  hon-ors  of  partisan  wai-fare  into  the  same 
territory,  in  despite  of  age,  and  when  he  died  in  the  followhig 
autumn  his  son  Guido  proved  himself  no  less  zealous  in  a 
cause  which  was  made  more  palatable  to  both  by  an  annual 
pension  from  the  Venetians  expressly  to  vex  and  annoy  the 
Duke  of  Milan  -. 

"  The  minutely  written  journals  of  this  war,"  says  Sismondi, 
'•  exhibit  all  the  anarchy  that  reigned  in  those  countries 
governed  in  the  Duke  of  Milan's  name,  the  continual  plunder- 
ing to  which  they  were  exposed  and  the  impossibility  of 
obtaining  justice.  All  these  details  escape  the  general  historian 
because  there  is  not  a  single  great  touch  of  virtue  or  generosity 
of  sentiment  to  awaken  an  interest  for  these  small  towns  after 


*  Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,  cap.  Ixxxviii.—  Porzio,  Congiuradc'  Baroni,  Lib,  i«,  p.  20. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


445 


having  once  lost  their  lil)erty ;  but  we  are  convinced  by  the 
tedious  perusal  of  such  records,  that  the  silence  of  historians 
on  the  destiny  of  enslaved  communities  is  no  indication  of 
either  their  happiness  or  security.  The  people  of  Parma  at 
this  epoch  suffered  all  the  vexations  of  the  most  factious 
republic  without  the  relief  of  a  single  instance  of  noble  or 
elevated  sentiment ;  without  having  a  will  that  could  be  called 
their  own  ;  and  finally,  witliout  deserving  tliat  the  historian  in 
seeing  their  sufferings  should  stop  to  record  them  '''^•'. 

The  principal  seat  of  war  was  on  the  frontiers  of  Ferrara 
including  most  of  the  country  between  that  city,  Venice,  and 
Ravenna ;  a  district  intersected  in  all  directions  by  numberless 
canals,  ditches,  rivers,  lakes  and  swamps  ;  the  last  too  shallow 
for  boats  and  too  deep  for  any  militaiy  operation.  This 
description  of  country,  formed  by  the  alluvial  depositions  of 
many  great  rivers  descendhig  from  the  Alps  and  Apennines, 
obtains  more  or  less  Ik 'tween  liologna  and  Ferrara,  near 
llovigo,  around  Mesola,  Adria,  Comaechio,  and  all  that  portion 
of  the  great  Lombard  Delta  ;  and  tlie  islands,  as  they  may  be 
called,  tliat  are  formed  by  tlie  union  of  the  Po,  the  Adige,  the 
Tartaro  and  other  streams  comprising  most  of  the  plains 
between  Venice,  Padua,  ]\Iaiitua  and  Verona  with  part  of  the 
present  legation  of  Ferrara,  are  called  the  "  Polesine,''  the 
chief  and  most  fertile  of  tlieiii  being  that  of  Rovigo.  The 
conquest  of  all  the  numerous  towns  and  burghs  securely  seated 
amidst  these  watery  meshes  was  an  enterprise  of  no  small 
difficulty  but  what  Venice  looked  confidently  to  achieve. 

We  have  already  said  that  Robert  of  San  Severino  had 
retired  in  disgust  from  Milan  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel  with 
Lodovico,  which  probably  arose  from  the  different  estimate 
placed  on  his  services  by  himself  and  that  prince ;  but  from 
whatever  cause,  San  Severino  and  his  seven  sons,  all  able  to 
bear  arms,  w^ere  proclaimed  rebels  hi  January  14s^.     On  this, 

*  Sismondi,  Rep.  Itul.,  vol.  viii,  cap.  Ixxxviii,,  p.  145-7. 


446 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II 


at  the  head  of  eighty  horsemeu  and  a  strong  hody  of  infantry 
he  broke  from  Tortona,  cut  his  way  through  a  small  ^Milanese 
force  that  besieged  him,  gained  the  Genoese  mountains,  and 
thence  hastened  to  Venice  where  he  offered  his  services  against 
Lodovico.  The  aid  of  such  a  commander  was  eagerly  accepted, 
and  he  soon  mastered  the  towns  of  Mellario,  Trecento,  Brigan- 
tino  and  Adria ;  Comaccio  then  fell,  besides  some  redoubts  on 
the  Po  at  Pelosella.  The  Duke  of  T rhino  who  was  opposed 
to  him  on  the  part  of  the  League  could  accomplish  little  against 
tlie  younger,  more  vigorous,  and  probaldy  superior  genius  of 
his  enemy ;  it  was  necessarily  a  war  of  detachinonts,  and  per- 
haps depended  much  on  the  skill  and  promptitude  with  which 
either  i)arty  threw  bridges  over  the  numerous  rivers  and 
canals  that  barred  their  progress.  There  were  no  great 
encounters,  but  a  frightful  mortality  of  all  ranks  and  descrip- 
tions in  both  armies,  from  the  fevers  of  those  pestilent  marshes 
which  between  soldiers  and  labourers  are  said  to  have  destroyed 
twenty  thousand  men. 

The  Duke  of  Ferrara  himself  fell  sick  in  the  moment  of 
greatest  need,  but  his  wife  Leonora  of  Aragon  supplied  his 
place  with  masculine  counige  and  feminine  enthusiasm :  she 
called  the  ardour  of  religion  to  her  aid,  sent  for  a  hermit  from 
Bologna  who  by  his  preaching  encouraged  the  people  to  iiglit 
as  in  a  holy  war.  Teeming  with  enthusiasm  and  exciting  tlic 
attentive  crowds  he  began  at  length  to  fancy  himself  a  prophet 
and  promised  to  raise  up  a  squadron  of  twelve  g;illeys  to  defeat 
the  enemy  then  besieging  Figheruolo.  After  some  absurd 
ceremonies  he  arrived  at  the  Duke  of  T'rbinos  camp  wlieiic*- 
he  was  dismissed  somewhat  crest-fallen  l)y  that  general,  who 
told  him  that  the  Venetians  not  being  possessed  l)y  the  devil 
required  no  exorcising,  but  that  he  might  inform  tlie  duchess 
it  was  artillery,  men,  and  money  ;  not  prayei*s  that  were 
needed  to  overcome  the  enemy  :  these  not  being  forthcoming. 
Figheruolo,  Lendenara,   La  Badia,  and  finally  Kovigo  ;    the 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


447 


capital  of  the  ''  Polesine  "  and  ancient  patrimony  of  the  house 
of  Este  ;  successively  capitulated  *. 

The  allies  meanwhile  determined  to  hamper  Sixtus  at  home 
and  so  leave  the  campaign  in  Lombardy  entirely  on  Venetian 
resources :  Alphonso  therefore  made  incursions  to  the  gates  of 
Rome  and  was  first  opposed  by  Fdario,  gonfalonier  of  the  church, 
but  the  aspect  of  affairs  soon  altered  when  at  the  pontiffs  re- 
quest Pioberto  Malatesta  of  Rimini  with  a  reenforcement  of  two 
tliousand  four  hundred  men  took  charge  of  the  papal  anny.  He 
almost  forced  Alphonso  to  battle  at  Campo  Morto  near  Villetri, 
and  giving  the  command  of  his  right  \ring  to  Giovanni  Gia- 
corad  Piccinino  whose  fiither  had  been  murdered  by  Ferdinand 
felt  secure  of  his  efforts,  which  indeed  materially  contributed  to 
the  victory  :  the  battle  was  bloody  and  obstinate  beyond  what 
was  then  usual ;  more  than  a  thousand  men  remained  dead  on 
the  field ;  the  Neapolitans  were  totally  routed,  and  Alphonso 
was  saved  only  by  the  fidelity  of  his  Turkish  soldiers.  Three 
hundred  and  sixty  gentlemen  and  a  great  mass  of  inferior  note 
were  made  prisoners  ;  amongst  them  several  companies  of 
Turks  who  strange  to  say  were  instantly  taken  into  the  pontiff's 
service  and  employed  as  a  militaiy  police  without  any  attempt 
to  convert  them.  Malatesta  died  at  Rome  from  a  fever  occa- 
sioned by  impmdently  drinking  cold  water  as  was  reported ; 
but  in  his  family  records  and  the  public  behef,  by  poison  from 
the  hand  of  Girolamo  Riario  |. 

As  Roberto  left  no  legitimate  issue,  Girolamo  who  had  long 
coveted  now  endeavoured  to  seize  his  dominions,  but  was  kept  in 
check  and  finally  prevented  by  the  Florentines.  Malatesta 
had  recommended  liis  mfant  son  to  the  protection  of  Frederic 
Duke  of  Urbino  who  connnanded  fur  the  enemy;  and  this 
prince  dying  the  same  day  at  Bologna,  had  also  reconmiended 
his  own  son  and  family  in  general,  to  the  care  of  his  daughter's 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  148-51. —Mil-     i",  p.  '22.~Maccliiavclli,  Lib.    viii.— 
ratori,  Annali.  Sisniondi,  vol.  viii ,  p.   151. — Ammi- 

t  Poraio,  Congiura  de'    Baroni,  Lib.     rato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  151. 


448 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book    II. 


husband  Malatesta,  while  she  hearing  the  news  of  both  events 
at  the  same  time  was  compelled  to  ask  and  receive  protection 
at  the  hand  of  her  husband  s  adversaries  against  the  very  per- 
son in  whose  service  he  had  died,  and  whose  states  lie  had  just 
saved  from  destruction ! 

The  rapid  progress  of  Venice  in  Lombardy ;  the  influence 
of  the  imperial  ambassador,  and  the  threats  of  a  general 
council,  finally  opened  the  pontiff's  eyes  to  his  real  interests 
and  induced  liim  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  pr-no  and  alliance  whh 
Naples  Florence  and  Milan  in  December  ii^'-t,  leaving  a  place 
for  the  Venetians  which  they  not  only  refused  to  accept  but 
pushed  the  war  on  so  vigorously  that  after  defeating  the  Duke 
of  Ferrara  in  a  pitched  battle  they  encamped  in  the  ducal 
park  under  the  ver}'  walls  of  his  capital.  The  Florentine^, 
who  had  now  changed  the  "  Otto  dl  Prohcd  "  into  a  decern 
virate  of  war,  determined  in  concert  with  the  King  of  Naples 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  peace  to  succour  Ferrara :  and 
Alphonso  with  a  small  force  passed  through  Florence  on  his 
way  to  that  city  in  the  beginning  of  January  148:]  -. 

The  impetuous  Sixtus  having  on(;e  decided,  followed  up  his 
resolution  with  vigour  by  sunnnoning  Venice  to  accede 
to  the  pacification  of  Italy  and  instantly  evacuate  tin 
Ferraresetenitorv  wliich  was  now  declared  to  be  under  ecclesias- 
tical  protection  ;  but  she  paid  little  attention  either  to  this  com- 
mand or  a  subsequent  excommunication,  and  exerted hei-self  more 
strenuously  to  carrj^  her  object  against  idl  tlie  efforts  of  the 
"  Most  Iwhj  League ;  "  an  appellation  wliich  the  pope's  recent 
accession  had  bestowed  upon  it.  A  congress  of  the  allied 
powei-s  had  met  at  Cremona  where  Lorenzo  de'  ^ledici  repre- 
sented Florence ;  but  while  they  debated,  the  Venetians  had 
captured  Gallipoli,  Nardo,  and  other  parts  of  the  Terra  di 
Otranto  besides  several  places  within  a  mile  of  Ferrara.  Flo- 
rence  and    Bologna   were   hastily   preparing   succours  when 


A.D.  1483. 


Macchiavclli,  Lib.  viii. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  154,  et  seq. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


449 


Alphonso  unable  to  bear  the  Venetian  audacity  attacked  and 
defeated  them  near  Argenta,  took  the  Proveditore  prisoner, 
and  checked  their  alarming  progress.  Startled  by  so  vigorous 
a  resistance  from  a  beaten  enemy,  and  seeing  the  great  force  of 
the  league,  Venice  took  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  into  her  service, 
orged  on  the  Genoese  to  more  exertion,  encouraged  the  Rossi 
of  Parma,  and  assisted  the  Senese  exiles ;  the  first  to  alarm 
Ferdinand ;  the  second  Florence ;  the  third  to  be  a  thorn  in 
the  side  of  Milan,  and  the  fourth  to  keep  both  the  pope  and 
Florentines  in  anxiety.  On  the  other  hand  Florence  seeing 
events  thicken,  renewed  the  decemvirate  of  war  by  a  vote  of  the 
seventy  and  then  despatched  Guidantonio  Vespucci  to  Sixtus, 
and  Piero  Nasi  to  Ferdinand,  to  unite  the  league  more  closely 
by  impressing  on  the  pontiffs  mind  that  the  fall  of  Ferrai'a 
would  be  the  ruin  of  Italy. 

A  new  league  was  accordingly  made  by  which  Niccolo  Vitelli 
was  abandoned  as  subordinates  always  are  wiien  it  suits  the 
interest  of  principals  ;  and  Citta  di  Castello  restored  to  the 
church ;  Vitelli  however  defied  both  and  defended  his  posses- 
sions ;  but  tliis  gave  little  inquietude  to  Florence  who  made  a 
second  league  with  Siena  that  secured  a  complete  restitution 
of  the  captured  places  to  which  there  had  been  some  lingering 
opposition,  and  thus  Florence  recovered  her  former  integiity 
except  the  possession  of  Sarzana  which  Agostino  Fregoso  still 
continued  to  hold  and  occasioned  much  trouble  and  aiLxiety  to 
the  republic  *. 

The  pope  meanwhile  without  any  alteration  of  circumstances, 
except  his  own  secession,  since  the  time  he  was  an  ally  of 
Venice,  launched  forth  a  terrible  anathema  against  that  republic, 
which  was  calmly  answered  by  appealing  to  a  general  council ; 
pending  which  all  religious  ofEces  were  ordered  to  be  performed 
as  usual.  In  the  interim  Lodovico  gained  some  ground  in 
Lombardy  and  the  Duke  of  Calabria  finally  carried  war  into 


VOL.  III. 


A.mmirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  156. 
G  G 


450 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[cook  ii. 


A.D.  1484. 


the  Venetian  territory,  while  Hercules  of  Este  routed  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine  at  a  place  called  La  Stellata*.  At  this  time 
Louis  XL  of  P^rance  interfered  as  a  peacemaker;  but  one  of 
his  ambassadors  died  at  Florence,  and  the  rest  could  do  nothing 
in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Louis  himself  and  the  accession 
of  Charles  VIIL  a  prince  of  no  talent,  but  wlio  with  great  per- 
sonal courage  and  an  empty  pompous  ambition  wrought  greater 
chanjtes  m  Italy  than  any  other  monarch  of  the  age.  The  loss 
of  Sarzana  still  troubled  Florence  who  was  vigorously 
preparing  to  reduce  it  when  negotiations  commenced 
which  promised  a  speedy  settlement;  but  in  the  midst  of  them 
intelligence  arrived  that  it  had  been  sold  to  tlie  Bank  of  Saint 
George,  and  a  garrison  from  that  powerful  company  soon 
occupied  tlie  place,  which  with  that  of  Pietra  Santa  and  a 
strong  squadron  of  galleys  gave  considerable  annoyance  to  the 

Florentines. 

Most  of  the  belligerents  began  now  to  tire  of  war,  and  the 
death  of  Frederic  Marquis  of  Mantua  who  had  hitherto  kept 
Lodovico  and  Alphouso  from  quai-reUing  accelerated  its  conclu- 
sion :  Lodovico  began  the  negotiation  on  his  own  accoimt,  for 
he  was  short  of  funds  and  moreover  feared  the  etforts  of  Al- 
phonso  to  place  the  government  of  Milan  in  the  hands  of  the 
young  duke  who  had  married  his  daughter.  Tlie  other  allied 
powers  joined  in  this  treaty,  and  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  as  tlie 
weakest  and  most  injured  suffered  accordingly  :  he  was  de- 
prived of  Piovigo  and  the  Polesine,  in  exchange  for  which 
Gallipoli  and  Nardo  were  restored  to  Naples ;  but  he  recovered 
a  few  small  towns,  and  all  that  the  Venetians  had  lost  they  as 
usual  most  dexterously  re-acquired  even  to  the  very  rights  that 
formed  the  ostensible  excuse  for  war  K  The  iillies  although 
antny  at  this  peace  were  compelled  to  accept  it  from  exhaustion, 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,p.  158.  (Icnics  this,  by  an  appeal  to  the  treaty 

t  Ammirato,  generally   so   accurate,  itself,   as  given    in  Du  Mont.   Corp. 

says  that  Rovigo  and  the  Polesine  were  Diplomat, 
restored   to    Ferrara ;    but   Muratori 


CIIAl'.  v.] 


FLORENTINE    UISTORY. 


451 


and  it  was  concluded  at  Bagnolo  on  the  seventh  of  August 
1484.  On  the  twelfth  it  was  brought  to  the  pope  who  indig- 
nantly refused  his  benediction,  and  in  this  excited  state  he  died 
on  the  night  of  the  thirteenth  -i^ 

The  Florentines  who  gained  nothing  by  the  war  but  an 
mcrease  of  debt,  were  well  satisfied  at  its  termination,  not  only 
for  the  relief  it  afforded,  but  also  because  it  enabled  them  to 
direct  all  their  efforts  on  Sarzana,  the  loss  of  which  was  sen- 
sibly felt  but  more  especially  by  Lorenzo  as  a  slur  on  his 
administration  which  thus  diminished  instead  of  augmented  the 
public  domains.  One  of  theii'  first  steps  was  to  despatch  an 
embassy  of  congratulation  to  Giovanbattista  Cibo  Cardinal 
of  Saint  Cecilia,  a  Genoese,  who  succeeded  Sixtus  IV.  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  August  1 484,  under  the  name  of  Innocent  VIIL 
which  he  was  supposed  to  have  assumed  as  an  indication  and 
gage  of  his  pacific  intentions  f .  The  treaty  of  Bagnolo  left  all 
Italy  in  peace  except  Home  and  Florence ;  the  first  was  dis- 
tm'bed  by  civil  wars  the  last  by  that  of  Sarzana. 

We  have  already  said  that  this  important  place  was  now  the 
property  of  the  celebrated  bank  of  Saint  George  a  far  more  formid- 
able enemy  than  the  Fregosi.  This  bank  arose  out  of  a  debt 
incurred  by  Genoa  in  one  of  her  obstinate  conflicts  with  Venice  : 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  war  those  citizens  who  had  advanced 
money  to  goveniment  were  put  in  possession  of  the  port  duties, 
and  the  palace  over  the  custom-house  w^as  given  to  them  as  an 
office.  They  immediately  formed  themselves  into  a  deliberative 
council  of  one  hundred  members,  and  a  court  of  directors  of 
eight:  the  whole  debt  was  then  divided  into  shares  called 
"  Luoghi "  or  places,  and  the  new  corporation  was  denominated 
the  Bank  of  Saint  George.  Genoese  wars  were  frequent ; 
money  was  continually  wanted  ;  it  became  easier  to  borrow  than 

*  Porzio,  Congiurade'Baroni,  Lib.  i'',  p.  24. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xx v.,  p.  162. — 
Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viii.  f  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  1 62. 

G  G  2 


452 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


impose  new  taxes  ;  the  bank  was  always  ready  to  lend ;  so  that 
debt  augmented  until  almost  every  town  of  consequence  fell  to 
this  powerful  company  which  ruled  them  absolutely  and  inde- 
pendently as  a  sovereign  state. 

As  the  bank  was  wisely  directed  and  its  rule  impartial  and 
light,  there  was  an  eagerness  to  be  placed  under  its  dominion ; 
for  whatever  political  changes  occurred  either  from  foreign  war 
or  domestic  factions  the  company  studiously  kept  aloof  mitil 
all  was  over,  and  then  stepped  forward  in  augmented  strength 
to  insist  on  a  confirmation  of  their  privileges.  This  could 
hardly  be  refused  without  danger,  for  the  factious  were  gene- 
rally exhausted  and  the  bank  strong  in  troops,  in  money,  and 
in  justice.  Thus  says  Macchiavelli,  in  the  same  circle, 
amongst  the  same  citizens  and  at  one  and  the  same  time, 
were  to  be  seen  liberty  and  tyranny,  ''  simple  manners  and 
corrupt ;  justice  and  licentiousness :"  m  a  word,  good  and  bad 
government ;  for  that  company  even  in  :\Iacchiavelli"s  time  kept 
Genoa  *'  full  of  ancient  and  venerable  customs  "'«. 

This  then  was  the  body  to  whom  Fregoso  sold  Sarzana  and 
they  resolved  to  defend  it :  they  already  occupied  Pietra  Santa 
about  half  way  on  the  high  road  to  Pisa,  and  the  Floren- 
tines aware  that  the  possession  of  this  place  was  not  only  nece<- 
saiy  to  the  capture  of  Sarzana  as  commanding  their  Ime  oi 
communications,  but  also  essential  to  the  presentation  of  the 
latter  when  reduced ;  cut  off  as  it  was  from  their  tenitoiy  an.l 
bordering  on  that  of  Genoa.     The  capture  of  Pietra  Santa  had 
been  before  recommended  but   Florence   having   no  quarrel 
with  the  Bank  of  Saint  George  at  that  rpcch  would  not  listen 
to  this  advice :   now  the  case  was  altered,  for  that  company 
had  not  only  bought  her  property  but  had  shown  a  hostile  dis- 
position towards  her  subjects ;  yet  according  to  Macchiavelh  a 
trick  was  resorted  to  in  order  to  give  a  better  colour  to  the  pro- 
ceeding. A  valuable  convoy  with  a  slender  escort  was  despatched 

*  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viii.— The  resemblance  of  this  bank  to  our  E.L  Company 
i8  striking. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


453 


to  the  Florentine  camp  before  Sarzana  which  having  to  pass 
under  Pietra  Santa  an  attack  on  it  was  expected,  and  so  it  hap- 
pened ;  the  temptation  was  too  powerful  and  the  convoy  was 
taken.  Upon  this  the  army  raised  the  siege  of  Sarzana,  marched 
direct  on  Pietra  Santa  and  after  a  long  and  sickly  campaign  in 
which  Lorenzo  de'  Medici's  presence  coupled  \vith  the  bravery 
and  kindness  of  Antonio  Pucei,  kept  up  a  good  military  spirit, 
Pietra  Santa  surrendered  on  the  eighth  of  November  1484. 
But  during  this  time  a  naval  w^ar  and  a  fruitless  attempt  on 
Leghorn  l)y  the  Genoese  tried  the  expenses  and  anxiety  of 
Florence,  and  the  reduction  of  Sarzana  became  still  a  work 
of  time*. 

The  Florentines  hoped  much  from  Pope  Innocent's  peace- 
able disposition,  and  influence  at  Genoa  to  restore 
tranquillity  with  the  possession  oi  Sarzana;  but  a 
long  time  past  in  fruitless  negotiations,  and  the  whole  of  1485 
wore  away  without  any  active  operations  of  consequence  against 
it.  This  was  occasioned  partly  liy  Lorenzo's  bad  state  of 
liealth  from  hereditary  gout  and  the  commencement  of  that 
stomach  complaint  which  afterwards  Idlled  him.  His  illness 
obhged  him  to  use  the  baths  of  Roselle  and  being  therefore 
compelled  to  remain  for  a  considerable  time  far  distant  from 
Florence  he  was  unwilling  to  engage  in  any  affair  of  great 
moment.  A  war,  which  about  the  same  period  broke  out  between 
Innocent  and  Ferdinand,  proved  also  another  obstacle  to  the 
active  prosecution  of  that  between  Florence  and  Genoa  seeing 
that  it  involved  the  foiTuer  republic  in  this  new  and  vexatious 
quarrel. 

The  pope  although  a  Neapolitan  prelate  and  indebted  to 
Ferdinand  for  his  primitive  advancement  in  the  church,  was 
nevertheless  a  decided  enemy  to  both  him  and  his  more 
ferocious  son  Alphonso  Duke  of  Calabria;  he  affected,  or  really 

*  Gio.  Cambi,  p.  24.— Bruto,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  433-5.  —  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv., 
pp.  162-166. — Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viii. 


454 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


\i 


felt  a  detestation   for  their  cruelty  and  rapacity  and   such 
hatred  was  not  a  little  embittered  by  party  spirit,  for  his 
father  had  held  a  high  and  distiDguished  ofifice  under  the 
house  of  Anjou.    Besides  this  the  supposed  or  real  attachments 
of  subject  and  dependent  prelates  have  seldom  accompanied 
them  to  the  throne,  where  new  feelings,  new  interests,  and 
new  passions  impatiently  await  their  arrival.      Innocent  too 
was  the  first  pontiff  who  either  from  sincerity  or  audacity 
disdained  the  flimsy  mantle   of  nepotism  and  unblushingly 
acknowledged  his  illegitimate  offspring,  making  no  secret  of 
his  intentions  to  advance  their  fortune.    In  this  disposition  he 
was  not  displeased  to  see  a  general  spirit  of  rebellion  spring 
up  amongst  the  Neapolitan  barons  against  the  rapacious  and 
accumulating  extortions  of  Ferdinand  and  the  more  open  and 
unscmpulous  ferocity  of  Alphonso  of  Calabria  ;  nor  were  these 
feelings  unkno\\-n  to  the  insurgents  many  of  whom  lost  no 
time  in  imploring  his  protection.     The  king  too  had  refused 
to  pay  tribute  to  the  pope  as  liege  lord  of  Naples  and  Sicily, 
asserting  that  he  was   sovereign  of  Naples  only;    and  the 
pope  in  revenge  wished  to  dethrone  him  and  exalt  a  prince 
that  would  not  only  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Rome  but 
assist  in  establishing  his  favoiurite  son  Franceschetto  Cibo ; 
who  afterwards  married  Lorenzo's  daughter  Maddalena  de' 
Medici ;  in  some  principality  of  that  kingdom.    Innocent  was 
strenuously  encouraged  in  these  objects  by  the  cardinal  of 
Saint  Piero  in  Vincula,  as  much  from  jealousy  of  the  cardinal 
of  Aragon  (a  son  of  Ferdinand )  as  from  a  naturally  ambitious 
and  warlike  character  which  afterwards  showed  itself  in  the 
celebrated  Julius  II.  and  through  him  it  is  supposed  that 
the  potent  Prince  of  Salerno  was  induced  to  take  part  in  the 
insurrection.     The  pope  finally  concluded  a  league  with  the 
msurgent   barons   engaging   them   openly    to   supplicate   his 
protection  ;  which  was  meant  not  only  as  a  pledge  of  their 
fidelity  but  also  as  a  testimony  for  all  Christendom  that  to 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


455 


defend  others,  and  not  on  his  own  private  account,  this  war  was 

undertaken  *. 

The  Dulve  of  Calabria  soon  became  aware  of  these  negotia- 
tions and  resolved  that  if  other  wai's  had  impoverished  the  state 
this  one  should  by  confiscation  enrich  it :  he  therefore  deter- 
mined to  meet  the  barons  at  Civita  di  Chieti  in  the  Abruzzi 
ostensibly  to  arrange  with  them  an  augmentation  of  the  salt- 
tax  and  other  financial  matters,  but  really  to  arrest  Count 
Montorio  of  the  Camponischi,  Chief  of  Aquila,  and  thus  secure 
that  city..  Aquila  is  a  town  of  the  Abruzzi,  situated  in  the 
midst  of  a  lofty  range  of  mountains,  and  which  at  that  epoch 
was  so  much  augmented  in  men,  arms,  and  general  riches,  as 
only  to  yield  the  palm  to  Naples  herself ;  it  was  on  the  confines 
of  the  ecclesiastical  states  and  self-governed,  although  not 
entirely  independent.  Amongst  the  civic  families,  that  of 
Camponischi  had  risen  to  such  power  and  influence  that  it 
ruled  the  community  and  even  rendered  a  previous  application 
to  its  chief  by  the  Neapolitan  kings  absolutely  necessary  ere 
they  could  feel  sure  of  obtaining  their  local  objects  :  hence  it 
was  less  oppressed  than  any  other  city,  and  to  maintain  this 
high  position  became  the  policy  as  it  was  the  natural  bent  of 
tliat  family.  They  were  adherents  of  the  house  of  Anjou,  had 
assisted  both  Regnier  and  John,  and  to  secure  their  fidelity 
or  rather  that  of  Aquila  itself,  Piero  Campouisco  was  created 
Count  of  Montorio  a  title  which  once  belonged  to  his  family 
but  had  been  forfeited  in  former  rebellions.  This  however 
made  no  difference  in  Camponischi's  patriotism  who  never 
allowing  his  native  city  to  be  oppressed  by  taxation  like  the 
rest,  was  accused  of  ingratitude :  nevertheless  confiding  in  his 
innocence  he  with  a  wife  and  two  sons  went  boldly  to  meet  the 
Duke  of  Calabria  who  instantly  sent  them  all  prisoners  to 
Naples.  Suspecting  the  consequences  the  prmce  occupied 
Aquila  with  some  troops,  insufficient  to  coerce  the  citizens  but 

•  Porzio,  Congiura  de'  Baroni,  Lib.  i°,  pp.  29-54. 


456 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


enough  to  rouse  their  indignation  to  its  height ;  wherefore  they 
instantly  proffered  their  allegiance  to  the  pope  who  as  lord 
paramount  had  some  legal  right  to  see  justice  done  to  his 
vassals,  and  therefore  accepted  their  offer  *. 

Troops  were  immediately  marched  into  the  Abruzzi,  the 
barons  were  called  upon  to  defend  their  liberty  in  a  general 
confederacy  of  which  Innocent  declared  himself  the  head,  and 
war  was  everj'where  in  preparation.  Ferdinand  endeavoured 
to  calm  the  rising  storm  by  releasing  the  Count  of  ^lontorio  in 
November ;  but  Innocent  relaxed  nothing  of  his  activity  and 
while  he  called  the  barons  to  arms  the  king  summoned  them 
to  hold  a  parliament  at  Naples.  Only  three  attended ;  the  rest 
feared  his  treachery  and  the  loss  of  their  own  heads  ;  but  they 
nevertheless  assembled  at  the  castle  of  Melfi  under  pretence 
of  honouring  the  mamage  of  Trajan  Caracciolo  the  Duke  of 
Melfi's  son :  iUphonso  however  was  not  deceived  and  struck 
the  first  blow  by  pouncing  upon  the  Count  of  Nola's  territor} 
reducing  his  strongholds  and  sending  his  wife  and  two  sons 
prisoners  to  Naples  f . 

His  intention  was  to  crush  rebellion  in  the  bud,  but  it  burst 
the  sooner  for  this  stroke  and  spread  with  a  strength  and 
violence  that  startled  him ;  yet  as  neither  party  was  ready  for 
the  trial  a  succession  of  hollow  negotiations  commenced  on 
purpose  to  gain  time  for  more  vigorous  action.  Ferdinand 
despatched  ambassadors  in  August  to  demand  from  both  Milan 
and  Florence  those  succours  which  their  engagements  bound 
them  to  supply :  Lodovico  Sforza  long  avoided  a  reply  but 
Florence  under  Lorenzo's  influence  at  once  promised  her  aid 
and  finally  both  joined  the  royal  cause.  On  the  second  of 
November  these  states  engaged  the  Count  of  Pitigliano  with 
four  more  of  the  Orsini,  besides  the  Lord  of  Piombino  and 
Count  Rinuccio  di  Marciano,    to   command  the  confederate 

♦  Giannone,vol.3rii.,Lib.  xxviii.,cap.i.     +  Giannone,  Lib.    x.xviii.,  cap.    i. — 
— Brute,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  445. — Porzio,     Siimoudi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  180. 
Congiura  de'  Baroni,  Lib.  i",  p.  62. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


457 


troops,  all  under  the  supremacy  of  Pitigliano,  Count  Marsilio 
Torello  being  the  Duke  of  Milan's  general.  The  pope  relieved 
Venice  from  excommunication  and  endeavoured  to  excite  her 
to  vengeance  agamst  Ferdinand  ;  but  uuwiUing  to  exalt  the 
church  and  abase  the  king  too  much  she  contented  herself  with 
allowing  Robert  of  Sanseverino  to  enter  the  papal  service  with 
thirty- two  squadrons  of  cavalry-  and  a  body  of  footmen  *.  Am- 
bassadoi-s  were  also  despatched  to  offer  the  crown  of  Naples  to 
Regnier  Duke  of  Lorraine  who  was  just  then  quitting  the 
French  court  in  disgust  at  being  refused  the  inheritance  of  old 
Regnier  of  Anjou  his  grandfather.  He  accepted  the  gift, 
received  some  miserable  aid  from  the  French  regency,  for 
Charles  VIII  was  yet  a  minor  but  pampered  with  high-reach- 
ing claims  upon  the  throne  of  Naples :  a  squadron  of  galleys 
awaited  liis  arrival  at  Genoa  and  the  warlike  cardinal  of  San 
Piero  in  Vincula  was  already  there  impatient  to  receive  him 
on  board;  but  he  delayed  until  too  late  and  the  war  tenninated 
without  him  f. 

The  opposition  of  many  powerful  chiefs  to  one  monarch  unless 
with  a  despotic  leader,  is  rarely  successful  at  any  time,  and  was 
still  less  likely  to  be  so  at  a  period  when  every  baron  was  an 
independent  prince  who  had  his  o\mi  private  objects  and  petty 
jealousies  in  addition  to  the  one  great  and  universal  grievance. 
In  such  a  league  union  is  commonly  ephemeral,  and  the  dis- 
putes of  the  Prince  of  Salerno  and  the  Count  of  Samo,  the 
two  leading  barons ;  and  of  the  pope  with  San  Severino ;  soon 
vitiated  and  weakened  this  confedemcy.  The  universal  belief 
that  Alphonso  of  Calabria  was  resolved  to  destroy  the  barons 
had  united  and  compelled  them  to  revolt ;  the  Anjou  party  were 
rejoiced  at  this  from  a  hope  of  recovering  lost  power  and  pro- 
perty ;  that  of  Aragon  was  in  dismay  from  the  fear  of  losing 
both:  such  were  the  sentiments  of  the  Neapolitan  people, 

*  Ammirato,   Lib.   xxv.,  p.   171. —     f  Mem.  de  Philippe  dc  Comincs,  Lib. 
Porzio,  Congiura  de'  Baroni,  Lib.  i",     vii.,  cap.  i. 
p.  69. 


458 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


amongst  whom  there  was  wide  and  universal  disorder:  the 
roads  were  broken,  trade  arrested,  the  tribunals  closed,  and 
every  place  full  of  terror,  hope,  and  confusion.  After  a  while 
both  parties  became  alarmed  at  each  others  strength,  and  the 
increasmg  discord  between  Sanio  and  Salenio  generated  in- 
trigue suspicion  and  apprehension  amongst  the  barons.  Fer- 
dinand had  expressed  a  desire  to  meet  his  nobility  in  amicable 
conference  and  after  some  difl&culties  sent  his  second  son 
Frederic,  a  prince  of  totally  opposite  character  to  either  father 
or  brother,  to  hear  their  demands  at  Salerno.  Ferdinand's 
offers  were  far  too  mild  and  gentle  for  his  nature  ;  the  barons 
would  not  tnist  and  scarcely  listened  to  them,  but  on  the  con- 
trar}^  offered  the  crown  to  Don  Frederic  himself.  Shocked 
even  at  the  bare  idea  of  the  crime  they  were  thus  tempting  him 
to  commit  he  replied  on  the  follo\Ning  day  in  a  bold  and  spirited 
oration,  by  indignantly  refusing  to  countenance  any  such  pro- 
posal and  was  instantly  made  prisoner.  Little  was  done  in  the 
field  for  the  rest  of  the  year,  but  San  Severino  audaciously 
threw  himself  between  the  Duke  of  Calabiia  and  the  Florentuies 
whom  he  had  gdlantly  advanced  to  meet.  In  this  state  of 
things  with  an  army  under  Ferdinand's  grandson  to  watch  the 
barons  at  home  while  his  sou  in  concert  with  Florence  and 
Milan  canied  war  into  the  ecclesiastical  states,  the  year  1485, 
terminated  *. 

By  Florence  this  war  was  prosecuted  more  with  negotiation 
and  intrigue  than  by  force  of  arms :  the  Baglioni 
were  to  revolutionize  Perugia ;  Vitelli  was  dead  ;  but 
his  sons  were  to  make  an  attempt  on  Citta  di  Castello  ;  Gio- 
vanni de'  Gatti  was  urged  if  possible  to  assert  his  family 
rights  in  Viterbo :  Assisi,  Foligno,  ]Montefalco,  Spoleto,  Todi, 
and  Orvieto  were  all  expected  to  follow  the  example  of  Peru- 
gia, The  pope  checked  them  with  great  difl&culty  and  such  a 
division  of  force  that  all  his  efforts  in  favour  of  the  barons  were 


A.D.  1486. 


Porzio,  Congiura  de'  Baroni,  Lib.  i",  p.  SH. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv,,p.  17L 


CHAl'. 


v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


459 


paralysed  *.  It  was  May  before  any  efficient  movement  of  the 
combined  armies  of  Florence  and  Milan  took  place ;  they  were 
now  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  of  Calabria,  and  on  the 
eif^hth  of  that  month  a  battle  was  said  to  have  been  fought  be- 
tween liim  and  San  Severino  at  Ponte  Lamentana  in  which 
after  many  hours  of  play  the  combatants  separated  with  the 
loss  of  a  few  prisoners  on  the  papal  side  and  the  retirement  of 
San  Severino ;  not  a  smgle  man  being  killed  or  wounded  by 
eitlier  party;  yet  these  bloodless  battles  did  not  render  war  less 
fearful  to  the  miserable  peasantiy  and  poor  defenceless  people ! 
The  allies  advanced  towards  Home  which  was  thrown  into  con- 
sternation by  the  Orsiiii,  and  Innocent's  alarm  was  augmented 
by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  who  with  forged  letters  made  him  sus- 
pect the  fidelity  of  San  Severino  himself:  peace  was  now 
talked  of;  the  sacred  college  with  one  exception  urged  it; 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of  Spain  whose  union  gave  them  vast 
influence,  strenuously  endeavoured  to  promote  it  and  the  more 
so  because  their  possession  of  Sicily  imparted  both  a  right 
and  direct  interest  in  the  pacification  of  Italy  especially  to 
stave  off  the  threatening  claims  of  France :  other  powers  also 
offered  their  mediation,  and  a  treaty  was  finally  concluded  on 
the  eleventh  of  August  I486,  by  which  Ferdinand  engaged  to 
pay  the  church  an  annual  tribute  for  his  kingdom  as  before ; 
to  acknowledge  as  her  immediate  vassals,  the  city  of  Aquila 
with  all  the  rebellious  barons  who  had  done  homage  for  their 
fiefs;  and  not  only  to  pardon  the  other  barons  but  dis- 
pense with  any  personal  homage  at  Naples  and  give  sufficient 
guarantees  for  their  safety  f .  This  unwonted  clemency  was 
a  mere  tiger-like  stratagem  to  gain  time  and  opportunity 
for  a  better  spring :  assured  that  neither  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, nor  the  Duke  of  MDan,  nor  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  who 
were  their  sureties,  would  hold  him  hard  to  his  promise,  he  ere 

♦  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  1 73.  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  1 76.— Sismondi,  vol.  viii., 

t  Gio.  Cambi,  p.   38.  —  Ammirato,    p.  185. 


460 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ir. 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


461 


A.D.  1487. 


many  months  made  sad  havoc  of  their  lives  and  property  and 
even  arrested  the  wives  and  children  of  these  unhappy  and  con- 
fiding princes*. 

No  sooner  had  this  peace  relieved  Florence  than  Loreiizi. 
with  his  allies'  assistance  hent  eveiy  nerve  to  the  re- 
cover}- not  only  of  Sarzana  but  Sarzanello,  which  had 
been  surprised  this  year  by  the  Genoese ;  he  very  soon  satis- 
fied his  countn-men  by  the  restoration  of  a  place  whose  loss 
had  stained  the  national  honour,  and  the  Genoese  war  itself  was 
speedily  terminated  by  that  republic  s  submission  to  the  Duke 
of  Milan  f.  Florence  was  now  once  more  in  repose  and  Lo- 
renzo after  marrying  his  daughter  to  Franceschetto  Cibo  turned 
all  his  attention  to  the  arts  of  peace  and  the  encouragement  of 
literature.  At  this  maniage  a  cardinal's  hat  was  promised  to 
Giovanni  de'  ^ledici  then  but  fourteen  yeai's  old  ;  an  important 
event  in  Florentine  history,  as  it  led  to  his  early  pontificate 
under  the  name  of  Leo  X.  to  the  complete  destmction  of  Flo- 
rentine liberty,  and  to  the  subsequent  exaltation  of  that  family 
as  hereditar}^  princes  of  Tuscany  % 

On  the  fourteenth  of  April  1488,  a  tmgedy  occurred  in 
Eomagna  which  if  really  instigated  or  abetted  ly 
Lorenzo  as  some  authors  have  suspected  and  by 
which  he  afterwards  profited,  would  show  that  he  fidly  shared 
the  vindictive  feelings  of  an  age  in  which  neither  time  nor 
circumstances  mitigated  the  deep  desire  of  vengeance.  Yet  if 
vengeance,  which  says  a  French  author,  '^ only  aihh  crime  Uj 
misfortune,''  were  ever  justifiable  ;  Lorenzo  perhaps  might  have 
been  excused,  exclusive  of  the  attempts  on  his  own  life,  for  not 
consigning  his  brother's  murder  to  oblivion,  had  he  not  already 
been  sufficiently  bathed  in  blood,  the  blood  too  of  victims  either 
totally  innocent,  or  infinitely  less  culpable  than  Piiario.  Lo- 
renzo's conduct  is  open  to  more  suspicion  because  the  result  of 

•  Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,p.  187. — Porzio,     •}*  MacchiavelH,  Lib.  viii. 

Congiura  de'  Baroni,  Lib.  iii.  p.  189,     X  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,pp.  179,  80. — 

&c.  SisTDondii  voL  viii.,  p.  192. 


A.D.  1488. 


tliis  crime  was  to  establish  a  strong  Medician  influence  over 
both  Forli  and  Imola ;  and  the  failure  of  his  original  designs 
on  the  latter  was  beUeved  to  be  one  cause  of  quarrelling  with 

SLxtus  IV. 

Girolamo  Riario  Count  of  Forli  and  Imola,  after  the  pope's 
decease  had  retired  from  Rome  to  that  principahty  where  he 
fully  maintained  the  cruel  and  tyrannical  character  of  the 
Romagnian  tyrants  and  was  accordingly  murdered  by  three 
officers  of  his  own  body  guard  in  connection  with  only  six  other 
conspirators. 

Cecco  del  Orso,  captain  of  the  guards,  with  two  more  officers 
named  Louis  Panzero  and  Giacomo  Ronco  entered  his  chamber 
and  poniarded  him  while  the  rest  of  his  attendants  Avere  at 
dinner  :  they  then,  after  parting  his  vestments  amongst  them, 
cast  the  naked  and  bloody  corpse  into  the  street  where 
the  people,  who  were  loudly  incited  to  revenge,  instantly 
dragged  it  in  triumph  through  the  town.  His  widow  Catha- 
rine Sforza  and  her  children  were  forthwith  arrested,  and  the 
whole  city  remained  in  the  insurgents'  possession,  the  citadel 
alone  remaining  faithful ;  nor  would  the  governor  listen  to  any 
orders  except  from  Catharine  herself  when  fairly  at  liberty. 
She  accordhigly  promised  to  give  these  orders,  and  was  there- 
fore allowed  to  enter  the  fortress  her  children  being  kept  as 
hostages ;  but  no  sooner  had  she  entered  than  in  defiance  of 
her  word  the  guns  were  turned  on  the  citizens  :  they  instantly 
threatened  to  kill  her  children :  "  and  if  you  do,"  said  she 
indignantly,  "  I  have  still  a  son  at  IVIilan  and  another  within 
me  who  wiU  live  to  revenge  the  deed"*. 


*  Muratori,  Annali. — Corio,  Parte  vi., 
fol.  446. — Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  210. 
— Ricordanze  di  Tribaldo  de'  Rossi, 
Del.  Erud.  Tosc,  torn,  xxiii. — Mac- 
chiavelli,  Bruto,  and  Muratori,  (the 
last  x^ith  some  hesitation)  give  a  less 
modest  account  of  this  rcjdy;  but  I 
have  followed  Sismondi  for  the  reasons 


which  he  gives,  (vol.  viii.  p.  210, 
note.)  Baylc  is  silent  on  it ;  but 
Bcmbo  (Lib.  iv.,  fol.  51)  tells  us  that, 
in  1 4.98,  Venice  counted  on  driving Ca- 
torina  Sforza  from  Forli,  partly  through 
the  faction  of  Antonio  Ordelaffo  within, 
and  partly  "  ow  the  hati^ed  that  the 
citizens  lore  to  that  immodest  woman,'^ 


462 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[UOOK  II 


The  people  proved  more  tender  or  less  resolute  than  Catha- 
rine and  the  threat  was  not  executed ;  but  the  conspirators 
implored  protection  from  Pope  Innocent  and  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  both  of  whom  they  thought  might  benefit  by  the  deed. 
Innocent  commanded  the  governor  of  Cesina  to  render  them 
every  assistance,  and  Lorenzo  pressed  by  Lodovico  Sforza  and 
Florentine  interests,  instantly  despatched  a  strong  force  under 
the  Count  of  Pitigliimo  and  Rinuccio  Faniese,  ostensibly  to 
aid  Caterina,  but  really  to  recover  possession  of  the  fortified 
town  of  Piancaldoli  in  their  way  a  place  which  Paario  had 
captured  in  the  late  wars  ;  and  the  object  of  both  Pope  and 
Medici  there  is  some  reason  for  supposing  was  to  secure  Forh 
for  their  son  Franceschetto  Cibo  the  husband  of  Maddaleua*. 

In  Marino  Sanuto's  chronicle,  or  diary,  it  is  noted  that 
Marco  Barbo  podesta  and  captain  of  Ravenna  wrote  to  the 
Seignory  of  Venice  an  account  of  the  whole  conspiracy  only 
two  days  after  it  happened,  in  which  it "  was  said  to  be  the  work 
of  Giovanni  BentivoffUo  and  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  in  order  to 
give  those  towns  to  Franceschetto  Cibo  son  of  Pope  Innocent 
VIIL,  who  is  the  son-in-law  of  the  said  Lorenzo  de'  Medici." 
But  this  is  evidently  one  of  the  hurried  reports  of  an  excited 
time  which  prove  the  general  opinion  then  entertained  of  what 
Lorenzo  would  or  might  be  guilty  of,  rather  th:in  his  real  cul- 
pability :  he  never  directly  assisted  the  conspirators  though  he 
refrained  from  opposing  them,  and  Bentivoglio  who  was  the 
Duke  of  Milan's  soldier,  actually  despatched  a  large  force  to 
the  aid  of  Caterina  while  her  uncle  Lodovico  lost  not  a  moment 
in  sending  further  reenforcements  from  Milan,  yet  it  is 
curious  that  Manfredi  of  Faenza  who  was  in  Florentine  pay 
would  not  let  him  pass  to  attack  the  conspirators  without 
Lorenzo's  permission  f. 

*  Ricordanze  di  Tribaldo  de'  Rossi,  p.  tcmporan-,  says  in  his  diary,  after  re- 

04i_Dei.  Erud.  Tosc,  torn,  xxiii.  lating  the  above  fact,  "i^or  <A€jt)rft?fn« 

— Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  1 82.  /  will  say  no  mover     "  Per  ora  7ion 

t  On  this  Tribaldo  de'  Rossi,  a  co-  dicho  altror      Evidently  intimating 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


463 


These  prompt  succours  soon  reduced  Forli  to  order  but  the 
conspirators  escaped  to  Siena:  Ottoviano  Riario  was  proclaimed 
lord  of  Forli  and  Imola;  Caterina  regent;  and  the  popes 
troops,  after  having  been  diminished  by  some  slaughter,  were 
exchanged  for  Riario's  children.  Not  long  after  this  Lorenzo 
succeeded  in  marrying  his  cousin  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  a  de- 
scendant of  Cosimo's  brother  Lorenzo  and  grandfather  of  the 
Grand  Duke  Cosimo  I.  to  this  same  Caterina  Sforza,  which 
made  Forli  and  Imola  in  a  manner  dependent  on  the  Medici. 
That  Lorenzo  had  sufficient  previous  knowledge  of  this  con- 
spiracy to  implicate  him  as  an  accomplice  seems  scarcely  pro- 
bable more  especially  as  his  son-in-law  Cibo  gained  nothing  by 
ii ;  but  that  it  was  confidently  believed  he  would  rejoice  in  th( 
event  the  following  letter  addressed  to  liim  from  Lodovico  an( 
Cecco  del  Orso,  two  of  the  conspirators,  affords  undoubtec] 
testimony  if  not  something  more ;  and  can  scarcely  be  takei 
as  exculpatory. 

•'  Our  most  Worshipful  and  Magnificent  Lorenzo.  We  art 
"  certain  that  ere  this  your  magnificence  will  have  been  in- 
'*  formed  of  the  death  of  this  iniquitous  and  cursed ;  I  will  not 
*•  say  '  lord  of  ours ;'  because  he  did  not  merit  to  be  so.  But 
*'  partly  to  perform  our  duty  although  we  could  not  before  do 
"  so,  it  seems  good  to  us,  considering  liis  presumptuous  rash- 
•'  uess  and  brutal  conduct  in  audaciouslv  wishinjr  to  imbrue  his 
"  hands  in  the  blood  of  ijour  magnificent  and  exalted  house^  to 
*'  inform  you  of  the  cruel  death  tee  have  justly  inflicted  on  him. 
"  Yom-  magnificence  is  probably  aware  how  this  tyrant  besides 
"  his  household  attendants  maintained  a  hundred  soldiers.  The 
*'  Almighty  so  inspired  us  that  braving  every  peril  however  great 
*'  we  were  firm  in  our  resolution  either  to  execute  what  we  have 
"  done  or  never  to  return.     For  considering  the  strong  guard 

that  he  could,  if  he  wished,  tell  some-  such  solemn  innuendos  are  always  to 

thing  more  on   the   subject.      (Vide  be    received  with  caution,    as    being 

Ricordanze,  Delizie    degli    Eniditi  frequently  mere  cloaks  for  pompous 

Toscanif  torn,  xxiii.,  p.  241).     Yet  ignorance  or  timid  malice. 


464 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[eook  1I« 


«( 


(( 


i( 


(C 


«i 


It 


*( 


(( 


t( 


that  this  miscreant  maintained,  and  we  not  being  more  than 
nine  persons  to  effectuate  what  was  contemplated,  we  con- 
sider it  rather  a  divine  than  human  work,  as  your  magni- 
ficence may  conjecture ;  because,  excepting  tliis  cursed  man 
and  another  like  himself,  not  a  drop  of  blood  has  been  spilt ; 
a  tiling  beyond  belief !  Nothing  can  be  better  disposed  or 
more  firmly  united  than  this  community.  We  wish  to  inform 
your  magnificence  of  all  these  things  because  you  have  been 
deeply  injured  and  we  are  certain  that  you  will  take  sbujular 
pleasure  in  them.  We  shall  never  be  able  to  inform  you  of  all 
his  doings,  yet  partly  to  declare  them,  know  then,  that  he  not 
only  hated  the  citizens,  but  utterly  disregarded  both  God  and 
the  saints :  he  was  a  blood-sucker  of  the  poor,  regardless  of 
his  word,  and  in  short  loved  nothing  but  himself.  He  had 
brought  this  town  to  the  extremity  of  need,  and  in  such  a  way 
that  even  our  very  breath  was  scarcely  left  to  us.  At  length 
it  has  pleased  the  omnipotent  God  to  liberate  our  people 
from  the  hand  of  this  Nero,  and  what  he  wished  to  do  with 
us  God  has  enabled  us  to  execute  first  on  the  tyrant's  own 
head,  because  he  would  no  longer  permit  such  malignity 
and  treachery  as  possessed  this  man.  For  his  evil  deeds, 
and  for  love  of  your  magnificence  of  wliom  we  are  the 
servants ;  and  for  the  good  of  the  republic,  and  for  our  pro- 
per interest  we  have  done  the  deed  and  liberated  this  our 
people  from  hell.  Wherefore  we  pray  your  magnificence 
that  in  this  our  necessity  you  will  lend  that  aid  and  favour 
that  we  hope  from  your  magnificence,  as  well  as  your  advice 
as  to  what  we  are  to  do  in  tliis  our  need,  otfering  ourselves 
to  your  magnificence  for  as  much  as  we  are  worth,  to  execute 
everything  it  may  please  you  to  command.  We  recommend 
ourselves  to  your  magnificence,  quce  bene  valeat.  And  to 
the  end  that  you  may  rest  satisfied  with  all  tins  we  will  con- 
sider how  this  cursed  race  may  never  more  take  root.  And 
as  regai'ds  the  citadels  we  hope  that  in  the  course  of  this  day 


CHAP.   V.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


465 


'•  we  shall  have  one,  and  besiege  the  other  so  as  to  force  it  to 
''  capitulate.     From  Forli  the  IDtli  day  of  April  148!^  "*. 

About  a  month  afterwards  a  scene  more  shocking  and  unna- 
tural occurred  at  Faenza  :  Galeotto  de'  Manfredi  lord  of  that 
city  was  married  to  the  daughter  of  Giovanni  l>eutivoglio  of 
Bolof^na,  but  her  first  aflection  was  shortly  changed  into  bitter- 
ness and  ultimate  detestation  by  his  illicit  amours  ;  or  as  some 
say,  histigated  by  her  father  who  at  (ialeottos  death  expected 
to  gain  possession  of  Lis  property  :  be  that  as  it  may,  her  mind 
was  worked  up  to  so  wild  a  pitch  that  the  most  dreadful  deeds 
were  desperately  resolved  upon.  Concealing  four  murderers  hi 
her  bedchamber  she  feigned  illtlispo^iliun  and  invited  Galeotto 
to  visit  her;  on  his  entrance  they  rushed  suddenly  from  their 
lair  and  after  a  hard  battle,  for  he  ^\a^  remarkable  for  strength 
and  activity,  would  have  l)een  ultimately  baffied  had  not  his  wife 
leaped  from  her  bed  and  plunged  a  sword  into  his  l»ody  during 
the  stiiiggle.  IkMitivoglio  who  still  occupied  Forli  flew  to  her 
assistance  with  the  Bolognese  and  Milanese  forces;  Francesca 
had  taken  refuge  with  her  son  in  the  citadel  where  the  people 
besieged  them :  for  the  latter,  >t range  to  say,  were  attached  to 
the  ^lanfredi,  and  exasperated  at  tlie  unnatural  murder  ;  and  all 
the  vassals  of  jManfredo  from  \'d\  diLamoiie  crowded  tumultu- 
ously  into  the  city  suspicious  of  lientivoglio  s  intentions,  and 
resolved  to  figlit  fu-  their  independence  :  a  conllict  accordingly 
took  place  in  which  Bergamino  the  ^Milanese  general  was  killed 
and  Bentivoglio  made  prisoner.  Antonio  Boscoli  the  Flo- 
rentine commissioner  at  ]\lanfredo"s  court  was  then  at  Faenza ; 
from  liim  the  citizens  instantly  demanded  protection  and 
Lorenzo,  already  alarmed  lest  Venice  or  ]\Iilan  should  possess 
themselves  of  this  state  listened  readily  to  their  prayer,  the 
more  so  because  Galeotto  had  before  been  disposed  to  part  with 
it  to  that  wily  rei)ublic,  which  would  have  brought  a  powerful 
and  dangerous  neighbour  conterminous  with  Florence. 


*  Roscoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo,  Appendix,  Lib.  xxi. 
A'OL.    in.  H  H 


466 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  u. 


All  her  disposable  forces  under  the  Count  of  Pitigliano 
immediately  moved  on  Faenza  and  arrested  the  march  of 
fifteen  thousand  Holognese  who  had  risen  to  deliver  their  chief 
from  captivity :  Bentivoglio  was  however  only  detained  as 
a  hostage  at  ]\Iodigliana  until  Lorenzo  settled  the  affairs  of 
Faenza,  for  Florence  as  well  as  the  1^'aentini,  was  suspicious  of 
his  intentions  about  that  city.  Eight  citizens  (.f  Faenza  ami 
eight  from  Val  di  Lamone  were  j»laced  in  iliarge  of  young 
Astorre  ^lanfredo  then  onlv  three  years  old  wliile  Franceses 
was  given  into  her  father  s  hands  ;  after  this  Bentivoglio  was 
relejised  and  recommended  to  meet  Lorenzo  at  his  villa  of 
Cafaggiolo  in  the  ^lugello  where  these  friendly  chieftain^ 
discussed  their  affairs  at  leisure  ;  but  the  tragedy  of  Faeuzu 
increased  Lorenzo's  power  and  influence  in  Ilomagna  t(^  a 
greater  extent  than  ever*. 

The  acts  of  Caterina  Sforza  and  Francesca  Bentivoglio  are 
two  impressive  examples  of  female  resolution  and  intensity  of 
feeling:  the  one  was  driven  by  unrequited  afTection,  real  ui 
imagined  injur}'  and  perhaps  some  paternal  influence,  to  an 
act  of  the  deepest  vengeance :  the  other  was  exalted  by  mis- 
fortune to  a  supernatural  heroism  :  the  husband  of  one  was  an 
odious  tyrant  pui-sued  by  the  curses  of  a  sufl'ering  people ;  that 
of  the  other  a  prince  beloved  by  his  subjects.  Caterina  risked 
some  of  her  chfldren's  lives  through  devotion  to  her  husband  s 
memory  and  the  duty  of  securing  his  inlieritauce  to  the  rest ; 
Francesca  with  her  own  hand  sacrificed  both  her  lord  and 
every  conjugal  duty  to  her  vindictive  jealousy  ;  yet  the  im- 
pulse of  intense  momentaiy  feeling  seems  to  have  been  the 
moving  principle  in  both,  and  a  rightly-maimged  Francesca 
might  have  equalled  or  even  sui-passed  a  Catharine. 

During  this  period  Genoa  became  the  sport  of  civil  war  and 
incessant  revolution.  An  alUance  between  Clara  Sforza,  natural 

•  Ammirato.  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  182.—  —Roscoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo,  chap,  viii., 
Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viii.— Muratori,  p. '228.— Michele  Biuto,  Storia  Fior., 
Annali. — Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  211.     Lib.  viii.,  p.  491. 


WW 


CJIAP.   v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


467 


daut^hter  of  Galeazzo-Maria  the  late  duke  of  Milan,  and  Fre- 
gosino  the  illegitimate  son  of  Cardinal  Paulo  Fregoso  the 
reigning  doge,  had  once  more  given  that  restless  connnonwealth 
into  Milanese  hands  :  this  excited  great  anger,  and  Ibletto 
and  Giovan-Luigi  de'  Fieschi  two  distinguished  brothers  con- 
spired to  dethrone  him :  after  a  succession  of  the  most  fierce 
and  destructive  combats  in  the  streets  of  Genoa,  Lodorico 
interfered  with  such  effect  as  to  place  Agostino  Adorno  in  the 
doge's  chair  with  the  title  of  ducal  lieutenant  for  ten  years  ;  and 
in  October  1488  Genoa  became  again  a  Milanese  dependancy. 
The  storms  of  Genoese  faction  violent  and  frequent  as  they 
were,  exceeded  not  the  continued  anarchy  of  Siena  from  the 
moment  that  Alphonso  removed  tlie  weight  of  Neapolitan  autho- 
rity :  exiles,  proscriptions,  violent  and  sanguinaiy  executions 
filled  the  annals  of  that  boisterous  republic ;  every  faction  and 
order  in  the  state  was  successively  abolished,  proscribed,  or 
pei'secuted,  and  at  every  new  revolution  there  were  fresh  mas- 
sacres. The  exiles,  no  longer  scattered  were  now  collected 
in  large  masses,  tlie  earlier  victims  of  anarchy  being  reconciled 
in  misfortune  with  the  very  men  who  liad  expelled  them  : 
they  comprised  all  denominations,  all  llietions,  orders,  and 
shades  of  politics,  and  agreed  to  fuse  every  hostile  feeling 
amongst  themselves  into  one  present  implacable  and  glowing 
indignation  against  their  counnon  enemy.  Treaties  of  oblivion 
and  amity  were  signed  by  different  knots  of  them  in  different 
countries,  various  attempts  were  sul)sequently  made  for  their 
own  restoration,  and  all  these  ended  successfully  in  1487. 
One  small  party  from  Staggia;  a  petty  fortress  on  the  Floren- 
tine frontier  made  a  bold  assault  and  got  into  Siena  more 
by  good  fortune  than  skill  and  seized  the  government ;  and  in 
this  enterprise  was  it  that  the  celebrated  Pandolfo  Petrucci  first 
began  to  take  that  lead  in  Senese  politics  which  ended  in  his 
long-continued  and  absolute  authority  *. 

*  Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  203.— Orlaii.  Malavolti,  Parte  iii%  Lib.  v°,  fol.  81-03. 

II  H  2 


468 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  k. 


CHAP,   v.] 


FLORENTINF.    HISTORY. 


469 


The  condition  of  these  two  republics  was  not  displeasing  to 
Lorenzo  who  made  alliances  with  hotli ;  a  neighbouring  ex 
ample  of  well-regulated  freedom  alarmed  him  more  than  eitlu  r 
anarchy  or  absolute  sovereignty,  for  tlie  former  was  unlikely 
to  excite  any  dangerous  feelings  amongst  the  industrious 
masses  of  Florentine  citizens,  and  the  latter  was  too  congenial 
to  his  own. 

In  the  gonfaloniership  of   Nero  Cambi   towards    the  end 
of  thib  year,  when  the  new  elections  were  to  take  idace,  it  was 
discovered  that  in  despite  of  the  usual  prohibition  to  quit  tlie 
city  during  this  period,  several  gonfaloniers  of  companies  were 
missing ;  and  as  without  a  certain  number  the  election  of  tlio 
Seignory  could  not  proceed  although  the  people  were  already 
assend)led,  all  Florence  was  thrown  into  disorder.    An  express 
was  promptly  despatched  for  Piero  Borghini,  one  of  that  body 
who  was  known  to  be  at  his  villa,  but  he  thinking  there  would 
be  enough  without  him  disregarded  the  order  until  a  second 
horseman  brought  him  up,  booted  and  spurred  as  he  was  and 
sp'laslied  with  dirt,   into  the   presence   of  the  Scignoiy  wlio 
insUmtly  punished  his  disobedience  by  admonition  from  every 
public  office  for  three  years.     On  the  same  occasion  three  other 
gonfoloniers  of  companies  were  also  admonislied  from  the  three 
higher  magistracies  for  being  absent  against  orders.     All  this 
seemed  a  veiy  just  and  natural  exercise  of  authority  in  the 
supreme  magistracy,  especially  as  tluy  had  previously  asked 
advice  from  the  *'  Otto  di  Pratica,"  a  council  of  high  authority, 
which  had  left  the  whole  matter  to  their  own  discretion.     But 
when  the  new  Seignory  assumed  their  functions  it  was  declared 
extremely  presuwptuous  that  ivitliont  the  jtarticipation 
of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  *' prince  of  the  f/t)vernment :' 
who    was  then    amusing    himself   at    Pisa ;    such  an    exer- 
cise of  authority  should  have  taken  place.     Complaints  were 
accordingly  made  to  him  by  the  sufferers  and  their  friends ;  and 
he  listening  to  one  statement  alone  peremptorily  commanded 


i. 


the  "  Otto  di  Pratica"  and  the  Senate  of  Seventy  not  only  to 
reverse  the  sentence,  but  to  admonish  tlie  gonfalonier  Nero 
Cambi  from  all  his  rights  of  citizenship  for  having  passed  it ! 
Such  was  Lorenzo's  power,  and  such  his  jealousy  of  the 
slightest  shadow  of  independence  in  the  public  actions  of  his 
fellow-citizens  !  For  independent  of  other  things  the  punish- 
Tiient  of  Nero  Cambi  was  in  direct  violation  of  every  privilege 
of  the  Seignory  who  were  responsible  for  nothing  but  pecula- 
tion after  their  official  dignity  had  ceased  -. 

From  this  period  until  the  death  of  Lorenzo  Italy  remained 
at  peace  and  little  of  any  moment  occurred  at  Florence;  his 
power  augmented  daily,  and  like  a  deep  and  rapid  stre:nn 
looked  clear  and  smooth  and  beautiful  until  crossed  by  some 
obstacle ;  then  its  force  mounted  up  and  swept  everything  vio- 
lently away.  Nor  was  it  alone  in  Florence  tluit  its  strength  and 
volume  were  felt ;  Lorenzo's  true  object  luid  interest  like  Fer- 
dinand's was  peace  and  they  h(d(l  the  balance  in  their  hand  : 
the  unquiet  nature  of  Al[)liouso  was  doubtful  and  dangerous, 
but  Lorenzo  ruled  the  unextinct  energitv-  of  a  powtn-ful  republic 
with  the  decision  and  unity  of  an  al)solute  monarch  and  would 
allow  no  seeds  of  discord  to  be  sown  without  an  instantaneous 
effort  to  destroy:  he  influenced  all  the  smaller  states,  and 
the  vast  weight  of  Florence  cast  on  the  side  of  one  or  other  of 
the  greater  was  never  without  its  consequences.  Disputes  for 
instance  occurred  this  year  between  L(»dovico  Sforza  and  Al- 
phonso  of  Calabria  about  the  formers  virtually  usuri)ing  the 
whole  sovereign  authority  of  ^lilan  from  his  nephew:  and 
these,  partly  by  persuasion,  and  partly  by  threats  of  placing 
himself  on  the  side  of  the  injuriul  party.  Lorenzo  settled  as 
he  did  most  others;  for  he  was  well  convinced  that  nothing 
would  prove  more  dangerous  to  his  own  :uithoiity  than  any 
increase   of  power  in  either   of  these   potentates.     By  such 

*  Gio.  Cambi,  Stt>iia,  Fior.  Del.  Kr.  Tos.,  Unu.  xxi..  \\  3!).— Auimirato,  Lib. 
26,  p.  183. 


470 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[UOOK   II. 


judicious  management  he  maintained  tlie  peace  of  Italy,  well 
knowing,  that  no  ties,  whether  of  relationship,  or  ohligation,  or 
personal  attachment  would  ever  have  tlie  benelicial  effects  that 
are  produced  hy  fear  on  sovereign  princes  --. 

If  Cosimo  purchased  the  liberties  of  I'lorence  Lorenzo  re- 
ceived back  the  money  with  interest,  not  in  power 
alone  but  in  gold  and  silver :  under  the  gonlalonier- 
sliip  of  riero  Alamanni  in  July  and  xVugiist  1  IDO  the  disorder 
of  his  finances  had  become  so  great  as  to  make  a  fresh  grant  of 
public  money  absolutely  necessary  to  restore  them,  and  in  tlie 
year  1401,  other  fraudulent  means  were  adopted  to  make  up 
the  deficiency.  His  extensive  commercial  establishments  were 
necessarily  left  in  the  hands  of  agents  who  pulled  up  with  the 
importiince  of  their  master's  name,  squandered  his  substance 
while  they  neglected  his  atTairs  :  from  the  beginning  his  credit 
had  been  sustained  by  occasional  grants  of  public  uiuiuy  to  a 
large  amount ;  but  now  the  evil  was  so  alarmingly  increased 
that  a  \iolent  effort  of  the  commonwealth  beeame  necessaiy  to 
remove  it,  and  that  effort  no  less  than  puldic  bankruptcy.' 
On  the  thirteenth  of  August  141)0,  a  Balia  of  seventeen  mem 
bei-s  with  the  full  powers  of  the  whole  Florentine  nation  was 
created  to  examine  the  condition  of  the  coinage,  the  state  of 
the  various  "  Gahellc,''  and  the  public  tiuanees  as  connected 
with  the  private  necessities  of  Lorenzo  ;  to  ascertain  also  what 
was  spent  on  the  occasion  of  making  his  son  a  cardinal,  whicli 
with  subsequent  donations  amounted  to  r)(M)OU  florins.  The 
disorder  both  of  the  public  revenues,  and  the  private  resources 
of  the  Medici  was  extreme,  the  former  having  even  been  anti- 
cipated and  spent  by  his  own  and  his  agents'  extravagance  :  the 
portions  of  young  women,  already  mentioned  as  forming  a  public 
stock  based  on  national  faith  and  moral  integrity  were  the  first 
and  greatest  sufferei-s ;  this  branch  of  the  public  debt  whicli 
previously  paid  three  per  cent,  per  annum  was  at  once  reduced 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  184. — Jacopo  Pitli,  Lib.  i",  p.  26. 


CHAP.   V.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


471 


by  the  authority  of  the  commission  to  half  that  interest ;  and 
the  instantaneous  fall  of  public  credit  reduced  the  "  Luofjhi 
di  Monte,''  or  shares  of  a  hundred  florins  of  public  stock,  from 
twenty-seven  to  eleven  and  a  half!  The  young  women  who 
married  were  allowed  a  sufficient  sum  from  their  portions  to 
pay  the  contract  duty,  which  of  course  immediately  returned  to 
the  treasury  :  the  remainder  was  reserved,  and  a  payment  of 
seven  per  cent,  promised  at  the  end  of  twenty  years  ! 

One  consequence  of  this  was  Ji  sudden  check  to  marriage ; 
and  when  the  portions  were  invested  in  public  securities  dowers 
of  fifteen  hundred,  eighteen  hundred,  and  even  two  thousand 
florins  were  given  by  parties  of  equal  rank  to  make  up  the 
deficiency  between  real  and  nominal  portions  where  eleven 
hundred'  had  previously  served.  There  were  consequently 
few  marriages  except  those  accomplished  by  force  of  reiuly 
money,    and  even    for    these    Lorenzo's    permission    became 

necessary' ! 

"  Now,"  says  (iiovanni  Cauibi,  with  all  the  indignation  that 
might  be  expected  from  the  sou  of  the  persecuted  Neri,  "  now 
"  let  all  reflect  on  what  it  is  to  set  up  tyrants  in  the  city  and 
"  create  Balias,  and  assemble  pariiaments  *."     The  depreciated 
curreiiiies  of  Siena,  Lucca,  and  I^ologna  affected  that  ^  ^  ^^^j 
of  Florence,  so  that  to  keep  the  silver  coin  in  the 
country  it  was  in  like  manner  depreciated  :  this  measure  was 
considered  fair  and  necessary  at  the  moment  by  many;  but  for 
the  people's  quiet,  who  first  and  most  sensibly  feel  sucli  evils 
and  who  now  justly  began  to  murmur  ;  it  was  announced  as  a 
measure  for  enabling  government  to  pay  those  marriage  por 
tions  which  had  been  stopped  the  previous  year.     The  public 
for  a  season  appear  to  have  acquiesced  in  this,  not  immediately 
perceiving  that  they  were  paying  Lorenzo  de'  Medici's  debts  ; 
but  when  this  new  money,  called  the  "  Quattrino  bianco''  was 
issued  at  one-fifth  more  than  its  real  value  and  not  taken  by 


*   Gio.  Cambi,  Del.  Erud.  Tos.,  torn,  xxi.,  p.  54. 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


[cook  !I. 


the  treasury  for  more  than  its  actual  worth,  the  citizens  saw 
plainly  that  they  were  defrauded  and  that  every  species  of  tax- 
ation was  A-irtually  augmented  by  it  to  that  amount,  whereupon 
a  deep  murmur  of  indignation  pervaded  tlie  community.  Their 
anger  was  vain  ;  Lorenzo's  private  necessities  required  tlie 
sacrifice  and  his  power  enforced  it !  Thus  was  this  despot's 
fortune  and  mercantile  credit  reestablished  at  the  expense  of 
his  country  more  especially  of  his  poorer  fellow-citizens  =- 
but  after  these  cruel  and  scandalous  i)r( mcc, linos  it  is  falselv 
said  by  Macchiavelli  and  other  historians  tli;it  he  abandoned 
all  commercial  enterprise,  ch)sed  his  estabhshments,  and  ex- 
pended his  ill-gotten  cajntal  in  the  purchase  (.f  land  and  the 
pui-suits  of  agriculture  f . 

When  Innocent  VIII.  made  Giovimni  de' Medici  a  cardinal 

A.n.  14JJ2.  ^^*®  *^^^  ^^y  ^^^  comi^leted  the  age  of  fourteen,  being 
rather  ashamed  of  his  work  he  accomi)anied  this 
honour  by  a  stii)ulati()n  that  the  hat  was  not  to  be  worn  for  thror 
years.  That  time  had  now  elapsed,  Innocent  sent  the  long- 
desired  insignia  and  thus  prepared  the  way  tor  a  pontificate 
which  encouraged  Italian  genius,  and  estahlishe<l  Medician 
grandeur.  The  ceremony  of  assuming  this  hat  was  performed 
with  great  pomp  on  the  tenth  of  March  1  111-^,  and  on  the  ninth 
of  the  following  April  Lorenzo  breathed  his  last  at  Careggi  in 
the  forty-fourth  year  of  his  age  ;. 


*  Gio.  Canil.i,  Del.  Ennl.  Tos.,  torn. 
xxi.,pp.  60-Gl. — Amiiiir:ito,Lil).xxvi., 
p.  18.5.— Sisniondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  -23.5. 
— Ricordanze  di  Trtbaldi  de  Rossi, 
toni.  xxiii.,  p.  '277.— Del.  P:rud.  Tos- 
rani. 

t  This  ciTor  is  proved  not  only  by 
fiuicciardini  (Lib.  i.,  p.  65)  but  niorc 
ronrlusively  by  three  original  docu- 
ments, of  their  bank  at  Lyon.  One 
dated  I47f{,  in  the  n.imes  of  Lorenzo, 
frlultano,andSamt(i;  anotherin  1 48.5, 
with  Lorenzo's  name  alone  of  the  .Me- 
dici ;  and  a  tliird.  the  most  important, 


in  1404  on  the  '27th  Manh,  only  a 
short  time  In  ;>iv  Picro's  fall,  in  his 
own  and  his  near  kiti<nian  Lorenzo 
Tornabwoni's  name.  (Xule  Doruincjiti 
di  Sforia]  Italia na,  v-d.  i",  ]>.  18,  No. 
III.)  A  valuable  piibliratioii  by  the 
learned,ent('rpiisino;,  ;,iid  indefatigable 
Giuseppi  Afolini  of  FloRine.  from  the 
original  MSS.  in  the  Roval  Library  at 
Paris,  with  >hort,  cleiir,  and  eharac- 
teristie  notes  by  the  able  and  learned 
Marchcse  Gino  Capponi,  a  worthy  re- 
presentative of  a  great  name. 
X  Such  an  event  as  Lorenzo's  death 


nur.  v.] 


FLORENTINE    IIISTOKV 


473 


On  his  deathbed  Lorenzo  is  said  to  have  sent  for  Girolamo 
Savonarola,  (wliom  he  had  always  unsuccessfully  courted),  to 
confess  and  grant  him  absolution.  The  monk  first  demanded 
whether  he  placed  entire  iiiith  in  the  mercy  of  God  ?  and  was 
answered  in  the  affirmative.  He  next  asked  if  Lorenzo  were 
ready  to  surrender  all  tlie  wealth  which  he  had  wrongfully 
acquired '?  And  this,  after  some  hesitation  was  also  answered 
in  the  affirmative.  The  third  question  was  if  he  would  reesta- 
blish popular  government  and  restore  puVdic  liberty?  but  to 
this  he  would  give  no  answer,  or  according  to  others  gave  a 
decided  negative  ;  ui)on  which  the  uncompromising  churchman 
quitted  him  without  bestowing  absolution-. 

This  anecdote  is  contemptuously  treated  by  lloscoe  as  only 
worthy  of  being  noticed  for  the  sake  of  confutation :  but  he  does 
not  confute  it ;  and  besides  its  insertion  hi  the  Life  of  Savona- 
rola by  the  nephew  of  Loreiiz(»"s  great  friend  and  companion  Pico 
della  Mirandola,  it  is  in  keephig  with  the  character  of  both  men. 
The  character  of  Lorenzo  de"  Medici  has  been  so  fre(piently  and 
so  variously  drawn  that  it  becomes  as  difficult  to  know  where  to 
arrest  the  praises  of  his  eulogists  as  the  censure  of  his  detrac- 
tors. He,  like  every  other  celebrated  man  of  a  distant  age  and 
countrv,  mu^t  be  judged  with  full  allowance  for  the  maimers 
and  customs  of  the  time,  the  force  of  habit,  education,  and  cir- 
cumstances, the  prevailing  ideas  and  opinions,  and  the  definition 
of  ri^ht  and  wrong  as  they  were  then  generally  understood  and 
admitted.  lievenge  tmd  ambhion  were  in  those  days  pasMons 
universally  allowed  to  be  not  only  justifiable  but  honourable  and 
necessary,  and  human  life  of  little  comparative  value  :  nay  a 
skilfully  executed  voiigeanco  ( ven  unto  death  was  esteemed  a 

might  be  sup]>osed  to  have  been  cor-  pie,  insulated,  and  notorious  a  fliet !  I 
reedy  recorded  in  Florence.  Yet  it  have  foll(»wed  Giovanni  Cambi  because 
is  variously  given  bv  dilferetit  authors  his  attention  was  esi.eciully  called  to  the 
(three  of'  them  cotemi)()raries)  us  date  from  his  superstition  about  prog- 
having  occurred  on  the  oth,  7tli,  i5th,  nostics.  (Tide  G.  Cambi,  pp.  ^^-(il)-) 
and  9th  of  April !  So  difficult  is  it  to  *  Storia  di  Gir.  Savonarolo^da  Ferrara, 
discover  the  truth  even  about  so  sim-  p.  32,  iv"  Edit.  Livorno,  1782. 


474 


FLORENTINE   HISTOUY. 


[book  ii. 


proof  of  boldness  and  skill  and  called  forth  the  approbation 
rather  than  the  abhorrence  of  society :  to  a  certain  point  it  sup- 
plied the  place  of  modern  duelling,  yet  with  this  marked  differ- 
ence, that  it  was  used  to  vindicate  real  injuries,  not  mere  verbal 
insults.     But  if  life  were  held  thus  cheap,  liberty  and  property 
were  still  more  lightly  considered  in  the  opinion  and  triumph 
of  a  successful  faction.    Taking  such  things  into  the  account  it  is 
probable  that  Lorenzo  was  neither  the  sanguinary  usurper  of  Sis- 
mondi  nor  the  perfection  of  human  nature  and  model  of  princes 
that  Roscoe  would  wish  us  to  believe.     His  most  sanmiinan' 
act  was  allowing  a  massacre  on  his  own  personal  account  to 
continue  for  upwards  of  four  days  when  he  had  the  power  to 
arrest  it ;  and  that  alone  may  be  deemed  sufficient  to  justify 
Sismondi's  strictures.     But  something  even  on  this  head  may 
be  said  for  a  man  who  had  just  seen  his  only  brother  stabbed 
to  the  heart,  himself  wounded,  and  with  dillicultv  saved ;  who 
knew  that  his  own  and  his  family's  ruin  was  determined  ;  who 
was  uncertain  of  the  extent  of  the  conspiracy ;  and  w  ho  excused 
such  vengeance  in  some  degree  to  his  own  conscience  by  the 
delusive  idea  of  having  left  his  cause  in  the  people's  hands. 
Sismondi  records  a  number  of  events  which  he  thinks  are  suffi- 
cient to  justify  the  epithet  of  sanguinary  executions,  but  whicli 
cannot  all  be  fairly  charged  against  Lorenzo  in  that  odious  sig- 
nification. The  banishment  of  hostile  citizens  under  his  father's 
direction  in  1460  at  eighteen  years  of  age  when  treating  witli 
Luca  Pitti  can  hardly  be  laid  to  his  charge  and  was  after  all 
a  mere  following  up  of  the  usual  Florentine  course  after  the 
suppression  of  a  most  dangerous  conspiracy.    The  death  of  Papi 
Orlandis  son  in  1408  for  an  attempt  to  betray  Tescia  was  also 
during  his  father's  life  and  perfectly  justifiable,  inasmuch  as  the 
conspiring  to  deliver  a  fortified  town  into  the  hands  of  rebels 
and  enemies  is  treason  against  the  country  whoever  may  be 
its  ruler*.     The  attempts  on  Castelonchio  and  Prato  were 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxiii.,  pp.  100-110. 


ClIAP.   v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


475 


for  the  same  reason  justifiably  punished  ;  and  the  pillage  and 
consequent  massacre  at  A^oUerra  was  one  of  those  unlucky 
accidents  that  war  is  subject  to,  but  tlicn  more  especially  so 
from  the  difliculty  of  restraining  an  undisciplined  army  of  mer- 
cenaries-. It  was  never  intended  by  the  commander  nor  does 
it  appear  that  Lorenzo  was  even  present  wlicn  it  occurred. 
The  death  of  some  Florentine  exiles  at  San  (^lirico  in  J 485, 
w:is  merely  a  conflict  of  civil  war  of  so  trifling  a  nature  as  not 
to  be  considered  worthy  of  notice  in  the  foregoing  hislory  ;  and 
the  letter  written  to  Elena  Orsini  Countess  of  Soana  and  (Juido 
Sforza  Count  of  Santa  Fiore,  to  remove  the  Sencse  exik^s  wlio 
had  encamped  round  Saturnia  in  1181^  is  of  a  simihir  clunactcr, 
but  belongs  almost  exclusively  to  the  Senf^sc  history |.  The 
reason  why  Sismondi  calls  them  Florentines  is  not  more  easy  to 
conjecture  than  that  of  his  garbled  extract  from  Lionardo  ]\lorelli 
which  relates  entirely  to  the  came  of  Vol  terra's  revolt  and  the 
l)loodshed whicli  followed  it  iimomjM  thrpfojilc  thrmsclrcs^hni  not 
to  the  military  massacre,  as  he  woidd  wish  to  make  it  appear  J. 
That  the  ]\ledici  purchased  the  liberties  of  their  country  is 


♦  L.  Morclli,  pp.  180-189. 
+  Ainiiiirato's  uoids  arc,  "  l''ii  srritto 
a  I-Ilciia  Orsina  Contrssa  <li  Soana  e  a 
ruiido  Sfniza  Coute  di  Santafioic,  clic 
cspondo  loro  vicini  s'  iiiiicgnapscro  ic- 
rarsdi  diuairzi.'"  Ami  Sismondi  tnkt-s 
this  last  pliiasc  as  meaning  to  dcsputrli 
tlicm.  This  is  certainly  one  of  ItB 
sijjnifications  ;  Init  it  also  means  to  re- 
move tlicm  from  the  jdace  tliey  oci  n- 
pied,  and  in  this  sense  is  evidently 
intcndcil  bv  Ammirato;  beennsc  they 
were  mncli  too  numerous  and  well 
armeil  for  murder,  lieinp  the  remains 
of  a  strontj  body  of  Hencse  exiles 
wlio.sc  dislodpement  would  **  do  [p'vtU 
itrrvicc  to  the  hafjuc  and  Uvrjit 
their  own  tcirifor]/.""  Hut  the  his- 
torian adds,  "  tluy  dispersed  of  them- 
selves^ not  harimj  rcsourees.'"  (Am., 
Lib.  XXV.,  p  l/ill.)  iMorelli's  words 
arc  "  Addi  26  d'  Aprilc  1472,  o'  Vol- 


terrani  si  rubellorono  da'  J'^iorentini 
per  eerto  fdepno  tli  rajjionc  di  Allumi, 
elic  per  inven/.ione  si  trovo  no'  loro 
tcrreni.  Mpli  nrieno  volnto  1'  utile  in 
eomuno  loro,  ehe  venno  in  privati  eil- 
tndini  qui  dclla  eitti\  ;  dove  chc  nc 
sepui  della  term  loro,  morlc  d'  uoniini. 
Snrehbe  lunr/o  il  dire  dcUc  cose;  e 
perd  e  hen  taeere.  (^ui  si  fete  xx. 
uomini  di  guerru,  c  presono  per  Capi- 
tano,  rl  Conte  tl'  Trbino,  c  nnindovisi 
cl  Campo,  c  a  di  l(j  di  (iiugno  1472, 
si  riebbc,  c  nndi)  a  faeco  ;  c  dice  chc 
c*  Hanese  ri  furono  molti  mnlcsta,  c 
chc  ehhono  il  eambio,  per  la  eavalrata 
del  C'tmto  t'arlo  da  Montona  C\)itano 
di  Volterra,iScr\  (p. !»!).) 
X  Ammirato,  liib. xxv.,  p.l^n. — M.ila- 
volti,  I^il>.  v.,  folio  JIU. — Sismondi,  vol. 
viii.,  cap.  xc.,  p.  250,  note. — Lionardo 
Morclli,  p.  lUi). 


476 


FLOIlENTINi:    IIISTOUY. 


[nooK  II. 


undoubted,  and  tlmt   the  majority  were  willing  to  dispose  of 
them  is  equally  true  ;  that  the  pinchase-monoy  was  repaid  with 
interest  is  not  to  be  denied,  and  that  Lorenzo  put  no  bounds 
to  his  ambitious  love  of  dominion  will  be  universally  admitted 
by  the  readers  of  Florentine  history.     His  great  object  was 
himself  and  the  aj^grandisement  of  his  family  ;  and  to  these  as 
far  as  he  was  able  he  made  everything  subservient,  from  the 
general  politics  of  Italy  to  the  domestic  government  of  Florence. 
So  great  was  his  reputation  that  both  the  king  of  Naples  and 
Lodovico  of  Milan  feared  his  power,  not  alone,  but  as  inchn- 
iug  the  balance  towards  an  adversaiy,  and  ho  has  gencriilly 
been  considered  as  tlie  guardian  of  Italian  tranquillity*.     It 
was  his  interest  to  be  so,  because  war  was  costly  and  augmented 
discontent ;  it  was  perilous  and  encouraged  rebellion,  and  every 
hour  of  peace  consolidated  more  and  more  the  weight  of  his 
personal  authority.    His  iidluence  with  Lodovico  and  his  general 
foresight  might  probably  have  preserved  peace  for  a  season  ; 
but  whether  he  would  have  been  able  to  avoid  the  wars  that 
arose  at  his  death  is  problematical,  for  they  sprang  from  other 
causes  over  wbich  he  had  no  control  and  which  were  not  ready 
for  action  while  he  ruled  Florence.     Certainly  no  prince  or 
citizen,  not  even  Cosimo,  had  more  inlluence  or  reputation  in 
Italy.    To  two  things  he  is  supposed  prhjcipally  to  have  directed 
his  most  earnest  attention  ;  namely  to  preserve  such  an  equality 
amongst  the  mass  of  iuiluential  citizens  that  neither  in  private 
fortune  nor  public  power  any  single  individual  should  become 
formidable ;  while  he  at  the  same  time  endeavoured  by  cveiy 
outward  mark  of  moderation,  familiarity,  and  respri^t,  as  well  as 
by  equity  in  the  adnnnistration  of  justice  (no  political  object 
intervening)  to  disarm  jealousy  and  gain  public  favour.     The 
second  was  that  the  petty  states  of  Tuscany  allied  to  Florence 
should  be  mainUiined  in  linn  union  with  each  other  so  as  to 
oppose  a  steady  front  to  greater  and  more  distant  potentates : 

•  Aunnirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  187. — Gio.  Caiul)i,  p.  C7. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


477 


by  such  policy  he  doubled  the  power  of  his  country  and  made 
her  formidable  to  all  her  neighbours  as  a  defensive  state,  and 
in  this  way  by  wielding  with  skilful  and  steady  hand  the  ener- 
gies of  Morence  without  molesting  any,  he  hoped  if  life  had 
lasted  to  unite  under  his  own  single  influence  the  states  of 
Lucca,  Siena,  Perugia,  Bologna,  Citta  di  Castello  and  all  the 
lords  of  l!oiiiagna,  so  as  to  form  a  powerful  confederacy  against 
any  violence.  On  the  Genoese  frontier  he  was  saf(\  because 
independent  oi  that  republic's  lost  hidependence,  the  possession 
of  Sarzaua,  Sar/anella,  and  Pietra  Santa  prevented  any  appre- 
hensions: against  danger  on  the  Bolognese  side  he  had  strength- 
ened Fircnzuola  in  the  Apennines ;  and  Siena  was  kept  at 
bay  by  the  newly  restored  fortress  of  Poggio  Imperiale,  now 
Poj]f<^il!onzi'''^ 

Lorcn/o  spent  large  sums  of  money  in  continually-recurring 
games  and  festivals  which  were  freely  and  politically  given  to  the 
people  ;  and  as  they  were  arranged  and  conducted  by  the  first 
artists  and  literary  men  of  tlie  day  they  gradually  reiined  the 
public  taste  and  inspired  a  relish  for  something  beyond  the 
mere  buflVxjnery  of  a  connnon  crowd  :  tournaments  were  not 
unfrecpient,  and  all  the  public  games  partook  of  a  classical,  mag- 
nificent, and  manly  character.  His  patronage  of  literature  and 
the  arts  need  not  be  here  spoken  of ;  his  own  talents  were  uni- 
versal and  powerful,  and  nnisic  painting,  poetry,  sculpture  and 
architecture  had  no  better  judge  or  patron  than  Lorenzo.  His 
mode  of  life  at  home  was  simple  and  frugal  as  was  still  the 
general  custom;  in  public  he  was  grand  and  magnificent: 
whenever  he  left  his  house  he  was  attended  by  ten  servants  with 
cloaks  and  swords  as  a  guard,  and  after  the  Pazzi  conspiracy  he 
for  three  years  was  acconq^anied  by  four  armed  citizens  besides 
the  twelve  guards  that  were  decreed  to  him  by  the  republic  f . 
In  discussion  he  was  acute  and  eloquent ;  wise  and  pradent 
in  resolve  and  rapid  in  execution.     He  delighted  in  men  of  a 

*  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viii.— Briito,Lib.  viii.,  p.  495.     f  Gio.  Cainbi,  pp.  65-7. 


Tf^Hiff'' 


478 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


biting  and  satirical  turn,  and  loved  all  boyish  sports  and 
amusements  to  a  degree  that  alarmed  the  gravity  of  more 
formal  statesmen.  He  ^vas  often  found  romping  with  his  cliil 
dren  and  mixing  in  all  their  games  ;  so  that,  says  ^[actliiavilli 
who  probably  knew  him  personally,  "  When  we  consider  iLl 
light  and  careless,  the  grave  and  considerate,  tlie  free  and  vti- 
luptuous  life  of  this  man,  two  different  beings  united  in  almost 
impossible  conjunction  were  distinctly  perceptible." 

A  sudden  peal  of  thunder  and  flash  of  liglitning  without  rain 
in  the  clear  and  starliglit  night  of  tli.^  sixth  of  April  140-^, 
startled  the  inhabitants  of  Florence;  and  their  superetition 
was  fui'ther  excited  next  morning  when  it  was  known  that  the 
lantern  of  the  Duomo  had  been  struck  wnth  terrific  force  and 
the  fall  of  a  marble  block  of  three  thousand  pounds  weiglit 
which  breaking  through  the  solid  cupola  like  paper  destroyed 
the  banner  of  the  ]Medici  in  its  course  and  fell  on  the  i)avement 
without  a  fracture.  Lorenzo  liaving  for  some  time  previous 
been  confined  at  Careggi  in  great  suffering  tliis  event  was 
rceived  as  a  sure  prognostic  of  his  death  *. 

He  was  attended  in  his  last  moments  by  Piero  Leoni  a  cele- 
brated physician  of  the  day,  and,  says  (iiovanni  Cand)i,  "The 
night  that  Lorenzo  died  two  voung  citizens  of  his  satelhtes 
took  Leoni  to  a  little  distance  from  the  place  by  night  and  as 
is  reported  cast  him  into  a  well  which  was  a  great  pity ;  after- 
wards it  was  said  that  he  had  thrown  himself  down  in  a  lit  of 
despair.  God  pardon  them."  There  seems  to  be  still  some 
doubt  of  the  real  author  of  Piero  Leoni's  death,  and  Lorenzo's 
eldest  son  Piero  de'  Medici  has  not  c>i:ip»d  suspicion  though 
Trebaldo  de'  Ptossi  denies  it,  and  asserts  that  Leoni  committed 
suicide  f . 

Lorenzo  left  three  sons  ;  Piero  the  eldest  married  Alfonsina 


*  Gio.  Cambi,  torn,  xxi.,  p.  63,   Del.  f  Ricordanzc  tli  Tiib.  de  Rossi,  torn. 

Er.  Tos. — Ricordaiize  di  Tribaldo  de'  xxiii.,  pp.  275,  27'',   Del.   Kru.  Tos- 

Rossi,  Del.  degli  Eru.  Toscan.,  torn.  cani. — Ammirato,   Mb.  xxvi.,  p.  \IG. 

xxxiii.,  p.  274.  — Gio.  Cambi,  p.  61. 


CHAP,  v.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


479 


Orsino ;  Giovanni,  afterwards  Leo  X.  and  Giuliano  who  was 
a  child  when  his  fother  died.  His  eldest  daughter  Lucre- 
zia  married  Jacopo  Salviati,  another,  Maddalena,  became  the 
wife  of  Franceschetto  Cibo.  A  third,  Contessina,  was  united 
to  Piero  Ilidolfi,  and  a  fourth  Luisa,  who  married  her  cousin 
Giovanni  de'  Medici,  died  early  ='-.  "  Piero,"  exclaims  Cambi, 
*'  was  guilty  of  every  vice,  wherefore  we  may  hope  that  by  the 
grace  of  God,  the  city  will  soon  be  free  from  tyrants ;  for  the 
citizens  are  aware  of  their  error  '"  f. 


CoTEMPORARY  MoNARCHs. —  England:  Edward  IV.  to  1483,  then  Edward 
V.  for  scarcely  three  mouths,  then  Richard  111.  until  1485,  then  Henry  VII. 
— Scotland:  James  III.  until  1487,  tlien  James  IV. — France:  Louis  XI. 
until  1483,  then  Charles  VIIl.  — Naples  :  Ferdinand.  —  Spain:  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella. — Conquest  of  Granada,  I4ir_\-— German  Emperor,  Frederic  III. 
— Burgundy  :  Maria  until  1482,  then  Piiilip. — Pope,  Sixtus  until  1484,  then 
Innocent  VHI. — Ottoman  Empire:  Muhumet  II.  until  1481,  then  Bayezid 
or  Baja/et  II.  who  was  the  first  Sultan  inclined  to  peace. 


*  Macchiavelli,  Lib.  viii. 
t  The  histories  of  both  Maccliiavelli 
and  Bruto  terminate  with  the  death  of 
Lorenzo  ;  but  the  works  of  Macchia- 
velli in  various  ways  continue  the  his- 
tory of  his  time.  Bruto  is  no  great 
loss,  and  seems  overrated  as  an  his- 
torian ;  he  draws  from  few  sources,  is 
prejudiced,  and   not  to  be   trusted  in 


his  abuse  of  the  ^ledici  without  the 
authority  of  others.  Living  much 
witli  tiic  Florentine  refugees  at  Lyon, 
he  imbibed  their  passions  prejudices 
and  party  sjtirit  as  is  said,  and  thus 
tainted  his  writings.  He  lived  from 
1513  to  1594.  Macchiavelli  from 
about  1469  to  15-26. 


4S0 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book    [1. 


CIlArTEK   VI. 


FROM    A.D.     1492    TO    A.D.     I4  9S. 


AJK  U!)2. 


The  dentil  of  I^oreiizo  de'  Medici  forms  an  important  epoch 
m  Italian  bistorv,  for  from  tliat  time  forth  a  dark  and  aiifTjrv 
torrent  drove  furiously  down  on  the  Peninsula  until 

ft' 

every  vestige  and  even  the  verv  n.iinc  of  independence 
was  swept  into  oblivion.  It  may  he  said  tliat  Venice  alone 
escaped;  for  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  Konic  was  distracted 
and  controlled  by  the  great  transalpine^  irinnarclii' >  :  yrt  just 
before,  excepthij:?  some  remains  of  hostility  bctwotn  I'lorenc 
and  Genoa  wliich  were  speedily  obliteratt  ^l,  all  Italy  was  in 
profound  repose-'-';  she  was  niled  more  orles^  widely  by  Itnlini! 
princes,  unshackhMl  by  strangers,  guarded  by  native  soldiers, 
and  collected  within  her  own  natural  limits  4.  She  is  descril*ed 
at  this  epoch  as  abounding  in  riches,  population,  and  commerce  ; 
as  studded  with  splendid  cities,  each  the  gHttc ring  ca[dtal  of  a 
small  principality  or  the  metropolis  of  a  j'-u.  rfid  state;  as  the 
temple  of  religion  ;  the  seat  of  arts  and  >Lj<;in.f  :  the  academy 
of  literature  ;  the  school  of  philosophy  ;  and  the  bower  of  taste 
and  retinement ;  and  had  her  morality  only  kept  pace  with  her 
intellect  she  would  have  proved  ti  glorious  example  to  the 
world.  Yet  the  melancholv  fact  is  nowhere  more  visible  than 
in  Italian  history,  of  the  slight  influence,  independent  of  re- 
ligion, which  is  exercised  over  our  moral  nature  by  the  single 

*   Home  it    appears   that    Genoa,   as  these  still  rcinaininir  hostilities  wt-ic 

before,  >till  retained  a  certain  power  of  terminated   by  the   uuJiatiou    of    Lo- 

independeiit  action  which  her  subjec-  dovico. 

lion  to   Milan  did  not    destroy  ;  and  f  Ainmirato,  Lib.  x.wi.,  p.  187. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    niSTORT. 


481 


force  of  learning,  refinement,  and  intellectual  cultivation  :  some 
of  the  very  men  avIio  are  most  execrated  for  their  w^anton 
cruelty,  tyranny,  and  unscrupulous  licentiousness,  are  to  be 
found  amongst  the  greatest  patrons  and  lovers  of  those  arts  and 
sciences  which  are  supposed  to  soften  and  civilise  mankind. 

Many  causes  at  this  time  united  to  produce  and  preserve 
Italian  tranquillity ;  dynasties  had  been  changed  or  separated 
from  ancient  connections,  states  had  lost  their  liberty;  the 
fiercer  pontiffs  had  ])ast  away,  and  long  wars  had  exhausted 
the  Peninsula;  but  gener;d  opinion  mainly  attributed  it  to  the 
pervading  iniluence  of  I...renzo  de'  Medici,  and  the  calami- 
ties that  immediately  followed  his  death  brought  this  reputa- 
tion into  bolder  and  brighter  relief  tban  it  perhaps  really 
deserved;  for  who  will  assert  that  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  could 
have  averted  the  sal!se(picnt  misfortunes  of  his  country •-;=? 

Before  we  enter  on  the  narrative  of  this  new  and  momentous 
era,  momentous  not  only  for  Italy  but  the  whole  civilised 
globe ;  an  era  marked  by  ambition,  war,  science,  geographical 
discovery,  noble  inventions,  religious  innovation,  and  a  bold 
spirit  of  adventtn-e  and  intellectual  inquiry  that  gushed  with 
unwonted  prodigality  upon  the  soil  of  iMn-ope  and  streamed  in 
painful  si)lendour  over  the  new  discovered  world.  Before  we 
enter  upon  this  epoch  it  may  be  convenient  to  give  a  rapid  view 
of  the  ])(ditical  state  of  those  nations  that  sooner  or  later  were 
to  be  ailectrd  bv  the  cominijf  ch.-ni'te. 

The  Asiatic  and  African  states  bordering  on  Europe  were 
ruled  by  the  Soldan  of  i:gypt  juid  Syria  and  the  Tui-kish  Ba- 
jazet:  this  sultan's  sway  was  extended  over  Greece,  Thrace, 
and  Macedonia,  part  of  Sclavonia,  and  tliose  countries  border- 
ing the  I^lack  Sea.  His  armies  were  numerous,  permanent, 
and  strictly  disciplined ;  an<l  his  power  would  have  deepened 
the  alarm  already  excited  by  Amurath  and  I\Iahomet,  had  lie 

*   Gio.  Canihi,  p.  07.  — Gnicciardini,  Istoria  de'  Italia,  Lib.    i.,  pp.  3-10.— 
Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i«,  p.  2C, 

VOL.  III.  I  I 


482 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


not,  after  tranquillising  his  owii  states,  exhibited  a  more  pacific 
disposition  than  either.  His  militaiy  enterprises  were  almost 
exclusively  against  the  warlike  Soldan  of  Egj'pt  from  the  con- 
tines  of  whose  state  to  the  Atlantic  ocean  the  African  hills 
and  plains  were  ruled  for  the  most  part  by  potentates  of  little 
force  or  consideration.  The  chief  of  them  at  this  epoch  and 
far  beyond  the  rest  in  power,  riches,  and  extent  of  domiriion. 
was  ^lahomed  King  of  Tunis:  the  sovereigns  of  ^larocco  and 
Fez  were  next  in  political  importance  but  h lienor  to  Mahomed. 

The  recent  conquest  of  Granada  had  just  given  all  Spain, 
turbulent  and  disjointed  as  it  wjis,  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella; 
she  Queen  of  Castile,  he  King  of  Aragon  and  Sicily-. 
They  had  conquered  Granada,  humbled  the  Spanish  aristocracy, 
introduced  the  inquisition  under  Ximenes,  driven  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  Jews,  the  most  industrious  of  their  subjects, 
from  the  comitr}%  and  in  1  l.^^i, exhibited  the  first '"  Auto  ih  Ft,'' 
to  a  superstitious  and  trembling  multitude. 

Portugal  under  John  IT.  was  last  advancing  in  civilisa- 
tion and  constitutional  improvement  wlule  reviving  the  bold 
spirit  of  geographical  disco veiy  and  commercial  enterprise. 
Charles  VIII.  young,  presumptuous,  vain,  and  untalented, 
reigned  over  France,  which  with  the  annexation  of  Artois 
Brittany  and  Burgundy  became  a  compact  and  powerful  king- 
dom :  the  feudal  svstem  was  nearlv  destroved  as  it  affected 
regal  authority,  and  the  French  barons  under  their  brave  but 
empty  monarch  were  ready  for  every  enterprise. 

In  England  the  sagacious  Heniy  VII.  now  reigned  para 
mount ;  he  had  terminated  the  civil  wars  on  l^osworth  held, 
united  the  adverse  Roses  by  maming  tlie  fifth  Edward's  sister. 
and  while  holdin<:j  the  nation  more  firndv  hi  hand  bv  a  diiui- 
nution  of  feudal  potency  and  turbulence,  he  exalted  the  royal 
dignity,  vindicated  the  supremacy  of  law,  (iicom'aged  com- 
merce and  discover}^  and  maintained  his  own  independence  bv 
a  rigid  and  even  parsimonious  economy. 

*  Lettere  di  Principi,  vol.  ii.,  p.  2,  Venice  Edit.,  1.575. 


CHAP.  TI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


483 


Scotland  too  at  this  epoch  enjoyed  under  James  IV.  a  little 
respite  from  her  troubles,  during  which,  civilisation  made  some 
advance  and  learning  was  promoted  by  the  foundation  of  a 
native  university. 

Holland  Flanders  and  Burgundy  were  ruled  by  Phihp  son 
of  Maximilian  emperor  of  Germany;  but  this  last  monarch 
great  in  rank  and  title  was  poor  in  riches  and  authority ;  for 
besides  the  independent  princes  of  his  land,  no  less  than 
seventy  free  cities  united  in  one  indissoluble  league,  asserted 
their  right  to  liberty  and  self-government. 

Mathias  Corvinus  the  celebrated  son  of  John  Hunniades  died 
in  1400,  and  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Hungary  by  Vla- 
dislas  King  of  Bohemia  who  ruled  both  kingdoms  while  his 
nephew  Alexander  held  the  Polish  sceptre. 

The  Swiss  confederacy  existed  in  its  usual  state  of  domestic 
liberty  and  foreign  mercenaiy  warfare  ;  not  always  true  to  the 
gold  for  which  they  sold  their  blood  and  callous  to  evejj' 
nobler  sentiment  beyond  their  rugged  frontier. 

From  her  wealth,  territory,  internal  union,  and  unflinching 
constancy  of  pui-pose,  Venice  was  the  most  formidable  state 
of  the  Italian  peninsula.  Ambitious,  powerful  by  land  and 
water ;  impregnable ;  wise ;  severe  but  comparatively  just  in 
legislation  ;  subtile  ;  prudent  in  success ;  firm  in  misfortune  ; 
her  strength  was  employed  with  fixed  regards  on  her  own 
aggrandisement,  unscrupulous  of  means  and  heedless  of  conse- 
quences to  others.  From  the  sphere  of  her  own  domestic  tran- 
quillity she  quietly  watched  the  turns  of  her  neighbours'  fortune, 
and  even  when  unsuccessful  in  war  was  sure  to  make  up  for  it  by 
skilful  negotiation,  for  she  exhausted  patience  by  a  stedfast  per- 
tinacity. Besides  her  possessions  in  Istria,  Sclavonia,  Dalmatia, 
and  much  eastern  dominion  ;  she  was  now  mistress  of  Treves, 
Padua,  Verona,  Vicenza,  Brescia,  Piavenna,  Bergamo,  Crema, 
Ilo\igo  and  the  Polesine  with  all  their  fair  and  rich  domains 
in  Lombardy  ;  and  thus  she  became  a  just  object  of  alarm  to 

I  I  2 


484 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


all  the  Italian  states.  She  inspired  the  more  fear  because  a 
change  was  hopeless ;  Venice  was  not  ruled  by  one  ephemeral 
man ;  an  everlasting  council  with  one  object,  one  policy,  one 
concentrated  force  unceasinirly  influenced  her  movements,  and 
from  this  there  was  no  retreat :  kings  died  or  changed ;  re- 
publics were  convulsed,  weakened,  and  disordered ;  pontiffs 
followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession  ;  all  these  brought 
changes,  but  Venice  never  quitted  the  lield. 

After  Venice  Naples  was  then  esteemed  the  most  powerful 
state,  not  so  much  perhaps  from  its  extent  or  opulence  as  from 
the  sagacity  of  Ferdinand  joined  to  Alphonso  s  warlike  talents 
and  euerg\' ;  indeed  with  an  able  military  sovereign  she  must 
have  been  superior  to  Venice  because  unsusjucious  and  uncon- 
trolled, whereas  the  latter  was  ever  distrustful  and  jealous  of 
her  own  mercenary  commanders.  Naples  abounded  in  natural 
riches,  in  a  long  and  tortuous  coast  with  numerous  ports  and 
havens  commanding  three  quarters  of  the  compass,  while  on 
the  fourth  from  Terracina  through  the  Abruzzi  and  Sabine  hills, 
and  by  the  city  and  domains  of  Aquihi  it  was  conterminous  with 
the  papal  territory  and  strongly  influenced  that  state's  internal 
movements. 

The  temporal  power  of  Home  was  never  adequate  to  con- 
quer Italy  though  always  sufficient  to  prevent  others  from 
doing  so,  and  at  this  epoch  depended  more  on  the  character 
of  the  reigning  pontiff  than  on  the  nominal  extent  of  ecclesi- 
astical territory  :  an  able  and  conscientious  pope  imtainted  with 
nepotism  and  judiciously  combining  priestly  influence  with 
the  temporal  power  of  a  skilful  ruler,  miglit  have  swayed  all 
Italy ;  and  any  pontiff  however  weak,  had  the  means,  and 
generally  the  inclination,  to  disturb  it-'-.  If  we  may  judge 
from  the  jn'oportional  scale  of  her  contributions  to  a  general 
league  the  church  was  at  this  period  considered  equal  to 
Venice  Naples  or  Milan  in  her  financial  ability :  her  domi- 


*  Maccliiavelli,  Discorsi,  Lib.  i°,  cap.  xii. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLOREN'TINE    HISTORY. 


485 


nion  extended  from  the  Neapolitan  frontier  over  the  Campagna 
of  Rome,  the  March  of  Ancona,  Umbria,  llomagna,  and  a 
great  part  of  Tuscany ;  but  it  was  more  nominal  than  real, 
because  almost  every  great  city  was  ruled  independently 
by  some  potent  citizen  or  long  established  seignior,  and  the 
pontiff  was  only  acknowledged  as  lord  paramount. 

Amongst  these  petty  sovereigns  who  are  described  as  so  many 
leeches  sucking  the  blood  of  Italy,  Guido  da  Montefeltro 
governed  Urbino  :  Giulio  \'araiio,  Camerino  :  Bentivoglio  was 
the  chosen  lord  of  Bologna  :  Caterina  Sforza  and  Giovanni  de' 
Medici  ruled  Imola  and  Forli  for  her  son  Riario :  young 
Astorre  ]\Ianfredo  was  protected  at  Faenza  by  the  Florentines  ; 
a  Sforza  still  swavod  the  destinies  of  Pesaro ;  the  Malatesti 
reigned  in  Rimini  but  shorn  of  their  ancient  splendour ;  the 
fierce  Baglioni  were  uncontrolled  at  Perugia ;  the  Vitelli 
in  Citta  di  Castello  ;  in  Ferrara  were  the  Esti ;  who  also  held 
the  imperial  fiefs  of  Reggio  and  Modena ;  but  all  the  rest 
was  ecclesiastical  property. 

Rome  itself  was  divided  and  often  mifrovernable  :  the  Orsini 
and  Colonna  were  the  great  adverse  leaders  of  faction ;  with 
these  last  were  the  ancient  and  powerful  Savelli ;  with  those 
the  Conti  or  Grapelli,  almost  their  equals  in  riches  antiquity 
and  splendour.  Virginio  and  Niccola  Orsini ;  Prospero  and 
Fabrizio  Colonna  ;  dacopo  Conti  and  Antonello  Savelli  were  the 
most  renowned  chiefs  of  these  destructive  parties.  The  pon- 
tiffs and  Colonnesi  had  been  always  enemies  ;  but  the  general 
ecclesiastical  policy  was  to  encourage  contention  in  both 
fections  until  mutually  exhausted  by  hostilities,  when  the  pon- 
tiff was  certain  to  pounce  upon  some  of  their  possessions  adja- 
cent to  the  capital.  For  these  and  other  reasons  the  gi'eat 
Roman  barons  could  never  quietly  suffer  a  sovereign,  espe- 
cially a  foreign  priest,  and  frequently  manifested  their  aversion, 
as  many  a  pontiff  had  unpleasantly  experienced*. 

*  Fran.  Cci,Mem.  Stor.,dal  1494  al  1523,  MS.— Paulo  Giovio,Tstorie,  Lib.  i". 


484 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


all  the  Italian  states.  She  mspired  the  more  fear  because  a 
change  was  hopeless ;  Venice  was  not  ruled  by  one  ephemeral 
man ;  an  everlasting  council  with  one  object,  one  policy,  one 
concentrated  force  unceasingly  influenced  her  movement^,  and 
from  this  there  was  no  retreat :  kings  died  or  changed  ;  re- 
publics were  convulsed,  weakened,  and  disordered  ;  pontiffs 
followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession  ;  all  these  brought 
changes,  but  Venice  never  quitted  the  field. 

After  Venice  Naples  was  then  esteemed  the  most  powerful 
state,  not  so  much  perhaps  from  its  extent  or  opulence  as  from 
the  sagacity  of  Ferdinand  joined  to  Alphonso's  warlike  talents 
and  energy  ;  indeed  with  an  able  military  sovereign  she  must 
have  been  superior  to  Venice  because  unsuspicious  and  uncon- 
trolled, whereas  the  latter  was  ever  distrustful  and  jealous  of 
her  own  mercenary  commandei*s.  Naples  abounded  in  natural 
riches,  in  a  long  and  tortuous  coast  with  numerous  poits  and 
havens  commanding  three  quarters  of  the  compass,  wliile  on 
the  fourth  from  Terracina  through  the  Abruzzi  and  Sabine  hills, 
and  by  the  city  and  domains  of  Aquihi  it  was  conterminous  with 
the  papal  territory  and  strongly  influenced  that  state's  internal 
movements. 

The  temporal  power  of  Piome  was  never  adequate  to  con- 
quer Italy  though  always  sufhcient  to  prevent  others  from 
doing  so,  and  at  this  epoch  depended  more  on  the  character 
of  the  reigning  pontiff  than  on  the  nominal  extent  of  ecclesi- 
astical territory  :  an  able  and  conscientious  pope  untainted  with 
nepotism  and  judiciously  combining  priestly  influence  witli 
the  temporal  power  of  a  skilful  ruler,  miglit  have  swayed  all 
Italy ;  and  any  pontiff  however  weak,  had  the  means,  and 
generally  the  inclination,  to  disturb  it*.  If  we  may  judge 
from  the  proportional  scale  of  her  contributions  to  a  general 
league  the  church  was  at  this  period  considered  equal  to 
Venice  Naples  or  Milan  in  her  financial  ability :  her  domi- 

*  MaccbiavcUi,  Discorsi,  Lib.  i°,  cap.  xii. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


485 


nion  extended  from  the  Neapolitan  frontier  over  the  Campagna 
of  Rome,  the  March  of  Ancona,  Uml)ria,  llomagna,  and  a 
great  part  of  Tuscany ;  but  it  was  more  nominal  than  real, 
because  almost  every  great  city  was  ruled  independently 
by  some  potent  citizen  or  long  established  seignior,  and  the 
pontiff  was  only  acknowledged  as  lord  paramount. 

Amongst  these  petty  sovereigns  who  are  described  as  so  many 
leeches  sucking  the  Idood  of  Italy,  Guido  da  Montefeltro 
governed  Urbino  :  Giulio  Varano,  Camerino  :  Bentivoglio  was 
the  chosen  lord  of  Bologna  :  Caterina  Sforza  and  Giovanni  de' 
Medici  ruled  Imola  and  Forli  for  her  son  Riario :  young 
Astorre  Manfredo  was  protected  at  Faenza  by  the  Florentines  ; 
a  Sforza  still  swayed  the  destinies  of  Pesaro ;  the  Malatesti 
reigned  in  Rimini  but  shorn  of  their  ancient  splendour ;  the 
fierce  Baglioni  were  uncontrolled  at  Perugia ;  the  Vitelli 
in  Citta  di  Castello  ;  in  Ferrara  were  the  Esti ;  who  also  held 
the  imperial  fiefs  of  lieggio  and  Modena ;  but  all  the  rest 
was  ecclesiastical  property. 

Rome  itself  was  divided  and  often  ungovernable  :  the  Orsini 
and  Coloinia  were  the  great  adverse  leaders  of  faction  ;  with 
these  last  were  the  ancient  and  powerful  Savelli ;  with  those 
tlie  Conti  or  Grapelli,  almost  their  equals  in  riches  antiquity 
and  splendour.  Virginio  and  Niccola  Orsini ;  Prospero  and 
Fabrizio  Colonna  ;  .Tacopo  Conti  and  Antonello  Savelli  were  the 
most  renowned  chiefs  of  these  destructive  parties.  The  pon- 
tiffs and  Colonnesi  had  been  always  enemies;  but  the  general 
ecclesiastical  policy  was  to  encourage  contention  in  both 
ftictions  until  nuUually  exhausted  by  hostilities,  when  the  pon- 
tiff was  ceitain  to  pounce  upon  some  of  their  possessions  adja- 
cent to  the  capital.  For  these  and  other  reasons  the  great 
Roman  barons  could  never  quietly  suffer  a  sovereign,  espe- 
cially a  foreign  priest,  and  frequently  manifested  their  aversion, 
as  many  a  pontiff  had  un^^leasantly  experienced  ^J^. 

*  Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.jdal  1494  al  1523,  MS.— Paulo Giovio,Istorie,  Lib.i". 


486 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


Siena,  now  greatly  degenerated  in  riclies  power  and  political 
influence,  after  a  period  of  the  fiercest  anarchy  had  just  fallen 
under  the  strong  hand  of  Pandolfo  Petrucci  who  with  all 
the  strength  of  a  vigorous  mind  and  unscmpulous  conscience,  a 
concentrated  authority  and  a  forced  union  of  the  citizens, 
revived  in  some  degree  the  ancient  credit  and  political  import- 
ance of  his  countrv.  Lucca,  decaved,  weak,  laimuid  and  insi^x- 
nificant,  and  ever  jetdous  of  Florentine  interference;  clung 
rather  to  Milan  and  the  emperor  whom  she  paid  for  his  protec- 
tion, than  existed  as  an  independent  state,  yet  as  regarded 
Florence  was  always  capable  of  mischief"-. 

Genoa,  divided  into  the  aristocratic,  the  popular,  and 
plebeian  factions,  had  been  torn  to  pieces  by  the  struggles 
of  the  Adomi  and  Fregosi,  both  of  the  popular  order  and  Gliibe- 
line  party  :  this  broke  in  upon  the  two  great  Italian  sects,  for 
Guelphs assisted  Ghibelines, and  Ghibelines  Guelplis,  according 
to  circumstances ;  the  consequence  was  violent  struggles, 
anarchy,  exhaustion,  and  ultimate  subjectitui  to  ^lilun. 

Vercelli,  Augusta,  Turin,  Ivrea,  and  all  Piedmont  belonged  to 
the  then  infant  Duke  of  Savoy  and  ^ith  his  transalpine  posses- 
sions fonned  a  powerful  and  important  principality  connecting 
the  Italian  states  with  the  French  monairhy.  Tlie  Marquis  of 
Monferrato  then  also  a  minor,  governed  a  small  principality  on 
the  confines  of  Milan  and  Piedmont,  as  the  ^larquis  of  ^lantua 
did  on  the  Venetian  frontier :  but  ]\Iantua  was  important  from 
the  strength  and  position  of  its  capital  and  the  general  military 
character  of  the  Gonzaghi  who  so  long  had  possessed  it. 

Milan  was  nominally  governed  by  Giovan-Galeazzo  Sforza 
now  about  twenty-four  years  old ;  but  really  by  Lodovico  the 
"  Moor ; "  a  crafty,  vain,  and  cmel,  but  sagacious  and  ambi- 
tious prince  who  grasped  at  eveiythiug  and  was  as  unscmpu- 
lous in  his  means  as  relentless  in  their  employment :  but  his 


♦  Fran.  Cei,  Memorie  Storiche,  dal    1494  al   1523,    MS.  in  the  author's 
|»08se3sion. 


CHAP.  VI. j 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


487 


rule  though  severe  was  not  generally  unjust,  wherefore  he 
crathered  popularity  from  the  mass  whose  joys  and  sorrows 
are  but  seldom  noticed  in  history  ;  and  unpopularity  from  the 
great  who  form  the  prominent  points  of  it. 

The  Duke  of  Milan  was  imbecile  or  nearly  so  ;  but  his  wife 
Isabella's  father  Alphonso  regarded  with  an  impatient  eye 
every  movement  of  Lodovico  and  always  asserted  his  son-in- 
law's  right  to  govern  alone,  in  which  event  he  himself  would 
have  virtually  ruled  the  duchy.  This  jealousy  led  to  continual 
altercations,  and  one  of  Lorenzo's  hardest  tasks  was  to  maintain 
tranquillity  between  them.  Lodovico's  brother  Ascanio,  one  of 
the  richest  and  most  powerful  cardinals  in  Rome,  had  great  in- 
fluence with  the  college  and  Pope  Alexander  VI. ;  but  was  in 
strong  opposition  to  the  fiery  della  Rovere  Cardinal  of  San  Pietro 
in  Vincoli,  and  deeply  influenced  the  subsequent  politics  of  the 
papal  court.  The  Duchess  Isabella  of  Milan,  a  woman  of  un- 
common beauty  and  spirit,  saw  clearly  through  Lodovico's  dupli- 
city and  alarmed  for  the  duke  entreated  her  father  and  grand- 
father to  interfere  :  much  intercommunication  followed  without 
any  successful  result,  and  in  this  state  of  jealous  agitation  were 
the  courts  of  Milan  and  Naples  at  the  death  of  Lorenzo. 

Florence  had  as  yet  lost  none  of  her  commercial  energy  there- 
fore profited  by  universal  peace  and  dipped  and  rose  again  with 
pla>^ul  buoyancy  above  the  waves  of  misfortune.  A  rapid  increase 
of  riches  spread  through  the  community ;  new  and  magnificent 
edifices  sprung  up,  amongst  which  the  Pitti  and  Strozzi  palaces 
were  preeminent ;  arts  and  artists,  literature  science  and 
philosophy  flourished ;  a  higher  and  more  refined  style  of  living 
was  making  progress,  and  peace  and  civilisation  mixed  hand  in 
hand  with  almost  every  transaction  of  the  community  *. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici's  close  family  alliance  and  strong  in- 
fluence with  Innocent  VIII.  added  greatly  to  his  personal 
weight  amongst  the  Italian  states  aiid  secured  him  a  voice 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxv.,  p.  180.— Paulo  Giovio,  Stone,  Lib.  i®,  pp.  1—11. 


483 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


potenticU  in  all  discussions  on  general  politics.     Aware  that  his 
own  and  his  country's  salvation  would  be  endangered  by  the 
nicrease  of  power  in  any  native  state,  he  sedulously  endeavoured 
as  we  have  said  to  preserve  the  existing  balance,  wliich  was  only 
to  be  gained  by  the  continuance  of  peace,  and  this  last  only  by  a 
lynx-eyed  inspection  of  every  accident  however  trilling'  that 
might  tend  even  remotely  to  destroy  the  general  equilibrium. 
For  similar  views  and  reasons  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  when  unsti- 
mulated by  the  restless  spirit   of  his   son,  entirely  concurred 
with   him  :  he  had  subdued  his  barons,  but  as  fire,  and  the 
^>niouldering  remains  were  ready  to  flare  up  at  the  slightest 
breath  of  war.     Alphonso  s  just  indignation  against  Lodovico 
Sforza  although  fully  shared  by  Ferdinand  was  not  enough  to 
shake  his  policy  which  opposed  the  alarming  power  of  Venice 
together  with  the  pretensions  of  France  to  Naples,  while  he 
knew  that  the  hatred  of  his  own  nobility  would  by  French  in- 
trigue most  surely  be  roused  into  action  and  he  therefore  cor- 
dially joined  Lorenzo  in  preserving  the  closest  alliance  with 
Milan.     Lodovico  himself,  intriguing  and  miquiet  as  he  was. 
l)ecame  too  sensible  of  this  necessity  ;  too  fearful  of  Venice  : 
and  too  anxious  for  self-preservation  to  make  any  difliculty,  not- 
withstanding his  distrust  of  both  these  princes  :  he  was  con- 
tident  of  Lorenzo's  support   whom  he  knew  to   be   equally 
jealous  of  them,  and  believed  that  the  inveterate  hatred  between 
Venice  and    Naples  would  prevent  any  combined  attack  on 
Milan  which  was  his  only  fear ;    for  single-handed  neither  of 
them  gave  him  much  apprehension. 

This  triple  union  in  the  bond  of  peace  based  on  reciprocal  inte- 
rests, though  sometimes  interiiipted  had  never  been  destroyed :  it 
was  no  new  policy  of  the  Sforzeschi  or  Medici,  and  tlie  league  as 
we  have  seen  was  renewe.l  in  14^0  for  five-and-twenty  years  : 
this  was  principally  with  a  view  to  check  the  Venetians  who  were 
attentively  watching  for  every  accident  likely  to  disturb  it  and 
open  a  road  for  themselves  to  the  final  subjugation  of  Italy. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


489 


The  confederacy  was  sufficient  in  physical  strength  to  curb  such 
ambition  ;  and  the  very  suspicion  and  jealousy  that  existed  be- 
tween its  members,  who  keenly  watched  and  promptly  checked 
each  other's  motions,  tended  to  maintain  tranquillity :  of  such 
necessity  is  one  real,  single,  and  common  object  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  international  peace,  whatever  be  the  motives  that  lead 
to  it ;  and  where  this  is  wanting,  adieu  to  treaties,  which  being 
only  the  formal  expression  of  mutual  interests  are  violated  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  strongest. 

In  this  state  was  the  Italian  peninsula  and  with  every  pros- 
pect of  uninterrupted  calm  when  the  premature  death  of 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici  rolled  over  it  like  a  peal  of  thunder 
and  commenced  the  storm.  "  He  stood  between  Milan  and 
Naples  as  the  Corinthian  isthmus  between  the  ^gean  and 
Ionian  seas,  arresting  the  tumultuous  mixture  of  their  angry 
waves  "  -. 

Lorenzo  had  scarcely  been  dead  three  months  when  Pope 
Innocent  followed  and  this  gave  a  second  shock  to  public 
tranquillity ;  because  independent  of  the  Medici's  beneficial 
influence  that  pontiff,  made  cautious  liy  his  first  war  and  occu- 
pied with  self-indulgence,  was  indisposed  to  disturb  it.  Not  so 
his  successor  lloderigo  l^orgia  who  was  chosen  sixteen  days 
after  and  assumed  the  tiara  on  the  eleventh  of  August  149:2 
under  the  denomination  of  Alexander  VI. 

A  native  Spaniard,  and  nephew  of  Calixtus  III,  he  was  the 
oldest  and  richest  of  the  sacred  college  and  gained  his  election 
partly  by  the  disputes  between  the  Cardinal  of  San  Piero  and 
Ascanio  Sforza,  but  more  decidedly  by  the  force  of  his  own 
wealth  and  liberal  promises.  He  with  tlie  most  open  and  shame- 
less effronteiy  corrupted  every  influential  person  that  would  be 
bribed  in  Rome,  where  scarcely  a  man  withstood  his  influence ; 
Ascanio  Sforza  unscrupulously  sold  himself  and  his  religion 
and   resolved  to  associate  so  many  others  in  his  iniquity  as 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i%  p.  vii. 


490 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  u. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


491 


to  avoid  any  peculiar  reproaches.  He  was  promised  not  only 
the  vice-chancellorship,  the  highest  ecclesiastical  office,  but  also 
churches  and  castles  and  even  Borgia's  private  palace,  filled  as 
it  was  with  the  rarest  and  most  valual)le  articles  of  furniture-. 

Bribery  had,  doubtless  been  often  before  resorted  to  under 
various  forms  in  papal  elections ;  but  never  until  now,  according 
to  cotemporary  authors,  was  it  so  openly,  so  unblushingly,  so 
indiscriminately,  or  so  audaciously  exercised ;  and  the  public 
were  still  more  scandalised  because  of  Borgia's  iiifainous  cha- 
racter which  though  not  univei-sally  apparent  was  well  known 
to  many  and  suspected  by  all.  In  him,  we  are  luld  by  Guic- 
ciardini,  were  united  a  singular  diligence,  attention,  and  sagacity, 
with  excellent  counsel,  wonderful  powers  of  persuasion,  and  in 
the  despatch  of  important  business  incredible  care  and  dexterity. 
But  these  virtues  were  far  outdone  by  his  vices :  no  sincerity ; 
no  shame;  no  truth;  no  fidelity  ;  no  religion  :  the  most  obscene 
habits ;  insatiable  avarice  ;  immoderate  ambition  ;  a  more  than 
barbaiian  cruelty,  and  the  most  intense  desire  of  exalting,  no 
matter  how,  his  natural  children,  of  whom  there  were  many  and 
some  of  them  no  less  detestable  than  the  father  himself  f. 

Piero  de'  Medici  was  but  twenty-one  vears  of  ai^e  when  his 
father  died,  therefore  ineligible  to  the  offices  held  by  the  for- 
mer ;  but  such  was  Lorenzo's  authority  and  so  tempered  was 
the  free  spirit  of  Florence  that  he  instantly  succeeded  to  eveiy 
public  employment,  and  to  liim  were  addressed,  and  by  him 
received,  the  condolence  and  congratulation  of  foreign  ambas- 
sadors as  if  he  had  ascended  an  hereditary  throne  ;  but  as 
talent  is  not  hereditary  the  different  character  and  abilities  of 
father  and  son  were  soon  apparent  to  the  world. 


tina  says  that   the   palace   was     Cei,   Memorie    Stonche,  dal  1494  al 
to    Battista    Orsino,  who    was     1523    MS.— Gio.    Canibi,  p.     71.— 


*   Platina 

given  to 

afterwards  put  to  death  by  Alexander,  Platina,  Vite    de'  Pape. —  Muratori, 

and  thus  differs  from  Guicciardini.  Annali. — Guicciardini,  Stor.   d'ltalia, 

t  They  were,  Ccsare,  Francesco,  Giuf-  Lib.  i",  p.  9.— Paulo  Giovio,  Stor., 

fre,  and  Lucrezia  Borgia. — Francesco  Lib.  i",  p.  8. 


Strong,  active,  and  agreeable  in  liis  manner,  with  a  harmonious 
voice  and  fluent  speech,  the  young  lord  of  Florence  was  devoted 
to  youthful  pleasures  unmodified  by  graver  occupations :  he 
excelled  in  every  manly  sport  and  amusement  and  made  their 
professors  his  companions,  so  that  while  Lorenzo  was  encom- 
passed by  all  the  learning  and  talent  of  the  age  his  son  was 
surrounded  by  the  most  famous  players  of  Calcio,  Pallone, 
wrestling,  boding,  and  other  athletic  exercises.  This  was  nei- 
ther surprising  nor  blameable,  and  had  it  been  redeemed  by 
more  solid  qualities  would  have  been  praiseworthy  :  yet  Piero 
was  by  no  means  deficient  in  literary  acquirements  or  poetical 
taste  and  feeling;  Poliziano  who  was  his  tutor  had  made  him  a 
good  classical  scholar;  he  was  not  a  bad  "  Improvisatore T  his 
conversation  was  varied  and  agreeable,  but  his  pride  intolerable. 
The  seeds  of  haughtmess  sprouting  in  the  heart  of  a  Medici 
could  scarcely  fail  to  receive  their  full  development  in  the  son 
and  husband  of  an  Orsini. 

Piero  was  that  which  in  the  present  day  would  be  called  a  gal- 
lant and  accomplished  gentleman  ;  but  he  was  also  an  example  of 
the  worthlessness  of  all  these  ornaments  in  a  statesman  if  not 
based  on  more  estimable  qualities,  as  well  as  their  delusive  indi- 
cation of  real  talent :  in  Lorenzo  they  were  the  highest  polish  of 
sohd  gold ;  in  Piero  the  false  glitter  of  flimsy  tinsel.  The  state 
had  bound  itself  to  receive  his  orders  ;  but  the  thought  and  appli- 
cation necessary  to  give  them  strength  and  vitality  was  beneath 
him :  his  confidence  was  perhaps  justly  placed  in  Lorenzo's  secre- 
tary Piero  Dovizio  of  Bibbiena  an  experienced  man,  but  one  whose 
exaltation  and  excessive  pride  had  given  offence  to  the  old  repub- 
lican magistracy,  and  Piero  by  leaving  the  public  business  in  his 
hands,  and  devoting  his  own  time  entirely  to  amusement  and  the 
most  culpable  debauchery,  increased  this  discontent.  Piero  da 
Bibbiena  s  own  arrogance  also  embittered  the  natural  irritability 
of  the  haughty  Florentines  at  seeing  the  obscure  denizen  of  a 
subject  and  insignificant  town  commanding  them  with  absolute 


/ 


492 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ir. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


493 


authority.  An  incident  that  occuiTed  about  this  time  exhibits 
both  the  individual  spirit  and  general  subjection  of  the  citizens  : 
Paulo  Antonio  Sodeiini,  son  of  the  famous  Tommaso  and 
closely  connected  with  the  Medici,  wishing'  to  marrv  his  son  to 
a  daughter  of  Filippo  Strozzi  had  connuunicated  his  intentions 
to  Piero  de'  Medici  not  only  to  ask  his  iidvice  but  to  procure 
his  leave  for  the  match,  without  which  lict  ikc,  (so  complete  was 
the  public  subjugation)  no  marriage  could  take  place  hi  Flo- 
rence! The  ]\Iedici  willingly  acquiesced,  l»ut  when  this  reached 
the  eai-s  of  Piero  Dovizio  he  remonstrated  on  the  grounds  that 
it  was  directly  in  the  teeth  of  Lorenzo's  policy,  who  never  would 
have  thus  consented  to  unite  riches  and  political  power  in  the 
same  family,  for  the  Strozzi  were  a  very  noble  and  opulent  race : 
nor  was  he  content  with  this,  but  on  hearinfj  that  the  wedding 
was  already  over  he  with  tiiie  official  insolence  rated  Paulo 
Antonio  so  harshly  as  to  receive  a  box  on  the  ear  in  return ; 
and  with  this  spirited  answer  withdrew  in  indignation  from 
Soderini's  presence.  It  was  not  then  or  at  any  time  the  custom 
amongst  republican  Florentines  to  resent  such  injuries  nor  yet 
insulting  language  by  a  challenge :  the  Idow  might  occasionally 
produce  a  stab,  but  verbal  insidts  even  of  the  grossest  nature 
were  either  returned  with  hiterest  or  treated  with  the  coolest 
and  most  philosophical  contempt.  Dovizio  therefore  powerful 
as  he  was,  dissembled  for  the  moment  but  took  the  earliest 
means  of  removing  Soderini  from  his  sight  by  appointing  him 
to  the  embassy  at  Venice  ''•. 

The  more  Piero  felt  his  own  unpopularity  the  more  was  his 
jealousy  excited  against  those  who  with  greater  talent  approached 
nearest  to  him  in  rank,  fortune,  and  public  consideration,  and 
his  own  third  cousins,  Lorenzo  and  Giovanni,  the  descendants 
of  old  Cosimo's  brother,  were  among  the  first  to  experience  it. 
This  branch  of  the  ^ledici  had  been  quietly  accumulating  riches 
by  commerce  and  hitherto  seem  to  have  taken  no  part  in  public 

♦  Jacopo  Nardi,  Hist.  Fioren.,  Lib  i°,  p.  15.— Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iii»,  p.  58. 


affairs.  Giovanni  was  the  widower  of  Luisa,  Piero 's  sister,  after 
whose  death  suspicions  and  differences  began,  which  were  kept 
up  by  those  that  were  already  plotting  the  ruin  of  Piero,  and 
soon  broke  out  into  open  hostility:  the  exact  cause,  though  never 
accurately  ascertained,  was  supposed  to  l)e  Piero  s  jealousy  of 
their  extreme  popularity  *.  This  quarrel  had  serious  political 
consequences,  and  though  begun  soon  after  Lorenzo's  death  if 
not  before,  only  broke  out  with  full  violence  at  a  later  period, 
the  account  of  which  to  avoid  future  interruption  may  here  be 
anticipated. 

Giovanni  di  Pierfrancesco  de'  Medici  was  considered  by  for 
the  handsomest  as  well  as  one  of  the  richest  of  the  Florentine 
youth;  he  was  held  in  distinguished  honour  from  his  family 
connexions,  enjoyed  great  popularity,  and  thus  became  a  sort  of 
rival  to  his  cousin  Piero  in  everything  but  political  power.  It 
happened  one  night  when  these  two  accidentally  met  at  a  masked 
ball  that  both  w^ere  occupied  with  the  same  lady,  but  the  pride 
and  impetuosity  of  Piero  brooking  no  rival,  he  in  feigned 
ignorance  of  Giovanni's  person  not  only  treated  him  with  scorn, 
but  threw  the  contents  of  an  inkbottle  over  his  cloth  of  silver 
tunic.  Giovanni  either  from  a  desire  to  remain  unknown,  or 
not  mshingjust  at  that  moment  to  break  with  Piero,  took  this  I 
outrage  quietly ;  but  on  meeting  him  at  a  second  festival  in 
similar  circumstances  near  the  same  lady,  Piero  tore  the  mask 
from  his  face,  upon  wliich  Giovanni  drew  a  dagger  and  in  his 
l)rother's  presence  struck  Piero  on  the  breast :  a  cuirass  saved 
him :  but  his  supposed  fate  threw  the  whole  house  into  con- 
fusion and  next  morning  both  brothers  were  denounced  before 
the  magistracy  with  Piero 's  commands  for  condign  punishment. 
His  first  object  was  their  lives ;  but  at  the  instance  of  more 
prudent  friends  who  represented  the  dangerous  example  that 
would  be  shown  to  others  if  he  shed  the  blood  of  his  own 
family,  this  was  changed  to  banishment ;  Giovanni  to  his  villa 

•  Fil.  Ncrli,  Lib.  iii«,  p.  58.— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i.,  p.  16. 


I 


494 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


495 


of  Trebbia  and  Lorenzo  to  Olmo-a-Castello.  Tbey  quitted 
Florence  on  the  14th  of  May  apparently  reconciled  with  Piero, 
after  having  been  accompanied  to  their  houses  by  a  large 
number  of  citizens  and  other  inhabitants  with  strong  expres- 
sions of  public  sympathy. 

Soon  after  this  in  secret  concert  they  simultaneously  broke 
their  confinement,  crossed  the  frontier,  and  by  means  of  Lodo- 
vico  Sforza  took  refuge  at  the  court  of  Charles  VIII.  who  was 
then  in  Italy*.  The  public  sympathy  so  openly  and  unequi- 
vocally expressed  for  his  cousins  increased  Piero  s  malevolence, 
and  their  subsequent  flight  diminished  his  reputation  and  con- 
centrated the  public  hatred  against  him  :  this  was  the  first  and 
one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  ruin ;  for  after  Lorenzos 
death  a  strong  party  of  distinguished  citizens  had  alienated 
themselves  from  his  son  not  from  love  of  liberty  but  disap- 
pointed ambition ;  and  through  their  exertions  were  Giovanni 
and  his  brother  saved,  either  from  the  scaffold  or  pei-petual 
imprisonment  and  confiscation  of  property  | . 

Piero  de'  Medici  neither  from  his  age  nor  other  qualifica- 
tions was  adequate  even  to  the  steady  government  of  Florence 
in  her  calmest  mood,  still  less  so  in  the  face  of  such  a  stonn 
as  now  began  to  threaten  Italy.  Scarcely  had  he  assumed 
the  government  when  in  direct  opposition  to  Lorenzo's  policy 
and  what  was  infinitely  more  dangerous  to  him,  without  refer- 
ence to  the  principal  citizens  as  had  ever  been  the  family 


*  Guicriardini,  Lib.  i",  p.  64. — Filip. 
Nerii,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  58. — Ammirato, 
Lib.  xxvi.,  p  197. — Jacopo  Nardi, 
Lib.  i°,  p.  16,  — •  Ricordanze  di 
Trcb.  de'  Rossi,  torn,  xxiii.,  Del. 
Erud.  Tos.,  p.  291— 295.— Origine  e 
Discendenza  de'  Medici,  p.  90,  MS. — 
Jacopo  Pitti  attributes  this  quarrel  and 
condemnation  of  the  two  Medici  en- 
tirely to  their  ha\ing  given  a  public 
affront  to  the  Seignorv  and  Piero  bv 
inviting  the  Bisliop  of  Saint  Malo  to 


their  villa  instead  of  the  public  lodg- 
ing prepared  for  him  by  order  of  the 
government.  They  excused  it  as  being 
gentlemen  of  the  King  of  France's 
household  which  connexion  alarmed 
Piero  and  his  party.  (Vide  /.  Pitti, 
Lib.  i",  p.  28.)  He  also  asserts  that 
the  mitigation  of  the  sentence  was  due 
entirely  to  Piero,  but  in  this  he  differs 
fiom  cotemporary  authors. 
+  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i.,p  27.— Filipp«> 
Nerli,  Commen.,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  58. 


custom ;  he  at  once  drew  much  closer  than  was  politic,  the  ties 
of  connexion  with  Naples,  and  thus  gave  just  cause  of  alarm  to 
Lodovico  Sforza  who  foresaw  his  own  ruin  in  the  union  of  these 
two  powers  against  him^-. 

This  step  was  taken  through  the  influence  of  Virginio  Orsino 
one  of  Piero  sown  relations  and  a  dependant  of  Ferdinand  and 
Alphonso ;  but  though  at  first  kept  secret  it  could  not  long 
be  concealed  from  the  jealous  regards  of  Lodovico  and  was  the 
seed  of  all  subsequent  misfortunes.     Thus  two  evils  had  already 
arisen  from  Lorenzo  s  death.     Lodovico 's  great  weakness  was 
vanity ;  he  believed  himself  superior  to  the  rest  of  the  world  in 
prudence,  wisdom,  sagacity;    and  affected  new  and  original 
modes  of  action.     In  arranging  the  accustomed  embassies  of 
congratulation  to  the  new  pontiff  he  proposed  with  much  ap- 
parent reason,  that  those  of  the  league  should  unite  as  one 
mission  with  one  orator  and  one  common  oration ;  this  was  in- 
tended as  a  visible  sign  of  their  close  internal  union,  not  only 
to  check  any  hostile  designs  of  Alexander  on  the  general  tran- 
quillity,   but  also  to  intimidate  Venice    and  repress  foreign 
cupidity  or  interference  in  Italian  affairs.     Such  counsel,  in- 
trinsically good,  was  enforced  by  the  recent  example  of  Inno- 
cent VIII.  who  because  the  various  embassies  were  disunited 
believed  that  the  whole  league  was  so,  and  thence  ran  blindly 
into   the   error  of  attacking  one   of  its   principal  members. 
Lodovico  s  project  was  therefore  accepted  by  Ferdinand  and  the 
Florentines,  against  Piero's  secret  wishes    but  without  any 
publicly  expressed  opposition. 

The  natural  vanity  of  youth  unsteadied  by  judgment  inclined 
him  to  magnificence  and  ostentatious  display,  and  so  fair  an 
occasion  could  scarcely  occur  for  such  exhibitions,  as  that  of  being 
the  principal  leader  of  a  solemn  embassy  from  the  Florentine 
republic  to  the  high  priest  of  Christendom.  A  union  of  all  the 
embassies  would  have  confounded  his  particular  spark  in  the 

*  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i«,  p.  27. 


J 


496 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP.    V 


'•1 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


497 


general  blaze,  as  a  single  speaker  would  also  bave  deprived 
the  Florentine  orator  Gentile  Bishop  of  Arezzo  s  more  cul- 
pable vanity  of  an  occasion  to  display  his  powers  of  eloquence 
before  the  pope  and  cardinals.  He  therefore,  as  we  are  in- 
formed by  Guicciardini,  strange  as  it  may  appear  in  Lo- 
renzo's tutor,  sedulously  encouraged  the  volatility  of  Piero 
who  with  some  plausible  reasons  secretly  hiduced  Ferdinand  to 
acquiesce  in  his  desire.  The  king  although  politically  anxious 
to  satisfv  this  vouth's  vanity,  bv  no  means  wished  to  do  it  at 
the  expense  of  a  quarrel  with  Lodovico  and  therefore  informed 
him  of  his  reasons  for  changing. 

The  circumstance  was  intrinsically  of  trifling  moment  except 
as  an  index  to  more  serious  facts ;  but  the  Moor  was  indignant 
at  this  slight,  and  alarmed  at  so  clear  a  proof  of  that  intimacy 
between  Florence  and  Naples  which  became  daily  more  paljjable. 
Another  and  more  serious  incident  increased  the  excitement 
and  accelerated  the  catastrophe.  Franceschetto  Cibo  then  resid- 
ing at  Florence,  by  Piero 's  advice  sold  the  fiefs  of  Anguilara, 
Cervetri,  and  several  smaller  castles  near  I o  tine  to  A'irginio 
Orsiui  who  received  a  great  part  of  the  punhasc-monoy  from 
Ferdinand.  These  places  as  well  as  most  of  the  Orshii  estates 
being  situated  about  Pome,  Viterbo,  and  Civita  Vecchia,  main- 
tained a  line  of  political  intercourse  with  Naples,  and  the  pope 
thus  saw  himself  bearded  in  the  heart  of  his  dominions  bv  one 
of  his  most  powerful  barons  supported  by  two  unfriendly  sUites 
in  close  family  connection  ;  for  Orsino  was  related  l>otli  to  the 
Medici  and  Naples  ;  and  it  had  always  been  one  of  Ferdinand's 
objects  to  possess  some  strongholds  in  the  papal  territory  that 
might  connect  him  with  the  factious  nobility. 

Now  Ascanio  Sforza  being  all-powerful  at  the  court  of  Rome 
Lodovico  considered  any  detriment  to  the  papal  authority  as  a  per- 
sonal affair,  wherefore  in  conjunction  with  this  cardinal  he  urged 
the  pontiff  to  prevent  such  encroachments,  for  it  became  apparent 
that  Ferdinand  and  not  Virginio,  was  the  real  possessor  of  the 


property.  Alexander  as  liege  lord  refused  to  sanction  the  pur- 
chase or  submit  to  be  so  bridled  by  Ferdinand,  but  Orsino  was 
firm  though  secretly  advised  l)y  both  Sforzas  to  compromise 
the  affau-,  while  Ferdinand  coimselled  the  reverse. 

The  latter,  after  having  given  Orsino  his  cue,  entered  into  a 
hollow  negotiation  with  the  pope,  acceded  to  terms  that  he  had 
instructed  Virginio  to  refuse ,  amused  Alexander  with  the  hopes 
of  a  marriage  between  Alphonso's  natural  daughter  and  his  son, 
and  held  the  matter  for  a  while  in  suspense  and  uncertainty. 
Lodovico  at  the  same  time  endeavoured  to  impress  on  the 
light-minded  Piero  the  soundness  of  Lorenzo's  policy ;  he  was 
earnestly  advised  to  follow  it  out  and  become  the  peacemaker 
of  Italy ;  and  to  use  all  his  influence  with  Virginio  in  order  to 
prevent  any  disturbance  of  the  general  tranquillity.  Seeing  all 
his  efforts  vain,  that  Piero  blindly  and  exclusively  resolved  to 
follow  Ferdinand  and  Alphonso,  knowing  also  that  his  own  safety 
depended  mainly  on  Florentine  support,  which  now  failed  him, 
he  determined  to  search  for  other  means  of  self-preservation.' 
One  of  the  first  symptoms  of  this  resolution  was  liis  paying 
half  the  expense  of  Alexander's  army  just  then  raised  under 
Giovanni  Sforza  of  Pesaro  and  Giulio  Orsino  to  chastise  Virginio, 
without  the  usual  previous  notification  to  other  members  of  the 
league*. 

Alexander  VI.  was  not  more  disposed  to  be  blinded  by  Fer- 
dinand's wiles  than  Lodovico  by  Piero 's  insincerity; 
nor  was  he  driven  from  his  purpose  even  by  the  for-  ^'^'  ^^^^' 
mer's  humility,  who  seeing  things  take  a  more  serious  turn  had 
finally  used  his  influence  to  overcome  the  pertinacity  of  Orsino. 
A  league  between  Venice  Milan  and  Rome,  which  Ferrara  sub- 
sequently joined,  was  published  in  April  1493.  Ostensibly  a 
defensive  one  for  general  safety  and  as  such  open  to  any 
power  that  chose  to  join  it  without  impinging  on  existing 
treaties  ;  but  really  against  Naples  and  Florence.    Venice,  and 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  pp.  1-18.— Ammirato,Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  189. 
VOL.   III.  K  K 


/ 


498 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


especially  the  Doge,  from  distrust  of  the  pope,  had  been  so  shy 
and  lukewarm  in  this  negotiation  that  neither  Florence  nor 
Naples  believed  it  would  ever  be  concluded,  wherefore  their  sur- 
prise was  excessive  when  the  truth  became  public,  and  they 
instantly  engaged   Guido  Duke    of   Urbino  and  the  lord  of 
Camerino  in  their  senice.     The  principal  cause  of  all  this  was 
Virginio  Orsino's  obstinacy  in  despite  of  all  Ferdinand  and 
Piero's  remonstrances,   whereupon   Alexander   without  more 
delay  began  to  concentrate  his  forces  about  Rome,  gave  his 
daughterrmisnamed  Lucrezia,  in  marriage  to  the  lord  of  Tesaro 
who°commanded  them,  and  determined  at  once  to  crush  Virginio 
Orsino.    Counter-preparations  were  made  at  Florence ;  all  the 
militia  were  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  for  defence ;  and  Oi-sino 
becoming  alarmed,  offered  to  leave  his  cause  to  tlie  decision  of 
four  cardinals ;  but  the  pope  refused,  and  Ferdinand  brought 
up  his  forces  towards  the  lloman  frontier  *.    Meanwhile  Lodo- 
vico  blinded  by  his  fears  and  doubting  the  stability  of  a  league 
the  views  and  interests  of  whose  members  were  different  from 
his  own ;  alarmed  also  by  his  decreasing  popularity  at  Milan 
where  harsh  taxation  and  pity  for  the  state  of  their  young 
sovereigns  had  alienated  the  people ;  aware  moreover  that  the 
King  of  Naples  had  never  renounced  his  pretensions  to  Milan, 
pretensions  which  Alphonso  would  be  always  prompt  to  assert 
on  the  strength  of  the  last  Visconte's  will  in  favour  of  his  grand- 
father f;    all  these  considerations  brought  him  to   the  fatal 
resolution  of  raising  a  spirit  that  he  could  not  aftenvards  con- 
trol and  conjuring  up  the  fiery  legions  of  France  to  his  assist- 
ance :  but  the  spell  proved  far  too  potent  and  the  audacious 
wizard  sunk  under  the  unmanageable  strength  of  his  own  danger- 
ous incantations. 

The  long-cherished  pretensions  of  Anjou  to  the  crown  of 
Naples  which  had  been  so  baneful  to  Italy  were  now  concen- 


*  Ammirato,  T.ib.  xxvi.,  p.  190.— Guicciardini,  Lib.  i° 
t  Paulo  Giovio.,  Lib.  i^  p.  14. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


499 


trated  in  the  throne  of  France :  old  Regnier  dying  without 
any  existing  male  issue  left  Provence  to  his  nephew  the  Duke 
of  Maine  who  made  a  will  in  favour  of  Louis  XI.  his  rights 
descending  both  by  this  will  and  as  lord  paramount  to  Charles 
VIII.  and  thence  arose  the  latter's  claims  on  Naples.  It  was 
easy  to  foresee  from  the  moment  that  a  young  ambitious  mo- 
narch ascended  the  French  throne  that  such  an  inheritance 
would  not  be  allowed  to  remain  in  oblivion,  and  as  Charles  was 
now  come  to  that  age  when  monarchs  Phaeton-like  usually 
began  to  amuse  themselves  by  setting  the  world  in  flames, 
France  became  a  sort  of  Pandora's  box,  on  which  the  regards 
of  Italy  were  turned  with  apprehension ;  for  eveiy  sagacious 
man  who  loved  his  country's  good  saw  the  necessity  of  a 
national  defensive  alliance  against  coming  aggression.  Such 
a  union  already  existed  on  paper,  as  the  treaties  of  Bagnola 
and  Rome  were  still  in  being,  although  not  made  with  this  view  ; 
but  powerless  from  that  never-dying  suspicion  which  has  been 
and  will  always  be  the  bane  of  Italy  until  provincial  jealousies 
have  l)een  obliterated  by  the  pressure  of  one  powerful  monarchy 
and  the  Italians  feel  themselves  once  more  a  single  nation  : 
then  will  be  the  time  to  throw  off  the  superincumbent  weight 
and  remodel  their  monarchy,  or  else  become  a  strong  federal 
republic,  but  in  either  case  assume  tlieir  legitimate  place  in  the 
great  European  family. 

The  imbecility  of  Giovan-Galeazzo  Sforza  who  bore  the  ducal 
crown  would  probably  have  rendered  him  contented  with  its 
empty  honours  had  not  Isabella  of  Aragon  been  of  a  different 
mould  :  her  complaints  as  we  have  before  said  produced  divers 
remonstrances  from  Naples  and  ultimately  a  formal  demand 
that  Giovan-Galeazzo  should  be  put  into  full  possession  of  his 
authority.  This  however  was  far  from  Lodovico's  intention, 
wherefore  he  purchased  from  the  needy  emperor  Maximilian  a 
formal  deed  of  investiture  as  Duke  of  Milan  for  400,000  ducats 
in  the  foi'm  of  a  dowry  with  his  niece  Bianca  Maria,  whom  he 

K  K  2 


500 


FLORENTINE    HISTORV. 


[book  il. 


offered  to  him  in  marriage.     Francesco  Sforza  had  never  been 
formally  acknowledged,  therefore  it  was  as  easily  arranged  as 
any  other  piece  of  injustice,   that  Lodovico  should  have  the 
duchy ;  hut  after  this  security  for  the  inheritance  of  his  own 
children  he  remained  satisfied  with  solid  power,  and  keeping  the 
transaction  a  profound  secret  allowed  his  nephew  to  enjoy  the  title. 
At  the  moment  under  consideration  he  was  well  aware  that 
any  attempt  to  depose  Giovan-Galeazzo  would  be  opposed  by 
Naples  without  hope  on  his  ovra  part  of  assistance  from  the  indi- 
gent and  unsteady  emperor :  he  also  began  to  discover  that 
Alexander  VI .   was  less  easily  managed  than  he  expected  by 
Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  and  the  Venetians  were  not  to  be  de- 
|)ended  upon,  as  they  had  ever  been  enemies  to  his  family 
and  all  the  lords  of  Milan.    Piero  de'  IMedici  was  already  alien- 
ated ;  and  there  was  reason  to  expect  that  the  Milanese  citizens 
themselves  would  not  tamely  see  their  young  prince  deprived 
of  his  birthright:.     In  this  state  of  things  Lodovico,  following 
the  many  examples  of  his  countrymen,  sought  a  foreign  pro- 
tector but  under  very  different  circumstances,  for  the  power 
of  France  had  never  before  been  so  formidable  nor  her  monarcbs 
so   ambitious  of  Italian  conquest.      Charies    VIII.    had  just 
emerged  from  the  tutelage  of  his  eldest  sister  to  whom  the  go- 
vernment had  been  intmsted  during  his  minority  by  Louis  XL 
He  was  wilful,  obsthiate,  light,  and    impetuous;    with  little 
money  and  less  sense,  and  surrounded  by  companions  as  empty 
as  himself  instead  of  the  wisdom  of  his  sister  Anne  and  her 
eounselloi-s  :  he  scarcely  knew  liis  letters  and  was  incapable  of 
any  application,  but  eager  to  command,  for  which  he  was  utteriy 
untit,  and  for  military  gloiy,  of  which  a  combination  of  circum- 
stances scattered  over  him  more  than  he  was  able  to  bear  *. 

To  this  prince,  Lodovico  sent  (Jarlo  di  Barbiano  Count  of 
Belgioiso  and  the  Count  di  Caiazzo  son  of  Roberto  di  San  Seve- 

♦  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  pp.   48-87.— Phil,  de   Comines,  Lib.   vii.— Sisraontli, 
voL  viii.,  p.  311. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


rino  to  bring  about  an  hivasion  of  Naples ;  many  seductive  and 
authentic  stories  were  told  liim  of  the  unpopularity  of  the  reign- 
ing dynasty,  and  all  the  bribery  and  cunning  of  diplomacy  was 
put  in  action,  and  backed  up  by  the  Neapolitan  exiles  to  insure 
success.  The  wise  and  patriotic  amongst  the  great  lords  were 
averse  to  war,  and  thought  the  sacrifices  necessaiy  to  insure  the 
quiet  and  consent  of  neighbouring  states  would  more  than 
balance  any  success  :  but  the  young  and  thoughtless  carried 
everything  with  a  youthful  weak-headed  prince,  so  the  con<p-iest 
of  Naples  was  resolved  on  ^'.  Henry  VII.  who  had  just 
disembarked  a  formidable  army  of  English  was  quieted  by  the 
treaty  of  Etaples  with  a  subsidy  of  745,000  golden  crowns,  and 
the  emperor  was  lulled  into  repose  by  the  cession  of  several  pro- 
vinces named  in  the  treatv  of  Senlis  in  1493.  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic  was  propitiated  by  the  gratuitous  restitution  of  Perpig- 
nan  and  other  territories  which  had  been  held  in  pawn  by  Louis 
XL  and  this  was  settled  by  the  treaty  of  Barcelona  in  1493  f 
After  these  costly  preliminaries  it  was  agreed  between  Charles 
VIII.  and  Lodovico  that  the  latter  was  to  give  the  French  army 
a  passage  through  his  territoiy,  reenforce  it  with  five  hundred 
men-at-arms,  allow  the  equipment  of  what  vessels  the  king 
pleased  at  Genoa,  and  lend  liim  200,000  ducats  on  his  depar- 
ture from  France.  For  tliis  Lodovico's  personal  authority  and 
dommions  were  to  be  protected  against  all  enemies  and  a  body 
of  troops  left  in  Asti  at  his  orders,  besides  a  promise  of  the  city 
and  principality  of  Tarento  when  Naples  should  be  conquered. 
These  conditions  were  kept  secret  for  several  months  and  when 


*  Paulo  Giovio  and  Corio  sav  that  the 
parliament  held  on  this  occasion  ad- 
vised the  expedition.  Guicciardini  on 
the  contrary  says  as  above.  Philip  de 
Comines  is  silent,  and  neither  he  nor 
Giovio  mention  the  treaty  of  Etaples ; 
on  the  contrary,  Giovio  says  that  there 
were  no  fears  from  England  because 
Charles  had  so  recently  aided  Henry 
VIL  in  overcoming  Richard   lU.  at 


Bosworth. — (Vide  P.  Giovio^  Lib.  i", 
pp.  17-22,  and  (Corio,  Parte  vii., 
folio  455,  who  asserts  that  Anne  of 
Bourbon  approved  of  it. 
+  Rapin,  Hist.  d'Angleterre,  Vol.  iv,, 
Lib.  xiv.,  p.  455. — Guicciardini,  Lib. 
i%  and  ii'',  cap.  i^,  p.  34. — Ammirato, 
Lib.  xxvi.,p.  191. — Phil,  de  Comines, 


Lib.  vii., 
vol.  viii. 


cap.  ii.  and  iii. — Sismondi , 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


the  enterprise  became  public  Lodovico  assured  the  states  of 
Italy  that  he  was  as  fearful  as  themselves  of  the  expedition  *. 

Ferdinand  was  not  idle  either  in  preparations  for  war  or  ne- 
gotiations ;  he  publicly  condemned  the  expedition  as  rash  and 
ill-advised  against  a  state  like  Naples  which  was  provided  with 
troops,  fortresses,  fleets  and  generals,  the  heir-apparent  being 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  age  ;  but  he  was  too  wise 
and  experienced  not  to  comprehend  the  full  measure  of  his 
danger  against  one  of  the  most  warlike  and  powerful  nations  of 
Europe ;  a  nation  superior  to  him  in  eveiy  arm  of  war ;  burn- 
ing with  the  desire  of  military  gloiy  ;  and  so  confident  of  victory 
that  the  chiefs  had  already  parcelled  out  his  whole  kingdom 
amongst  them  even  before  the  enterprise  was  completely 
resolved  upon  f. 

On  his  own  side  hatred  and  suspicion  were  prevalent ;  the 
rule  of  Aragon  was  generally  disliked  and  a  change  gi'eatly 
desired  ;  the  banished  lords  were  powerful,  the  barons  justly  ex- 
asperated ;  the  fii-st  blast  of  war  would  sweep  off  all  the  revenues : 
the  royal  forces  had  more  reputation  than  real  strength ;  the 
royal  treasuiy  was  insufficient  to  cope  simultaneously  with 
foreign  invasion  and  domestic  rebellion ;  the  Italian  enemies 
of  Ferdinand  were  many,  his  friends  few  and  trustless,  for  his 
cunning  policy  or  his  open  hostility  had  offended  all :  from 
Spain  he  could  expect  nothing  but  vaunting  promise  without 
performance ;  and  in  addition  to  all  this  ;  ancient  prophecies 
were  rife  about  coming  destmction  ;  things  says  Guicciardini. 
which  are  unheeded  in  prosperity  and  when  misfortune 
approaches  too  readily  believed. 

Under  such  influence  his  ambassadors  at  Paris  were  m- 
structed  to  offer  almost  any  terms,  even  to  the  payment  of 
tribute,  to  stave  off  this  war ;  while  in  Italy  he  renewed  the 
negotiations   for  a   marriage    between   Alphonso's    daughter 

*  Guicciordini,  Lib.  i",  cap,  K 
t  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  p.  42. — Corio,Stor.  Mil.,  vol.  vii.,  folid  455. 


CHAP,  vu] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


503 


Donna  Sancia  and  Alexander's  youngest  son  Giuffre  Borgia, 
and  urged  Orsino,  whom  he  called  the  author  of  all  tliis  mis- 
chief, to  come  to  terms  with  the  pontiff :  but  above  everything 
he  exerted  himself  to  gain  over  Lodovico  even  by  the  sacrifice 
of  Isabella's  and  Galeazzo's  interest  and  against  Alphonso's 
counsel.  The  two  first  were  successful ;  peace  was  reestablished 
between  Naples  and  the  pope,  who  however  refused  to  join  in 
a  defensive  league ;  the  Milanese  and  Venetian  auxiliary 
forces  were  dismissed  from  the  Roman  states,  and  Ferdinand's 
prospects  assumed  a  more  favourable  aspect.  Nor  were  his 
expectations  of  gaining  Lodovico  hopeless ;  for  with  the  most 
artful  reasoning  the  latter  excused  his  own  conduct  by  the 
necessity  of  the  case  ;  expressed  sorrow  and  dissatisfaction  at 
the  result  from  its  dangerous  tendency ;  declared  that  the 
French  king's  offers  were  first  made  to  him  and  that  it  was 
impossible  to  decline  them;  and  he  finally  promised  Ferdinand, 
Alexander,  and  Piero  de'  Medici  separately  the  exertion  of  all 
his  influence  at  the  court  of  France  to  restrain  the  ardour  of  its 
monarch.  This  was  all  false  :  meant  only  to  secure  himself  from 
any  attack  before  the  anival  of  Charles  of  which  he  did  not  yet 
feel  certain  ;  and  thus  the  whole  summer  was  expended  in 
these  negotiations  which  neither  assured  nor  deprived  any  party 
of  whatever  hopes  they  entertained  of  his  reconciliation  *. 

Ferdinand  tried  also  to  rouse  the  Venetians  to  a  stronger 
sense  of  the  impending  danger  as  well  as  to  remove  Duke 
Hercules  of  Ferrara  from  his  son-in-law  Lodovico  by  poison  f  ; 
nor  were  the  assurances  of  support  from  Spain  wanting ;  but 
Charles  also  despatched  ambassadors  across  the  Alps  under 
Perron  de  Baschi  who  first  addressing  the  Venetians,  demanded 
"  their  assistance  and  counsel  for  his  king."    These  aristocrats 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i«,  p.  42.  soned  by  her  husband  instead,  and  his 

+  Malipiero  asserts  that  he  attempted  alliance  became  more  close  with  Lodo- 

to  poison   Hercules  by  means  of  his  vico  and  Charles  VIIL  in  consequence, 

wife  who  was  Ferdinand's  own  sister;  —(Vide  Archivio  Storico   Italiano, 

but  this  being  discovered  she  was  poi-  vol.  vii.,  p.  319). 


504 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


ever  cautious  in  their  proceedings,  although  well  pleased  to  see 
Naples  humbled  yet  wishing  to  avoid  reproach,  and  doubtful 
whether  they  might  not  be  ultimately  abandoned  by  the  French, 
replied  that  it  would  be  presumption  to  advise  a  monarch  sur- 
rounded by  so  many  sage  counsellors  ;  and  tliat  their  fears  of 
the  Turk,  against  whom  it  was  Charles's  hitention  fiually  to 
move,  would  prevent  their  rendering  him  any  ussistiince--. 

Perron^  now  alone,  but  subsequently  with  his  three  col- 
leagues, Stuart  of  Aubigny,  Bri9onnet,  and  the  President  of 
the  Parliament  of  Provence,  in  a  second  mission,  after  finish- 
ing his  business  at  Milan,  repaired  to  Florence  which  republic- 
had  already  despatched  Gentile  d'  Arezzo  and  Piero  Soderini 
t^  France  in  order  to  discover  Charles's  real  intentions  f. 

The  demands  and  the  answers  at  Florence  were  as  civil  and 
as  equivocal  as  at  Venice,  all  parties  declining  to  connnit  them- 
selves  before  Charles  had  crossed  the  Alps.     The  Florentine 
ambassadors  in  France  were  however  forced  to  a  more  explicit 
answer  in  favour  of  Charles  by  a  threat  against  their  commerce 
which  pervaded  tlie  whole  kingdom  and  always  served  as  a  ready 
and  powerful  instrument  of  evil    against  Florence   in    times 
when  the  resulting  self-injury  was  not  so  well  iniderstood  by 
France  as  at  present,  and  which  even  now  requires  to  be  more 
generally  and  clearly  appreciated  amongst  nations.  Piero  vainly 
attempted  to  convince  Ferdinand  that  a  compliance  with  the 
demands  of  France  for  a  passage  through  Tuscany  and  the 
supply  of  a  hundred  Florentine  men-at-arms  to  the  roval  army 
as  a  pledge  of  his  amity,  would  rather  do  good  than  harm  to 
Naples,  while  it  would  save  Florence  from  great  injuiy  and  Piero 
himself  from  universal  odium.  Ferdinand  reproached  him  with 
wavering,  and  Piero  resolving  to  stand  by  liim  said  that  he 
would  reply  to  the  propositions  of  France  by  another  embassy:. 

Mem.Phil.deCommes,L.b.vi,.,cap.v.,     :  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,pp.  191-2.- 

+   A*!,^-    .TV  .  .  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i«,cap.  ii.,p.53. 

t  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.    192.—  '     i       »i 


/ 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


505 


In  addition  to  these  difficulties  the  good  understanding 
between  Ferdinand  and  Alexander  began  to  liiil,  either  from 
the  pope  s  wish  to  profit  by  adding  to  the  difficulties  of  Fer- 
dinand, or  to  malie  him  for  the  sake  of  preserving  it  reduce  the 
Cardinal  della  llovere  (who  as  Bishop  of  Ostia  held  that 
important  fortress)  to  obedience  and  compel  him  to  appear  in 
Piome.  The  Idng  excused  himself ;  complained  of  Alexander  s 
malevolence  and  was  bitterly  and  even  menacingly  answered  ; 
so  that  their  late  reconciliation  was  almost  shaken  to  pieces  at 
a  moment  of  the  greatest  peril  for  Khig  Ferdinand.  This 
monarch  was  however  spared  the  misfortunes  he  anticipated 
and  died  as  he  was  going  in  person  to  Milan  with  the  most 
humble  proposals  in  the  beginning  of  1  404.  He  left  a  mottled 
character  of  good  and  evil  in  which  the  latter  far  predominated ; 
but  also  some  of  the  wisest  laws  and  most  beneficial  institutions 
of  his  country  *. 

In  tliis  state  of  universal  agitation  the  year  1404  commenced 
and  we  have  endeavoured  to  exhibit  the  j^eneral  occa- 

A.D.  1494. 

sion  of  it ;  but  there  was  an  eternal  and  separate 
working  in  Florence  that  began  under  Lorenzo  and  became  a 
powerful  instrument  in  the  dispersion  of  his  family,  a  fermenta- 
tion in  which  religion  and  politics  were  so  curiously  blended  in 
its  progress  and  consequences  as  to  form  an  important  and 
instructive  part  of  the  Florentine  histoiy. 

Libertinism,  seldom  f;ir  removed  in  those  davs  from  the  chair 
of  Saint  Peter,  mounted  that  throne  with  Sixtus  IV.  and  Inno- 
cent VIII.  and  shone  conspicuous  with  all  its  vices  under 
the  auspices  of  a  Borgia.  The  high  ecclesiastics  of  sincere 
fciith  and  rigid  morality,  and  their  more  humble  followers, 
could  hardlv  without  a  shudder  behold  murder,  lasciviousness, 
adultery,  and  even  incest  itself,  waving  their  bloody  and  immodest 
arms  over  the  high  priest  of  Christendom  and  directing  the  moiuls 

Ammirato,  lib.   xxvi..  p.    194. —     — Giannonc,   Stor.  Civile  di  Napoli, 
Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",cap.  ii.,  pp.  5-i-56.     Lib.  xxvii.,  cap.  ii.,  p.  45. 


506 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[■OOK  II 


of  the  world  I  But  the  vices  of  popes  were  by  conscientious 
persons  attributed  to  the  individual,  not  the  system,  and  their 
profound  reverence  was  still  due  to  the  saintly  office  and  the 
law,  by  whomsoever  administered :  they  wished  to  banish  the 
evil,  drive  the  buyers  and  sellers  from  the  temple,  cleanse  the 
sanctuar}',  but  not  destroy  the  edifice.  Before  that  more  inti- 
mate mixture  of  European  people  which  followed  the  wars  of 
the  great  transalpine  nations  in  Italy,  a  veil  of  mystery  and 
veneration  covered  the  papal  throne  and  preserved  the  respect 
of  strangers ;  but  in  Italy  itself,  where  as  a  temporal  prince 
the  pope  was  in  everlasting  contact,  and  generally  collision 
with  his  flock,  and  unscrupulously  prostituted  the  sacred  to  the 
profane;  there  was  no  mysteiy.  Politics  and  religion  went 
hand  in  hand  and  were  almost  equally  affected  by  the  stormy 
passions  of  the  day,  the  latter  being  made  subservient  to 
the  former,  to  priestly  vices  and  cupidity :  the  self-arrogated 
authority  of  heaven  was  degraded  to  the  serv  ice  of  hell  while 
morals,  virtue,  religious  and  social  order,  were  all  theoreticallv 
understood  and  all  equally  despised  and  cornipted  in  practice. 
The  object  of  any  reformer  who  might  appear  at  this  epoch 
must  therefore  have  necessarily  been  to  purify  these  consti- 
tuents of  society,  and  in  the  person  of  Girolamo  Savonarola  we 
find  all  the  enthusiastic  boldness  of  sincerity  combined  with 
that  powerful  eloquence  which  springs  from  an  over-excited 
and  imaginative  mind. 

Girolamo  Francesco  Savonarola  was  bom  at  Ferrarain  145--i, 
of  Michele  Savonarola  of  Padua  and  Annalena  Buonaccorsi  of 
Mantua  both  of  illustrious  families.  Early  distinguished  amongst 
his  companions  for  rapidity  of  acquirement  and  particularly 
for  a  love  of  theology,  he  secretly  quitted  his  family,  moved  by 
an  imagined  vision,  and  entered  with  all  his  natural  enthusiasm 
into  a  Dominican  convent  at  Bologna  where  he  assumed  the 
habit  of  that  order  in  1475  *.    His  talents  soon  attracted  notice 

♦  Storiadi  Girolamo  F.  Savonarola,  p.  5.— (Livorno,  1782,  4°). 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


507 


and  in  the  course  of  time  procured  him  the  plaxie  of  public 
lecturer  on  pliilosopliy  ;  but  with  a  hard  yet  feeble  voice,  a 
disagreeable  utterance,  and  a  frame  reduced  by  severe  absti- 
nence, he  found  more  admirers  of  his  erudition  than  his  elocu- 
tion.    None   then   suspected   the   slumbering  powers  of  an 
enthusiastic  mind   for   the   subjugation  of  impediments  that 
Nature  herself  seemed  to  have  planted  against  him  ;  and  those 
whose  senses  were  afterwards  rapt  by  the  regulated  cadence  of 
his  melodious  voice  as  it  rolled  through  the  vaulted  aisles  of 
the  Florentine  cathedral,  could  scarcely  believe  him  to  be  the 
same  sickly  monk  whose  vocal  infirmities  had  before  paralysed 
his  vast  erudition. in  that  very  capital.     Savonarola  himself 
almost  believed  the  change  to  be  miraculous,  and  fearful  of 
human  pride  loved  to  attribute  his  success  to  the  immediate 
inspiration  of  Heaven  as  its  chosen  messenger,  the  impulse  of 
which  inspiration  he  felt  for  the  first  time  in  1483.    Savonarola 
fancied  himself  appointed  to  preach  repentance  to  every  Chris- 
tian while  denouncing  tlie  calamities  which  his  own  sagacity 
foresaw  were  likely  to  be  inflicted  on  church  and  state  through- 
out the  whole  of  Italy.    After  failing  at  Florence  in  1481,  this 
singular  man  began  preaching  at  Brescia  in  1484,  especially 
on  the  Apocal}T)se,  and  prophesied  that  its  streets  would  be 
bathed  in  blood ;  a  prediction  supposed  to  have  been  accom- 
plished when  Gaston  de  Foix  massacred  the  inhabitants  in  the 
year  1500,  twenty-four  months  after  Savonarola's  death.     In 
1489  he  was  invited  to  Florence  by  Piero  de'  Medici  at  the 
earnest  recommendation  of  ( iiovanni  Pico  della  Mimndola  who 
liad  always  been  his  friend,  but  who   was  more  forcibly  im- 
pressed with   his   extraordinary  talents  and  character  during 
some  religious  disputations  at  Beggio  in  1485  *. 

He  travelled  on  foot  as  a  pilgrim  with  scrip  and  staff',  fell 
ill  on  the  road  from  exhaustion,  was  relieved  by  a  mysterious 
stranger,  who  accompanied  him  to  Florence,  took  his  leave  at 

»  Storia  di  Savonarola,  pp.  6,  12,  13,  15,  16,  17  and  18. 


508 


FT.ORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ir. 


the  gates,  and  was  never  seen  afterwards.  The  monks  of  San 
Marco  received  him  with  no  less  joy  tlian  wonder  at  his  im- 
provement in  learning  and  eloquence,  his  tone  of  voice,  and 
imposing  gestures  and  manner ;  and  from  this  moment  lie 
thundered  forth  his  denunciations  of  coming  woe  and  worked 
for  eight  years  successively  with  the  most  persuasive  eloquence 
on  the  excited  minds  of  the  Florentines. 

From  the  first  he  seems  to  have  disliked  Lorenzo  de'  :\Iedici, 
who  nevertheless  admired  his  talents  and  used  every  means  to 
propitiate  liim  hut  in  vjiin :  Savonarola  was  stern,  resolved, 
and  dignified;  but  respectful;  he  prophesied  that  gi-eat  as  Lo- 
renzo was  and  he  an  humble  stranger  the  formcT  would  be 
compelled  to  leave  his  native  city  before  him.  Lorenzo  at  last 
became  irritated  at  the  monk's  obstinjicy,  and  authoritatively 
restrained  his  too  exciting  eloquence  after  vainly  endeavouring 
to  put  him  down  by  a  rival  preacher.  Savouarula  w;is  however 
unsubdued,  and  for  some  time  braved  all  Lorenzo's  authority 
although  he  afterwards,  whether  from  compulsion  or  reflection, 
changed  the  tone  of  liis  discourses  to  a  simple  and  continued 
but  clear  and  eloquent  exposition  of  the  Old  Testament.  He  saw 
church  discipline  corrupted,  the  shepherds  negligent,  the  sha- 
dow of  Gods  wrath  overspreading  all  the  land,  and  he  preaclied 
repentance  and  reform  ;  but  he  never  for  an  instant  doubted 
the  tenets  of  the  church  itself,  or  dreamed  of  submitting  them 
to  examination;  yet  he  believed  himself  inspired,  and  was  in 
the  habit  of  authoriUitively  asserting  from  the  pulpit  tliat 
"  God  willed  thus  and  thus,  and  it  must  be  done  "*. 

Against  the  abuse  of  human  institutions  hv  brought  reascm 
to  his  aid  as  well  as  religion,  and  fought  with  a  two-edged 
sword :  in  all  these  he  would  acknowledge  no  other  end  than 
utility  to  the  human  species  ;  "  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest 
number  "  was  already  a  maxim  of  Savonarola's  long  ere  Bec- 
caria  reduced  it  to  that  verbal  form;  and  a  respect  for  human 

*  Stor.  di  Savonarola,  pp.  17,  22,  24,  27,  32.— Nerli,  Com.,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  64. 


CHAI'.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


509 


rights  was  the  compass  by  which  he  originally  steered.     Liberty 
in  his  mind  was  only  second  to  religion  (if  indeed  it  could  ever 
exist  without  her)  and  its  destmction  by  any  individual,  a  crime 
that  placed  his  salvation  in  jeopardy  :  hence  his  sternness  to 
Lorenzo  whom  he  otherwise  admired  :  hence  his  constant  refusal 
to  visit  him  or  to  pay  him  even  the  common  courtesy  due  to  the 
patron  of  his   convent  :  hence  his  contemptuous  reception  of 
every  overture  ;  and  his  IV'urs  lest  the  slightest  mark  of  respect 
from  him  might  be  construed  into  a  recognition  of  Medician 
authoiity.     But  if  the  great  name  and  talents  of  Lorenzo  were 
unable  to  soften  this  republican  severity  there  was  still   less 
likelihood  that  Piero's  unlledged  weakness  should  remove  it ; 
for  it  was  this  danwrous  libenditv  of  sentiment,  this  incon- 
venientpliilanthrojiV;  coml)ined  with  Savonarola's  popularity  and 
all-exciting  elocpience  whivh  alarmed  Lorenzo  and  made  him 
check  the   public  expression  of   an  iionesty  he  could   never 
bribe  :  and  though  the  unliending  priest  refused  to  acknowledge 
his  sovereij:fntv  he  was  vet  forced  to  obey  him  as  head  of  the 
commonwealth  jmd  so  abstain  from   such   doctrine  as   might 
excite  the  puldic  passions  through  his  free  and  powerful  elo- 
(pience.      The  moral  etlect  of  his  preaching  was  penetmting ; 
it  altered  manners,  repressed  female  vanity,  restored  ill-gotten 
gains,  and  introduced  such  modesty  of  deportment  and  dress 
amongst  the  women  as  had  never  before  been  witnessed.     The 
political  discourses  repressed  by  Lorenzo  were  resumed  under 
Piero  and  mainly  assisted  in  shaking  his  authority ;  for  Savona- 
rola's reasoning  was  sound,  his  eloquence  persuasive,  his  prophe- 
cies alarming,  his  boldness  imposing;  and  all  these  acted  like 
magic  on  an  acute  and  discontented,  but  a  feaiiul,  excited  and 
superstitious  people  *. 

His  visional-}'  enthusiasm,  or  his  clear  perception  of  the  hold 
that  he  had  on  the  public  nund,  led  him  to  assert  most  auda- 

*  Storia  di  Savonarola, p.  31, note  3. — Fil.  Ncili,   Commentarj  de'  Fatti  civil, 
di  Fireuze,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  58. 


510 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


fiously  from  the  pulpit  that  he  had  been  to  heaven  as  ambas- 
sador from  Florence  and  that  Jesus  Christ  himself  had  in  con- 
sequence assumed  the  sovereignty  of  the  Florentine  republic. 
"  And  yet,"  says  Macchiavelli,  "  this  man  persuii<led  the  Flo- 
rentines who  were  neither  dull  nor  ignorant,  that  he  spoke  with 
God."  And  then  adds  :  "  I  will  not  preteml  tu  judge  whether 
it  were  true  or  not,  because  of  such  a  man  ui  must  speak  with 
reverence ;  but  I  do  say  that  an  infinite  number  believed  liim 
without  having  seen  anything  extraordinary  to  make  them  be- 
lieve ;  because  his  life,  his  doctrine,  the  subjects  of  his  dis- 
coui'se  were  sufficient  to  inspire  faith  "  -^". 

Savonarola  was  undoubtedly  an  able  man  ;  probably  a  clear 
sighted  politiciim  as  well  as  an  enthusiast,  and  made  this  saga- 
city subservient  to  his  real  objects ;  yet  in  point  of  fact  but  littb^ 
foresight  was  required  to  see  the  probability  of  unsettled  times  ; 
and  when  after  Lorenzo's  death  he  observed  a  strong  disposition 
to  shake  off  the  concentrated  power  of  the  Medici  he  at  once  took 
the  ball  in  his  own  hand,  and  preached,  and  reasoned,  and 
threatened ;  and  exposed  the  designs  of  those  who  wished  for  a 
restricted  government  with  such  vehemence,  both  publicly  and 
privately,  that  he  gained  universal  credit  and  unbounded  powers. 
No  sooner  was  Ferdinand  dead  than  Ali)honso  sent  an  embassy 
to  Rome  which,  after  some  double-dealing  on  Alexander  s  part 
in  favour  of  France,  concluded  a  favourable  treatv  and  attached 
liim  to  the  league  :  nor  was  he  less  sedulous  in  the  midst  ot 
existing  difficulties  to  continue  his  father  s  negotiations  with 
Milan  and  by  sacrificing  his  daughter's  cjiuso  to  his   alarm, 
bring  her  back  to  Naples  and  owe  his  safety  entirely  to  Lodo- 
vico.     The  latter  went  on  temporising  both  with  him  and  Piero 
de'  Medici  while  he  unceasingly  urged  the  French  monarch  to 
hasten  his  preparations:  Charles  Vlll.  sent  another  embassy 
of  the  already-named  lords  to  renew  his  demands  of  a  free  pas- 


*  Scgni,  Storie  Fiorent..  Lib.  i",  pp.  23-25. — Maahiavt Hi,  Discorsi,  cap.  xi. 

t  Fil.  Neili,  Comment ,  Lib.  iv.,  p.U5. 


CHAP.  Tl.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


511 


sage  from  Florence  and  publish  his  reasons  for  invading  the 
kingdom  of  Naples.  They  then  proceeded  to  Rome ;  but 
neither  public  threats  nor  private  promises  to  Piero,  could 
induce  him  to  abandon  Alphonso,  although  against  the  here- 
ditary policy  of  his  family,  and  contrary  to  the  wishes  and 
opinions  of  the  people  whose  numerous  commercial  relations 
with  every  part  of  France  were  a  strong  bond  of  union.  Neither 
were  the  ambassadors  more  successful  with  Alexander  who  had 
now  tiiken  a  decided  part  in  favour  of  Naples  and  resolved  to 
abide  by  it,  as  long  as  it  suited  his  interests  *. 

The  result  of  all  we  have  endeavoured  to  explain  amounts  to 
this :  that  after  Lorenzo's  deatli  Florence  swerved  from  Milan,, 
unsettled  the  political  balance,  and  leaned  to  Naples  :  that 
Milan  being  alarmed,  united  with  the  pope  and  Venice  in  a 
league  against  them,  all  three  wishing,  for  different  reasons,  to 
see  Naples  humbled.  That  Lodovico  suspicious  of  his  allies  and 
doubting  his  own  safety,  invited  Charles  VIIL  to  assert  his 
claims  on  Naples,  invade  Italy,  give  his  protection  to  Milan, 
and  receive  her  assistance  in  return  ;  that  Alexander  after  in- 
triguing with  both  sides  ultimately  held  to  Alphonso  f;  that 
Venice,  not  indisposed  to  let  all  parties  be  weakened,  remained 
ostensibly  neutral ;  and  that  Piero  de'  Medici  still  clinging  to 
Naples  drew  down  on  his  country  the  indignation  of  France  by 
pertmaciously  refusing  a  passage  that  her  monarch  was  able 
and  detei-mined  to  effect.  We  will  now  proceed  to  the  more 
stirring  events  of  the  war|. 

Alphonso  made  his  preparations  for  the  defence  of  Italy  in 
such  a  w^ay  that  all  the  peninsula  to  the  northern  confines  of 

•  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i*^,  cap.  ii",  pp.  55 
to  63. 

t  Domenico  Malipiero  in  his  "  Annali 
Vencti"  (p.  318,  vol.  vii.,  Archirio 
Storico  Itallano)  says  that  Ascanio 
Sforza  persuaded  the  pope  to  invest 
Lodovico  with  the  lordship  of  Bologna 
on  condition  of  expelling  the  Bcnti- 


voijli  and  the  payment  of  70,000 
ducats  and  10,000  more  annually  as 
tribute  to  tlie  church.  This  does  not 
appear  to  be  noticed  by  other  histo- 
rians, 

X  Fran".  Cei,  Mem.  Stori.he,  p.  4G, 
MS.  in  the  author's  possession. 


512 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   1!. 


Tuscany,  Bologna,  and  the  petty  states  of  Romagna  were  united, 
and  Lucca  and  Siena  disposed  to  join.  The  principal  army  was 
sent  hito  Romagna  under  Ferdinand  Duke  of  Calabria  with  the 
hopes  of  raising  a  revolt  in  Lombardy :  Alplionso's  brother. 
Prince  Frederic,  commanded  the  fleet  which  was  stationed  at 
the  port  of  Pisa  to  watch  the  enemy's  movements  at  (^lenua 
while  the  king  remained  within  his  own  frontier  and  Virginio 
Oi-sino  with  a  strong  force  held  the  Colonnain  check  about  Rome. 

The  Ecclesiastical  states  and  Neapolitan  frontier  were  further 
protected  by  another  army  in  the  Abnizzi,  and  Cardinal  Paulo 
Fregoso  Archbishop,  and  fonnerly  r)oge  of  Genoa,  oftered  in  a 
council  of  the  allies  at  Vicovaro  near  Tivoli  to  raise  a  rebellion 
in  his  native  city  and  expel  the  Milanese  and  x\dorni,  if  he 
could  only  manage  to  reach  it  with  the  Neapolitan  squadron 
before  the  French  arrived.  The  proposal  was  accepted  and  he 
sailed  for  Genoa;  but  all  his  intrigues  had  already  been  disco- 
vered by  the  restless  spirit  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere  :  that  pre- 
late leaving  Ostia  well  garrisoned  under  his  l»rother,  made  the 
best  of  his  way  to  France  and  finding  the  king  at  Lyon  suc- 
ceeded in  fixing  the  unsteady  mind  of  this  weak  prince  who 
after  all  his  sacrifices  was  principally  through  the  influence  of 
his  sister  about  to  give  up  the  expedition.  Mainly  l)y  Giuliauos 
exertions  some  reenforcements  were  despatched  to  Genoa  and 
Don  Frederic  was  defeated  at  Porto  Venere  ;  the  Genoese  insur- 
gents and  three  thousand  infantry  under  Ibletto  de'  Fiescbi 
were  destroyed  at  Piapalla  by  a  French  and  ^Milanese  division. 
and  the  whole  enterprise  failed  *. 

Meanwhile  great  preparations  were  making  at  Genoa  under 
the  direction  of  his  grand  equerrj'  Pierre  d'  Urfe  for  the 
French  monarch's  reception ;  a  fleet  commanded  by  the  Duke  ol 
Orleans  was  rapidly  equipped  consisting  of  twelve  great  trans- 
ports capable  of  containing  fifteen  hundred  horse,  nmety-six  of 

*  Malipicro,  Annali  Vencti,  p.  318. —     jirdini,  liih.  i",  cap.  ii",  p.  67. — Paulo 
Phil,  tie  Comines,  cap.  iv.  v. — Guicci-     Giovio,  Lib.  i",  pp.  31-35. 


CHAP.  TI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


513 


smafler  size  for  infantry ;  seventeen  "  Speronate  "  *,  twenty-three 
vessels  of  five  hundred  and  sixty,  and  twenty-six  of  five  hundred 
and  eighty  tons ;  one  great  galeas  or  double  galley  that  carried 
a  hundred  horses ;  thirty  armed  war  galleys,  and  finally  the 
royal  galley  with  a  gilded  poop  and  a  silken  awning  extending 
from  stem  to  stem.  These  were  merely  intended  as  auxiliary 
to  the  French  squadron  and  the  whole  number  of  horses  em- 
barked was  under  eighteen  hundred  ;  but  Charles  with  his 
usual  wavering,  "  not  being  provided,"  says  Philip  de  Comines, 
"  \rith  great  sense  or  much  money,  nor  with  anything  necessary- 
for  such  an  enterprise,"  changed  his  mind  and  crossed  the  Alps 
by  the  pass  of  Mont  Genevre  in  August  1494  with  an  army 
amounting  after  the  junction  of  Lodovico  Sforza  to  sixty  thou- 
sand men  of  all  arms  and  conditions  including  followers  f. 

The  Duke  of  Savoy  and  the  Marquis  of  Monteferrato  were 
both  minors  under  the  care  of  their  respective  mothers,  who 
fearful  of  the  storm  and  perhaps  not  imfriendly  to  Charles 
opened  all  the  passes  and  cities  of  their  territories  :  the  duchess 
met  him  at  Turin,  the  marchioness  at  Casale ;  he  bori-owed  the 
jewels  of  both  ;  pledged  them  for  24,000  ducats ;  and  then 
took  his  leave  of  the  two  female  regents  of  Savoy  and  Monte- 
ferrato ; !  At  Asti,  which  belonged  to  the  Duke  of  Orieans  in 
right  of  his  mother  Valentina  Visconte,  Charies  was  joined  by 
Lodovico  with  his  wife  Beatrice  of  Este  and  her  father  Her- 
cules Duke  of  Ferrara  l)esides  a  selection  of  the  most  beautiful 
women  of  Milan,  who  it  is  said  were  more  celebrated  for  their 
fascination  than  their  severity,  and  by  whose  aid  Lodovico  hoped 
to  influence  the  young  and  voluptuous  monarch.  The  king 
however  fell  ill  of  some  disease  resembling  the  smallpox,  and 
the  Italians  it  is  said  were   indebted  to  this  army  for  the 

A  sort  of  light   galley  or  despatch-     niaiii,  An.  de  GcBoa,.  Lib.  v.,  Carta 
boat ;  now  pulling  about  twenty  oars,     ccxlix.— Interiano,  Lib.  viii.,  p.  228. 
and  used  in  the  latter  character  ulone.     — Sismondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  336. 
t  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  28.— Phil.     1^^  Phil,  de  Comines,  cap.  v. 
de  Comines,  cap.  iv.,  p.  425— Giiisti- 
^OL.  III.  L  L 


514 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  11. 


introduction  of  another  illness  before  unknown  in  their  country. 
At  Pavia  Charles  visited  the  unfortunate  Giovan-Galeazzo 
and  his  unhappy  duchess :  the  former  was  fast  siukmg,  as  was 
believed,  by  slow  poison  ;  the  latter  even  in  Lodovico's  presence 
for  no  private  inteiTiew  was  allowed,  implored  the  king  on  her 
knees  to  spare  Alphonso  and  her  brother  Ferdinand ;  he  was 
moved  but  had  gone  too  far  to  change,  and  breaking  away  from 
so  painful  a  scene  forgot  his  unhappy  cousin  and  continued  Lis 
march  to  Placentia*. 

While  at  Placentia  Lodovico  heard  of  his  nephew's  death  on 
the  twentieth  of  October,  and  immediately  returned  to  Milan  : 
the  young  duke  left  two  children,  a  son  and  daughter,  the  former 
but  five  years  of  age ;  this  minority  was  a  good  excuse  for  usurpa- 
tion, wherefore  Lodovico  by  the  senate's  advice  availed  himself  of 

'  ft 

his  secret  investiture  by  Maximilian  and  thereupon  was  pro- 
claimed Duke  of  Milan.  He  immedijitely  after  rejoined  tlie 
king,  giving  rise  to  great  suspicion  disgust  and  detestation 
amongst  the  Frenchmen,  and  with  the  general  reputation  of 
having  poisoned  his  unfortunate  kinsman  f . 

There  were  those  however  who  attributed  the  young  dukes 
death  to  immoderate  sensual  indulgence  l)ut  the  general  belief 
was  poison,  and  at  the  French  court  people  expressed  their 
opinion  openly  that  this  deed  had  been  long  premeditated  and 
that  the  real  cause  of  his  inviting  Charles  VI II.  into  Italy  wa.s 
to  prevent  all  opposition  by  his  presence  I. 

The  French  armv  was  now  ready  to  march  through  Tus^cany : 

^  ft  *^ 

it  consisted  of  three  thousand  six  hundred  men  at-arms :  six 
thousand  foot-archers  from  hretagne ;  six  thousand  cross-bow 
men  from  the  central  provinces;  eight  tlmusand  Gascon  ni- 
fantry  at  that  time  the  most  esteemed  in  1  lanee ;  all  armed 
with    arquebuses   and    two-handed   swords ;    and   eight  thou- 

•  Guicriardini,  Lib.  i'\  cap.  iii.,  pp.  .%,  — fiuirtianliiii,  Lil..  i",  rap.  iii",  p.  09. 

98.  —  Phil,    de   Cominea,   Lib.    vii.,  — Jacojx.  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  19. 

cap.  vi.  :J:  Ibid.,  p.  100. 
t  Phil,  de  Comincs,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  vi. 


CHAP.  ▼!.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


515 


sand  Swiss  or  German  pikemen  and  halberdiers.    An  immense 
number  of  attendants  followed  and  increased  this  splendid  force 
which  was  led  by  the  king,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  afterwards 
Louis  XII.  the  Duke  of  Vendome ;  the  Count  of  Montpensier; 
Louis  de  Ligue  Lord  of  Luxembourg ;  Louis  de  la  Tremouille 
and  other  great  seigniors,  besides  the  Seneschal  of  Beaucaire  ; 
Briyonnet  Bishop  of  Saint  Malo  both  confidential  advisers  of 
Charles,   and    though   last   not   least,    his    father's   old  and 
faithful  counsellor  Philip  de  Comines  Lord  of  Argenton  who 
has  left  so  interesting  and  instinctive  a  liistory  of  his  own  times 
t^i  posterity  *.  Tlie  French  man-at-arms  or  lance  (a  name  which 
seems  to  have  been  gradutdly  dropped  in  Italy  after  the  cessa- 
tion of  transalpine  condottieri  by  whom  it  was  introduced)  con- 
sisted of  six  horsemen,  of  which  two  were  archers  :  they  were 
nearly  all  French  subjects,  and  all  gentlemen,  who  were  neither 
enrolled  nor  removed  at  the  general's  pleasure  nor  paid  by  him 
as  in  Italy,  but  received  their  salary  direct  from  the  crown : 
their  squadrons  were  always  maintained  conii)lete  and  every 
man  was  well  e<]uipped  l)0th  with  arms  and  horses ;  for  their 
circumstances  were  equal  to  it  ;  and  there  was  a  good  spirit  and 
an  honourable  emulation  to  distiiii^uisli  themselves  not  onlv  for 
the  sake  of  glory  but  promotion,  and  the  same  spirit  existed 
amongst  the  leaders   and  generals,   who  were  all   lords  and 
barons  or  of  illustrious  lamily  and  nearly  all  native  French- 
men.    None  of  the  subordhiate  chiefs  commanded  more  than 
a  hundred  lancen  and  when  these  were  complete,  they  looked 
only  to  glory  and  promotion  whieh  were  pursued  with  a  singular 
devotion  to  tlie  king  whom  they  considered  the  source  of  both. 
The  result  of  this  spirit  and  this  e(piality,  was  a  steadiness  in 
tlieir  service,  an  al)sence  of  any  desire,  whether  from  avarice 
or  ambition,  to  change  their  masters,  and  a  similar  absence  of 
any  rivalry  with  other  captains  for  a  largei-  command. 

All  this  ditlered  from  the  Italian  army  in  which  the  men-at- 

♦  Mem.de  Louis  dc  la  Tremouille,  rited  by  Sitmoudi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  344. 

L  L   2 


516 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  n. 


arms  were  at  this  time  priucipdly  composed  of  the  lower  ranks 
of  society,  of  strangers  from  other  suites,  the  subjects  of  other 
princes ;   all  depending  on  the  condottieri,  with  whom  tliey 
agreed  for  their  salary  and  hy  tliem  alone  wab  it  paid,   yet 
without  any  generous  stimulus  to  honour,  glory,  or  good  service ; 
but  on  the  contrary'  the  ceitainty  of  an  unfeeling  dismissal 
when  no  longer  wanted.     The  generals  themselves  were  rarely 
the  subjects  of  those  they  sened  and  frequently  had  different 
ends  and  interests,  which  were  sometimes  even  directly  inimical. 
Amongst  each  other  there  was  abundance  of  hatred  and  rivalry 
and  consequent  absence  of  discipline  :  nor  had  they  always  a 
prefixed  period  of  service ;  wherefore  being  entire  mastei-s  of 
their  troops  they  left  their  numbei*s  incomplete,  though  paid 
for;  defrauded  their  employers  ;  demanded  shameful  contribu- 
tions from  them  in  emergencies,  and  then  tired  of  the  service, 
or  stimulated  by  ambition  or  avarice  or  some  other  temptation 
they  were  not  only  tickle  but  unfaithful.     Nor  was  there  less 
difference  in  the  infantrj^  of  France  and  Italy  :  the  latter  fought 
ill  compact  and  well-ordered  battalions,  but  scattered  over  the 
country  and  taking  advantage  of  its  banks  and  ditches  and  all 
its  local  peculiai-ities :  the  Swiss  in  French  pay  un  the  contrary 
combated  in  large  masses  of  an  invariable  number  of  rank  and 
file,  and  never  breaking  tliis  order  th»y  presented  themselves 
like  a  strong,  solid,  and  iilmost  unconquerable  wall  wliere  there 
was  sutficient  space  to  deploy  their  battalions:  with  similar  dis- 
cipline and  similar  (U'der  did  the  Frnn  li  and  (Gascon  iiifantrv 
fight,  but  not  with  ecjual  bravery.     In  tlieir  ordnance  however 
the  French  were  far  supeiior  to  the  Itidiaus  and  sent  so  great 
a  quantity  both  of  battering  and  field  artillery  to  Genua  fur  this 
war,  and  of  so  superior  a  nature,  that  the  lUilian  officers  were 
astonished.  Hitherto  in  Italy  this  warlike  arm  whether  usedui 
the  field  or  fortress  had  been  of  a  very  cumbrous  construction  ; 
the  largest  were  denominated  "  Boiaharde  "  and  were  made 
both  of  brass  and  iron,  but  of  great  size  :  difficult  of  transport ; 


CHAP.   V!.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


517 


difficult  to  place ;  and  difficult  to  discharge  :  much  time  was 
consumed  in  loading;  a  long  interval  passed  between  eveiy 
round  ;  and  the  effect  in  general  was  comparatively  trifling  with 
reference  to  the  time  and  labour  employed,  there  being  alwavs 
a  sufficient  interval  between  each  discharge  for  the  garrison  to 
repair  the  damage  at  their  leisure.  The  French  had  already 
cast  much  lighter  pieces  of  brass  ordnance  to  which  they  se(  in 
to  be  the  first  who  gave  the  name  of  cannon,  and  used  iron  shot 
instead  of  stone  balls  :  these  were  placed  on  lighter  carriages, 
and  instead  of  bullocks  as  in  Italy,  they  were  drawn  by  horses 
and  kept  pace  with  tlie  army.  They  were  placed  in  battery 
with  a  rapidity  that  astonished  the  Italians,  and  their  fire  was 
so  quick  and  well-directed  that  what  had  previously  been  many 
days'  work  amongst  the  latter  was  accomplished  in  a  few  hours 
by  the  Frenchmen ;  so  that  this  alone  made  their  army  formid- 
able to  all  Italy  independent  of  their  native  ferocity  and  valour*. 
With  such  soldiers  Charles  VII I.  entered  Tuscany  by  Pon- 
tremoli  which  then  belonged  to  Milan,  and  descending  the  left 
bank  of  the  Magra,  took  Fivizzano,  as  the  first  of  his  Florentine 
acquisitions,  put  the  whole  garrison  and  a  great  part  of  the 
inhabitants  to  death,  and  si)read  terror  through  a  land  unused 
to  Idoody  wars  and  indiscriminate  massacre  :  from  Fivizzano  the 
invaders  resumed  their  march  and  unwilling  to  leave  such  a 
place  as  Sarzana  in  their  rear  invested  that  town  with  all  the 
army  which  was  now  augmented  by  the  Swiss  auxiliaries  and  the 
artilleiy  from  Genoa.  Sai'zana  was  strong,  Sarzanella  situated 
on  the  hill  above,  infinitely  stronger ;  but  neither  properly  pre- 
pared for  a  siege,  mid  alarmed  even  at  the  very  name  of  a  French 
army.  Yet  the  enterprise  was  difficult ;  the  country  was  sterile, 
confined,  and  unhealthy,  and  provisions  scarce  ;  much  therefore 
might  have  been  done  by  a  strong  opposition  here ;  or  if  the  king 
left  the  siege  to  advance  on  Pisa  or  enter  the  states  of  Lucca, 
(which  through  Lodovico  s  intrigues  now  secretly  favoured  him) 


•  Guicciaidiiii,   Storia  d'  Itiilia,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iii",  p.  91. 


513 


FLORENTFNE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


or  to  advance  direct  on  Florence,  the  failure  of  his  attempt 
would  have  had  a  had  moral  influence  and  encouraged  further 
resistance*.  The  Duke  of  Calahria  had  in  tlie  meantinie 
occupied  Romagna  hut  with  an  inadequate  force,  and  heing 
young,  commanded  under  the  advice  of  Orsino  Count  of  Piti* 
♦diano  and  Giovanni  Jacomo  Trivulzio  ;  the  former  cautious  to 
u  fault  the  latter  fier)'  and  impetuous.  The  result  was  ill  suc- 
cess and  a  rapid  retreat  before  Stuart  Duke  of  Lennox  and 
Aubicmv,  and  the  subsequent  secession  of  Caterina  Sforza  from 
the  league  f .  All  this  ill-hick  began  to  damp  the  courage  of 
Piero  de'  Medici,  and  the  terror  of  his  fellow-citizens  redoubled 
public  indignation  against  him  :  the  French  monarch  had  com- 
pelled his  banking  establishment  at  Ljon  to  break  up,  but  left 
all  other  Florentines  unmolested,  in  order  to  show  the  world 
aftainst  whom  his  anger  was  directed.  This  circumstance  com- 
bined  with  their  teiTor  at  the  approaching  danger  drew  the 
citizens  into  closer  union  against  Piero,  who  was  accused  of 
e.xciting  a  war  for  another's  quarrel  with  a  nation  to  whom  they 
had  ever  been  warmly  attached.  Mm'murs  increased ;  Lorenzo 
and  Giovanni  de'  Medici  had  already  taken  refuge  at  the  French 
court  and  were  urging  Charles  to  overturn  a  system  of  govern- 
ment that  had  become  odious  to  the  majority  of  Florentines . 
there  was  no  sympathy  with  Piero,  even  amongst  the  populace ; 
his  fathers  friends  who  from  self-interestedness  were  now 
estranged  from  him,  had  been  long  courting  the  inferior  citizens 
in  the  fear  and  expectation  of  a  change  ;  and  he,  alarmed  at  the 
unwonted  signs  of  trouble,  simk  where  a  man  of  genius  would 
have  risen,  and  burst  like  the  frog  in  the  fable  with  his  mistaken 
efforts  to  imitate  a  greater  man  ^ 

Lorenzo  in  his  extremity  did,  with  much  precaution,  the 
boldest  and  wisest  act  that  circumstances  allowed ;  but  these 
were  as  different  as  the  two  men,  and  the  result  was  accord- 
ingly:  after  much  secret  preparation  and  extreme  pmdence 

♦  Guiccianlini,  Storia  d'  Italia,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iii.,  p.  102. 
+  Ibid.,  p.  108.  t  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  27. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


519 


Lorenzo  with  difficulty  succeeded,  and  Piero  had  been 
accustomed  to  hear  his  lather's  conduct  lauded  to  the  skies : 
prompted  by  his  own  folly  he  inconsiderately  determined  to 
imitate  him ;  wherefore  appointing  an  embassy  he  resolved  to 
proceed  at  its  head  to  the  French  comt  and  endeavour  to  nego- 
tiate. So  far  was  politic,  an  overwhelming  force  was  on  the 
frontier;  little  hope  of  effectual  resistance  remained;  the  city 
was  discontented;  his  own  authority  was  tottering;  he  could 
not  fight,  and  therefore  he  did  right  to  treat.  But  after  some 
secret  agreement  with  French  agents  he  abruptly  quitted  his 
colleagues  on  the  pretence  of  first  visiting  Pisa  and  hastened  on 
to  the  royal  camp  in  the  hope  of  conducting  the  negotiation 
more  unreservedly  and  with  greater  attention  to  private  than 
public  interests  than  he  could  possibly  do  ^rith  a  set  of  jealous 
discontented  companions.  At  Pietra  Santa  he  stopped  for  his 
passport,  (or  safe-conduct  as  it  was  then  called)  having  heard 
that  three  hundred  horse  who  attempted  to  reeuforce  Sar- 
zaiia  had  been  cut  to  pieces  :  proceeding  to  the  royal  camp  he 
was  received  with  apparent  graciuusness  ;  and  further  to  propi- 
tiate Charles  he  immediately  and  almost  voluntarilv  ordered 
Sarzana,  which  could  have  made  a  good  defence,  to  be  surren- 
dered and  Sarzanello  to  follow  its  example.  The  French 
monarch  astonished  and  delighted  at  this  easy  acquisition  of  two 
strong  fortresses  commanding  the  entrance  into  Tuscany, 
boldly  increased  his  demands  and  was  still  further  suqn-ised  by 
having  Pietra  Santa,  Leghorn,  Librafatta,  and  even  Pisa  placed 
in  his  hands  with  no  other  security  than  the  king's  note  of 
hand,  or  mere  verbal  promise  of  restoring  them  after  the  con- 
quest of  Naples  should  be  achieved.  When  the  rest  of  the 
ambassadors  arrived  they  were  astounded  at  Piero's  folly,  their 
utmost  intention  having  been  to  concede  what  they  could 
no  longer  refuse  ;  a  free  passage  through  the  Florentine  terri- 
tory. When  in  addition  to  this  it  was  Imown  that  Piero  had 
engaged  the  republic  to  lend  5^00,000  ilorins  for  which  the  king 


520 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


was  to  take  them  under  liis  protection  l)ut  only  on  the  securit\ 
of  his  simple  word  mitil  he  arrived  at  Florence,  puhlic  rage  and 
astonishment  became  unbounded,  and  a  reception  was  prepared 
for  the  Medici  that  he  little  expected.  They  saw  theii*  domi- 
nions laid  open  to  the  mercy  of  an  exasperated  foe  ;  their 
strongholds  surrendered  without  conditions  or  security,  and  tlie 
very  forms  of  republican  liberty  most  insolently  trampled  upon 
by  one  whose  arrogance  had  already  disgusted  them  and  whom 
they  were  previously  determined  to  pull  down  ;  but  having  no 
power  to  defend  Pisa  and  Leghoni  they  still  hoped  to  save  them 
by  denpng  Pieros  authority  to  make  any  such  concessions*. 

To  disavow  his  acts  they  at  once  despatched  another  emliassy, 
composed  of  those  most  adverse  to  Medician  power,  and  led  by 
Girolamo  Savonarola:  it  found  Charles  at  Lucca  but  was 
unable  to  obtain  an  audience  until  the  next  day  at  Pisa  where 
the  discourse  of  Savonarola  made  some  impression  and  would 
probably  have  been  more  efficacious  had  not  the  influence 
of  *'  Le  grand  Lombard''  as  the  French  called  Piero,  been  still 
most  mischievously  paramount  f. 

On  the  intelligence  of  these  events  reachmg  the  Duke 
of  Calabria  in  Romagna,  and  Don  Frederic  who  still  com- 
manded the  fleet,  the  latter  instantly  retired  from  Porto  Pisano 
and  Leghorn,  and  the  fonner  being  deprived  of  Florentine  aid 
quitted  Imola  and  Forli,  resolved  to  defend  Naples  on  her  o\ni 
soil  as  he  could  not  maintain  himself  in  a  stranger *s  ^.    Lodovico 


*  Phil,  de  Comincs,  cap.  vii. — Paulo 
Giovio,  Lib.  i",  p.  41. — Guicciardini, 
Lib.  i**,  cap.  iil,  p.  104. — Jacopo 
Nardi,  Lib.  i**,  p.  15 — 18. — Ammirato, 
Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  203. — All  these  facts  arc 
also  corroborated  bv  three  old  MSS-  in 
my  possession,  viz.  :  **  Francesco  Cci, 
Meniorie  Storiche,  dal  1494  a/  loQS." 
"  Relazione  della  Espuhione  di  Piero 
de'  Medici  e  di  altre  novita  scguitc 
in  Firenze  riel  1494."  "  Memonc  delle 
mutazioni  e  ordinazioni  seguite  lul 


(jovemo  di  Firenze  dopo  t  csjndsionr 
di  Piero  Medici.'^  These  are  writ- 
ten by  Guido  Giovanni  di  Zanobi 
Guidacci  (date  1G49)  or  rather  copied 
from  a  more  ancient  and  apparently  :i 
cotcmporary  MS. 

+  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  p.  110. — Stoiia 
di  Savoiiarcda,  p.  68. — Nardi,  Lib.  i", 
p.  18. 

:J:  Ibid.,  p.  20. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.. 
p.  203. 


CHAF.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


521 


at  tliis  time  although  he  received  the  investiture  of  Genoa  from 
the  king  for  himself  and  his  descendants,  left  the  French  camp 
and  returned  to  Milan,  sulky  with  Charles  because  Pietra  Santa 
and  Sarzana  were  not  also  according  to  promise,  placed  in  his 
custody  as  Genoese  possessions,  but  which  he  really  coveted 
as  weapons  for  the  future  conquest  of  Pisa*. 

Piero  seeing  in  the  anger  of  Florence  a  determination  to 
throw  off"  his  yoke,  instantly  ordered  his  cousin  Paulo  Orsino 
then  in  Florentine  pay  to  assemble  troops  and  be  ready  for 
action,  and  Paulo  accordingly  occupied  a  position  at  Sant' 
Antonio  del  Vescovo  near  the  city.  Piero  then  returned 
to  Florence  making  his  entiy  on  the  eighth  of  November 
1494  and  went  straight  to  the  palace  determined  to  establish 
his  power  by  force  of  arms  and  send  all  his  enemies  to  death 
or  banishment,  but  he  was  unequal  to  the  taskf.  Citizens  had 
grown  up  in  Florence  of  a  bolder  cast ;  men  who  from  early 
habits,  and  respect  for  the  great  abilities  of  Lorenzo  had  been 
content  to  serve,  but  scorned  the  puerile  insolence  and  feeble- 
ness of  his  son's  character:  a  character  made  still  more 
obnoxious  by  his  trampling  on  those  forms  of  liberty  which 
so  many  of  the  citizens  still  clung  to  even  while  they  felt 
their  emptiness.  At  the  head  of  these  was  Piero  di  Gino 
di  Neri  Capponi,  who  with  all  the  integrity,  the  courage,  and 
the  talent  of  his  family,  urged  upon  liis  fellow  citizens 
the  necessity  of  immediate  and  vigorous  action  ;  a  prompt 
assertion  of  public  liberty  against  the  designs  of  Piero  de' 
IMedici  in  the  first  instance ;  tuid  an  unanimous  effort  for 
the  national  independence  against  foreign  invasion  in  the 
second.  Capponi  was  supported  by  Luca  di  Bertoldo  Corsini 
and  Jacopo  di  Tanai  de'  Nerli,  both  openly  declarmg  that  then 
was  the  moment  to  rid  themselves  of  child's  government.  A 
Seignory,  all  but  one  inimical  to  Piero,  was  accordingly  chosen 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i**,  cap.  iii.,  p.  1  10. — Phil,  de  Comines,  cap.  vii. 
f  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  20. 


522 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


523 


>S| 


ihrougli  this  influence  on  the  first  of  November  1494  by  a 
large  meeting  of  citizens  in  conjunction  with  the  "  Otto  di 
Pratica,"  and  under  Giovanni  Francesco  Scaifi  as  gonfalonier 
of  justice-. 

To  the  bold  attempt  of  making  himself  absolute  prince  of 
Florence  in  existing  cii'cumstances,  it  is  said  that  Piero  was 
persuaded  by  his  wife  Alfonsina  and  other  relations  of  the 
( )i'sini  race  ;  but  however  that  may  be,  on  Sunday  the  ninth  of 
November  he  went  direct  to  the  palace,  which  was  closed,  and 
was  infoiTued  of  the  Seignoiy's  command  tliat  he  alone  should 
be  admitted,  and  only  through  the  wicketf .  Piero  withdrew  much 
disconcerted,  but  after  retiring  a  few  paces  he  was  recalled  by  a 
messenger  from  Antonio  Lorini  who  that  day  happened  to  be 
'' Prcposto^'  or  President  of  the  Seignory  and  still  in  some 
degree  attached  to  the  Medici.  Lorini  would  therefore  allow 
no  proposition  to  be  made  in  that  council  against  Piero,  nor 
even  peimit  a  general  meeting  of  the  citizens  by  sounding  the 
great  bell  of  the  palace  ;  he  would  even  have  at  once  admitted 
Piero  had  not  Luca  Corsini,  Jacopo  Nerli,  and  others  hurried 
to  the  gate  and  refused  him  an  entrance  with  high  words  and 
pei'sonal  insult*.  The  people  present  seeing  him  thus  con- 
temptuously driven  from  the  gate  shouted  in  derision  as  he 
passed,  nay  the  very  children  took  up  this  hue  and  cry  and 
even  pelted  liim,  so  that  Piero  although  naturally  courageous 
and  in  the  midst  of  his  armed  attendants,  was  overcome  with 


*  They  were  Luca  Corsini,  Giovanni 
Uguccionc,  Francesco  Niccolini,Filippo 
Sacchetti,  Giuliano  Lenzone,  Chimenti 
Sciarpellonc,  Antonio  Lorini  and  Fran- 
cesco Taddei — with  the  above-named 
gonfalonier  of  justice.  —  Francesco 
Cei,  Mem.  Stor.,  p.  1 3,  MS. 
1*  "Vita  di  Savonarola,  cap.  vi.,  p.  Gl. 
t  Nerli  spit  in  his  face  (Vita  di  Sa- 
vonarola, cap.  vi.,  p.  21,  Gencvra, 
1781).  The  MS.  history  of  Francesco 
Cei  says  that  Piero  icas  admitted  with 


a  few  attendants  on  his  Jirst  applica- 
tion ;  that  he  excused  himself  before 
the  Seignory  ;  was  admonished  and 
ordered  to  send  Paulo  Orsino  away, 
and  desist  from  every  act  that  might 
give  rise  to  suspicions  against  him — 
(p.  15.)  and  that  the  above  insults 
happened  at  his  second  visit  on  the 
9th  November. — Jacopo  Pitti's  account 
agrees  with  this  but  makes  out  three 
visits  to  the  palace  and  two  admissions 
there  by  the  Seignory. — (Lib.  i",  p.  31.) 


fear :  the  Bargello  Pier  Antonio  dalF  Aquila,  who  came  with 
a  guard  to  his  assistance  was  at  once  disarmed  and  rifled,  and 
then  conducted  quietly  l)ack  to  his  residence.  Piero  soon 
reached  the  Medici  palace  in  Via  Larga  while  the  Bargello  was 
compelled  to  release  his  prisoners,  and  these  with  the  arms  of 
his  guard  were  the  first  men  and  the  first  weapons  used  to 
overthrow  a  tyranny  of  sixty  years'  duration -^^ 

These  unequivocal  signs  of  public  feeling  encouraged  the 
Seignory,  who  hearing  that  Piero  had  denounced  them  and  being 
fearful  of  Oi-smo's  troops,  immediately  tolled  the  campana :  this 
soon  brought  the  citizens  together  with  such  old-fashioned 
weapons  as  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon  ;  for  in  those  days 
few  were  allowed  to  cany  arms,  and  only  in  the  houses  of  the 
j\Iedician  party  could  any  be  found,  so  jealous  was  their  rule  f ! 
On  reachhig  home  Piero  lost  no  time  in  summoning  Paulo 
Orsino  to  his  aid  while  Cardinal  Giovanni  issued  out  at  the 
head  of  his  followers,  making  way  towards  tlie  palace  with 
the  Medician  ciy  of  "  Palle  Palle ;"  until  it  Avas  overcome  by 
the  now  more  formidable  shouts  of  "  Popolo,  Popolo ;  Libertdy 
Liberta,''  and  the  cardinals  progress  was  arrested  at  Orto-San- 
Michele.  This  increased  Piero  s  alarm  who  hastily  fled  to- 
wai'ds  Porta  Sangallo  endeavouring  to  raise  that  quarter  in  his 
favour  by  flinging  money  amongst  the  people  and  using  every 
other  means  that  he  and  his  brother  Giuliano  could  command. 
But  the  population  of  Sangallo  ;  of  yore  devoted  to  his  house  ; 
were  now  insensible  to  everything  l)ut  the  sullen  sound  of  the 
campana  tlien  rolling  over  their  heads  the  parting  knell  of 
the  Medici :  Piero  listened  to  it  and  fled,  and  like  a  startled 
deer  rushed  through  the  city  gates  which  then  closed  and  shut 
him  out  for  everj. 


*   Jacopo   Nardi,    Lib.    i",   p.    20. —     Phil,  dc  Comincs,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  viii. 
Piuicciardini,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iv.,  p.  1 1 1. —     f  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i^  p.  21 . 


Ouicciaraini,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iv.,  p „_..j, , ,  , 

Animirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  204. — Fran.  X  l^'^i-  Cei,  MS.,  p.  16. — Jacopo 
Cei,  p.  16,  MS.— Gio.  Guidacci,  Es-  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  22.— Vita  di  Savon- 
imlsione  di  Piero  di  Medici,  MS. —     arola,  cap.  vi.,  p.  22. 


524 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


[book    II. 


CHAP. 


VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


525 


I 


The  Cardinal  de'  Medici  who  had  stopped  at  the  Cantoiip 
del  Giglio ;  sending  his  majordomo  on  to  Orsanniichele  where 
he  was  left  for  dead ;  on  learning  that  the  Seignorv  had  declared 
him  a  rehel  disguised  himself  as  a  monk  and  along  with  Giuli 
ano  followed  the  steps  of  his  elder  brother*.  The  latter  Hed 
in  the  first  instance  to  Careggi  and  then  towards  Bologna :  l»iit 
his  companions  became  territied  and  after  a  few  miles  Piero  w.is 
nearly  deserted  :  even  Orsini  on  seeing  the  troops  disperse,  con- 
sulted his  own  safety  and  perhaps  his  friend  s,  by  taking  a 
different  route  leaving  Piero  to  arrive  almost  miattended  at 
Bologna  f.  He  was  there  somewhat  coolly  received  by  Gio- 
vainii  Bentivoglio  and  sarcastically  asked  who  had  driven  him 
from  Florence?  "  If  you  should  ever  by  chance  hear,"  added 
the  vain  Lord  of  Bologna,  '*  If  you  should  by  chance  hear  that 
I  were  driven  from  this  city  believe  it  not,  rather  believe  that 
I  am  cut  to  pieces."  His  time  however  came  and  like  Piero 
he  died  in  exile,  for  no  man  is  master  of  liis  destiny :  it  is 
easier  to  vaunt  and  blame  than  set  a  heroic  example  or  judge 
of  the  moment  when  such  an  example  may  be  necessary :  the 
living  though  beaten  head  of  an  able  chieftain  is  worth  many 
self-immolated  heroes,  and  more  courage  is  necessary  to  stem 
the  dark  current  of  living  troubles  than  to  meet  a  glorious  deatli 
in  honourable  combat. 

It  was  however  believed  by  many  that  if  Piero  had  made  a 
stand  at  his  own  palace  with  Orsini's  troops  and  his  family  ad- 
herents none  would  have  dared  to  attack  him,  and  his  cause  would 
have  prospered :  and  when  we  consider  that  only  his  former  par- 
tisans had  arms,  and  that  these  from  early  habits  of  deference 
and  perhaps  some  lingering  sentiments  of  respect  for  the  race 
which  had  so  long  protected  them,  would  have  been  langiud  in 
their  use  such  a  conjecture  is  not  improbable.     It  was  one  ol 

*  Vita  di  Savonarola,  cap.  vi.,  p.  22. —  including  Giuliano  and  the  Cardinal  on 

Fran.  Cei,  MS.,  Mem.  Storiche,p.  16.  14th  November  (Mallpuro,  Anmli 

t  Nardi,  Lib.  i.,  p.  22.— He  however  Vencti,  vol.    vii.,  p.    324,    Arc/ilvlo 

reached  Venice  with  fourteen  followers  Storico  ItaliaiM.) 


those  decisive  moments  when  a  great  mind  leaves  common  mles 
and  whis  by  the  intuitive  perception  of  superior  genius'!^. 

Once  up  and  excited  the  Florentines  as  usual  broke  into 
excesses :  the  dwellings  of  many  persons,  the  reputed  authors 
of  a  *»riuding  taxation,  were  instantly  plundered  :  the  Medician 
t^ardens  at  San  Marco  where  Buonaroti  s  genius  lirst  attracted 
the  notice  of  Lorenzo,  next  fell  under  their  fury ;  and  Cardinal 
Giovaimi's  house  at  Saint  Antonio  with  many  other  palaces 
would  have  suffered  if  the  Seignory  had  not  taken  immediate 
measures  to  stop  the  tumult :  this  saved  the  splendid  residence 
of  the  Medici  (now  Hiccardi)  in  Via  Larga,  only  however  to 
1»e  afterwards  sold  by  order  of  govenmient  or  sacked  by  the 
Kuig  of   France  s  followers  who    subsequently  lodged  there 
and   helped  to  disperse  or  destroy  the  magnificent  collection 
of  books,  maimscripts  and  works  of  ait  that  the  Medici  had  been 
collecting  for  three  generations  f . 

On  the  same  day  all  the  effigies  of  those  who  had  been 
declared  rebels  by  that  family  in  14lU  were  swept  from  the 
walls  of   the  podesta's  palace  as  well  as  those  painted  over 
the  doors  of  the  custom-house  in  1 178  ;  the  families  of  Neroni 
Dietisalvi,  the  Pazzi,  and  all  other  enemies  of  the  Medici  were 
restored,  amongst  them  Lorenzo  and  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  who 
immediately  renounced  their  family  name  and  arms,  for  those 
of  "  Popohon,''  with  the  device  of  the  Florentine  people  (a 
red  cross  in  a  white  field)  conferred  on  them  by  public  decree  \. 
So  ended  for  a  season  the  Medician  rule  in  FI  rence  after 
sixty  years'  duration,  but  only  to  be  revived  with  greater  vigour, 
greater  tyranny,  and  more   fatal   permanence  :    for  two-and- 
lifty  years  before  had  the  exclusively  Guelphic  sway  of  the 
Albizzi   endured,  and  thus  two  private  families  domineered 
over  the  Florentine  republic  for  the  long  period  of  a  hundred 
and  twelve  years  :  the  Albizzi  rided  with  some  consideration 

*  Jacopo  Niirdi,  Lib.  i",  p.  22. — Es-     dc  Comincs,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  ix. — Paulo 

pulsi<»nc  de  Piero  di  Medici,  MS.  p.  10.     Giovin,  Lib.  i",  p.  43. 

t  Jaoopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i*^,  p.  22.— Phil.     Z  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  22. 


526 


0 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II 


for  public  liberty  in  all  that  did  not  directly  affect  tbeir  political 
power,  and  certainly  with  less  vindictiveness  than  the  Medici ; 
the  latter  with  an  incipient  moderation  that  gradually  swelled 
into  a  total  contempt  even  of  the  meagre  forms  of  liberty. 
The  ambition  of  the  first  was  to  be  chiefs  of  a  republican 
community,  to  direct  the  energies  of  a  free  people,  but  not 
reduce  them  to  servitude  :  they  were  a  fiictiou,  but  one  of  great 
vigour,  great  alnlity,  and  some  real  patriotism.  The  desire  of 
the  last  was  to  become  sovereign  princes  of  Florence  and,  for 
self-aggrandisement,  the  destroyers  of  its  political  liberty :  the 
one  marched  boldly  and  openly  to  their  object  strong  in  talent 
and  general  influence :  the  other  more  covertly ;  and  with 
equal  talent  and  greater  sagacity  gained  theirs  by  a  gentle 
sapping  of  the  \er\  foundations  of  independence.  Both  became 
too  much  elated  with  a  long  and  successful  rule,  too  confident 
in  its  stability,  and  therefore  too  careless  in  its  management ; 
until  at  last,  forgetting  that  they  were  citizens,  they  atteui})ted 
more  and  lost  their  venture  :  the  Albizzi  more  rapidly  because 
they  had  a  powerful  rival  watching  for  every  chance  and  im- 
proving every  error  to  his  own  advantage  ;  but  the  Medici  wise 
from  their  own  success,  cut  do\Mi  the  tallest  poppies  in  the 
field  and  stood  alone  above  the  bending  multitude.  They 
were  both  expelled  ;  but  rather  from  too  oj)enly  exhibiting  their 
power  than  from  its  actual  possession  :  the  tiger's  paw  may  be 
laid  on  as  soft  as  velvet  but  if  he  unsheath  his  claws  he  scares ; 
so  if  the  curb  and  rein  be  set  in  silk  and  gold  a  nation  may  go  on 
quietly  champing  the  bit,  and  ruminating  upon  its  freedom  until 
a  sudden  jerk  of  the  bridle  proclaim  tlie  danger. 

The  rapid  changes  of  Florentine  character  from  subser- 
vience to  cruelty  were  perhaps  never  more  apparent  than  in  the 
immediate  offer  of  2000  crovvns  of  gold  to  any  who  would  bring 
the  head  of  either  of  the  two  elder  Medici  to  Florence,  and 
5000  if  delivered  up  alive.  This,  it  is  true,  was  the  custom  of 
the  age  and  in  accordance  with  Florentine  law;  but  there  was, 


CHAP.    VI.J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


527 


even  for  that  time  and  country,  something  diabolical  in  tempt- 
ing every  villain  in  eveiy  state  to  murder  these  youthful 
fugitives,  against  one  of  whom  at  least  little  or  nothing  couhl 
be  alleged  beyond  the  momentaiy  effort  to  preserve  his 
brother's  authority  -.  Nevertheless  some  allowance  must  be 
made  for  the  personal  hatred  that  was  borne,  and  justly  borne 
to  Piero  de' Medici  whose  father  even  had  always  been  fearful 
of  his  ruining  Ihe  family,  and  in  all  the  writers  of  that  day  there 
are  strong  indications  of  his  more  than  common  depravity. 
Cambi  declares  him  to  have  been  "  stained  with  every  vice  " 
for  which  reason  he  adds,  "  It  is  to  be  hoped  by  the  grace  of 
God  that  the  city  will  soon  get  rid  of  tyrants  ;  for  the  citizens 
now  see  their  error."  Francesco  Cei  calls  him  a  proud,  vicious, 
cruel,  and  licentious  man  who  was  more  hated  than  feared  ; 
and  Giovanni  Guidacci  in  his  relation  of  Piero 's  expulsion 
\vrites  as  follows  f.  "  Florence  remained  free  (from  him)  by  the 
grace  of  God  and  not  by  human  \\isdom,  as  they  know  and 
saw  who  were  present  at  this  great  event ;  because  the  fear 
with  which  God  filled  Piero 's  heart  and  those  of  his  confederates 
did  much  more  than  arms  and  forces.  He  had  assumed  the 
power  of  ruling  the  people  as  he  listed,  and  nominated  the 
Seigiiory  and  all  the  magistracies,  such  as  the  'Otto  dl  Bal id,' the 
'  Ujizio  del  Monte,'  the  '  Conserrotors  of  the  L((tr.<i,'  and  other 
important  magistrates  entirely  at  his  will,  so  that  he  held  the 
government  completely  in  hand.  And  by  little  and  little  his 
lather  Lorenzo  and  his  (Lorenzo's)  mother  Lucrezia  in  their 
lifetime  had  so  reduced  the  state  of  Florence  that  every  petty 
office  was  given  away  by  them  or  through  their  means  ;  and  even 
every  domestic  servant  who  wished  to  serve  as  an  attendant  in 
the  offices  of  the  various  trade  corporations  was  forced  to  apply 
to  ]\Iadam  Lucrezia.     The  very  citizens  about  to  enter  office, 


*  Istoric   (li  Ciov.  Cambi,  p.  79.- 
Cniicciardini  (aip.iv.)  says  that  Ciuliai 


fldcr  brothers. 
,     .  iano     t  Cio.  Cambi,  p.  GO. — F.  Cei,  Mem,, 

was  declared  a  rebel  like   the  others     M8.  p.  G. 
but  Cambi    only   mentions   the    two 


1 


528 


FLOKENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


529 


before  they  received  it  were  compelled  to  visit  Lorenzo  and 
obtiiiii  bis  approbation  ;  and  tlius  the  way  to  every  post  was 
commanded  ;  and  in  the  same  manner  was  this  contmucd  by 
Piero,  and  even  exceeded ;  for  of  the  revenues  of  the  city  of 
I'lorence,  all,  or  nearly  all  were  paid  into  the  bank  of  the 
IMedici ;  and  tdmost  all  the  public  treasurers  were  nominated 
by  Piero  from  the  clerks  of  his  o^^^l  bank.  The  soldiers'  }>ay 
also  was  disbursed  by  tliis  bank,  and  all  moneys  payable  by  the 
otficers  of  wai-  or  the  '  Dieci  di  Baha  '  were  paid  throu<,»h  tlie 
same  channel ;  and  thus  each  office  and  ever}^  branch  of 
revenue,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  came  into  the  hands  of 
Piero ;  and  no  man  was  bold  enough  to  raise  his  voicr  against 
it ;  and  so  he  managed  his  friends  by  love  and  his  enemies  by 
force.  The  greater  part  of  the  marriages  contnicted  in  Flo- 
rence during  his  time  were  made  according  to  his  fancy,  an<l 
husbands  and  wives  arbitrarily  given  away  by  himself  and 
friends  ;  and  if  his  rule  had  lasted  he  would  shortly  have  been 
lord  of  Florence. 

''  But  because  he  was  devoid  of  talent  and  every  soil  of  good- 
ness, yet  full  of  libiduiousness  and  immodesty  towards  the 
Florentine  youth  of  both  sexes  whether  belonging  to  friends  or 
enemies,  if  the  fancy  came  or  that  he  was  peradvcuture  taken 
with  any,  he  did  his  utmost  to  gratify  his  desire  and  had  many 
ways  of  accomplishing  it.  Wherefore  God,  seeing  and  knowhijz 
him  to  be  a  young  man  without  fear  of  heaven  and  reckless  of 
his  neighbours  honour,  would  not  allow  him  to  i)roceed  and 
so  withdrew  his  hand,  and  thus  losing  his  intellect  Piero 
was  driven  from  Florence  "  *. 

On  the  self-same  day  that  Florence  recovered  her  liberty 

*  Guidacci,  "  Espulsionc  di  Pifio  dc'  doubtful  however  whether  Piero  wa> 

Medici,  p.  6,  MS It  is  in  this  sense  so  devoid  of  tuleut  :is  this  author  «U- 

ihat  Dante   uses   the  same  expression  scribes  him. — See  his  k'tter  to  Dionigi 

(Inferno,  Canto  iii.)  "Che  vedrai    le  Pucci,  Documento  2  and  note  by  Guu' 

genti  dolorose,  chc  hanno  perduto  il  Capponi,  vol.  i.,  Ar.  Stor.  Ital. 
liu  ddC  intdkttoy — It  seems  very 


Pisa  demanded  the  restoration  of  hers ;  and  Charles  VIII.  as 
Comines  says  not  exactly  binder  standing  what  liberty  meant, 
granted  their  boon  :  the  Pisans  he  adds  might  well  be  excused 
for  wishing  to  throw  off  the  Florentine  yoke  for  though  the 
inconstant  Italians   were   always  eager  to   please  the  most 
powerful,  Pisa  was  mled  with  extreme  rigour  by  Florence  and 
the  citizens  treated  with  a  degree  of  cruelty  only  practised  upon 
slaves  -.     More  than  eighty-eight  years  had  elapsed  since  Pisa 
was  conquered  and  the  early  government  of  Florence  had  been 
comparatively  mild:  Gino  Capponi  as  we  have  seen  endeavoured 
to  conciliate  them  by  his  justice  and  moderation  and  this  is 
said  to  have  been  continued  under  the  Albizzi,  but  as  that  city 
is  scarcely  mentioned  from  the  moment  of  its  fall  until  its 
revolt  under  Charles  VII 1.  it  is  hard  to  tell  when  and  how  the 
change  began  though  an  early  specimen  of  the  spirit  of  Flo- 
rentine rule  has  been  already  given  f .     It  is  also  asserted  that 
when  Florentine  liberty  declined  under  Cosimo  a  system  of 
illiberality  and  persecution  gradually  poisoned  the  better  feel- 
ings  of   an   independent  people   and   a   suspicious  jealousy 
overcame  humanity,  justice,  and  sound  policy.     Pistoia  it  was 
said  had  been  reduced  to  subjection  by  alternately  favouring 
its  factions,  and  Pisa  was  to  be  held  in  bondage  by  its  citadels  \. 
Two  of  these  were  erected  there,  and  under  their  shadow 
cruelty  and  injustice  revelled  unquestioned  and   unchecked  : 
oppression,  private  exaction,  public  inii)osts,  official  tyranny, 
exclusion  from  office,  insolence,  contempt,    everlasting   sus- 
picion ;  hostages  exacted  on  every  trifling  accident ;  prohibition 
Irom  wholesale  connnerce,  from  the  maniiiiictures  of  silk  and 
wool,  and  other  injustice,  all  served  to  maintain  the  ancient 
and  everlasting  spirit  of  hatred  to  the  Florentines,  a  hatred 
that  has  not  even  now  completely  subsided  in  Pisa  §.     Nay  it 
is  confidently  asserted  that  the  veiy  drains  and  canals  of  the 

*  Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  vii.     chiavclli,     Discorsi,     Lib.    ii",      cap. 

t  See  note  to  chap.xxix.,p.23,Book  i.     xxiv.,  xxv. 

+  Sisniondi,  vol.  viii.,  p.  359. — Mac-     §  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iv.,p  113. 

VOL.  III.  MM 


530 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY 


[book  u. 


marshv  delta  of  the  Arao  were  purposely  neglected  to  spoil 
their  agriculture  and  thus  introduce  disease  and  misery  in  their 
most  deadly  forms  for  the  purpose  of  more  quickly  breakhig  the 
spirit  of  this  proud  indignant  people,  and  tanung  them  to  the 
voke  of  Florence*.     The  profound  silence  of  the  Florentine 
writei-s  about  Pisa  while  under  their  sway,  the  sullen  taciturnity 
of  the  Pisans  themselves  ;  who,  thus  caged,  refused  to  smg  their 
own  misfortunes :  and  the  unmitigated  bitterness  of  feelmg  on 
both  sides,  render  it  almost  impossible  to  judge  ot  the  exact 
nature  extent  and  motives  of  Florentine  oppression;  and  the 
e^ddcnt  impolicy  of  depopulating  a  country  by  the  mtroduction 
of  sickness  and  the  ruin  of  agriculture  would  be  monstrous  il 
we  had  not  the  eveiT-day  experience  of  what  "  fantastic  tricks 
man  plays  when  dressed  in  a  little  brief  authonty,"  and  ho^v 
governments  mistake  their  own  interests   when   blmded  by 
passion  fanaticism  and  national  prejudice  f. 

Like  Ireland  in  our  own  times,  Pisa  was  then  to  be  held 
onlvby  frowns  and  coercion :  hence  citadels  were  bmlt;an( 
though  her  commerce  and  manufactures  might  have  interfered 
with^Florence.  her  agriculture  could  not,  except  benehcialy; 
and  the  ruin  of  her  drainage  is  of  so  barbarous  and  suicidal  a 
character  that    culpable  negligence  mther  than  malicious  in- 
tention might  be  inferred  if  it  were  not  for  the  letter  quoted 
above,  more  especially  as  an  office  of  canals  and  drains  was 
established  in  1477,  perhaps  to  remedy  the  sell-created  mis^ 
fortune.     "  Pisa,"  says  Macchiavelli,  -  should  Lave  participa  e 
in  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Florence  and  thus  have  beei 
attached  by  companionship,  or  else  after  the  Roman  fashion  U 
walls  should  have  been  destroyed;  but  it  never  should  Im 
been  coerced  by  citadels,  which  are  useless  in  the  occupatu) 
of  a  conquered  town  and  injurious  to  a  native  one      .     tH^ 
neither  fortress  nor  oppression  could  extinguish  the  hatred  nor 

•  Ouicciardmi,  Lib.  ii«,  cap.  i«,  p.  1 49.     t  Macchiavelli  de   Discorsi,  Lib.  ii", 
t  See  note  in  last  page  and  Fabroni,     cap.  -4. 
vol.  ii",  p.  8,  4to  edition. 


CHAP.  VT.] 


FLOllENTINE    H ISTORY. 


531 


break  the  spirit  of  Pisa  ;  with  marvellous  elasticity  her  citizens 
shook  off  their  burden  at  the  king's  approach,  and  buoyed  by 
the  hollow  counsel  of  the  Moor  who  wished  to  add  her  to  his 
state,  resolved  to  make  one  bold  effort  for  liberty.     Amongst 
all  the  Pisan  citizens  Simone  Orlandi  was  most  noted  for  his 
detestation  of  blorence,  and  his  house  became  the  rendezvous 
for  all  the  disaffected  spirits  :  he  was  bold,  eloquent,  and  sin- 
cere, and  speaking  the  French  language  as  fluently  as  Italian 
they  selected  him  for  their  advocate  :   Charles  occupied  the 
palace  of  the  Medici,  and  there  Orlandi   presented  himself 
accompanied  by  a  concourse  of  his  compatriots  of  both  sexes  : 
the  king  issued  out  on  his  way  to  mass  and  was  loudly  hailed 
with  the  cry  of  Liherta,  Lilnrta,  the  whole  assembly  entreating 
him  with  streaming  eyes  to  grant  it.     An  advocate  of  the  court 
whose  office  was  to  receive  petitions,  either  bribed  by  the  sup- 
plicants or  not  well  understanding  the  Italian  language  ;  for  in 
the  account  of  this  transaction  Comines  and  Giovio  vary  ;  assured 
Charles  that  their  case  was  pitiable  and  their  prayer  well 
worthy  of  being  granted,  for  no  people  had  been  so  infamously 
treated  as  the  Pisans.     The  king  as  we  have  said  not  well  com- 
prehending the  exact  meaning  of  the  word  Liherta,  a  thing 
which  he  could  not  justly  give  them  because  the  city  did  not 
belong  to  him,  nevertheless  signitied  his  most  gracious  assent, 
which  was   received   with   shouts  of  joy   by  the   multitude. 
"  France  "  and  "  Libert}/  "  resounded  through  the  streets  ;  the 
Florentine  officers  were  expelled  even  against  the  khig's  inten- 
tions;  the  ''Marzocchi  "  or  Stone  Lions,  the  emblem  of  Flo- 
rentine rule,  were  dashed  into  fragments,  a  statue  of  Charles 
himself  trampling  them  under  his  horse's  feet  was  raised  on 
their  rums,  and  Pisa  once  more  respired  the  air  of  freedom  in 
the  self-same  hour  that  her  oppressors  drove  their  own  tyrant 
from  the  walls  of  Florence  '^. 


*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i°,  cap.  iv.,  p.  113.     dc  Comines,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  vii. — Mc 
— Paulo  Giovio,  Lib.  i**,  p.  45. — Phil,     inorialedi  Giovan.  Portoveneic,vol.  vi. 

M  M    2 


532 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


The    Florentines  fearing  that  Charles  would  attempt  to 
restore  Piero  de'  Medici,  made  a  merit  of  necessity  and  not  only 
surrendered  the  citadel  and  fortress  of  Pisa  but  also  delivered 
Porto  Pisano  into  his  hands,  which  never  would  have  been  done 
but  from  the  fear  of  refusing  what  he  had  so  treacherously 
promised  ^^.     The  old  citadel  was  immediately  given  up  to 
the  Pisans ;  the  new  and  more  important  one  received  a  strong 
French  garrison,  and  then  the  king  with  a  haughty  and  threat- 
eninct  aspect  pursued  his  march  to  Florence.    At  the  Villa  Pan- 
dolfini  near  Signa,  within  eight  miles  of  that  capital  the  French 
army  halted  in  order  to  afford  time  for  Stuart  of  Aubigny  to 
rejoin  the  king  with  all  but  his  Italian  auxiliaries  and  so  give 
more  weight  to  the  terais  which  he  now  meant  to  impose  on  the 
Florentines.     Here  several  embassies  were  received,  nor  did  he 
hide  his  intention  of  compelling  them  by  the  terror  of  his  arms 
to  give  him  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the  republic.     He  hated 
Florence  for  the  opposition  he  had  experienced  although  he 
knew  it  was  Piero  s  individual  act,  and  there  were  plenty  about 
him  tempted  by  the  prospective  plmider  of  so  rich  a  city  who 
joined  in  the  universal  cry  for  its  punishment.     Neither  was 
Piero  without  his  partisans  :  Briconnet  Bishop  of  Saint  ]\Ialo. 
the  Seneschal  of  Beaucaire,  and  Pliilip  de  Bresse,  uncle  to  the 
Duke  of  Savoy,  were  all  in  his  favour ;  and  by  the  two  latter 
Charies  was  induced  to  send  a  despatch  inviting  him  to  return,  as 
it  was  the  king  s  intention  to  restore  him :  but  Piero  disgusted 
with  his  reception  at  Bologna  had  proceeded  to  Venice  where, 
after  considerable  hesitation,  he  was  by  the  advice  of  Philip  de 
Comines  most  honourably  received.     On  the  king  s  letter  ioV 
lowing  him  there  he  immediately  took  the  dangerous  step  ot 
asking  counsel  of  the  Seignory  who  now  alarmed  at  Chariess 
power  and  the  permanent  authority  which  Piero's  reestabhsh- 
ment  would  give  him,  strongly  advised  the  latter  not  to  tnist 

Parte  ii%  Ar.  Stor.  Ital.,  p.  287.-Ri-     *  Fran.    Cci,  Mem.   Stor.,  p.  xviii., 
rordi  di  Ser  Perizolo  di  Pisa,  Ar.  Stor.     MS. 
lul.,  vol.  vi.,  Parte  ii%  p.  391. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


533 


himself  in  the  hands  of  an  offended  monarch  ;  and  to  enforce 
their  counsel  surrounded  him  with  secret  guards  while  their 
cordial  aid  when  the  occasion  favom-ed  him  was  unhesitatingly 
proffered.  It  is  good  to  ask  advice,  but  better  to  make 
yourself  well  acquainted  with  the  adviser :  in  this  instance 
says  Guicciardini  the  Venetians  advised  themselves,  not  Piero 
de'  Medici  *. 

In  Florence  neither  the  government  nor  the  people  were  at 
their  ease  :  an  arrogant  monarch  with  an  imposing  army  was  at 
their  gates,  and  on  the  seventeenth  of  November  entered  the 
city  with  great  pomp  in  all  the  vanity  of  a  conqueror ;  "  Missus 
a  Deo  "  upon  his  colours,  his  lance  upon  his  thigh,  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  brilliant  chivalry.  He  was  received  at  the  Porta 
San  Friano  under  a  golden  canopy  held  over  him  by  the  young 
Florentine  nobles  and  attended  by  the  clergy,  the  Seignoiy,  the 
various  magistracies,  and  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  with 
acclamations  more  politic  and  apprehensive  than  universally 
cordial ;  thence  was  he  conducted  in  a  sort  of  triumph  to  the 
Medici  Palace  which  Piero  had  already  prepared  for  his 
reception  f . 

The  forebodings  of  the  Florentines  were  not  lessened  by 
Charles  s  arrival  or  the  warlike  aspect  of  his  troops,  for  ab- 
sorbed in  mercantile  pursuits  and  long  unused  to  military  exer- 
cises they  were  struck  with  apprehension  at  the  scene  before 
them  :  strange  dresses,  language,  and  manners  ;  unusual  fierce- 
ness and  impetuosity,  formidable  weapons,  and  above  all,  the 
terrific  appearance  of  a  numerous  artillery  kept  them  in  conti- 
nual dread  J. 

Nevertheless  they  were  not  disheartened :  they  were  as  fully 
determined  to  defend  as  Charles  was  to  attack  their  independ- 
ence :  every  citizen  was  prepared  and  had  his  house  filled  with 


*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iv.— Phil.  117.— J.  Nardi,  Lib.  i«,  p.  23. 

de  Comines,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  viii.  J  Guicciardini,  Lib.   i",  cap.   iv.,  p. 

t  Malipiero,   Annali    Veneti,  p.  325.  117.— Paulo  Giovio,  Lib.  ii",  p.  47. 
—Guicciardini,  Lib.    i«,   cap.  iv.,   p. 


534 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


armed  followers,  or  troops  in  the  pay  of  Florence  ;  every  man 
had  orders  how  to  act  at  the  sound  of  the  campana,  and  the 
whole  civic  force  was  kept  as  much  out  of  sight  as  possible.  Tliis 
however  could  not  be  completely  accomplished  and  the  French 
were  accordingly  alarmed  at  the  multitude  of  people,  at  the 
augmented  boldness  of  the  government,  and  at  the  public  report 
that  when  the  campana  sounded  an  innumerable  peasantry 
would  rush  in  from  the  adjacent  countiy  to  the  aid  of  their 
fellow-citizens  *. 

After  a  reasonable  time  having  been  devoted  to  the  monai'ch  s 
amusement,  negotiations  began ;  but  so  haughty  and  extrava- 
gant were  his  terms  that  the  Seignory  would  not  listen  to  them 
for  a  moment:  Charles  insisted  that  having  entered  Florence 
with  his  lance  upon  his  thigh  it  became  his  by  right  of  con- 
quest and  that  he  would  hold  and  govern  it  by  deputy :  he 
next  mentioned  the  return  of  Piero  de'  Medici,  but  the  minute 
this  became  known  the  people  flew  to  arms,  the  city  was  in  a 
tumult,  and  a  quarrel  arising  at  the  moment  between  some 
French  soldiers  and  Florentine  artisans  in  Borgo  Ognissanti  a 
shai-p  sti-uggle  ensued  which  was  finally  stopped  by  the  exer- 
tions of  both  nations  ;  but  this  spirited  demonstration  of  public 
feehng  facilitiited  and  even  earned  the  subsequent  negotiations!. 

The  Seignory  had  deputed  Piero  Capponi  and  three  other 
citizens  to  treat  with  Charles  and  tell  him  that  they  were  re- 
solved to  defend  their  liberty  and  die  sooner  than  submit  to  the 
house  of  Medici,  and  public  indignation  was  exasperated  by 
a  suspicion  that  Piero 's  wife  Alphonsina  Orsini,  the  Torna- 
buoni,  and  other  Medician  partisans  had  been  the  cause  of 
these  insolent  demands :  the  city  remained  agitated,  lights 
were  kept  through  the  night  in  all  the  windows,  and  everj^hing 
tended  towards  insurrection,  but  neither  party  wished  for  it, 
and  Piero  Capponi  fomid  Charles  and  his  prompter's  much  more 

*  Guicciardiiii,  Lib.  i**,  cap.  iv. 
t  Ja^'opo  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  24. — Vita  di  Savonarola,  cap.  vii.,  p.  25. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


535 


reasonable  though  still  disposed  to  make  haughty  and  inadmis- 
sible demands.  After  much  discussion  the  articles  of  conven- 
tion were  drawn  up  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  November,  but 
before  all  was  concluded  a  dispute  arose  about  the  amount  of 
contribution  with  which  Charles  was  dissatisfied,  wherefore  sud- 
denly starting  up  he  indignantly  exclaimed  that  he  would 
sound  his  trumpets  and  not  abate  one  jot  of  his  demand. 
"  Then,"  said  Piero  Capponi,  while  he  tore  the  paper  to  pieces 
before  the  kings  face,  ''sound  your  trumpets  and  our  bells  shall 
"  answer  them:''  and  so  quitted  the  apartment*. 

The  boldness  and  impetuosity  of  this  conduct  took  the  king 
by  surprise,  and  the  prevailing  fear  of  a  general  rising  at  the 
sound  of  the  campana  gave  strong  reason  to  think  that  Cap- 
poni had  well  calculated  the  chances  ere  he  ventured  on  so 
audacious  a  proceeding  f.  He  was  immediately  recalled,  and 
Charles  who  had  known  liim  well  in  France,  exclaimed  with  a 
good-humoured  smile,  ''Ah  Ciappon,  Ciappon,  vous  etes  ua 
"  mauvais  ciapponr  Thus  facetiously  turning  it  off,  the  articles 
were  drawn  as  originally  agreed  on,  and  a  contribution  of 
120,000  florins  assigned  to  Florence  as  her  contingent  to  the 

war  expenses  |. 

By  this  convention  all  commercial  relations  were  restored 
between  the  two  countries,  but  Charles  was  still  to  retain  the 
fortresses  until  a  truce,  a  peace,  the  conquest  of  Naples,  or  his 
departure  from  Italy  should  occur.  The  Pisans  were  to  receive 
a  pardon  the  moment  they  laid  down  their  arms ;  the  price 
set  on  the  head  of  the  Medici  was  annulled,  iuid  Alphonsina  was 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i'\  cap.  iv.,  p.  120.  Savonarola,  cap.  vii.— It  is  to  tbis  that 
— Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  205.—  Macchiavclli  alludes  in  his  Decennali  : 
Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  25. — Vita  di 

«  Lo  strepito  dell'  anni  e  de*  cavalli 
Non  pote  far  si  the  non  fosse  udita 
La  voce  d'un  Cappon  fra  tanti  Galli"  (J)ec€nrmli\'',Startm  12.) 

Nor  could  the  noise  of  arms  and  horses  stifle  the  voice  of  one  capon  among  so 
many  cocks. 

t  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  205.  %  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i.  p,  25. 


536 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


to  receive  her  dowrv'  and  have  free  leave  to  reside  in  Florence. 
These  and  the  prohibition  to  nominate  a  genendissimo  of  their 
armies  without  the  king's  leave  dm*ing  the  continuance  of  his 
entei-prise  were  the  principal  conditions  of  this  treaty,  which 
was  solemnly  ratified  during  high  mass  in  Florence  cathedi-al  *. 

After  some  delay  and  an  earnest  and  bold  admonition  from 
Savonarola,  Charles  by  the  advice  of  Aubigny  departed  on 
the  twenty-eighth  of  November  and  with  undiminished  forces 
marched  to  Siena  and  thence  to  the  Ecclesiastical  states :  after 
some  negotiations  with  Rome  which  was  garrisoned  by  the 
Duke  of  Calabria,  he  successively  took  Acquapendente,  Viterbo, 
Sutii  Nepi,  and  entered  the  Eternal  City  in  triumph  on  the 
thirty-first  of  December,  while  the  Neapolitan  army  simultane- 
ously marched  out  of  the  opposite  gate  with  a  royal  safe-conduct. 
Charles  himself  remained  at  Rome  nearly  a  montli,  but  sent 
a  portion  of  his  troops  to  the  conquest  of  Naples ;  after  con- 
cluding a  treaty  with  Pope  Alexander  he  followed  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  Januar}%  and  with  but  slight  opposition  entered  Naples 
as  a  conqueror  on  the  twenty-second  of  Februar}-  1  lOof. 

During  this  progress  Alphonso  had  abdicated,  and  all  the 
talents  popularity  and  ability  of  Ferdinand  were  insufficient  to 
compensate  for  the  tymnny  of  the  two  last  monarchs  :  there  was 
consequently  a  general  revolt,  whereupon  after  dohig  his  utmost 
he  retired  to  the  island  of  Ischia  and  waited  for  better  times. 
Charles  VIII.  whose  course  was  by  some  strange  freak  of  for- 
tune one  long-continued  triumph,  soon  abandoned  himself  to 
amusements  and  disgusted  ever}'body ;  the  cioisade  against 
Turkey  was  forgotten,  and  king,  princes,  captains,  and  soldiers, 
were  all  plunged  in  sensual  pleasures,  when  suddenly  a  stonn 


•  The  orijfinal  treaty  was  published 
probably  for  the  first  time  by  the 
learned  Marquis  Gino  Capponi  in  the 
Ar.  Stor.  Ital.,  vol.  i.,  in  the  year 
1842  —  Docuniento  iii",  —  and  in  it 
Charles  assumes  a  very  high  tone  such 
The  King  pardons  his  People  of 


a», 


Florena;  for  the  faults  they  have  com- 
mitted^ as  Gody  of  whom  kimjs  are 
the  iinayCf  pardons  the  sins  of  iiieii" 
and  other  grandiloquence, 
t  J.  Nardi,  Lib.  i",  p.  28.— Vita  di 
Savonarola,  cap.  vii.,  p.  26. — Giannone, 
Lib.  xxiz.,  p.  128. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


537 


burst  m  the  north  which  roused  them  from  eveiy  enjoyment : 
but  this  belongs  to  a  later  period  =!=. 

The  expulsion  of  Piero  and  Charles's  departure  left  the  Flo- 
rentines once  more  in  freedom  and  at  leisure  to  form  a  consti- 
tution of  their  own  choice  ;  but  the  king's  advent  was  disastrous ; 
it  half-ruined  Florence,  destroyed  the  peace  of  Tus(!any,  and 
bet^an  a  war  of  sixty-five  years'  duration  in  the  Italian  peninsula. 
Siena  and  Lucca  were  then  the  only  independent  Tuscan  states 
all  the  rest  being  more  or  less  under  Florentine  jurisdiction  or 
influence  ;  the  ancient  factions  of  the  different  cities  had  either 
ceased  to  exist  or  continued  in  so  modified  a  form  as  to  be 
harmless ;  yet  these  two  republics  weakened  by  tyranny,  war, 
and  faction,  could  no  longer  openly  oppose  the  power  of  Flo- 
rence and  wisely  remained  as  quiet  as  the  nature  of  the  times 
would  permit.      But  the  passage  of  Charles  VIII.  revived 
Genoa's  claims  to  Sarzana  and  Pietra  Santa,  imparted  a  long- 
forgotten  boldness  to  Lucca  ;  restored  a  liberty  to  Pisa  tliat  she 
had  the  spirit  but  not  the  strength  to  maintain,  and  encouraged 
Siena  to  revive  all  her  national  hatred.     Sixty  years  of  subjec- 
tion had  worked  a  great  change  in  the  old  republican  notions  of 
the  Florentmes  ;  obedience  to  a  single  paramount  authority  had 
become  habitual  in  the  lower  and  middle  classes ;  public  order 
and  tranquillity  were  more  relished  ;  the  sweets  of  exclusive 
power  had  penetrated  the  mass  of  higher  citizens,  and  all  moved 
in  various  orbits  round  the  sun  of  the  Medici.     The  notions  of 
hbeity  in  those  days  were  dissimilar  to  ours :  if  a  state  were 
nominally  ruled  by  the  many  it  was  called  a  republic,  and  free- 
dom was  supposed  to  reign,  while  the  acknowledged  rule  of  one 
person,  under  whatsoever  denomination,  became  the  terror  of 
free  states,  and  the  form  of  government  that  kept  this  phan- 
tom at  the  greatest  distance  for  the  longest  period  was  con- 
sidered best.     This  principle  was  sound  and  wise ;  but  while 

•  Paulo  Giovio,  Lib.  ii°,  p.   721.—     Sismondi,  vol.  ix.,  p.   37.— Phil,  de 
Guicciardini,  Lib.  i",  cap.  iv.,  p.  130-     Comines,  Lib.  vii.,  cap.  xv. 
140,  and  Ub.  ii«,  cap.  ii«,  p.  170-8.— 


538 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


they  thus  sought  to  maintain  political  liberty  or  the  admission 
of  all  citizefis,  not  all  classes,  to  public  office,  they  seem  to  have 
blindly  submitted  to  the  infringement  of  their  civil  and  personal 
freedom  on  both  ordinar}-  and  extraordinary  occasions  ;  or  rather, 
not  to  have  comprehended  its  nature  as  we  now  know  it ;  for 
we  liave  shown  that  whenever  it  suited  the  executive  to  use 
an  authority,  which  was  also  legislative  in  its  working,  torture, 
line,  exile,  imprisonment,  even  the  loss  of  life  itself,  with  con- 
'  fiscation  and  plunder  of  property  ;  any  or  all  of  these  might  be 
inflicted  by  the  Seignory  without  a  murmur  being  heard  from 
the  general  mass  of  citizens ;  their  liberty  being  that  of  the 
community  not  of  the  individual.  It  is  true  that  this  unli- 
mited irresponsible  power  was  originally  the  gift  of  the  citizens 
themselves,  each  of  them  hoping  in  his  turn  to  enjoy  it,  and  if 
the  nation  chose  to  submit  itself  to  a.  succession  of  bimensal 
dictators  nothing  could  be  objected,  we  can  now  only  marvel  at 
such  notions  of  civil  liberty ! 

These  popular  governments  were  however  well  calculated  to 
develope  the  nation's  faculties :  the  people  by  being  admitted 
to  pohtical  power  foimd  it  necessar}^  to  qualify  themselves  for 
it ;  their  minds  were  gradually  polished  and  refined,  and  their 
pleasures  and  amusements  raised  to  something  above  those 
mere  sensual  enjoyments  which  are  so  often  a  measure  of  happi- 
ness where  the  mind  of  many  bows  to  the  authority  of  one,  and 
where  all  who  disdain  to  move  in  the  given  course  are  made  to 
feel  the  leaden  mantle  of  despotism  more  grievously.  The 
human  mind  natui-ally  abhors  control ;  reason  alone  confines 
it ;  and  certainly  those  institutions  are  the  best  which  not  only 
seek  what  will  impart  happiness  to  the  greatest  number,  but 
which  also  raise  the  standard  of  that  happiness  by  as  liberal  a 
mixture  of  intellectual  freedom,  and  as  high  an  exaltation  above 
the  mere  human  animal  as  can  be  accomplished.  The  power,  the 
riches  the  tranquillity,  the  long  duration  of  Venice  ;  her  steady 
policy  and  jealous  spirit,  which  maintained  a  somewhat  gloomy 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


539 


domestic  tranquillity  without  destroying  external  energy  and 
entei-prise,  was  daily  gaining  ground  in  the  estimation  of  the 
Italians.  Tired  of  civil  broils  and  tlie  clash  of  factions  they 
contemplated  the  internal  calm  of  Venice  with  envy,  and  Flo- 
rence amongst  others  turned  her  eyes  on  the  queen  of  the 
Adriatic  when  newly  recovered  liberty  rendered  a  thorough 
reform  of  her  institutions  indispensable  *. 

Paulo  Antonio  Soderini,  Bernardo  Uucellai,  and  Guidan- 
tonio  Vespucci  were  the  great  advocates  for  an  aristocratical 
government ;  that  is  they  wished  to  change  the  chief  but  not 
the  system  ;  and  as  the  first  deserted  Piero  from  personal 
motives  rather  than  patriotism,  the  same  motives  induced  liim 
subsequently  to  advocate  the  more  extensive  popular  govern- 
ment so  enthusiastically  supported  by  Savonarola  f. 

On  the  second  of  December  1494  the  Florentine  citizens 
were  summoned  to  one  of  those  general  parliaments  that  invari- 
ably sanctioned  every  resolution  proposed  to  them,  because  the 
ascendant  party  took  care  by  a  judicious  employment  of  armed 
men  with  various  other  means,  that  the  place  of  assembly 
should  be  well  filled  by  their  friends  before  any  promiscuous 
admission  were  allowed  to  the  citizens.  A  small  but  select  and 
noisy  party  stationed  immediately  round  the  Ptinghiera  either 
led  the  whole  assembly  or  drowned  the  expression  of  its  opinion ; 
feariul  powers  were  then  blindly  conferred  l)y  the  multitude ;  and 
such  was  their  liberty  !  In  the  present  histance  the  companies 
under  their  respective  banners  were  ordered  to  assemble  Avithout 
arms :  "  but  to  avoid  discord  and  in  order  that  the  place  might 
not  he  filled  with  plebeians  and  enemies  of  the  new  government 
there  were  armed  men  together  with  some  young  Florentmes 
posted  at  every  corner  of  the  square."  And  this  too  at  a.moment 
when  after  the  expulsion  of  a  tyrant  the  people  at  large  were 
invited  to  consult  on  a  plan  of  universal  freedom  J!     The 

♦  Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  i«,p.  158.     f  Nerli,  Comment.,  Lib.  iv«,  p.  64-5. 
— Gio.  Guidacci,  Espulsioue  di  Piero     t  Gio.   Cambi,  p.  82.  —  Ammirato, 
de'  Medici,  MS.  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  206. 


540 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


usual  ceremony  then  proceeded,  and  this  solemn  mockery 
finished  l>y  the  election  of  a  Balia  to  which  absolute  authority 
was  granted.  The  principal  changes  now  made  were  the  aboli- 
tion of  Lorenzo's  council  of  seventy,  and  that  of  the  hundred ; 
the  election  of  twenty  accoppiatori,  and  the  creation  of  a  general 
council  composed  of  all  those  citizens  whose  fathers  grandftithers 
or  great-grandfathers  had  enjoyed  the  honours  of  the  state  in 
the  three  greater  councils,  of  which  the  number  amounted  to 
three  thousand  -:=. 

Paulo  Antonio  Soderiui  and  Guid- Antonio  Vespucci,  a  famous 
lawyer  of  the  day,  were  the  chief  advocates,  the  former  for  a 
popular  government  the  latter  for  a  continuance  of  the  close 
]Medician  system ;  and  this  last  would  probably  have  prevailed 
in  the  councils,  naturally  reluctant  to  resign  their  power,  had 
not  divine  authority  through  the  eloquence  of  Girolamo  Savo- 
narola been  invoked  to  favour  the  liberal  opinion.  Savonarola 
had  now  gained  the  name  of  a  prophet  amongst  a  great  majority 
of  citizens  because  in  a  time  of  perfect  peace  he  liad  foretold 
the  miseries  that  subsequently  occurred,  Itesides  many  other 
events,  and  as  he  asserted  and  probably  believed,  by  imme- 
diate revelation  from  Heaven.  He  had  amongst  other  things 
indicated  ;  as  well  he  might  without  any  peculiar  proplietic  in- 
spiration ;  that  great  changes  were  about  to  occur  in  Florence ; 
and  on  the  discussions  touching  the  new  council  he  declared  it 
to  be  divinely  ordained  that  a  popular  government  should  be 
established  on  such  a  basis  that  the  liberty  and  security  of  the 
many  might  not  be  injured  by  the  few.  His  great  influence 
uniting  with  the  almost  genend  wish  proved  too  strong  for  the 
aristocrats ;  the  great  council  was  decreed  as  the  foundation  of 
national  liberty,  and  all  minor  considerations  left  for  future 
consideration  f . 

The  idea  of  this  council  it  is  said  originated  with  Savonarola 
who  took  every  advantage  of  public  opinion  to  promote  his  own 

•  Guidacci,  EspuUione  di  Piero,  &c.,  MS.  f  Gukciardini,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  i. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


541 


views  of  civil  government,  not  in  its  detail,  or  official  branches, 
or  little  intrigues ;  all  of  which  it  would  appear  that  he  stu- 
diously avoided ;  but  in  its  broad  principles  as  they  affected 
religion,  morals,  order,  and  social  happiness.  His  benevolence 
was  extended  to  the  popular  mass,  not  to  any  particular  sect  or 
order  :  the  church  and  the  pulpit  whether  in  lectures  or  ser- 
mons were  his  places  of  action :  his  advice  was  public,  frank, 
and  fearlessly  given  ;  and  considering  the  close  connection  be- 
tween good  govennnent  and  religion,  he  assumed  the  right  of 
promotuig  one  by  means  of  the  other,  and  establishing  that 
reciprocal  action  between  them  and  morality,  which  can  alone 
work  out  the  real  happiness  of  nations.  In  one  of  these  ser- 
mons preached  before  the  Seignory  and  all  the  public  magis- 
tracies ;  but  from  which  women  and  children  were  excluded ; 
after  generally  urging  the  necessity  of  peace  and  goodwill,  he 
proposed  four  things  for  immediate  and  especial  adoption. 

First,  the  fear  of  God  and  a  mutual  encouragement  to  refor- 
mation of  manners,  with  a  rigid  attention  to  the  precepts  of 
Christianity  in  the  social  intercourse  and  dealmgs  of  the  citizens 
amongst  each  other. 

Secondly,  the  love  of  their  countiy ;  putting  that  before  every 
private  consideration  of  pleasure,  interest,  or  utility. 

Third,  universal  peace,  with  the  oblivion  of  all  injuries  pri- 
vate or  public  ;  and  by  this  he  intended  that  all  crimes  or  errors 
of  the  Medician  party  should  be  pardoned  up  to  the  very  day 
in  which  that  ftunily  was  exiled  but  reserving  the  public  right 
to  all  debts  due  from  individuals  of  that  faction :  these  were 
however  to  be  recovered  without  harshness  or  indiscretion,  and 
all  pains  and  penalties  freely  forgiven. 

The  fourth  proposition  was  to  constitute  such  a  government 
as  would  comprehend  those  citizens  who  according  to  custom 
were  ehgible,  yet  with  the  necessary  modifications  that  pru- 
dence might  dictate,  so  that  no  citizen  should  be  able  to  exalt 
himself  above  his  equals  as  had  too  often  happened  in  the  civil 
broils  of  by-gone  days. 


54'2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


He  then  proposed  the  great  council  of  Venice  as  a  model, 
but  modified  to  suit  the  habits  and  customs  of  Florence.  There 
was  great  opi^osition  to  this,  especially  amongst  the  accoppia- 
tori,  but  such  was  his  influence  that  another  sermon,  where  he 
declared  it  to  be  God's  will  that  Florence  should  be  governed 
by  the  people  and  not  by  tyrants  carried  the  proposition  trium- 
phantly against  ever}-  obstacle  *. 

These  accoppiatori  had  been  elected  for  one  year  with  full 
powers  to  hold  the  election  purses  "  a  mam,''  or  in  other  words 
to  appoint  whom  they  pleased  to  the  Seignory,  following  the 
Medician  system :  one  of  them  was  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  now 
Popolano,  m  whose  favour  as  under  the  legal  age  a  special  ex- 
ception had  been  made  by  the  aristocratic  faction  which  wished 
to  place  him  in  a  rank  equal  to  that  previously  held  by  Piero. 
The  "  Otto  di  Pratica"  according  to  Ceis  Manuscript,  was  now 
altogether  abolished  ;  an  assistant  council  of  eighty  was  chosen 
from  the  great  council  by  the  whole  mass  of  citizens  into 
which  none  under  forty  years  of  age  were  admitted  ;  and  instead 
of  the  Decemvirate  of  War,  a  new  Board  of  Ten  ;  or  according 
to  Cei,  Twelve;  was  substituted  under  the  milder  title  of 
'*  Liberty  and  Peace,'  but  with  all  the  usual  powers  of  its  pro 
totj-pe  :  the  "  Otto  di  Balia"  were  dismissed  and  a  fresh  magis- 
tracy ordered  to  be  elected  by  the  Seigu'irv',  Colleges,  Accop- 
piatori, and  "  Ten  of  Peace  and  Liberty, "  besides  other  minor 
reforms,  all  of  which  the  Council  of  the  people  was  to  see 
carried  into  execution  f. 

It  was  qiuckly  felt  that  the  accoppiatori  were  far  too  deeply 
imbued  with  old  Medician  leaven  to  suit  the  altered  notions  of 
the  people :  their  legal  power  was  inordinate  but  they  were 
disunited  and  therefore  weak  ;  one  party  amongst  them  was  for 

•  Phil.de  Coniiiies,Likviii.,  cap.  ii—  p. -29. 

Storii  di  Siivonarola,  p.  87  aiul/>a««w.  t  Oio.  Guidjicci,  MS.— Jacopo  i^aidi, 

— Viu  de  Savonarola,  cap.  viii.,  p.  30.  Ub.  i",  p.  30.— (Jiovanni  Cambi,  p.  83. 

Guidacn,  Espulsione  di  Piero  de'  — Anmiinito,   Lib.    xxvi.,  p.  206.— 

Medici,  MS.— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  i%  Fran.  Cci,  Mem.  Stor.,  MS.,  p.  25. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


543 


death,  exile,  admonitions,  and  all  the  old  course  of  severity ; 
and  ui  fact  they  did  execute  Antonio  di  Miniato  Proveditore 
del  Monte,  a  universally  detested  instrument  of  Lorenzo  and 
Piero,  who  had  been  in  office  smce  1478.     Through  his  hands 
almost  all  the  public  revenue  passed,  and  he  turned  it  into  any 
channel  that  either  Lorenzo  or  Piero  commanded :  he  was  the 
iustmment  made  use  of  by  the  former  for  depreciating  the  coin, 
and  had  by  his  sole  favour  risen  to  such  power  as  subjected  every 
citizen  in  a  manner  to  liis  will  for  Lorenzo  esteemed  no  citizen 
equal  to  him,  wherefore  it  seems  to  have  been  with  universal 
satisfaction  that  his  long  unbridled  course  of  peculation  in 
favour  of  the  Medici  was  thus  aiTested.    Another  victim  would 
have  accompanied  Antonio  di  Miniato  to  the  gallows  had  not 
Savonarola,  who  deprecated  revenge  or  bloodshed,  interfered  to 
save  him :  this  was  Giovanni  di  Bartolomeo  da  Prato  Vecchio 
chancellor  and  notar^^  of  the  office  of  Reformations,  who  exer- 
cised a  complete  but  surreptitious  control  over  the  public  palace 
and  all  the  magistracies  belonging  to  it  according  to  the  plea- 
sure of  Lorenzo  and  Piero  by  whom  he  was  unscnipulously 
supported.     Thus  was  the  entire  government  concentrated  in 
these  two  instmments  of  Medician  tyranny ;  one  controlling 
the  revenue,  the  other  the  executive  and  neariy  all  the  legis- 
lative powers  of  the  state.     Giovanni  was  condemned  to  death 
but  as  above  said,  at  the  instance  of  Savonarola  his  punishment 
was  commuted  to  imprisonment  at  Yolterra :  another  portion 
of  the  accoppiatori  were  against  severity ;  this  produced  disunion, 
quarrels,  enervation,  and  universal  disrepute*. 

Savonarola's  sennon  finally  put  an  end  to  their  authority  by 
forcing  them  to  create  the  great  council  and  they  so  staggered 
under  the  force  of  public  ophiion  that  when  their  power  of  elect- 
ing the  Seignoiy  was  withdrawn  and  placed  in  the  general 
council  they  became  uer\^eless ;  most  of  the  members  resigned 

♦Francesco   Cei,  Mem.  Storiche,  p.  29-30,  MS —Guidacci,  Espulsione  di 
Piero  di  Medici,  MS. 


544 


FLORENllNE    HISTORY. 


[book  11. 


ere  their  period  of  ofl&ce  expired,  and  being  thus  rendered  im- 
perfect the  rest  were  compelled  to  follow*. 

This  resignation  however  did  not  terminate  before  May  1495 
nor  was  it  until  after  that  date  that  the  great  council  became 
actually  fonned  and  a  popular  government  broadly  established. 
The  great  council-chamber  above  the  present  custom-house  was 
built  or  altered  on  this  occasion  Nvith  such  rapidity  as  almost  to 
verify  Savonarola's  remaiik,  "  That  antjels  had  occupial  them- 
''selves  on  the  work  instead  of  masons  and  iabuurers,  in  order  to 
''finish  it  the  more  quickly."  At  least  one  thousand  citizens  were 
to  people  that  magnificent  saloon  for  six  months,  and  thus  be 
periodically  renewed  until  the  whole  three  thousand  who  had 
been  declared  eligible  had  had  their  turn  :  none  were  so  elected 
under  thirty  yeare  of  age  unless  the  gross  number  of  candidates 
fell  short  of  fifteen  hundred,  in  which  case  the  scale  of  yeai-s 
descended  to  four-and-twenty ;  and  that  number  of  minor 
candidates  might  also  be  added  for  the  rest  of  the  year :  but  to 
prevent  this  council  from  ever  beuig  too  limited,  half,  instead 
of  a  third  of  the  whole  number  eligible,  might  sit  if  that  num- 
ber should  ever  be  less  than  fifteen  hundred  unobjectionable 

citizens  +. 

These  were  assuredly  the  real  representatives  of  a  free  com- 
munity ;  but  it  was  still  a  connuunity  of  aristocrats ;  neither 
populace  nor  plebeians  if  not  citizens,  found  a  s(  at  there  nor 
had  any  voice  in  its  constmction  ;  although  its  detractors  (and 
this  shows  the  spirit  of  the  time  and  pe.ii>b')  eiideavoiu'ed  to 
disparage  it  by  asserting  its  exclusively  plebeian  cliaracter;. 
On  this  assembly,  which  brought  political  power  duwn  to  the 
lowest  classes  of  citizens,  was  imposed  the  charge  of  scrutinis- 
ing, electing,  and  distributing  all  the  minor  offices  and  greater 
magistracies  ;  a  quarter  part  of  them  according  to  established 
custom  going  to  the  minor  arts,  except  some  external  appoint- 

*  Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  65.  Cei,  Mcmorie  SDiiche,  p.  31,  MS. 

t  Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  G6.— Fran.     :;:  Filip.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  66. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


545 


ments  such  as  vicars  and  governors  of  cities  and  large  towns, 
which  were  exclusively  enjoyed  by  the  others. 

To  hold  these  elections,  all  citizens  eligible  to  the  great 
council  had  their  names  inclosed  in  a  bag  called  the  *'  Borsa 
Generate  "  or  General  Purse,  and  from  this  the  members  of  the 
"  Consir/lio  Mafi<jiore  "  were  drawn  by  lot  with  a  fine  of  half  a 
florin  for  non-attendance  when  summoned  by  the  sound  of  the 
campana.  From  this  purse  also  were  drawn  the  names  of  those 
electors  who  were  charged  with  the  choice  of  citizens  fit  for 
the  various  magistracies  within  and  ^rithout  the  town,  and 
whose  names  were  afterwards  "  Squittinati  "  and  "  Mandati 
a  Fartito;''  or  in  our  own  language  scrutinised  and  put  to 
the  vote.  This  discretionar}-  choice  was  afterwards  most  jea- 
lously diminished  by  substituting  the  taking  of  those  names 
which  were  to  be  put  to  the  vote,  by  lot  instead  of  selection  for 
all  external  offices  as  well  as  the  minor  magistracies  within. 
It  was  effected  by  drawing  the  names  of  thirty  citizens  from 
the  general  purse  as  candidates  for  any  specified  posts  then 
vacant  and  putting  them  successively  to  the  vote  ;  after  which, 
all  who  were  acknowledged  to  be  eligible  by  a  majority  of 
hluck  beans  were  inclosed  in  another  purse  and  redrawn  by 
lot  for  the  office  to  be  disposed  of.  After  this  arrangement 
few  electors  were  deemed  necessar}^  for  naming  magistrates  to 
the  reserved  offices,  some  of  which  also  were  subsequently 
conferred  by  lot  instead  of  nomination. 

Besides  tliis  general  purse  there  were  two  others  for  every 
quarter  of  Florence  :  in  one  were  contained  the  names  of  all 
the  citizens  belonging  to  the  minor  arts  ;  in  the  other  those 
belonging  to  the  major,  for  every  quarter  of  the  town ;  in  order 
that  in  the  elections  of  the  Seignoiy  and  other  magistracies 
wliich  were  made  successively  from  each  quarter  the  proper 
electors  might  be  distinctly  drawn  quarter  by  quarter  and  trade 
by  trade.  Twenty-four  citizens  for  each  qutirter  were  drawn 
from  the  purses  belonging  to  it,  as  electors  of  the  eight  Priors. 

VOL.  HI.  N  N 


546 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  ir. 


and  three  less  for  the  Gonfalonier  of  Justice  :  and  when  the 
Colleges,  the  Ten  of  Peace  and  Liherty,  or  any  other  magis- 
trates of  the  first  order  were  nominated,  the  electors  were  also 
dmwn  from  these  eight  purses  to  the  number  of  from  six  to 
ten  electors  for  each  individual  magistrate.  But  tliis  mode 
although  continued  for  a  while  was  not  sufficiently  extended  to 
suit  the  growing  spirit  of  the  time  and  especially  tlie  less 
powerful  citizens,  as  will  be  hereafter  seen.  In  the  general 
council  all  laws  were  finally  passed  and  private  petitions  received 
and  discussed ;  but  only  after  having  gone  through  the  Seig- 
nory  and  Colleges,  who  had  the  initiatory  power,  and  the  Council 
of  Eighty  called  " //  ConsiyUo  dei/li  Srelti  "  or  '' Pregiai;'  the 
select  or  invited  Council,  which  was  renewed  half-yearly  from 
the  greater  by  the  admittance  of  persons  not  less  tlian  forty 

yeai-s  of  age  *. 

Besides  the  discussion  of  laws  this  council  had  the  nomina- 
tion of  ambassadors  and  conmiissaries  ;  they  debated  on  the 
necessity  of  peace  and  w^ar  ;  investigated  the  conduct  of  gene- 
rals and  condottieri,  and  had  a  voice  in  almost  ever}^  other 
great  business  of  state.  By  a  subsequent  law  :  passed  through 
the  influence  of  Savonarola  to  prevent  the  Seignory  and  "  Otto 
di  Baha  "  from  lightly  condenming  citizens  to  death,  exile,  and 
other  severe  punishments  by  six  votes  alone  ;  appeals  were 
allowed  lo  the  general  council :  this  however  occasioned  con- 
siderable ditference  of  opinion  and  commotion  wliich  Savonarola 
at  last  ended  by  repeatedly  declaring  from  the  pidpit  that  God 
willed  the  law  and  therefore  it  mmt  he  passed!  and  it  was  so  f. 
Thus  the  Florentine  constitution  was  finally  plaicd  on  a  broad 
democratic  basis  as  regarded  the  citizens,  for  they  were  com- 
plete masters  of  the  state  ;  but  there  was  a  tar  more  numerous 
class  of  unprivileged  inhabitants  who  like  the  "  Plchs  "  of  Rome 
and  under  the  same  denomination,  were  mere  subjects,  aud  had 

•  Gio.  Guidacci,  Espulsionc  di  Piero  de     t  Fil.  Ncili,  Lib.  iv.,  p.G7.— Guidacci, 
Medici   M8.  Espulsionc  di  Piero,  MS. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


547 


no  part  in  the  government ;  yet  the  state  was  now  essentially 
free.  With  Uberty  came  political  power ;  and  freedom  of 
thought  and  expression  ;  and  a  fresh  infusion  of  party  spirit ; 
and  clasliing  opinions  ;  and  private  interests  ;  and  repeated  con- 
tention on  every  change  of  magistrates  :  and  all  these  inevitable 
appendages  to  free  institutions  generated  new  tricks  and  new 
disorder  amongst  the  aspiring  and  unscrupulous  Florentines  -. 

The  whole  city,  and  therefore  its  representative  the  Great 
Council,  became  divided  into  parties  of  which  the  three  follow- 
ing were  the  principal.  The  flrst  and  most  numerous  was 
composed  of  Savonarola's  followers  and  thence  called  "  Fra- 
tcsclti,''  and  "  P'uKinoit'i"  or  Mourners,  for  they  were  grave  in 
demeanour  and  adhered  to  the  "  Frate  "  who  preached  repent- 
ance and  reform  :  they  were  a  sort  of  Catholic  Puritans,  desired 
free  government  on  a  broad  and  popular  basis ;  enjoyed  un- 
bounded credit  both  for  number  and  respectaljility  and  had  a 
majority  in  the  Great  Council :  they  wished  for  liberty,  mo- 
rality, reform  in  both  church  and  state,  and  hated  Medician 
tyranny. 

The  ''  Arrahhiati'^  aud  "*  Conipnifnacci,''  or  the  "Madmen," 
and  "Evil-Companions,"  formed  the  second  party:  they  de- 
rived the  second  name  from  a  company  of  young  nobles  who 
hating  the  severity  of  Savunarola's  discipline  joined,  his  adver- 
saries, and  were  of  great  service,  l)y  drawing  after  them  a 
numerous  train  of  the  more  youthful  aristocracy,  who  would 
have  been  still  more  effective  if  their  leader  Dolfo  Spini  had 
been  a  more  able  man.  They  detested  the  Medici,  revolted 
against  the  rigid  morality  of  the  monk,  and  desired  a  more  con- 
centrated government  with  a  distribution  of  power  amongst 
the  higher  ranks  of  citizens  alone.  Neither  could  they  brook 
the  arrogated  authority  of  the  adverse  chiefs,  especially  Fran- 
cesco Vallori,  nor  their  influence  in  the  council,  nor  Savona- 
rola's constant  theme  from  the  pulpit,  "/or  the  people  to  favour 


*  Fil".  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  68. 
N  N  ^ 


548 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


the  good;''  meaning  his  own  party  which  from  its  superior 
energy  and  influence  inspired  fear*.  Guidantonio  Vespucci 
at  the  head  of  a  few  able  men  made  use  of  this  party  without 
joining  it ;  nor  had  the  Arrabiati  any  excuse  for  a  colHsion  with 
the  Frateschi,  because  both  were  of  one  mind  about  the  two 
great  objects,  of  keeping  the  city  free  and  the  Medici  beyond 
the  walls. 

The  third  party  called  the  ''BiffT  or  Greys  (probably  from 
their  desire  of  keeping  retired  and  out  of  sight  in  their  political 
movements)  wished  for  the  Medici's  return  and  government, 
but  knowing  themselves  weak  and  much  suspected  by  other  par- 
ties they  held  back  and  avoided  all  collision,  yet  worked  secretly 
and  silently  in  the  councils,  and  rather  with  the  Frateschi  as 
the  most  powerful,  and  as  containing  many  who  were  of  their 
own  party  before  Piero's  expulsion,  from  whom  they  naturally 
had  more  to  hope  than  from  the  others.  This  silent  aid  was 
not  unknown  to  either  of  the  adverse  parties  and  increased  the 
power  of  the  Frateschi  while  it  ahinued  the  Arrabiati,  some  of 
whom  were  imprisoned  for  canvassing  votes  in  favour  of  those 
candidates  for  the  magistracy  who  were  known  to  desire  the 
ruin  of  Savonarola.  The  fears  of  the  Arnd)iati  therefore  in- 
duced them  at  once  to  dissolve  this  unnatural  attachment  by 
supporting  the  Medician  candidates  for  ofhce,  and  so  give  them 
spirit  to  withdraw  from  the  Frateschi  and  act  more  openly  and 
independently  as  a  party  f. 

Some  of  these  transactions  have  been  rather  anticipated,  but 
such  was  the  general  state  of  parties  at  Florence  in  1405  ;  and 
it  is  worth  obsen  ing  that  this  revolution,  complete  and  violent 
as  it  was ;  attended  with  the  loss  of  dominion,  the  revolt  of  a 
subject  state  and  city,  tbe  distressing  exaction  of  a  heavy  sub- 
sidy, the  occupation  of  the  capital,  and  the  mortification  of 
national  pride  and  consideration ;  was,  unlike  all  others,  and 

•  Filip.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  68. — Sismondi,  v.  ix.,p.  47. 
t  Ibid.,  pp.  68-70. 


CHAP.  VI.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


549 


principally  through  the  hitluence  of  a  simple  friar  unattended 
by  a  single  death  or  exile  from  party  spirit  or  revenge  !  * 

It  is  true  that  Antonio  di  Miniato  was  hung  and  Giovanni  da 
Prato  Vecchio  imprisoned,  his  house  burned,  and  his  sons 
banished  :  but  this  was  only  in  the  regular  course  of  justice  for 
official  fraud  and  malversation,  inflicted  on  men  whom  a  ty- 
rannical power  had  hitherto  protected ;  but  it  was  not  the  ven- 
geance of  facti(jn.  On  tlie  contrary  a  strong  and  unusual  spirit 
of  humanity  was  shown,  by  the  creation  of  a  Board  of  Grace  to 
absolve  public  del)tors  as  well  as  to  pardon  delinquents  who  had 
been  condemned  in  lines ;  and  so  largely  was  this  grace  distributed 
that  in  despite  of  all  the  public  financial  difficulties  and  pecuniary 
pressure  of  the  times  ;  few  debtors  or  fiscal  delinquents  remained 
unpardoned.  How  difl^erent  was  this  conduct  from  the  Medician 
persecutions  to  say  nothing  of  Lorenzo's  especial  rapaciousness 
and  extravagance;  and  more  particularly  as  a  loan  of  100,000 
florins  was,  from  necessity,  in  a  manner  forced  from  both  citi- 
zens and  Jews,  and  a  new  tiLx  of  ten  per  cent,  imposed  on  real 
property  according  to  its  rental,  under  the  name  of  ''Decima\.'' 
This  tax  was  generally  popular  except  with  those  who  under 
Medician  rule  had  tasted  the  sweets  of  a  partial  and  ill-regulated 
taxation  :  hence  arose  divisions,  quarrels,  and  enemies  to  popular 
government,  yet  not  all  from  this  source ;  but  an  open  well-organ- 
ised and  vigorous  opposition  to  Savonarola  now  commenced  with 
such  violence  as  nearly  to  drive  him  for  a  season  both  from  the 
city  and  his  political  apostleship  \. 


CoTEMPORARV  MoNARCHs. — No  cliangc  cxccpt  in  Naples,  as  narrated  in  the 

History. 

*  Fran«.  Cei,  p.  33,  MS.  MS.— Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.  MS. 

t  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii'\  p.  5L— Gio.     %  Fran.  Cei,  Memorie  Storiche,  p.  35, 
GuidaccijEspulsionediPierode'Medici,     MS. — Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  32. 


550 


FLORENTINE    HISTOUY. 


[book  II. 


CHAPTER   VII. 


FROM   A.D.    1494    TO    A.D.    1500. 


The  expulsion  of  Piero  cle'  Medici  left  Florence  in  freedom 
the  departure  of  Charles  VIII.  left  her  once  more  independent; 
and  both  combined  gave  her  time  and  opportunity  for 
reculatina  her  internal  affairs  ere  she  attended  to 
the  more  difficult  enterprise  of  reconquering  Pisa.  We  have 
shown  that  she  lost  no  time  in  commencing  the  former,  and  the 
public  mind  was  ripe  for  a  change  if  not  for  improvement,  yet 
it  was  eager  also  for  this.  The  inlluence  of  Savonarola  was  at 
its  height  and  had  stricken  deep  and  forcibly  among  the  root- 
of  society.  It  was  not  only  the  poor  the  lowly  and  the  ignorant, 
that  submitted  to  his  rule  ;  but  the  rich,  tlie  enlightened,  the 
ablest,  the  most  distinguished  of  the  connnunity  were  infected 
by  his  enthusiasm  and  bowed  to  the  power  of  his  genius :  nay 
the  very  children  in  the  streets  felt  and  acknowledged  his  per- 
suasive influence  and  confonued  to  his  will.  Their  ancient 
national  and  periodical  games  called  the  '  Potcuze''  which  had 
become  a  public,  and  even  a  very  dangerous  nuisance,  and 
which  hitherto  the  whole  civil  authoritv  had  been  insufficient 
to  suppress,  all  melted  away  under  the  warmth  of  Savoniu'ola's 
exhortations,  and  their  violent  character  and  habit  of  plun- 
dering for  individual  gain  were  softened  into  that  of  a  gentle 
solicitation  for  suffering  poverty*. 

But  his  moral  power,  based  as  it  was  on  religion  and  sin- 
cerity of  purpose  tmd  quickened  by  enthusiasm,  was  not  con- 

*  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.   48. — Storia  di  Savonarola,  p.  llGaud  passim. 


CHAP. 


vii.j 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


551 


fined  to  individual  reformation  or  mere  church  discipline  ;  or 
even  to  the  simple  improvement  of  moral  principle  in  the  mass 
of  society.  He  well  knew  that  sound  political  institutions  were 
the  offspring  of  hitelligence  and  good  moral  feeling,  and  that 
they  in  their  turn  reacted  on  pubUc  integrity ;  but  that  no 
human  laws  would  turn  a  corrupt  people  into  a  moral  and 
religious  one,  and  that  bad  and  tyrannical  institutions  began 
and  continued  the  progress  of  corruption  until  misery,  hypo- 
crisy and  an  undisguised  derision  of  all  that  is  noble  or 
chivalrous  overspread  and  vitiated  society.  Savonarola's  prin- 
ciple was  universal  good  and  as  his  learning  was  extensive 
and  deep  ;  his  knowledge  of  human  nature  and  public  affairs 
that  of  a  statesman  and  man  of  the  world,  not  the  cramped 
perceptions  of  a  cloistered  monk ;  he  had  long  meditated  on 
the  cliarueter  of  the  natives  and  government  of  his  adopted 
country  and  indignant  at  IMedieian  despotism  pondered  the  best 
means  of  emancipation  and  improvement-. 

He  was  long-sighted  and  even  prophetic  in  political  events, 
and  probably  fores-aw  that  the  advent  of  Charles  VIII.  would 
give  a  rude  shock  to  the  unpopular  supremacy  of  a  man  like 
Piero  de'  ]Medici  ;  whereui)ou  he  prepared  for  a  change.  The 
profound  respect  witli  wliich  ]\Iacchiavelli,Xardi,Ferdinando  del 
Migliore,  Guicciardini  and  Philip  de  Comines  speak  of  him 
would  leave  no  doubt  of  his  extraordinary  character,  even  if  we 
had  not  his  own  actions  and  his  inlluence  over  an  acute,  en- 
lightened, and  investigating  people  in  the  highest  state  of 
existing  civilisation  to  prove  it  f . 

♦Storia  di  Savonarola,  pp.  104,  109,  (dated  March  1497),  suspects  lum  of 

1 1 0.  suiting;  his  actions  and  principles  to  his 

t  Macchiavclli,  Dis.,  Lib.  i'\  cap.  xii.  own  particular  interests  on  a  particular 

—Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  viii ,  cap.  vi.  occasion  ;  but  in  the  place  cited  above, 

—Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  i",  j).  1 65.  written  probably  longafter  Savonarola's 

—Jacopo    Nardi,    Lib.   iii.,  p.  JU.—  death,  his  reverence  is  striking.  (Vide 

Ferd«.  del  Migliore,  Firen?.elllustrata,  Lctttre  Familiare,  Opere,  Lettera  2, 

S.   Marco,  p.  '2'2i.  —  It  is  true  that  ''a  un  Aniico.''') 
Macchiavclli  in  a  letter  to   a  friend 


552 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


Comine3  in  relating  his  interview  with  Savonarola  says, 
"  He  always  spoke  confidently  of  the  king's  coming  (whatever 
might  be  said  or  written  to  the  contrary)  affirming  that  he  was 
sent  by  God  for  the  punishment  of  Italian  tyrants  and  no  force 
could  oppose  him,  no  power  defend  itself  from  liim :  that  he 
would  enter  Pisa,  and  on  that  day  the  state  of  Florence  would 
fall ;  as  it  afterwards  happened ;  for  Piero  de'  Medici  was  ex- 
pelled the  same  hour;  and  many  other  things  did  he  predict 
before  they  occurred,  such  as  the  death  of  Lorenzo  ;  and  de- 
clared that  he  knew  all  by  revelation.  As  to  me,  I  believe  him 
to  be  a  fjood  wan.  I  asked  him  if  he  thought  that  the  king 
would  ai-rive  in  France  without  any  pei-sonal  danger  from  the 
great  preparations  of  Venice  and  her  allies  against  him,  with 
all  of  which  he  (Savonarola)  was  better  acquainted  than  I  was 
who  had  only  just  come  from  there  &c.'' "^^  All  this  and  much 
more  equally  strong  language,  are  not  the  sole  testimonies  from 
Louis  XL's  clear-headed  minister  in  favour  of  Savonarola,  and 
proves  not  only  the  imposing  character  of  his  genius  but  his 
minute  and  correct  intelligence  of  what  was  passing  around ; 
so  that  between  the  espionage  of  his  order  without,  and  his  know- 
ledge of  people's  minds  as  a  favourite  confessor  within  ;  added 
to  his  own  natural  sagacity  and  clear  understanding  of  ItaUaii 
politics ;  he  was  probably  enabled  to  foretel  events  in  a  way 
that  to  less  penetrating  and  naturally  superstitious  mmds 
assumed  the  mantle  of  prophecy  |.  Probably  convinced  of  his 
own  mission  he  was  eager  to  impress  its  reality  on  the  world 
and  always  spoke  as  from  authority  ;  affirming  with  confidence 
that  his  measures  were  the  will  of  God  ;  and  generally  with 
truth,  because  they  were  proposed  for  and  adapted  to  the  uni- 
versal good.  Inspired  by  such  sentiments  Savonarola  took  up 
his  generally  acknowledged  character,  that  of  high  religious 
feeling  and  strict  morality,  frugal  and  temperate  habits  and  an 
utter  disinterestedness  about  money,  as  the  foundations  of  all 

*  Phil,  de  Comines,  Lab.  rlii.,  cap.  ii.       f  Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.,  p.  52,  MS. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


553 


his  political  influence  ;  and  he  was  justified  even  as  a  church- 
man, because  invited  by  his  fellow-citizens,  and  because  that 
influence  was  used  openly  and  broadly,  not  in  party  puq)Oses, 
political  intrigues,  or  self-aggrandisement*.  By  him  (at  least 
in  the  beginning)  it  was  directed  to  the  promotion  of  enlarged 
and  philanthropic  measures  of  social  government  aimed  at  exist- 
ing abuses  and  forming  a  shield  against  future  evils  by  his  endea- 
vours to  restore  an  overreached  and  oppressed  people  to  social 
happiness,  in  the  revival  of  their  legitimate  rights  and  privileges. 

With  these  objects  he  encouraged  at  the  suggestion  of  public 
authorities  the  rising  spirit  of  liberty  consequent  upon  Piero 's 
expulsion  ;  and  as  a  wide  foundation  for  subsequent  reforms  and 
a  perniiuient  basis  of  freedom,  was  as  already  said  mainly  instru- 
mental in  establisliing  the  great  council,  not  as  a  perfect  thing 
but  a  mere  bud  wliicli  had  yet  to  blossom  f.  Having  thus 
established  a  legitimate  and  concentrated  organ  of  the  universal 
will  he  renewed  liis  public  exhortations  for  the  estabhshment 
of  social  peace  and  a  general  amnesty  up  to  the  expulsion  of 
Piero  de'  ^ledici,  and  simultaneously  attacked  the  most  corrupt 
and  t}Tannical  part  of  Florentine  government  with  wliich  no 
real  liberty  could  exist ;  namely  the  power  of  the  Seignory  and 
"  Otto  di  Balia  "  to  kill,  banish,  or  imprison  any  citizen  at 
their  pleasure  ;.  This,  which  was  vulgarly  called  the  "  appeal 
of  the  si  J'  hhu'k  heans,^'  was  perhaps  Savonarola's  most  difficult, 
most  humane,  and  most  useful  public  act,  inasmuch  as  it  se- 
cured personal  safety  from  the  tyraimy  or  subserviency  of  timid 
and  obsequious  magistrates  §. 

Savonarola,  says  Guidacci,  "  preached  that  order  should  be 


*  Storia  di  Savonarola,  pp.  26,  28,  72, 
83,86,94,104,106,109,  110. 
t  Fer.  del  Migliore,  p.  224. — Savo- 
narola, Predica  iv.,  e.  viii.,  Storia,  p. 
89. 

t  Fran.  Cei,  p.  42,  MS.— Donato 
Giannotti,  della  Repub*.  Fiorentina, 
p.  82. — Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  34. 


— Jacopo  Pitti.,  Lib.  i",  p.  40. 
§  Fifteen  davs  were  allowed  in  which 
to  make  tlie  appeal,  and  this  appeal 
was  ])ermittcd  to  be  repeated  six  times 
in  two  days  i.e.  three  times  each 
day.  (Vide  Fran'',  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.j 
p.  42,  MS.) 


554 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[bock  ii. 


introtlaeed  into  the  powei's  of  the  Seignoiy  so  that  they  might 
not  thenceforth  so  despotically  drive  citizens  into  exile,  put 
them  to  death,  or  send  them  as  rehels  into  per})etual  hanish- 
ment  by  the  sole  authority  of  six  black  beans,  and  therefore 
that  the  privilege  of  appeal  should  be  granted  ;  so  that  who- 
ever felt  himself  aggrieved  might  plead  his  right  in  siuli  a  ^vay 
that  the  Seignory  could  no  longer  punish  men  on  slight  grounds 
and  at  the  importunity  of  other  citizens  as  had  previously 
been  the  case,  especially  since  the  year  14J^->.  And  he  demon- 
strated with  most  powerful  reasoning  that  such  things  had 
ruined  the  city  of  Florence.  But  about  these  two  subjects 
of  an  amnesty  and  the  diminution  of  the  Seiii^mory's  power 
there  were  contradictory  opinions  amongst  the  citizens  and 
much  discussion  through  the  town ;  some  were  for,  others 
against  them,  but  the  Frate  still  urged  his  point,  saying  you 
must  execute  them  because  intended  for  the  general  good  and 
therefore  pleasing  to  the  Almighty ;  and  you  will  have  to  do 
them  at  last,  for  so  God  wills  it ;  and  you  must  carry  them  as 
you  have  carried  other  reforms  either  by  good-will  or  compul- 
sion. Thus  the  affair  remained  amidst  diificulties,  while  in  the 
Seignory  there  was  great  dissension  between  those  who  wished 
and  those  who  wished  not  for  the  law,  so  that  during  the  time 
of  this  Seignory  the  business  remained  without  any  conclusion." 
*  *  *  ^-  :.c  "  But  their  office  having  terminated  the  others  for 
March  and  April  1495  succeeded  who  were  elected  by  the 
before-mentioned  twenty  Accoppiatori  with  Tanai  de'Nerli  for 
gonfalonier,  the  names  of  whose  colleagues  may  be  seen  in 
the  Priorista.  In  their  time  was  revived  the  discussion  about 
the  amnesty  and  appeal  from  the  power  of  the  Seignoiy ;  and 
some  approved,  and  some  disapproved :  wherefore  Frate  Giro- 
lamo  recommenced  preaching  and  proved  by  the  strongest 
arguments  that  an  amnesty  with  domestic  peace  and  union 
ought  to  be  proclaimed  and  the  appeal  decreed.  To  caiTy 
these  he  ordered  prayers  and  masses  and  fasts  in  order 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


555 


God  might  impress  upon  the  minds  of  the  citizens  that 
they  were  bound  to  complete  so  useful  a  work  both  for  his 
honour  and  the  universal  good.  Hence  it  resulted  that 
after  long  disputes  a  decree  was  passed  in  the  great  council 
declaring  peace  amongst  the  citizens  and  that  no  crime  against 
the  state  committed  l)y  any  member  of  the  fallen  government 
previous  to  the  expulsion  of  Piero  de  Medici  on  the  ninth  of 
November  14114  should  be  noticed." 

The  only  exception  was  against  those  suspected  of  peculation, 
wherefore  a  board  of  five  officers  was  appointed  to  examine  the 
accounts   of  all    concerned   in   the    administration   of   public 
llMaiiccs.     "  And  in  this  decree,"  continues  Guidaeci,  "  was 
included  the  appeal  by  which  any  one  condemned  to  death  or 
banishment  by  the  Seignory  for  political  offences,  or  to  a  fine 
of  more  than  m)0  florins  ;  whether  in  purse,  life,  or  exile,  might 
have  recourse  to  the  appeal  within  a  given  time  ;  and  the  great 
council  was  to  hear  and  determine,  and  condemn  or  absolve, 
as  head  and  princi[)al  of  the  whole  people  and  community  of 
Florence.     And  this  plaiidy  appeared  hi  the  said  law,  and  the 
great  benefit  and  union  amongst  the  people  which  were  effected 
by  the  said  law  was  afterwards  more  cleariy  acknowledged ; 
because  the  citizens  now  began  to  feel  themselves  secure  and 
had  no  longer  any  fear  of  being  condemned  unjustly,  nor  had 
they  any  need  to  make  divi>i()ns  in   the   city:    and  in  like 
manner  the  Seignory  would  have  no  fear  of  being  compelled  by 
powerful  citizens  to  banish  either  friends  or  enemies,  or  of  pro- 
nouncing a  just  sentence,  as  had  l)een  the  case  in  former  times. 
This  reform  was  much  commended,  especially  by  those  who 
wished  to  live  honestly  ;  and  by  Fra  Girolamo  it  was  said,  that 
the  Lord  had  thus  conferred  a  great  benefit  on  the  city  of  Flo- 
rence and  that  this  pacification  and  appeal  pleased  God  wonder- 
fully ;  he  therefore  ordered  new  prayers  and  thtmksgivmgs  for  so 
great  a  boon,  as  without  His  aid  it  would  not  have  been  granted  ; 
and  in  this  manner  the  Seignory  terminated  their  office." 


I 


556 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


The  great  change  effected  by  Savonarola  in  the  political 
morality  of  Florence,  if  we  may  credit  one  of  his  adherents,  is 
very  remarkable  and  may  possibly  be  a  faithful  picture  of  the 
first  moments  of  patriotic  enthusiasm  drawn  by  an  honest  man 
who  wished  for  what  he  describes.  '*  Because,''  savs  ( iuidacci ; 
himself  a  member  of  the  great  council;  "  iHcau^e  even-thing 
being  under  the  people's  control  it  is  necessary  that  he  who 
aspires  to  j)ublic  otfice  or  employment  by  election  should  bear 
a  virtuous  and  unimpeachable  character  with  sol»er  habits,  and 
be  publicly  known  as  an  able  man  of  business  :  it  is  also  neces- 
sary to  be  well  acquainted  with  the  Florentine  citizens,  their 
mutual  connexions,  interests,  and  dependance,  in  order  when 
in  council  to  know  how  to  elect  others  and  to  have  honour  in 
so  doing ;  because  the  calling  of  fit  and  efficient  men  to  public 
office  is  requisite,  first  for  the  honour  of  (iod  and  the  world, 
and  then  to  mainUiin  the  noble  character  of  our  country  and  the 
common  good.  And  let  no  man  with  any  other  intention 
aspire  to  such  employments,  nor  think  to  succeed  by  the  influ- 
ence of  private  connexions,  or  friendships,  or  party  spirit,  or 
hatred,  or  rivalr}',  or  any  such  reasons  ;  but  solely  for  God's 
honour  and  the  public  good  "  *. 

During  these  transactions  the  Pisans  who  had  driven  everv 
domiciled  Florentine  from  the  city  and  seized  their  property 
had  been  busy  reestablishing  their  own  govennnent  on  its 
ancient  footing  f.     It  was  not  a  Florentine  custom  to  change 


*  "  Relazione  deW  Espulaione  di 
Piero  de*  Medici  et  altre  navlta 
seguite  in  Firenze  nel  1494,  siTitta 
da  Giovanni  Guidacci  per  via  di 
Ricordo  ad  un  »uo  lihrttto.'"'  This 
MS.  is  cited  by  Fenlinando  del  Mig- 
liore  in  his  "  Firenze  lUustrata  (p. 
2*24,  Edit.  Firenze ,  1 6H4 — cap.  San 
Marco)  and  was  copied  along  with 
another  MS.  by  the  same  author, 
entitled,  "  Mtmorie  ddle  Mutazione 
ed  Ordinazioni  seyuite  ml  govcmo 


di  Firenz'  d'ij>o  rEapidsionc  di  Piero 
de*  Mcdiri,"'  Ity  Stet'ano  di  Francesco 
Kosselli  in  l<i'4.'>  from  the  original 
MSS.  lent  him  by  the  Cavalierc 
Giovanni  ( Iuidacci.  Tlie  above  copy, 
with  several  other  MSS.  of  the  same 
date,  once  belonging  to  the  Viira/zano 
Library  at  Florence,  is  now  in  the 
author's  possession. — The  original  MS. 
was  imperfect. 
+  Fran".  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.  p.  34,  MS. 


CHAP.  VIl.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


557 


the  forms  of  local  government  in  subject  states  and  those  of 
Pisa  had  scarcely  been  touched,  so  that  all  the  magistracies 
were  already  embodied,  and  with  the  addition  of  a  general 
council  of  the  people  their  ancient  constitution  was  promptly 
restored  ;  to  this  the  determined  undaunted  spirit  of  a  united 
community  gave  life  and  vigour.  From  a  government  which 
was  the  concentrated  opinion  and  force  of  the  commonwealth 

a 

all  acts  seemed  good,  and  everything  went  smoothly,  because  do 
what  it  might  it  was  still  the  organ  of  public  will  and  the  depo- 
sitaiy  of  public  confidence ;  the  only  sound  principle  of  legiti- 
mate sovereignty  from  pure  democracy  to  absolute  monarchy. 

Like  the  fiery  symbol  of  the  Caledonian  Highlanders  the  red- 
crossed  banner  of  Pisji  flew  through  every  town  and  village  of 
their  ancient  state  and  roused  the  people  to  war  and  liberty ; 
by  every  one  w\as  it  hailed  and  sped  with  enthusiastic  shouts, 
and  in  a  few  days  almost  all  the  republican  territory  was  up  in 
such  arms  as  circumstances  allowed  them  to  command  *.  The 
Florentines  absorbed  in  their  domestic  revolution  had  neither 
time  nor  means,  nor  hiclination  to  stem  this  first  burst  of 
liberty  but  were  soon  compelled  to  arrest  its  progress  :  for  this 
pui-pose  Ercole  Bcntivoglio  and  other  condottieri  were  engaged 
with  a  large  body  of  troops  wliich  under  the  direction  of  Piero 
Capponi  and  I'rancesco  Valori,  as  Florentine  commissaries, 
recovered  almost  all  the  Pisan  territoiy  from  a  badly  armed 
and  undisciplined  peasantry,  the  sole  defenders  as  yetassembled 
beyond  the  walls  of  Pisa  ;  so  that  in  a  short  time  Vico  Pisano, 
Cascina,  and  Buti  were  the  only  places  that  still  sustained  her 
independence.  The  Pisans  still  exerting  themselves  to  retain 
tlie  favour  and  countenance  of  Charles  VII T.  were  strongly 
supported  by  every  French  courtier  except  the  Cardinal  of  San 
Malo,  who  steadily  insisted  on  justice  to  Florence  :  all  the  rest, 
whether  from  Pisan  gold,  Pisan  misfortunes,  or  the  fascination 

*  Fran.  Cci,  Mem.,  p.  34,  MS. — Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii ,  p.  33. — Ammirato, 
Lib.  xxvi.  p.  207. 


I 


558 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


559 


t 


of  Pisan  women,  but  probably  all  three  ;  were  animated  with  a 
feelmct  of  generous  sympathy  towards  a  helpless  nation  implor- 
ing their  protection  •  and  with  all  that  chivalrous  spirit  that  so 
frrquentlv  flashes  even  from  some  of  the  darkest  spots  in  the 
French  character,  they  warmly  and  earnestly  advocated  the 
Pisan  cause.     The  wavering  monarch,  embarrassed  by  his  in- 
considerate promises  to  Pisa  and  his  solemn  engagements  to 
Florence,  vibrated  hke  a  pendulum  between  doubt  and  inclina- 
tion and  knew  not  what  to  do  :  the  ambassador,  on  both  sides 
were  commanded  to  plead,  and  Charles  with  an  evident  leaning 
to  Pisa  was  vet  so  strongly  urged  by  the  other  side  to  fulhl  his 
solemn  engagements  that  T^nconnot  Cardinal  of  Saint  Malu 
proceeded   to  Florence   with   a   commission    to   arrange   the 
business  bv  negotiation,  and  if  possible  induce  the  Florentines 
to  pav  up  the  remainder  of  their  contribution  although  not  yet 
due  ^  n.>  partly  succeeded  in  the  latter,  but  failed  in  the  for- 
mer object  of  his  mission  if  it  were  ever  really  contemplated  ; 
and  the  intelligence  of  Naples  having  fallen  ran.o  m  a  happy 
moment  to  extricate  him  from  the  pretended  dilli.ulty  in  which 
Pisa's  refusal  to  listen  to  any  terms  of  accommodation  had 
placed  him  ;  for  the  king's  object  was  money  not  restitution  ^K 
Lucca  and  Siena  although  afraid  to  declare  themselves  openly 
arrainst  Florence  sent  succours  clandestinely  to  Pisa  ;  the  lirst 
supplied  her  with  grain  and  three  hundred  soldiers,  the  second 
troops  alone  +.    Lodovico  the  ]\Ioor  who  bad  at  tnst  encouraged 
the  Pisan  revolt,  although  afraid  openly  to  violate  his  engage- 
ments with  Florence,  referre-1  the  Pisans  to  (.cnoa  uluch  not- 
withstanding its  dependance  on  Milan  still  rctiuned  a  certain 
liberty  of  national  action.     Their  ambassadors  ma.b'  a  simple 
and  pathetic  appeal  to  the  Genoese  senate  and  cxpu-d  their 
countrN's  wrongs  with  such  eloquence  before  the  aiKient  riviUs 
and  biuerest  enemies  of  their  once  gloiious  republic  that  a 

*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  pp.  207-'210.     f  Marmosa,  Storia  di  Lucca,  vol.  ii., 
— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  33.  p.  -/ . 


board  of  eight  citizens  was  immediately  created  with  authority 
to  supply  both  arms  and  money,  while  Alessandro  de'  Negroni 
was  commissioned  to  see  that  all  Genoese  places  in  the  Pisan 
neighbourhood  rendered  every  assistance  in  their  power  to  that 
republic  *.  The  generosity  of  Genoa  was  stimulated  by  the 
authority  of  Lodovico  and  the  promise  of  recovering  Sarzana 
and  Pietra  Santa,  more  than  by  any  real  sympathy  with  an 
oppressed  people,  for  this  is  rarely  an  insulated  cause  of 
friendship  or  hostilities  between  any  nations  within  the  pale  of 
civilisation  f . 

Two  hundred  men-at-arms,  two  hundred  light  cavalry^  and 
four  hundred  infantry  under  -lacopo  d'Appiano  served  the 
Pisans  at  the  expense  of  Lucca,  Siena,  and  Genoa ;  and  thus 
the  descendant  of  one  of  their  greatest  tyrants  now  acted  in 
defence  of  their  liberty  along  with  the  very  nation  whose  arms 
had  formerly  broken  their  ancient  power  and  led  to  their 
subjection.  The  Pisans  had  also  engaged  Luzio  Malvezzi  an 
officer  of  some  reputation  entirely  under  the  influence  of  Lo- 
dovico and  a  determined  enemy  of  the  blurentine  commander 
Bentivoglio,  whom  he  defeated  with  the  loss  of  all  his  infantry 
at  the  Ponte  del  Serchio '.  While  this  bad  fortune  attended 
the  Florentine  arms  in  the  Pisan  territory  Montepulciano  be- 
came discontented  at  a  salt-tax,  which  was  increased  one-fourth 
by  Lorenzo's  base  currency,  and  aided  by  secret  plots  on  the 
part  of  Siena  revolted  in  ]\Iarcli  and  obtained  the  protection 
of  that  republic  notwithstanding  its  alliance  with  Florence. 

When  the  Florentines :  naturally  inclined  to  France  and 
kept  more  faithful  by  Savt>narola ;  requested  Charles  the 
VIIL's  interference  in  this  matter  accordhig  to  treaty,  by 
which  he  had  guaranteed  the  integrity  of  Florence  and  her 
dominion :  they  were  answered  by  a  sarcasm  that  might  be 
appositely  applied  to  kingdoms  much  nearer  home  "  What  can 

*  Giustiniani,  Annali  di  Genoa,  Lib.     Archiv.  Stor.  Ital  ,  vol.  vii. 

v.,  Caitaccli.  ^  Guicrianlini,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  i". 

t  Malipiero,  Annali  Vencti,  p.  348.— 


560 


FLORENTINE   mSTORT. 


[book   II. 


/  do  for  you;'  exclaimed  Charles,  "  tj  you  treat  your  subjects 
so  ill  that  they  all  revolt  ayalnst  you^^  T  The  rebuke  was  just, 
and  merited,  but  came  ill  from  one  so  folse  as  Charles ;  a 
man  so  far  from  justice,  treaties,  or  good  faith,  tliat  he  at  this 
very  time  despatched  an  auxiliary  force  of  six  hundred  S\nss 
and  Gascon  infantry  by  sea  to  Pisa.  Willi  this  reenforcement 
Malvezzi  recovered  almost  all  her  territory,  drove  the  Floren- 
tines from  Pontadera  and  from  the  strong  and  lofty,  though 
small  fort  of  Veri*uco,  built  on  the  south-eastern  end  of  the 
mountain  range  which  divides  the  Lucchese  states  from  the  ter- 
ritory of  Pisa ;  and  commanded  an  extensive  view  of  the  whole 
plain  by  which  the  Florentines  were  compelled  to  approach, 
and  was  thus  enabling  him  to  discover  and  anticipate  all 
their  movements  f. 


*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii",cap.  ii",p.  177. 

Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii",  pp.  34-36. 

f  Aminirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  pp.  211-12. 
The    sides    of    this    hill   arc    nearly 
covered  with  pine  woods.     It  rises  in 
a  conical  shape  to  nearly  three-fourths 
of  its  height,  with  a  very  steep  ascent, 
and  then  flattens  for  a  space  to   the 
northward   into  a    narrow    shelf,  and 
then  a  second  cone  of  steep  weather- 
worn rocks  shooting  up  in  pinnacles. 
On  this,  as  on  a  cluster  of  stone  piles, 
stands  the  now  ruined  fort,  one  mass  of 
rock  shooting  up  within  its  walls.  The 
entrance  is  still  somewhat  difficult,  and 
the  fort  is  vaulted  into  extensive  cis- 
terns, in  which  the  water  springing  as 
is  said  from  the  rock    below,   never 
fails.     The  view  from  the  ramparts  is 
magnificent.  Close  under,  on  the  north- 
ern plain,  lies  the  enormous  convent 
of   Certosfa,  with    its    many  cloisters, 
where  sixteen  lonely    monks  are  now 
lost  amidst   the  dwellings  of  its  once 
numerous  inhabitants.     This    monas- 
tery is  sheltered  by  the  high-reaching 
range  of  the  Saint  Julian  hills,  which 
le.vd    the    eye    along    the    shores    of 


Genoa  until  they  melt  into  air.     Still 
further  to   the  left   Corsica  rises  like 
a  vision,  nearer  is    Elba  ;  (both  me- 
morials of    the  fickleness  of  fortune) 
jutting   out  to    meet  it  appears   the 
old  Etruscan  Populonia.     As  the  eye 
sweeps  round  tlie  picture,  it  rests  on  a 
wide-spread  fertile  plain,  bounded  by 
ranges  of  hills,  until  it  reaches  the  dis- 
tant Apennines  and  Pistoian  Alps, and 
follows  the  Arno  from  the  Golfolinato 
the  sea.     There,  and  not  far  from  its 
mouth,  is  seen  the  Scrchio  like  a  young 
serpent  by  the  side  of  its  mother.  Hard 
by,  Capraia and  Gongora s»ein  ready  to 
comply  with  Dante's  wish,  and  drown 
the  guilty  Pisa  whose  marble  palaces 
lie    sparkling    in    the    plain    below, 
doubling  their  beauties   in  the  Amo 
as    it   sweeps   their   base.     No   army 
could  move  in  any  part  of  these  plains 
without  being  pcen  from  the   Verraca, 
which  would  be  difficult  to  take,  because 
it   is    commanded    by    nothing    near 
enough  to  do  mischief,  but  command- 
ing no  approach  to  Pisa  is  of  little  use 
except  as  a  signal  station. 


CHAP,  vii.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


561 


Meanwhile  a  powerful  league  was  gathering  in  the  north  of 
Italy  against  the  French  monarch :  Lodovico  and  the  Vene- 
tian republic  chief  movers  of  this  the  strongest  confederacy 
ever  made  in  Italy,  invited  Florence  to  join  it ;  and  dis- 
gusted by  Charles's  conduct  the  nearly  exhausted  patience  of 
that  state  would  have  given  way  altogether  had  not  the  spirit 
of  Savonarola  animated  most  of  the  community.  The  extraor- 
dinary influence  of  this  man,  his  continued  prophetic  tlu'eaten- 
ings,  his  constant  declaration  that  Charles  was  the  chosen 
instrument  of  Heaven  to  punish  crime  and  reform  the  Church, 
altogether  niaintiuned  the  French  alliance  against  every  at4:empt 
to  shake  it  both  external  and  domestic,  and  in  defiance  of 
priests  and  monks  and  adverse  citizens  who  had  combined 
to  ruin  both  the  treaty  and  enthusiast.  Savonarola  boldlv 
and  pertinaciously  continued  to  declare  that  notwithstanding  a 
foreign  invasion  which  was  to  rause  infinite  misfortunes,  it  still 
behoved  tliem  to  support  the  minister  of  God's  wrath  although 
he  liad  not  yet  full  ill  ed  the  whole  extent  of  his  mission ;  and 
the  Lord's  hand  would  lead  him  safelv  out  of  every  dancer  be- 
cause   he   was   still  a  divine   instrument   and   an   appointed 


messenger- 


The  strong  impression  made  by  an  earnest  and  incessant 
repetition  of  these  j)rf»pliocies  in  eloijuent  language,  was  felt  bv 
the  comnuuiity ;  even  many  governing  citizens  believed,  or 
pretended  they  believed  ;  and  were  therefore  unwilling  to  place 
themselves  in  the  first  rank  of  opposition  to  the  French  mo- 
narch's return,  but  on  the  contrary  followed  Savonarola's  enthu- 
siastic and  visionary  councils,  y<t  without  neglectmg  human 
means. 

Like  the  Calvin  of  after  days  Savonarola  bent  the  pub- 
lic mind  to  his  will  by  working  on  their  superstition ;  but 
Calvin  and  his  followers  were  harsh  and  sanguinary  bigots, 
unjust,    mimerciful,    intolerant,    and    severe ;    whereas    the 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  214. — Jucopo  Nuidi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  36. 
VOL.  III.  0  o 


562 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[BtiOK   II. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


663 


-^l 


Italian  was  an  enliglitened  well-meaning  enthusiast  and  ho 
persecutor. 

The  rapid  progress  of  Charles ;  the  niin  of  the  Neapolitan 
house  of  Aragon ;  the  pretensions  of  Louis  Duke  of  Orleans 
to  Milan ;  the  scarcely  dissemhled  ambition  of  the  French  to 
conquer  Italy  in  almost  every  part  of  which  they  occupied 
strongholds  ;  all  united  to  alarm  her  various  potentates.  Besides 
the  king  s  complete  command  of  Tuscany,  the  poiititY  the  Or- 
sini  and  even  the  Colonna  had  been  stripped  for  the  moment 
of  their  strongest  places  of  arms  as  pledges  of  fidelity,  and 
all  the  peninsula  seemed  to  lie  prostrate  liefore  him.    The  Duke 
of  Milan  was  refused  possession  of  Tarento  until  Naples  were 
entirely  reduced*;  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of  Spain,  besides 
a  national  hatred  of  Fmnce,  deplored  the  evil  fortune  of  their 
cousin  whose  power  had    sustained    the    family    reputation; 
Sicily  too  became  endangered  by  the  aml)ition  of  Charles,  and 
to  prevent  a  further  abasement  of  the  Holy  See  was  in  all  eyes 
sufficient  reason  for  any  breach  of  faith  with  that  monarch. 
The   wrath   of  :\Iaximilian    still   ran  high    against  the  man 
who  had  repudiated  his  daughter  and  snatched  an  affianced 
bride   from   his    arms,  and  Venice    beheld  with   alarm  the 
rapid  march  of  events  :    Lodovico  in  particular  became  keenly 
sensible  of  his  mistaken  jwlicy,    saw  a  formidalde  domestic 
enemy  in  the  brave  and  aspiring  Orleans,  and  trembled  for 
Milan.      The  consequence  was  a  secret  meeting  of  all  their 
ambassadors  at  Venice  even  while  Charles  was  still  in  Flo- 
rence, but  on  its  detection  by  Philip  de  Coniines  they  dropped 
the  mask  and  formed  a  powerful  league  against  France  in 
March  1495  by  which  thirty-four  thousand  horse  and  twenty 
thousand  foot  were  to  be  immediately  raised  at  the  general 
expense,  with  a  Heet  if  necessary.     The  league  was  to  hold 
good  for  five-and-twenty  years  between  the  Pope,  the  King  of 
the  Fwomans,  (for  Maximilian  had  never  been  crowned  at  Ilonie) 

♦  Paulo  Giovio,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  73. 


the  two  sovereigns  of  Spain,  the  Venetian  republic  and  the 
Duke  of  Milan.    Three  objects  were  proposed.    First  to  defend 
Christendom  against  the  Turks ;  but  this  was  a  mere  veil,  for 
the  Turkish  ambassador  took  an  active  part  in  it  and  offered  to 
attack  the  French  by  land  and  sea :   the  second  for  the  defence 
of  Italy,  and  the  third  for  the  preservation  of  their  several 
dominions*.     To  accomplish  this  the  pope  engaged  to  jiay 
four  thousand  horse ;  Maximilian  six ;  and  Spain,  Venice,  and 
Milan,  each  eight  thousand  while   the  mass  of  infantry  was 
equally  portioned  amongst  them.     These  were  the  published 
articles;  but  a  secret  understanding  changed  the  whole  character 
of  this  convention  to  an  offensive  league  agamst  the  king  of 
France  f .     On  the  side  of  Spain  this  was  soon  apparent,  for  a 
small  fleet  and  army  ere  long  made  its  appearance  off  the 
coast  of  Sicily  under  the  renowned  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  with 
the  intention  of  aiding  Ferdinand  of  Naples  to  recover  a  throne 
which  the  weakness  of  Charles  and  the  arrogant  oppression  of 
his  barons  had  already  rendered  insecure  I.     The  Venetians 
were  to  attack  the  south  and  eastern  coasts  of  Naples  ;  Lodo- 
vico to  cut  off  the  land  commmiication  with  France  and  drive 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  from  Asti ;  and  the  Idngs  of  Spain  and 
the  Ilomans  were  to  invade  that  kingdom  on  the  northern  and 
southern  frontier.      But  Maximilian  could  never  be  trusted 
even  when  really  well  inclined  to  a  cause  ;  his  own  dominions 
were  in  disorder ;  the  German  princes  would  not  assist  him, 
and  three  thousand  men  were  all  that  he  ever  raised  for  the 
confederacy.     The  Florentines  and  Duke  Hercules  of  Ferrara 
remained  timidly  aloof;  but  the  latter  permitted  his  son  Al- 
phonso  to  join  the  allied  army  with  a  body  of  cavaliy  as  a 
private  condottieri  of  the  Duke  of  Milan  §.     The  league's  offer 

•  Malipiero,  Annali  Veneti,  pp.  333-     f  Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii.,cap.  ii.,  p.  176. 

pf;"",      3?  ^'**''''''  ^'^-  "•'  P-  '^^■—     — Sismondi,  vol.  ix.,  p.  70. 

l-hii.   de   Comines,   Mem.,   Lib.  vii.,     *  Paulo  Giovio,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  73. 

cap.  XV.,  passim.  §  Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii«,  cap.  ii«,  p.  1 77 

0  0  2 


5154 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


to  Florence  was  a  powerful  army  to  defend  her  territor}^  and 
and  every  after  assistance  to  recover  Pisa  and  Leghorn  : 
Charles's  faithless  conduct  had  irritated  the  citizens  ;  all  their 
bribes  to  the  Cardinal  of  Saint  Malo  procured  only  a  cold  ad- 
vocate who  preferred  peace  with  the  great  French  lords  that 
opposed  him  to  friendship  with  the  Florentines  ;  they  had  been 
plundered,  and  scoffed,  and  insulted ;  but  they  repressed  a 
dangerous  anger,  and  independent  of  all  superstition  expected 
more  from  the  actual  holder  of  their  property,  however  faith- 
less, than  from  tlie  national  enmity  of  Venice  or  the  suspicious 
declarations  of  a  man  like  Lodovico  who  was  himself  intriguing 
for  the  possession  of  the  very  places  that  he  thus  guaranteed 
to  Florence  *. 

Charles  VIII.  and  liis  army  were  now  equally  impatient  to 
return  home ;  the  reputation  of  both  had  diminished  ;  the  Turk- 
ish expedition  was  forgotten  in  the  pleasures  of  Naples ;  ease, 
luxury,  and  a  genial  climate  had  enervated  them ;  the  king, 
always  inefficient,  became  yet  more  so  from  undeserved  success, 
and  governed  carelessly ;  the  Aragonese  were  still  suffered  to 
hold  Brindisi,  Reggio,  and  other  places  whence  they  could  have 
been  easily  expelled,  and  the  conquest  remained  incomplete : 
there  was  a  lavish  alienation  of  the  public  revenues  to  insatiable 
followers ;  state  business  was  abandoned  to  favourites ;  the 
Neapolitan  nobles  were  slighted;  audiences  were  difficult; 
ranks  levelled ;  merits  unacknowledged ;  the  enemies  of  Ara- 
gon  neglected ;  difficulty  and  delay  were  opposed  to  the  resti- 
tution of  their  confiscated  estates ;  grace  and  favour  were  sold 
for  bribes;  deprivations  were  ordered  without  occasion,  gifts 
without  reason,  offices  filled  exclusively  by  Frenchmen ;  crown 


*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  i°,  p. 
1 78.  Malipiero,  however,  asserts  that 
Florence  actually  coalesced  with  the 
league  and  concluded  a  treaty  at 
Genoa  in  June,  by  which  she  engaged 
to  impede  Charles  VIII. 's  passage  into 
Loiubai'dy  and    was   to   be    aided    by 


Genoa  in  the  recovery  of  Pisa,  Genoa 
receiving  Sarzana,  Sarzanella,  and 
Pietra  Santa,  from  the  League  as  the 
price  of  her  own  accession,  (vol.  vii., 
Arc.  Star.  ItaL,  p.  349.)  But 
Guicciardini  could  scarcely  have  been 
ignorant  of  this  treaty,  if  ever  concluded. 


\ 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


5Ci 


lands  absorbed  by  them  and  crown  vassals  oppressed,  against 
all  promise  and  against  all  custom.  In  addition  to  this,  a  more 
than  national  pomp  and  pride  and  insolence  and  injuries 
marked  the  steps  of  France  :  at  Naples  and  elsewhere  the 
Italians  were  despised  and  made  to  feel  it,  so  that  a  hatred 
as  intense  as  past  desire  began  to  bum  against  the  invaders, 
while  pity  and  retuniing  sympathy  for  the  acknowledged  merits 
of  Ferdinand  became  every  day  more  ardent.  Such,  as  we  are 
assured  by  Guicciardini,  was  the  temper  and  condition  of  Naples 
and  its  conquerors ;  nay,  so  great  was  the  reaction  that  even 
Alphonsos  name  was  received  with  kindness;  liis  former 
cruelty  was  now  exalted  into  a  just  rigour  and  his  arrogance 
and  pride  were  softened  into  frankness  and  sincerity.  '*  And 
such  is  the  nature  of  man;"  adds  Guicciardini,  "always  in- 
clined to  hope  for  more  than  he  ought ;  to  tolerate  less  than  is 
necessar}%  and  never  to  be  satisfied  with  the  present;"  but 
the  Neapolitan  nation  above  all  others  in  Italy  was  at  this 
epoch  notorious  for  instability  and  love  of  change*. 

The  account  given  by  Philip  de  Comines  of  the  northern 
confederacy  augmented  Charles's  desire  to  return,  for  it  was 
the  most  formidable  combination  of  Christian  powers  that  had 
been  known  for  centuries  and  placed  him  and  his  army  in 
jeopardy.  The  kingdom  was  unsettled ;  neither  would  Alex- 
ander VI.  consent  to  invest  him  with  its  sovereignty  so  he  pro- 
claimed himself,  assumed  the  crown  in  May,  and  on  the 
twentieth  of  that  month  marched  at  the  head  of  half  his  army 
towards  Tuscany  leaving  the  remainder  under  Gilbert  de 
Montpensier  and  Stuart  of  Aubigny  to  settle  the  conquest. 
The  first  was  viceroy,  a  man  of  no  ability ;  the  second  constable 
of  the  kingdom,  full  of  military  talent  and  experience  f.  Alex- 
ander had  applied  for  succours  from  the  league,  which  at  first 
were  promised  but  afterwards  declined  through  fear  of  weaken- 

*  Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  i°. — Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  ii°,  p.   179. 
+  Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  viii*',  cap.  i". 


5G6 


FLORENTINE   HISTOBY. 


[book  II. 


iug  the  army,  and  the  pontiff  was  advised  to  retire  from  Rome 
at  the  approach  of  Charles  who  only  remained  three  days  in 
that  city  but  restored  Terracina  and  Civita  Yecchia  while  his 
army  was  suffered  to  depredate  all  the  neighbouring  country. 

At  Siena  the  king  wasted  several  days  although  Philip  de 
Comines  assured  him  that  no  less  than  forty  thousand  soldiers 
of  the  league  were  gathering  in  arms  to  stop  his  passage ;  but 
says  the  old  statesman,  "  he  was  suiTounded  by  young  men  who 
fancied  that  none  but  themselves  carried  arms."  Here  he  re- 
ceived the  Florentine  ambassadoi's  who  came  to  claim  the  per- 
formance of  liis  promise,  and  who  offered  not  only  to  pay  the 
;}0,000  florins  still  due  of  their  contribution,  but  to  lend  him 
70,000  more  and  even  let  their  experienced  geneml  Francesco 
Secco  with  three  hundred  men-at-arms  and  two  thousand  in- 
fantry accompany  him  to  Asti.  These  were  tempting  baits  and 
Comines  strongly  urged  the  king  s  acceptance  of  them  ;  but  the 
same  youthful  court  had  been  so  struck  with  generous  sympathy 
for  the  Pisans  that  this  offer  was  refused  and  national  honour 
sacrificed  to  natural  feeling*. 

The  affcdr  was  postponed  until  Charles  arrived  at  Lucca,  and 
the  Florentines  startled  by  these  open  and  continued  symptoms 
of  aversion  became  apprehensive  of  admitting  the  French  again 
within  their  walls  or  of  even  allowing  them  to  march  through 
the  countr}' :  this  last  was  more  than  they  could  prevent ;  but 
their  fears  were  confirmed  by  an  intercepted  letter  from  Piero 
de'  Medici  who  was  in  the  French  camp  to  Piero  Corsini, 
which  left  no  doubt  of  his  intention  to  take  that  occasion  of 
making  a  bold  attempt  at  his  own  restoration.  This  exhausted 
their  patience  ;  they  at  once  armed  themselves,  filled  the  city  with 
troops,  barricaded  their  streets,  and  finally  called  the  Venetian 
forces  to  their  aid  but  without  joining  the  league  :  they  moreover 
roundly  declared  that  Piero  should  neither  enter  Florence  or 
pass  through  its  territory,  wherefore  the  king  ordered  him  to 

•  Phil.de  Comines,  Lib.  viii.,  cai.  ii.,  pp.  485-7. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


567 


proceed  to  Lucca  accompanied  by  two  Florentine  officers  and 
a  mace-bearer  of  the  Seignory  without  crossing  the  frontier  in 
his  journey*.  *'  It  was  marvellous,"  says  Nardi,  "to  behold 
in  what  little  time  a  vast  provision  of  offensive  and  defensive 
arms,  and  an  enormous  quantity  of  every  sort  of  victuals  were 
accumulated  :  every  citizen  strove  in  private  emulation  who 
should  be  most  successful  in  supplying  such  necessaries,  which 
were  ordered  without  restriction  by  the  Seignory  and  those 
commissaries  who  were  deputed  both  without  and  within  to  see 
this  duty  performed,  so  that  the  whole  population  almost  to 
the  very  children  were  armed "f. 

Girolamo  redoubled  his  prayers  and  preaching ;  public  and 
private  devotions  filled  the  town  ;  the  sacred  image  of  "  Santa 
Maria  delV  Impruneta  "  was  brought  in  solemn  state  to  Florence 
as  a  panacea  for  every  woe ;  she  was  followed  in  procession  by  all 
the  secular  clerg}%  all  the  religious  orders,  all  the  companies 
and  fraternities  of  Florence  and  finally  by  the  whole  population 
in  two  long  lines  of  male  and  female  penitents.  But  the  most 
remarkable  feature  in  tliis  ceremony  was  the  total  absence  of 
old  accustomed  pomp  and  magnificence :  the  simple  spirit  of 
Girolamo  pervaded  all :  no  gold,  no  silver,  no  rich  vestments, 
no  great  presents  from  the  magistrates,  no  gifts  from  the  peo- 
ple ;  but  large  sums  of  money  were  freely  given  for  distribution 
to  the  poor,  and  a  calm  and  decent  solemnity  overshadowed  all  |. 

Many  other  preparations  were  made  for  public  security  in 
case  of  Charles's  entering  Florence :  some  of  the  city  gates 
were  closed  and  built  up ;  the  private  houses  and  towers  were 
supplied  with  stones ;  guards  patrolled  the  streets  by  night, 
and  eleven  thousand  cuirassed  infantry  independent  of  soldiers, 
besides  the  private  friends  and  retainers  of  the  citizens,  of 
which  each  house  was  full,  were  collected  in  the  streets  and 
suburbs  of  Florence  by  the  time  Charles  had  entered  Siena. 

•  Malipiero,  Annali  Vencti,  p.  348. —     p.  213. 

J.  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.   37. — Sismondi,     +  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.  pp.  37-38. 

vol.  ix.,  p.  85. — Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,     %  Ibid. 


568 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  It. 


Few  of  the  conJottieri  or  their  followers  were  admitted :  the 
citizeus  had  learned  caution  from  the  infidelity  of  their  merce- 
nary troops  and  leaders  in  treating  with  the  French  about  the 
affairs  of  Pisa,  and  therefore  tnisted  to  Florentines  alone*. 
These  formidable  preparations  to  receive  an  ally  no  doubt 
affected  the  king's  line  of  march ;  nevertheless  after  leaving  a 
guard  of  four  hundred  soldiers  in  Siena  he  moved  on  Posrsri- 
iK)nzi  and  there  gave  audience  to  Girolamo  Savonarola  on  the 
seventeenth  of  June.  Although  requested  to  accept  it,  Girolamo 
refused  the  dignity  of  Florentine  ambassador,  choosing  the 
more  awful  character  of  a  divine  messenger  and  tmsting  to 
heavenly  inspiration  for  the  force  and  efficacy  of  his  discourse. 
Charles  always  listened  eaniestly  to  Savonarola,  who  after  re- 
proaching him  in  his  usmil  eloquent  and  impressive  language 
suddenly  assumed  a  more  solemn  and  imposing  tone  and  no 
longer  as  an  humble  friar  but  in  the  bold  severe  spirit  of  pro- 
phecy, exclaimed,  "  Beware  O  king  of  the  divine  anger  which 
*'  will  surely  fall  hke  a  thunderbolt  on  thy  most  precious  objects 
"  with  irreparable  mm  if  that,  for  the  performance  of  which 
"  thou  didst  call  on  God  as  thy  witness  and  security,  be  not 
"  faithfully  performed  "1. 

Savonarola  had  already  said  this  to  Philip  de  Comines  at 
Florence  and  impressetl  that  strong-minded  statesman  with  a 
profound  and  perhaps  awful  sense  of  his  extraordinary  cha- 
racter, as  is  palpable  in  many  parts  of  his  Memoirs  ;  no  wonder 
then  that  the  king's  mind  was  somewhat  shaken  after  a  repeti- 
tion of  these  denunciations  at  Castel  Fiorentino  where  the  friar 
left  him  ;  and  at  the  Dauphin's  decease  which  occm-red  not 
long  after  and  was  deemed  a  fulfilment  of  the  prophec?}',  they 
were  perhaps  more  keenly  remembered  J. 

The  king  s  visit  to  Florence  was  finally  renounced ;  he  took 

•  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  38.  +  Philip  dc  Coinincs,  Lib.   viii.,  cap. 

tGuicdardini,Lib.  ii°,  cap.  iii«,  p.  196.  ii",  p.  487  ;  cap.  iv.,  p.  493.;  cap.  vi^\ 

—Jacopo    Nardi,   Lib,   ii".   p.   39.—  pp.  505,509,  516;  cap.  vii.,  p.  52L 
Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  214. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


569 


the  road  to  Pisa  and  reached  that  city  when  public  excitement 
was  at  its  height :  men  women  and  children  were  in  tears  : 
they  hung  round  the  officers  and  soldiers  imploring  their  good 
ofl&ces  with  Charles  to  save  them  from  Florentine  tyranny,  and 
even  Comines  asserts  that  they  had  been  treated  most  aljomin- 
ably  like  many  other  subject  cities.  The  whole  army  even  to  the 
meanest  soldier  Swiss  or  E'renchman,  was  moved  to  compassion 
by  their  piteous  lamentations  and  long  tale  of  misfortune : 
sorrow  became  contagious  ;  the  excitement  rapidly  increased  ; 
the  cardinal  of  Saint  ]\Ialo  and  a  few  others  who  had  shown  a 
disposition  to  keep  faith  with  Florence  were  threatened  by  the 
French  themselves ;  the  president  Gannai  for  three  nights  was 
afraid  to  sleep  at  his  own  quarters,  the  Marshal  de  Gie  was 
insulted,  and  Comines  himself  saw  an  archer  of  the  guard  brave 
the  cardinal  of  Saint  ]\lalo  to  his  face  ;  and  all  for  urging 
Charles  to  keep  a  solemn  oath  pledged,  in  conjunction  with  the 
sacrament,  on  the  great  altar  of  Florence!  But  they  were 
accused,  perhaps  truly,  of  being  bribed  with  Florentine  gold, 
and  therefore  had  no  favour  in  Pisa. 

Fifty  gentlemen  of  the  royal  household  with  their  battleaxes 
on  their  shoulders  entered  the  king's  private  chamber  when  he, 
almost  alone,  was  playing  a  game  of  chance  with  one  of  his 
courtiers,  and  demanded  protection  for  unfortunate  Pisa.  Mon- 
sieur Sallizard  who  took  the  lead,  implored  him  for  the  sake 
of  his  own  honour ;  for  the  glory  of  France's  crow  n  ;  for  the 
consolation  of  so  many  of  his  own  servants,  all  ready  to  die  for 
liim  and  who  would  give  him  more  sincere  counsel  than  men  cor- 
rupted by  the  Florentines  ;  not  to  withdraw  that  favour  he  him- 
self had  so  lately  conferred  on  the  Pisans  ;  and  sooner  than  any 
want  of  money  should  induce  him  to  commit  such  an  act,  they 
offered  him  the  silver  chains  and  ornaments  from  their  necks 
with  their  arrears  of  pay  and  pensions  ;  so  strong  and  generous 
and  universal  was  this  feeling  in  the  army-.     Charles,  weak 

*  Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  viii",  cap.  iii",  p.  489. 


570 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[bock 


II 


and  waTering  as  usual,  dismissed  them  from  his  presence 
without  any  reph' ;  but  while  assuring  the  Pisans  that  he  never 
would  deliver  them  up  to  Florence  he  told  the  Florentine 
ambassadors  who  awaited  him  at  Lucca,  that  what  he  coidd  not 
accomplish  then  and  there  he  would  arrange  satisfactorily 
at  Asti*. 

Charles  then  resumed  his  rout  by  easy  marclies  in  order  to 
await  the  result  of  an  attempt  on  Genoa;  which  ended  in  the 
defeat  of  his  forces  both  by  sea  and  land ;  and  arriving  before 
Pontremoli  gained  it  by  a  capitulation  which  the  Swiss  under 
Giacopo  Trivulzios  command  most  treacherously  broke,  on 
account  of  some  former  enmity,  and  setthig  fire  to  the  town 
committed  an  indiscriminate  massacre  of  the  inhabitants  f. 
From  Pontremoli  the  French  anny  crossed  the  Apennines  with 
infinite  diflSculty,  the  Swiss  troops  endeavouring  to  atone  fur 
conduct  so  infamous  by  their  voluntary  exertions  in  dragging 
the  artillery  over  mountains  which  without  their  aid  would 
never  have  been  passable.  This  breach  of  capitulation  had 
struck  terror  through  the  country  and  kept  off  every  sup- 
ply, and  as  the  conflagration  had  destroyed  all  provision 
stores  Charles  and  his  army  were  in  a  precarious  state. 
He  nevertheless  halted  with  tlie  main  l>ody  near  Pontremoli 
while  Marshal  de  Gie  led  the  advanced  guard  over  the  liills  and 
placed  himself  in  position  opposite  the  allied  army  at  Fornovo 
on  the  river  Taro,  about  twelve  Italian  miles  from  Panna.  The 
guns  next  followed  over  an  almost  pathless  mountain,  each 
piece  bemg  dragged  by  from  one  to  two  hundred  Swiss  soldiers 
with  incredible  exertion.  No  artillery  except  one  or  two 
falconets  of  about  five  hundred  pounds  weight,  had  ever  before 
passed  there  and  even  this  created  wonder  ;  but  now  fourteen 
guns  of  the  heaviest  calibre  began  to  ascend  a  mountain  so 

•  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii»,  p.  39. —  p.  494. — Mcmoiiile  di  Gio.  Porto- 
Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii«,  cap.  iii^,  p.  198.  venere,  p.  316',  vol.  vi.,  Parte  ii.,  Ar. 
t  Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  viii,  cap.  iv.,     Stor.  Ital. 


CHAP.   Tll.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


571 


very  steep  that  even  mules  could  scarcely  make  their  way*. 
The  descent  was  still  more  difficult;  there  was  no  resting 
place  at  the  summit ;  and  every  horse  and  mule  were  necessary 
to  prevent  the  guns  from  rolling  headlong  down  the  steep  and 
shaggy  mountain :  many  officers  proposed  to  abandon  the 
heavier  pieces  but  Charles  would  not  hear  of  this,  and  after 
three  days  of  incessant  toil  the  whole  army^  rejoined  their 
advanced  guard  near  Fornovo. 

The  allies  had  already  been  eight  days  encamped,  and  though 
not  all  assembled  had  an  overwhelming  force  :  they  might 
have  destroyed  the  advanced  guard  long  ere  the  main  battle 
had  passed  the  hills ;  and  the  king  on  his  part ;  had  he  not 
delayed  at  Siena  Pisa  and  Pontremoli,  might  have  reached 
France  in  perfect  security  :  but  "  God  conducted  the  operations," 
saith  Comines,  and  their  notable  mismanagement  by  men 
throughout  the  whole  expedition  coupled  with  its  unparalleled 
success  seems  to  have  impressed  the  Sieur  d'  Argenton  and 
many  others  with  a  deeper  faith  than  he  appears  willing  to 
acknowledge  in  the  inspiration  of  Girolamo  Savonarola  f . 

The  allies  were  encamped  below  Fornovo  ;  the  French  occu- 
pied that  place  ;  but  the  first  position  of  both  annies  was  in  a 
stony  plain  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Taro  bared  by  the  floods 
and  torrents  of  that  river.  There  is  nothing  more  puzzling 
than  an  attempt  to  estimate  the  numbers  of  cavalry  throughout 
most  periods  of  Italian  histoiy,  but  perhaps  still  more  so  in 
that  now  under  consideration.  The  French  lance  was  estimated 
at  six  horses,  two  being  mounted  by  archers ;  and  according  to 
Commes  the  Italian  man-at-arms  was  composed  of  but  four,  of 
which  one  was  ridden  by  a  crossbow-man  :  other  authors  vary, 
and  there  seems  to  have  been  a  sort  of  fashion  in  the  mutable 
strengtli  of  a  lance,  which  would  appear  at  least  in  Italy  and 
Savoy  to  depend  entirely  on  the  contract  made  with  a  condot- 

*  Phil,  de    Comines,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  iv.  and  v. 
f  Mem.  de  Comines,  cap.  v.,  p.  500. 


572 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II, 


tiere,  and  therefore  entirely  conventional ;  but  at  all  times  the 
*' lance,''  or  **  man-at-arms''  proper,  would  appear  to  be  the 
only  heavy-anued  steel-clad  soldier  of  the  number  *.  Accord- 
ing to  Comines  the  allies  had  about  thirty-five  thousand  men 
of  all  arms,  and  the  French  about  nine  thousand  includhi'^ 
valets  and  other  armed  attendants  of  the  great  lords  f . 

Charles  arrived  at  Fornovo  on  the  fifth  of  Julv,  and  on  the 
sixth  he  meant  to  have  continued  his  march  without  a  blow  : 
Lodovico  and  the  Venetians  would  gladly  have  permitted 
this,  and  both  civil  and  military  commanders  were  in  doubt ; 
but  two  such  armies  seldom  draw  so  near  to  part  in  peace: 
the  king  sent  Comines  to  treat  and  simultaneously  began  to 
move  across  the  river  while  his  artilleiy  cannonaded  the  allies  : 
this  of  course  broke  off  all  negotiation  and  the  battle  beaan  \ 
The  young  Marquis  of  Mantua  who  commanded  tlie  league, 

seeing  that  Charles  had  crossed  the  Taro  and  was  marching  in 

...  ® 

three  divisions  down  its  left  bank ;  stationed  a  powerful  reserve 

in  (iamp  and  advanced  with  the  remainder  up  the  opposite  side, 
giving  time  for  the  enemy's  advanced  guard  and  main  battle 
to  increase  their  distance  from  each  other  and  from  the  rear 
division.  Sending  a  large  body  of  Stradiotes,  or  Greek  in-e- 
gular  horse  in  the  Venetian  service,  to  capture  the  French  bag- 
gage which  wound  its  way  amongst  the  hills,  he  ordered  another 
division  of  these  formidable  swordsmen  with  five  thousand  in- 
fantry, and  six  hundred  men-at-arms  to  follow  him  over  the 
river  at  Fornovo  while  Antonio  di  Montefeltro  and  a  strong 
reserve  remained  in  position  on  the  right  liank  ready  to  cross 
and  attack  when  called  upon.  As  soon  as  he  was  well  engaged 
with  the  enemy's  rear,  a  detachment  of  Stradiotes  had  orders  to 
pass  the  river  and  assail  their  left  flank  while  the  Count  di  Caiazzo 
of  San  Severino  with  four  hundred  men-at-arms  and  two  thou- 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  i«,  cap.  iii. — Pliil.  f   Comines,  Lib.  viii«,  cap.  ii«  and  vi". 

de  Comines,  Lib.  viii",  cap.  v«.— Cib-  +  Ibid.,  caps.  v.  and  vi.— Guicciardini, 

rario,  Econ.   I'olit.    del    Medio  Evo,  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  iv. 
p.  104. 


CHIP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


573 


sand  infantry  also  crossed  the  Taro  and  charged  the  French 
advanced  guard  in  front.  Besides  these,  Annibale  Bentivoglio 
was  also  left  on  the  Taro's  right  bank  with  another  reserve  of 
two  hundred  men-at-arms. 

Had  no  accidents  happened  this  plan  of  attack  with  so  supe- 
rior a  force,  excepting  that  on  the  baggage,  seemed  well  calculated 
for  success ;  but  in  war  above  all  other  things  tlie  slightest 
accidents  are  often  fatal.  The  Marquis  of  Mantua  led  his  men 
on  bravely,  but  after  a  while  they  gave  way  before  the  valour 
and  impetuosity  of  France ;  the  Stradiotes  also  overtook  and 
captured  the  baggage ;  but  this  was  far  too  alluring  a  prize 
for  their  countiymen  engaged  in  the  fla^k  attack,  who  imme- 
diately left  their  worlv  to  share  the  plunder ;  their  example  was 
followed  by  many  of  the  Italians  both  cavalry  and  infantry. 
The  Marquis  of  Mantua  was  most  gallantly  pressed  by  the  king 
in  person ;  Rodolfo  di  Gonzaga  who  was  to  give  the  signal  for 
Montefeltro 's  advance  was  killed  earl3^  wherefore  the  latter  like 
a  good  soldier  remained  immo\'eable  and  the  marquis  was  com- 
pelled to  fly.  Caiazzo  advanced  to  the  attack  in  front,  but 
turned  and  fled  without  breaking  a  lance :  his  antagonist  the 
Marshal  de  Gie  suspected  a  feint  and  would  not  follow  him  for 
which  he  was  both  blamed  and  praised ;  but  the  repulse  was  com- 
plete and  the  whole  French  army  soon  closed  up  on  its  hne  of 
march  without  further  obstruction.  They  had  lost  but  two  hun- 
dred men,  the  enemy  three  thousand  five  hundred  -  :  many 
of  the  men-at-arms  after  having  been  unhorsed  were  killed  with 
wood-axes  by  the  camp  followers :  but  so  complete  was  their 
defensive  armour  that  Comines  tells  us  he  saw  from  three  to 
four  of  these  ruffians  attempting  to  kill  one  man  :  the  French 
made  no  prisoners,  but  their  captive  Count  Orsiuo  of  Pitigliano 
escaped  during  the  combat  and  by  rallying  his  countrymen 

*  This  differs  entirely  from  Malipiero,  tlic  allies — but  Guicciardini  and  Co- 

who  makes  the  French  loss  from  1000,  mines    arc    most    trust-worthy:     yet 

and    600  prisoners  to   '2500,  besides  Malipiero  goes  as  high  as  6000  in  the 

wounded,  and  not  more   than  1000  of  pursuit. 


574 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


saved  the  allied  army  from  comj)lete  disorder.  Charles  did  not 
renew  the  battle  or  he  would  have  conquered ;  his  whole  army 
was  too  uneasy,  and  moreover  ignorant  of  the  enemy's  confu- 
sion. On  the  seventh  of  July  he  at:jain  sent  Comines  to  nego- 
tiate  but  as  this  was  postponed  by  the  allies  until  the  follo^^ing 
moraing  he  decamped  during  the  night,  and  closely  followed 
by  the  enemy  arrived  safely  at  Asti  after  considerable  diffi- 
culty and  suffering,  on  the  lifteenth  of  July  1495  *. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans  at  ♦his  moment  occupied  Novara  with 
seven  thousand  five  hundred  men,  and  twenty  thousand  Swiss 
troops  arriving  soon  after,  he  became  impatient  for  a  renewal  of 
hostilities ;  but  Charles  and  his  army  were  just  as  eager  to 
return,  wherefore  making  a  separate  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
Duke  of  Milan  he  quitted  Turin  and  Italy,  but  left  a  world 
of  woes  behind. 

Thus  ended  the  first  act  of  this  remarkable  expedition,  the 
offspring  of  vanity,  folly,  and  injustice  :  mi  expedition  which 
contributed  to  entail  everlasting  pestilence  and  inflicted 
long  years  of  war  on  Italy  f ;  which  made  that  beautiful 
land  an  arena  for  the  rivaliy  of  two  great  conflicting  mo- 
narchies; opened  wide  the  portals  of  a  Cluirles's  ambition 
and  a  Philip's  tyranny,  and  finally  reduced  it  (must  we  say 
for  ever?)  under  the  hard  domination  of  transalpine  strangers! 
Recalled  by  the  public  voice  Ferdinand  II.  of  Naples  hastened 
to  regain  his  crown  and  succeeded ;  the  French  army  being  un- 


•  Malipiero,  Annuli  Veneti,  pp.  356 
to  367. — Cagnola,  Storia  di  Milano, 
p.  199. — Paulo  Giovio,  Lib.  ii",  p.  88. 
— Phil,  de  Comines,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  vi. 
— Guicciardini,  Lib,  ii",  cap.  iv". — 
Corio,  Hist.  Milan,  Parte  vii.,  fol.  481, 
et  seq. — Gio.  Portovencrc,  p.  317- — 
Bembo,  Historia  Vinitian:i,  Lib.  ii", 
fol.  24  [Vincgia,  1556]. 
+  This  pestilence,  probably,  was  not 
brought  into  Italy  by  the  French,  but 
into  Spain   by  the   seamen  of  Colum- 


bus in  Varch,  1493,  and  thence  by 
Spaniards  to  Naples  while  the  French 
were  there  .and  their  armies  spread  the 
contagion  over  all  Italy.  In  two  years 
from  its  first  introduction  into  Spain, 
it  had  extended  over  more  than  half 
Enn)pe — a  sjid  index  to  human  frailty ! 
(Vide  Simnondi,  vol.  ix.,  p,  118.)  But 
there  arc  various  accounts  of  this  ma- 
lady. Portovenere,  p.  337,  and  note, 
voL  vi.,  Parte  ii**,  Ar.  Stor.  Ital. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


575 


skilfully  managed  by  the  Viceroy  became  disheartened  on  seeing 
themselves  deserted  by  their  king,  and  enemies  thickening  around 
them.  The  expedition  against  Genoa  had  totally  failed  by 
land,  and  the  French  squadron  was  entirely  destroyed  off  Ra- 
pallo  by  eight  Genoese  galleys  which  recaptured  the  town 
and  compelled  their  army  to  retire  into  Piedmont.  About  the 
same  time  that  Charles  quitted  Naples  Ferdinand  11.  had 
landed  in  Calabiia  with  a  small  Spanish  force  from  Sicily  and 
occupied  Reggio,  the  citadel  of  which  he  had  constantly  held, 
while  at  the  same  moment  the  Venetian  fleet  appeared  off 
Puglia  under  Antonio  Grimani.  At  this  time  Ferdinand  still 
retained  possession  of  Ischia,  the  Lipari  Islands,  Terranuova 
and  other  strongholds  in  Calabria ;  also  Brindisi  where  his 
uncle  Don  Frederic  commanded,  besides  Galipoli,  La  Manzia, 
and  La  Turpia;  and  he  had  moreover  with  the  small  Spanish  and 
Sicilian  force  under  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  assembled  about  six 
thousand  men.  Gonsalvo  Hernandez  d'  Aguilar  of  Cordova  had 
signalised  liimself  in  the  wars  of  Granada  but  was  only  sur- 
named  the  "  Gredt  Captain  "on  his  arrival  in  Italy,  according 
to  the  usual  inflated  style  of  the  Spaniards,  merely  to  signify 
his  chief  command  over  them ;  his  subsequent  exploits  how- 
ever gave  a  sterling  value  to  the  appellation,  and  as  it  were, 
stereotyped  the  previously  unmeaning  name  '^'. 

Aubigny  hastened  to  quash  this  invasion  and  routed  Fer- 
dinand at  the  battle  of  Seminara  where  his  new  and  inex- 
perienced levies  could  make  little  head  against  the  well-directed 
discipline  of  France.  In  this  battle  Ferdinand  s  horse  was 
killed  and  his  own  life  would  have  soon  followed  had  not 
Giovanni  di  Capua,  wiio  had  been  his  page  and  was  now 
his  friend,  dismounted  and  given  him  his,  with  the  certainty  of 
falling  as  he  instantly  did  under  the  swords  of  the  enemy. 
Gonsalvo  fled  across  the  mountains  to  Reggio,  Ferdmand  to 
the  port  of  Palmi  near  Seminara  and  thence   to  Messina, 


*  Guicciardiui,  Lib.  ii",  cap.  ii",  p.  184  ;  cap.  iv«,  p.  223  ;  and  cap.  v.,  p.  225. 


576 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[noOK  II. 


nothing  daunted  by  misfortune  and  eager  for  another  trial  ere 
the  intelligence  of  this  defeat  should  have  cooled  the  general 
wish  of  the  Neapolitans  for  his  return.  Assembling  an  imposing 
but  scantily  manned  squadron  he  appeared  off  Salerno,  and  in 
an  instant  not  only  that  city  but  Amalti  and  La  Cava  lioisted 
his  royal  banner ;  then  running  into  the  Bay  of  Naples  he 
waited  for  some  indication  of  revolt  but  in  vain ;  not  from  any 
want  of  inclination  but  in  consequence  of  I'rench  vigilance. 

While  sorrowfully  bearing  away  for  Iscliia  his  hopes  were  re- 
vived by  a  secret  message  from  the  Ncajiolitans  urging  him 
lo  land  and  bring  everytliing  to  a  crisis:  upon  this  he  ran 
boldlv  over  to  Maddalena  at  the  mouth  of  the  little  river 
Sebeto  and  l)egan  disembarldng  his  people.  Montpensier  in 
alanu  marched  out  to  oppose  him,  and  then  the  bells  of 
the  Carmine  began  to  sound,  and  church  after  cburch  took  up 
the  peal ;  the  people  Hew  to  arms  ;  the  port  was  seized  and 
occupied,  and  the  name  of  Ferdinand  resounding  through  the 
city  was  borne  in  a  thousand  echoes  to  the  heiglits  above. 
Alarmed  at  this  sudden  outbreak  and  despairing  of  an  entrance 
by  the  gate  from  which  they  had  issued,  the  French  made  a 
long  circuit  of  the  walls  and  had  thus  given  time  for  Ferdinand 
to  gain  an  entrance  :  he  was  soon  on  horseback  and  showed 
himself  in  eveiy  quarter  amidst  showei*s  of  roses  and  garlands 
and  odoriferous  watei's. 

Castelnuovo  was  instantly  invested  and  a  succession  of  attacks 
and  skirmishes  kept  Naples  in  movement  but  no  impression 
could  be  made  on  the  people  :  Capua,  Avt  rsa,  tlie  citadel  of 
Mondragone,  besides  many  other  places  began  to  waver  and 
most  of  the  kingdom  showed  strong  symptoms  of  uneasiness. 
Gaeta  actually  revolted  on  the  sight  of  some  of  Fenlinand's  gal- 
leys off  the  port,  but  was  overpowered  by  the  garrison  with 
great  slaughter  and  sacked  as  a  concjuered  town.  The  Vene- 
tians in  the  interim  had  landed  in  Puglia  and  taken  Monopoli 
and  Pulignano;  and  four  months  after,  Castelnuovo  surrendered 


CHAP.  vn.  ] 


FLORENllNE    HISTORY. 


577 


after  the  failure  of  two  attempts  both  by  land  and  sea  to  relieve 
it :  Castel  dell '  Uovo  soon  followed ;  the  city  of  Nocera  was  sub- 
sequently recovered ;  and  thus  fortune  seemed  to  smile  once 
more  on  the  Neapolitan  house  of  Aragon  *. 

The  Florentine  republic  was  the  only  friendly  power  that 
Charles  had  left  in  Italy;  a  friendship,  though  false,  in  every 
way  important  and  almost  indispensable  to  France  in  the  pro- 
secution of  her  Italian  conquests,  but  equally  so  to  Florence 
as  her  widest   and   richest  field  of  commerce.     Yet   so  far 
from  trying  to  conciliate  tlie   latter,  that  monarch  not  only 
broke  his  oatli  and  retained  her  tairest  possessions  but  left  his 
wildest  soldiers  to  protect  her  revolted  subjects :  liis  Gascon 
infantry  when  unchecked  by  the  royal  presence  and  imbued 
with  all  the  Pisan  hatred  of  Florence,  carried  on  their  warlike 
operations  in  a  spirit  of  barbarity  as  yet  unknown  to  the  Italians. 
Amongst  other    excesses  tliey  fancied  that   the    Florentines 
swallowed  their  gold  and  jewels  before  every  encounter  in  order 
to  preserve  something  if  taken  prisoners  ;  wherefore  all  their 
suspected  captives  were  lulled  and  ripped  open  to  make  a  tho- 
rough search  for  these  embowelled  treasures  :  for  such  cruelty 
however  they  paid  full  dearly  when  made  prisoners  at  Ponte  di 
Sacco,  in  despite  of  every  effort  of  the  Florentine  commissaries! . 
This  revenge  was  a  considerable  obstacle  to  any  accommodation 
with  Charles  at  Turin  where  the  Florentine  envovs  were  still 
urging  their  country's  right  to  a  restoration  of  Pisa  and  the 
minor  towns  ;  for  promises,  and  oaths,  and  the  sacred  character 
of  treaties  were  here  as  much  disregarded  as  elsewhere ;  but  the 
necessity  for  money  and  the  demands  of  Naples  accomplished 
what  no  sense  of  royal  or  national  honour  seemed  likely  to 
achieve.     An  order  wjis  linally  obtained  for  the   immediate 
restitution  of  Pisa  and  the  fortresses ;  but  with  an  engagement 
to  deliver  up  Pietra  Santa  and  Sarzana  to  the  Genoese  within 

•  J.  Nardi,  Lib.  ii«,  p.  42.— Guicciar-     f  Ibi  1.,  p.    241.  —  Ammirato,  Lib. 
dini,  Lib.  ii«,  cap.  v«,  p.  225.  xxvi.,  p.  216. 

VOL.  III.  V  P 


5?8 


FLORENTINE    HISTOBY. 


[euOK   II. 


(' 


two  years,  if  desired  by  the  king  on  receiving  an  equivalent  from 
bim  as  lord  of  that  republic.  In  return  for  this  Horence  was  to 
pay  down  the  30,000  florins  still  due  by  treaty,  but  receiving  a 
ertain  amount  of  jewels  in  pawn  lest  any  unforeseen  occurrence 
should  prevent  the  above-named  restitution  :  after  which  they 
engaged  to  lend  Charles  70,000  florins  for  the  service  of  Naples 
on  the  security  of  the  four  great  farmers-general  of  French 
revenues  besides  mainUiining  two  hundred  and  fifty  men-at- 
arms  in  that  kingdom  if  Tuscany  were  at  peace,  with  other 
conditions  of  a  similar  nature:  a  free  pardon  to  the  Pisans, 
some  relaxation  of  their  manufacturing  and  mercantile  restric- 
tions, and  finally  six  Florentine  hostages  to  insure  the  fulfil- 
ment of  all,  completed  the  negotiation  *. 

Xiccolo  Alamanui  accompanied  by  ^lonsieur  de  Lille  and 
other  French  envoys  arrived  at  Florence  on  the  seventh  of  Sep- 
tember with  peremptory'  orders  to  see  the  new  treaty  executed, 
and  Leghorn  was  immediately  restored  although  not  without  a 
fresh  application  of  money  :  Paulo  Vitelli  also  who  was  in 
I'rench  pay  obeyed  the  royal  command,  and  quickened  by  the 
same   means   as   the   governor  of  Leghorn  joined  the  Flo- 
rentines before  Vico  Pisano  with  all  his  force.     Tliey  instantly 
raised  that  siege  and  advanced  on  Pisa,  whicli  was  defended 
bv  an   outwork  under  the  guns  of  the   citadel  and  far  too 
strong,  in  the  governor's  opinion,  for  them  to  master;   he 
therefore    permitted    the    attack,    but    seeing    the    outwork 
carried  without  difficulty  and  the  town  in  jeopardy  he  tunied  his 
own  guns  on  the  assailants,  who  though  they  still  maintained 
the  suburb  saw  themselves  debarred  by  such  conduct  from 
gaining  possession  of  the  town.     Entragiies  governor  of  the 
citadel,  who  was  a  creature  of  Ligny's  and  acting  entirely  under 
his  orders,  pretended  to  have  secret  instructions  from  Charles 
that  had  not  as  yet  been  cancelled,  and  lieing  also  hi  love  with 
a  daughter  of  Luca  del  Lanti,  devoted  himself  with  equal 


•  Guicciardini,  Lib.  ii**,  cap.  v. 


CHAP.  VII.  J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


579 


ardour  to  the  Pisan  lady  and  the  Pisan  cause.  His  example 
was  followed  by  the  governors  of  Pietra  Santa,  Mutrone,  Sar- 
zana,  and  Sarzanella ;  they  all  plainly  informed  the  royal 
envoy  who  summoned  them,  tliat  in  despite  of  the  king's  com- 
mand,  unless  confirmed  by  orders  from  Ligny,  they  would  still 
retain  their  charge ;  nor  had  the  public  proclamation  by  order 
of  Monsieur  de  Lille  the  royal  commissioner  and  two  of  his 
colleagues  any  more  etlect  on  Entragues,  although  it  declaimed 
that  unless  Pisa  were  restored  within  four-and-twenty  hours  he 
should  be  proclaimed  a  rebel  and  an  enemy  to  the  crown  of 
France.  Fresh  ambassadors  were  despatched  to  France  and 
fresh  messengers  arrived,  but  with  as  little  success ;  for  En- 
tragues either  made  despei-ate  by  his  own  disobedience,  or 
bound  by  Ligny's  influence,  or  aware  all  along  of  Charles's 
insincerity,  still  remained  obstinate,  while  the  Duke  of  Milan 
was  through  his  agent  Fracassa  increasing  the  difficulty  by 
secretly  working  amongst  the  citizens  on  his  own  account  *. 

Meanwhile  these  strange  doings  were  noised  abroad  and 
roused  up  the  hopes  of  Piero  de'  Medici  who  hovering  hke  a 
bird  of  ill  omen  on  the  frontier,  expected  with  the  aid  of  the 
Oi-sini  and  Baglioni,  the  Bentivogli  and  Lodovico  Sforza,  to 
make  some  impression  on  Florence  while  perplexed  with  the 
war  and  enmity  of  Pisa  Lucra  and  Siena.  Bentivoglio  refused 
to  act  against  Florence,  and  Lodovico  denied  any  assistance  to 
the  Cardinal  of  Medici ;  but  the  Orsini  passed  into  Val-di- 
Chiana  with  a  considerable  foi'ce  and  had  some  skirmishmg 
with  the  Florentines  near  Cortona.  They  were  soon  however 
engaged  in  the  pay  of  l^rance  and  despatched  southwai'd  to 
oppose  the  Colonna  who  had  Joined  Ferdinand,  while  Florence 
again  set  a  high  price  on  the  head  of  Piero  and  Giuhano  de' 
Medici  which  sent  the  former  to  Home  and  the  latter  to  Milan 
for  greater  security  f . 

In  Tuscany  the  war  languished  a  while,  for  Pisa  was  at  first 


*  Ammiicato,  Lib.  xxvi.,  p.  218. 

r  P  '^ 


t  Ibid. 


5S0 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  11. 


too  weak  for  oifensive  movements,  and  Florence  always  hoping 
to  succeed  by  treaty  did  not  put  forth  any  immediate  vigour 
until  after  Entragues  had  sold  the  citadel  to  the  people  who 
razed  it  to  the  ground ;  luitil  he  had  sold  Sarzana  and  Sarza- 
nella  to  Genoa;  Pietra  Santa  and  Mutrone  to  Lucca;  and 
until  ever}'  complaint  or  remonstrance  was  treated  I'V  Charles 
VI II.  with  e(iual  duplicity  and  contempt.  Meantime  the  Pisaus 
despatched  ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  the  Emperor,  Venice, 
Milan,  Genoa,  Lucca,  Siena,  and  other  smaller  states  demand- 
ing aid  and  protection;  and  from  all  received  assurances  of 
goodwill  and  aid  of  some  sort ;  but  from  Venice  and  JMilaii 
immediate  succours,  so  that  after  various  fortune  they  bocanu 
superior  in  the  field,  wherefore  Ercole  Bentivoglio  the  Floren- 
tine general  (son  to  that  Santi  already  mentioned)  was  com- 
pelled to  entrench  himself  in  a  strong  position  between  the 
castle  of  Pontadera  and  its  river  and  contine  his  operations 
to  a  mere  checking  of  the  enemy's  movements*. 

Reenforcements  of  Stradiotes  from  Venice  and  Germans  from 
the  emperor  swelled  the  Pisan  nmks,  and  no  war  more  cruel 
was  ever  made  than  that  now  waged  by  these  Greek  auxiharies 
between  Pisa  and  the  Florentines.     The  report  of  Charles 
VIII.  being  about  to  revisit  Italy  with  three  gi*eat  armies,  under 
himself,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  Gian-Giacopo  Trivulzio  so 
alarmed  Lodo\ico  that  he  invited  Ma.ximilian  to  cross  the  Alps: 
tliis  prince  accordingly  arrived  at  Genoa  in  October  and  reach- 
ing Pisa  about  the  beginning  of  November  trifled  away  two 
months  in  debating  how  to  caiTy  on  the  war  against  Florence  ; 
he  attempted  to  take  Leghoni  and  failed,  principally  from  the 
rains,  then  quarrelled  with  the  Venetians  whom  he  accused  of 
insincerity,  and  returned,  complaining  and  mglorious,  into  Ger- 
many+.     Lodovico  and  the  Venetians  were  each  personally  in- 

*  Malipicro,  Annali  Veneti,p.  436.—  +  Amrairato,  p.  236.  —  Guicciardini, 

Arch.    Stor.,   vol.    vii.— Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  iv.,  p.  81.  — Caqnoa, 

Lib.    iii",   cap.    i'\  p.  7.— Amniirato,  Storia  di  Milano,  Lib.  ix.,  p.  207,  who 

Lib.  xxvii.,  pp.  228-230.  speaks  somewhat  more  favourably  of 


CUAP.   VII.] 


FLORKxNTIN  E    1  i  I  STORY. 


r>8i 


terested  in  the  defence  of  Pisa,  not  from  any  sympathetic  or 
generous  feeling,  but  because  l>oth  were  eager  to  possess  it : 
seeing  each  other  s  objects  they  soon  clashed,  and  the  former 
who  notwithstanding  his  aid  to  Pisa  always  maintained  an 
amicable  intercourse  with  Florence,  now  exhibited  more  un- 
equivocal signs  of  friendship  by  intimating  that  he  wished  to 
restore  Pisa  to  Florentine  dominion'''-. 

Thus  thwarted  Venice  began  to  repent  of  her  interference, 
and  instead  of  a  subject,  resolved  to  maintain  Pisa  as  a  free 
city  through  hate  of  the  Florentines,  so  that  the  war  was  still 
continued  by  a  series  of  petty  encounters  skimiishes  and  insig- 
nificant sieges  ;  in  one  of  which,  that  of  Soiauo,  Piero  Cap- 
poni  fell ;  shot  through  the  head  as  he  pointed  a  cannon  at  tlie 
walls  and  thus  was  inllicted  a  far  deeper  injury  on  his  country 
than  the  capture  of  a  dozen  sucli  places  could  rejmir  f.  Hosti- 
lities proceeded  with  various  fortune  but  unmitigated  barbarity 
and  constant  loss  to  Florence  until  the  end  of  April  1497, 
when  a  truce  for  five  months  was  suddenly  made  between 
France  and  Spain  in  which  the  allies  of  both  were  included,  so 
that  the  hands  of  Florence  remained  shackled  while  all  her 
war  expenses  were  necessarily  continued  and  her  army  lay 
idle :. 

During  these  transactions  Ferdinand  pursuing  a  glorious 
career  of  victory  had  recovered  neai-ly  all  his  kingdom,  Tarento 


tlie  emperor.— Ricordi  di  Scr  Perizolo, 
p-  303,  vol.  vi.,  Parte  ii.,  Ar.  Stor. 
Ital. — Foscari,  Dispacci,  Lib.  xxxi.,  ct 
seq.,  vol.  vii.,  Ar.  Stor.  It.— Beinbo, 
Histo.  Vinit.,  Lib.  iii",  fol.  31-42, 
et  seq. 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii.,  rap.  iv.,  p. 
238.  Malipiero  says  that  Lodovico 
secretly  offered  before  this  to  assist 
Florence  if  she  would  continue  the 
subsidy  of  60,000  florins  that  she  had 
paid  to  his  brother  Galeazzo,  and  that 
Florence  alarmed  by  the  interference 
of  Venice  consented  ;  but  Lodovico's 


conduct  showed  that  it  could  never 
have  been  put  into  execution  :it  the 
moment,  althougli  this  sudden  quarrel 
would  seem  to  countenance  such  an 
agreement  which  however  I  do  not  find 
mentioned  by  any  Florentine  author 
although  allusions  to  some  secret  inter- 
course are  occasionally  made. 
t  Malipicro,  Ann.  Veneti,  p.  439-40. 
— Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  iv.,  p.  75. 
X  Malipiero,  Annali  Veneti,  vol.  vii., 
p.  438.  .\rch.  Stor.  Ital. — Guicciar- 
dini, Lib.  iii.,  cap.  vi",  p.  102. — Pietro 
Bembo,  Hist,  Vin.,  Lib.  iv",  folio  4L 


5S2 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


A.D.  1497. 


aud  Gaeta  being  almost  the  only  places  in  the  enemy's  posses- 
sion, when  he  died  after  a  short  illness  on  the  eighth  of  October 
1400,  with  the  universal  reputation  of  an  able  and  excellent 
prince.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  uncle  Don  FnMlenc  with 
even  more  satisfaction  to  the  nation  thiui  what  b'erdinand's 
restoration  produced  because  the  latter  was  beloved  for  ex- 
treme mildness  and  amiability,  while  Ferdinand  on  the  con- 
trary was  strongly  suspected  of  an  intention  to  persecute  the 
whole  French  party  when  he  had  completely  established  his 
0^11  authority,  but  Frederic  immediately  conciliated  every 
faction  by  a  prompt  restoration  of  all  sequestered  property 
and  thus  preserved  his  intluence  -. 

The  newly-formed  constitution  and  moral  reformation  of  Flo- 
rence under  Savonarola's  auspices  would  i)roi»ably  have 
worked  well  together  for  public  good  had  the  existing 
revolutionaiT  spiiit  been  essentially  patriotic ;  had  it  been  im- 
bued with  the  spirit  of  great  principles,  of  correcting  deep-seated 
and  general  evils  produced  by  political  misrule,  and  not  with 
the  narrow  selfish  interests  of  party  and  personal  mortification. 
Unluckily  this  was  not  so ;  for  amongst  the  chief  citizens  of  the 
Medician  faction  revolution  was  mainly  caused  by  Tiero  de  Me- 
dici's arrogance  swelled  by  the  proud  breath  of  the  Orsini  to 
a  more  inflated  and  presumi>tuous  insolence.     These  haughty 
barons  could  ill  brook  their  kinsman's  social  equality  with  men 
above  whom  he  was  in  reality  so  much  exalted,  and  wliom  they 
in  all  their  Roman  pride  considered  far  beneatli  them.     Where- 
fore those  citizens  who  willingly  bent  to  Lorenzo  l)ecause  he 
let  them  gain  all  they  could  (including  puldic  hatred)  at  the 
nation's  cost :    on  seehig  themselves  sliglited  turned  suddenly 
from   Piero   and   endeavoured   to   regain  lost   popularity  in 
the  full  expectation   of  some  great  politick  changes  at  the 
advent  of  Charies  VIII.     A  new  and  gracious  demeanour  was 
adopted  towai-ds  the  many  whom  once  they  scarcely  deigned  to 


Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii",  cap.  iu",p.  63. 


CHAP.   VII.] 


FLORI-.NTINE    HISTORY. 


583 


notice,  and  who  were  daily  entertained  by  them  with  unrneasured 
abuse  of  Piero,  and  iissurances  of  their  own  past  efforts  for  public 
good  and  public  liberty  during  the  great  Lorenzo's  day.  Well- 
meaning  men  judging  of  others  from  themselves  were  flattered 
by  their  condescension,  and  unaccustomed  to  any  deep  investi- 
gation of  motives,  put  some  faith  in  their  words ;  others  more 
penetrating  were  not  deceived,  but  encouraged  their  alienation 
from  the  Medici  in  order  to  make  a  future  use  of  their  services. 
The  union  of  these  two  political  streams,  although  springin 
from  different  sources  and  tending  towards  distinct  objects, 
sen'ed  during  their  conihience  to  sap  the  authority  of  Piero 
while  they  floated  his  two  cousins  to  a  higher  level ;  the  former 
party  because  under  these  youths  they  expected  to  recover  their 
lost  authority;  the  latter  because  they  saw,  or  thought  they  saw 
in  them  the  lineal  descendants  of  Oiovanni  di  Bicci  and  all  the 
more  ancient  and  popular  Medici  uncontaminated  by  power 
and  still  glowing  with  the  spirit  of  their  ancestors. 

This  ^vide-spread  popularity  seems  to  have  excited  in  the 
young  men's  minds  an  ambition  to  second  it  by  their  own  exer- 
tions, and  their  disputes  with  Piero  left  no  conscientious 
scruples  on  the  subject.  Through  Lodovico  tlie  ]\Ioor  they 
had  recommended  themselves  to  Charles  VIII.  and  received 
pensions  as  officers  of  the  royal  household  :  this  as  we  have 
seen  ultimately  led  to  their  exile,  flight,  and  junction  with  that 
monarch  whom  they  endeavoured  to  prejudice  as  much  as  pos- 
sible against  Piero  ■'■'. 

After  Charles  the  Eighth's  departure  from  Florence  the 
above  faction,  which  had  been  accustomed  to  govern  under 
Lorenzo,  completed  this  revolution  by  nominating  the  twenty 
Accoppiatori  already  described,  but  with  all  the  Medician 
spirit  at  that  moment  possible.  They  however  as  we  have 
shown  dissolved  the  Lorenzian  councils  of  the  "  Hundred  " 
and  the    "  Seventv ;"  the  "  Procurators  of  the  Palace,"  the 


•  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i.,  p.  27. 


584 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[kook  tl. 


'•  Otto  di  Pratica  "  and  the  old  Accoppiatori ;  and  fashioned  the 
*•  Otto  di'  Guardia  and  Balia  "  more  in  accordance  with  the 
existing  feeling ;  nay,  more  than  this  ;  they  also  reduced  the 
tolls  on  food  and  produce,  and  even  the  taxes  due  to  the  com- 
munity, hy  a  fifth  part ;  and  thus  gained  some  deserved  favour 
^ith  the  people.  On  the  other  hand  they  confirmed  and  even 
increased  the  powers  of  the  Seignory  on  purpose  to  attach  them 
more  strondv  to  the  charms  of  a  close  and  exclusive  govern- 
ment,  and  they  made  Lorenzo  Popolano  de'  Medici  an  accoppi 
atore,  although  under  age,  as  the  fii-st  step  of  exaltation  to  the 
ancient  authority  of  his  race.  All  this  was  coiitirmed  by  a 
people  who  it  may  be  supposed  after  sixty  years  of  a  far  more 
rigid  despotism  could  not  at  once  comprehend  the  full  force  and 
tendency  of  sucli  measures:  but  having  got  rid  of  a  tyrant 
vainly  imagined  that  liberty  was  sure,  when,  like  the  shreds  of 
a  polypus,  his  every  remnant  still  moved  with  innate  vitality. 

There  were  many  that  saw  through  all  tliis  and  would  have 
joined  it  too  had  their  individual  interest  been  more  consulted  : 
amongst  these  was  Pagoloantonio  Soderini  who  displeased  at 
being  excluded  from  the  Accoppiatori  and  seeing  no  chance  of 
raising  the  two  p)polani  to  supreme  power,  suddenly  changed 
his  politics  and  became  the  bold  and  successful  advocate  for 
broad  democratic  government  *.  He  proposed  the  great  couiicd 
in  imitation  of  Venice,  against  the  opinion  of  Vespucci  and 
other  oligarchs,  and  with  some  as  clear-sighted  companions 
at  once  joined  Savonarola  and  urged  him  to  preach  with  unre- 
laxing  vigour  in  fovour  of  a  liberal  constitution.  Tliis  produced 
the  "  Great  Council  of  the  People  ;  "  which  considering  that 
it  averaged  one  deputy  from  less  than  every  hundred  inhabitants 
is  probably  an  example  of  the  most  numerous  deliberative 
representation  of  a  free  peoi)le  that  ever  yet  existed.  Yet  its 
legislative  powers  were  neither  exclusive  nor  unshackled,  for  it 
only  approved  and  passed  laws,  without  the  privilege  of  initiating 

•  Filip.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  6'>.— Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i.,  p.  35. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORE NTINK    HISTORY. 


585 


them ;  but  every  important  office  of  the  state,  not  excepting 
the  supreme  executive  government  itself,  were  entirely  of  its 
own  appointment ;  and  thus  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the 
people  over  their  laws  and  rulers  was,  theoretically  at  least, 
complete  and  uncontrolled  *. 

Still  there  was  a  strong  aristocratic  spirit  pervading  every 
institution  ;  the  lower  trades  shared  in  most  public  honours  as 
a  right  which  they  had  often  vindicated  and  had  long  firmly 
established  ;  but  it  was  never  popular  w^th  the  higher  classes 
of  citizens,  and  even  this  unusually  democratic  council  was 
cautious,  perhaps  justly  so,  in  its  choice  of  candidates  for  office 
from  that  order,  by  selecting  only  those  whose  wealth,  in- 
dustry, reputation  and  general  knowledge  had  distinguished 
them  from  their  fellows :  so  far,  if  fairly  worked,  a  powerful 
stimulus  was  offered  to  individual  merit,  to  industiy,  and  gene- 
ral character ;  fair  prospects  were  opened  for  the  ambition  of 
more  aspiring  minds,  and  an  indirect  guarantee  for  the  pre- 
servation of  order  amongst  the  inferior  citizens.  All  these 
regulations  would  probably  have  done  nnich  towards  reviving  a 
purer  spirit  of  patriotism  if  they  had  stood  on  a  really  virtuous 
foundation,  or  rather  if  they  had  been  nourished  by  a  wide- 
spread and  deep-seated  morality  :  l)ut  the  leading  classes  had 
been  too  long  and  too  genendly  con'upted,  hence  after  the 
fii-st  burst  of  enthusiasm  was  over,  ambition,  avarice,  selfish- 
ness, faction,  and  ancient  enmities  soon  recommenced  their 
work;  and  we  are  told  by  Jacopo  Pitti,  that  sound  laws 
and  regulations,  financial  measures,  appointments  of  generals, 
levies  of  trooi)S,  were  all  thwarted  and  ruined  by  faction ;  nay 
some  citizens  even  secretly  excited  and  assisted  the  Pisans  in 
their  rebellion  +. 

♦Thirty  was  the  Ic^al  age   for  tliis  tv:o  billets;    and  from  forty-five  up- 

council,  but  in  certain   eireumstances  wards  <mi  thrt  billets:  tluis^incn'asini; 

twenty-five.     To  tdve  the    advantage  elKinecs  with  years.  (Vide  GiO.Umbi, 

to  age  in  drawing  the   nanK>,  those  p.  92.)  07      r^ • 

between  twenty-five  and  thirty-five  had  +  .Tacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  1",  p.   ^^7.— (tio. 

their  names  written  on  one  billet  only ;  Canibi,  Stor.,  p.  98. 
those  from  thirty-five  to  forty- five  on 


586 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


These  things  generally  proceeded  from  the  oligarchical  parly. 
who  finding  their  objects  dissolved  by  the  spirit  of  the  great 
council,  they  themselves  become  amenable  to  law  and  depend- 
ant on  popular  will  for  their  official  and  political  existence ; 
remained  in  a  state  of  sullen  discontent.  Nor  was  this  from 
any  deprivation  of  public  honours,  for  they  shared  largely  in 
all,  but  only  because  they  could  not  now  as  formerly,  misuse 
them  for  their  o\mi  personal  advantage.  They  measured 
honour  and  honestv,  savs  Pitti,  bv  self-interest  and  individual 
gain,  and  could  ill  In'ook  the  mortification  of  receiving  their 
public  appointments  from  those  very  citizens  who  had  been 
accustomed  to  come  respectfully  before  them  not  only  with 
the  humblest  requests  for  high  official  employment  but  also 
to  obtain  the  most  trifling  public  situations.  These,  although 
old  Medician  partisans,  at  first  clung  exclusively  together 
and  held  no  connection  with  the  lynji,  or  (as  they  were  also 
named)  Palleschi,  the  most  dependent  and  devoted  of  Medi- 
cian followers  :  thev  hated  Piero  and  all  his  house,  but  were 
favoured  by  Lodovico  Sforza,  more  especially  after  his  incipient 
coolness  with  Venice;  because  his  protection  of  Pisa  was  a 
mere  step  towards  the  future  acquisition  of  that  city  when 
he  hoped  by  their  means  and  the  exaltation  of  the  Popolani 
Medici,  to  gain  great  influence  over  Florence  *.  Lodovico's 
politics  and  those  of  the  league  had  therefore  been  always 
supported  by  the  Arrabbiati  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
Frateschi,  with  whom  the  Bigi  secretly  acted  as  already 
described. 

The  law  of  appeal  had  greatly  exalted  Savonarola's  repu- 
tation and  spread  the  influence  of  his  party ;  whereupon 
Francesco  Valori,  a  clear-headed  statesman  who  had  been 
keenly  watching  events  without  any  expressed  opinion,  at  once 
joined  the  Frateschi  not  only  from  a  natural  bias,  but  as  the 
more  powerful  and  popular  party,  and  soon  became  its  most 


"  G  uicciardini,  Lib.  iii",  cap.  vi.  p.  103. 


CHAP.   VII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


587 


strenuous  and  ablest  conductor.     Although  the  great  mass  of 
citizens  was   not   perfectly   satisfied   with   this   lacti«)n   they 
strongly  supported  them,  especially  from  apprehensions  of  the 
Arrabbiati  or  "  Ducal  Faction  "  (for  faction  gave  a  variety  of 
names   to   every  branch   of  political   conduct  in  its   several 
di^^sions)  which   with  the  aid  of  Lodovico  and    the    league 
might  attempt  a  revolution  in  favour  of  oligarchical  govern- 
ment.    Had  a  Milanese  army  once  entered  Tuscany  it  was 
believed  that  the  people  would  have  been  easily  persuaded 
by  Lodovico's  friends  to  give  their  hand  to  a  prince  who  de- 
clared no  other  wish  tlian  to  benefit  Florence  by  the  restitution 
of  Pisa,  an  event  at  which  he  had  already  hinted,  and  simul- 
taneously to  promote  the  formation  of  a  wise  and  steady  govern- 
ment under  the  auspices  of  the  Medici  Popolani.     To  such  a 
measure  it  was  thought    many  would   have  consented  from 
pure  timidity,  others  because  they  were  blinded  by  the  delusive 
prospect  of  regaining  Pisa,  and  many  more  from  reawakened 
hopes  and  personal  interests.     Against  all  this  the  Frateschi 
struggled  manfully  and  were  victorious ;  but  in  revenge  the 
Arrabbiati  by  a  thousand  arts  endeavoured  to  ruin  them  in 
public  favour :    they  complained  of  the  great  and  continued 
expenses,  the  constant  state  of  hostilities,  the  decline  of  trade 
and  manufactures,  which  were  tlie  life-blood  of  Florentine  pros- 
perity :  all  this  was  tnie  ;  and  government  was  moreover  bor- 
rowing at  sixteen  per  cent,  while  food  bore  a  famine  price  *. 
They  asserted  tliat  the  executive  government  had  no  public 
experience,  that  everything  was  going  wrong,  and  such  like 
topics,  which  whether  true  or  false  were  as  easily  as  they  were 
artfully  emblazoned.     With  all  this  they  skilfully  contrasted 
the  long  and  profound  tranquillity,  the  great  profits  of  trade, 
the  flourishing  condition  and  consummate  wisdom  of  Lorenzos 
time,  and  all  this  was  managed  with  the  hope  both  of  enticing 
and  alanning  people  into  a  surrender  of  the  government.  They 


*  Gio.  Cambi,  p.  97 


588 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[kook 


were  disappointed ;  but  the  open  discontent  of  so  large  a  i)arty 
roused  up  the  Bigi,  and  induced  them  to  make  an  attempt  at 
the  restoration  of  Piero  de'  Medici  to  his  former  state  *. 

During  this  agitation  Francesco  Valori  became  gonfalonier 
of  jastice  for  Januaiy  and  Febmaiy  1497,  and  as  this  was  the 
fourth  time  he  had  enjoyed  that  dignity  he  was  neither  young 
nor  inexperienced  in  public  affairs  :  he  was  moreover  accounted 
virtuous,  and  generally  respected  for  ability,  l)Ut  austere  in 
character  and  rigid  in  the  exercise  of  authority ;  he  went  heart 
and  hand  with  his  party  and  kept  their  enemies  in  awe  during 
his  whole  period  of  office,  so  that  through  pure  apprehen- 
sion of  another  like  him  successful  etforts  were  made  for  the 
election  of  Bernardo  del  Xero  a  man  of  ditferent  stamp  entirely 
devoted  to  the  Medici  f. 

As  gonfalonier,  Valori's  attention  was  more  directly  turned 
to  domestic  politics;  to  the  consolidation  and  perfection  of 
constitutional  reform,  and  to  the  maintenance  of  a  numerous 
representation  against  every  accident.  Knowing  that  the  great 
council ;  which  he  considered  the  citadel  of  Florentine  liberty  ; 
might  be  easily  diminished  by  the  operation  of  the  Specchiu 
and  excessive  taxation;  by  sickness,  senectude,  absence,  and 
occupation  in  private  business,  so  as  to  reduce  it  below  one 
thousand  sitting  membei-s,  he  secured  this  number  by  raising 
the  gross  amount  to  two  thousand  two  hundred  deputies  clear 
of  Specchio  who  were  to  be  mustered  thrice  a  year,  and  any  defi- 
ciency supplied  by  unexceptionable  citizens,  if  necessary  under 
thirty,  but  always  above  twenty-four  years  of  acje.  If  these  were 
found  insufficient  the  blanks  were  to  be  filled  even  by  others 
who  were  a  Specchio  from  arreai*s  of  taxation,  so  that  the 
whole  number  might  be  preserved  complete.  To  those  who 
favoured  popular  goveniment  such  regulations  were  satisfactorj', 
but  violently  attacked  by  the  other  factions,  who  insisted  that 


*  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  40.  Jacopo   Pitti,   Lib.  i",  p.  41.  —  Gio. 

t  Ammirato,  Lib.  x.xvii.,  p.  238. —     Cambi,  p.  102. 


HAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


589 


this  infusion  of  youthful  inexperience  and  indiscretion  could 
never  be  of  any  real  public  service.  Nevertheless  Valori "s 
great  \risdom  and  experience  carried  everything  and  at  all 
times  insm-ed  him  considerable  influence  in  Florence,  for  he 
imposed  on  the  multitude  by  his  lofty  stature  and  his  gi-ave 
commanding  air,  and  though  already  in  years  he  was  still 
vigorous  in  mind  and  body,  and  energetic  in  eveiy thing.  On 
the  other  hand  his  waiTu  support  of  the  Frateschi  had  created 
many  adversaries  amongst  those  who  were  displeased  with  the 
excessive  influence,  authority,  and  severe  morality  of  Girolamo  -:-. 

Notwithstanding  Lodovico's  acknowledged  obligations  to  Ve- 
nice for  her  powerful  aid  against  Charles  VIll.  he  could  not 
tolerate  the  idea  of  her  filching  Visa  from  his  grasp  which  he  saw 
was  imminent  in  conse<iaeii('e  of  her  cunning  and  all-pervading 
influence.  Substituting  diplomacy  for  force  he  persuaded  Pope 
Alexander  VI.  and  the  Idug  of  Spain,  both  jealous  of  Venetitm 
greatness,  that  the  only  way  of  entirely  liberating  Italy  from 
French  interference  was  to  attach  Florence  to  tlie  league  by 
restoring  Pisa ;  because  with  separate  hiterests  she  would  un- 
ceasingly cling  to  French  support,  and  both  her  riches  and 
central  position  gave  the  power  of  doing  infinite  mischief  f. 
After  communicating  with  the  Archbishop  of  Aix,  then  French 
ambassador,  the  Florentines  by  Lodovico  s  council  sent  a  secret 
mission  to  Home  under  Alessandro  Braccesi  to  anvmge  this 
business ;  but  the  Venetians  who  wanted  Pisa  either  free  or  sub- 
ject, proposed  such  terms  as  were  sure  to  be  rejected  and  after 
some  further  negotiation  the  measure  failed  entirely  through 
their  machinations. 

But  although  not  at  the  price  of  Pisa  the  Venetians  still 
wished  for  the  adherence  of  Florence,  and  tliought  with  Alex- 
ander that  the  restoration  of  Piero  de'  IMedici  would  be  the 
readiest  way  to  accomplish  it,  looking  for  success  to  her  civil  dis- 
cord, and  distress  amongst  the  poorer  inhabitants.     The  new 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvii.,  p.  238.        +  Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii.,  cap.  vi.,  p.  103. 


590 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


Florentine  constitution  was  too  demoenitit*  to  please  the  higher 
classes ;  tliey  felt  themselves  powerless  and  neglected  heyond 
what  coiUd  be  patiently  borne  while  an  inexperienced  nudtitude 
sat  paramouut  at  ever}-  change  of  magistracy ;  and  this  with 
intinite  confusion  and  discontent  which  were  both  increased  l»v 
seeinjyan  undue  share  of  office  and  authority  distributed  amonjjst 
the  followers  of  Savonarola.  All  Piero's  hopes  were  based  on 
tliis  constant  clashing  of  ])arties  coupled  with  the  excessive  suf- 
fering of  great  masses  from  a  searching  fiunine,  riots,  outrages, 
and  many  thousand  deaths  from  sheer  starvation  lx)th  in 
town  ajid  counti*y :  wherefore  secretly  stimulated  by  Venice, 
abetted  by  Alexander  VI.  and  Cardinal  Sanseverino;  not  dis- 
couraged by  Lodovico,  and  invited  and  supplied  with  money  by 
his  native  adherents,  he  managed  to  collect  near  four  thousand 
men  under  Bartolonieo  d'  Alviano  a  young  and  enterprising 
follower  of  the  Orsini,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  Pandolfo 
Petrucci  proposed  marching  from  Siena  before  the  gonfalonier- 
ship  of  his  friend  Bernardo  del  Xero  had  terminated*. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  April  he  left  Siena,  intending  to  l>t' 
at  Florence  when  the  gates  were  oi)ened  in  the  morning,  but 
detained  by  heavy  rain  at  a  place  called  Le  Tavernelle  he  was 
some  hours  too  late,  and  government  having  been  duly  wamed 
even-thing  was  prepared  for  his  reception,  the  new  Seignory 
all  staunch  adherents  of  the  existing  constitution,  liaving 
been  added  to  the  old  through  suspicion  of  Bernardo  del  Nero. 
Piero  in  due  time  appeared  at  the  Porta  Horn  ana  where  he 
remained  four  hours  without  the  slightest  demonstration  in 
his  favour,  and  then  fearing  the  Conte  Pdnuccio  who  had 
arrived  with  a  stronj:j  detachment  from  the  arniv  before  Pisa. 
he  returned  by  private  roads  to  Siena  closely  pursued  by  the 
Florentine  general. 

Whatever  might  have  been  tlie  follies  and  errors  of  the  Flo- 


*  Fran.  Cei,  p.  51.  MS. — Ammirato,     Lib.  ii.,  p.  .58. — Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii., 
Lib.  xxvii.,  p.  '239.  —  Jacopo  Nardi,     cap.  vi.,  p.  108-109. 


CHAP     VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


591 


rentine  government  in  other  matters,  they  were  vigilant  against 
the  return  of  the  Medici,  and  besides  enijAoying  Paulo  Vitelli 
who  had  just  arrived  from  captivity  at  Mantua,  and  detaining 
Ercole  Bentivoglio  whose  time  of  service  w-jis  already  finished, 
they  had  connnanded  eveiy  citizen  to  arm  for  public  defence, 
l)Ut  such  was  the  state  of  doubt  and  disagreement  that  a  very 
few  obeyed  the  order.  IMany  apprehended  that  the  principal 
citizens  w-ould  seize  the  occasion  offered  after  Piero "s  discomfitm-e 
to  wrest  all  power  from  the  people,  who  being  without  a  chief 
and  too  weak  to  oppose  them  preferred  to  keep  aloof  and  wait 
the  consequences  rather  than  begin  a  useless  struggle.  Others 
feared  an  armed  conliict  would  take  place  between  the  Frateschi 
and  their  adversaries,  and  resolved  on  keeping  neutral,  expecting 
that  the  latter  would  conquer  and  usurp  the  government :  but 
the  greater  part  believing  that  Piero  had  not  moved  without 
invitation  looked  to  his  success  as  sure,  and  many  wishing  for  it 
would  not  compromise  themselves  by  armhig  to  oppose  him. 

Fifty  of  the  most  suspected  citizens  had  been  early  invited 
to  the  palace  and  detained  there  until  all  danger  had  passed, 
but  their  indignant  friends  and  kinsmen  were  attending  the 
event  although  no  open  demonstration  in  Piero  s  favour  was 
made  by  any  :  a  provisional  l>oard  of  eight  was  appointed  to 
watch  over  public  safety,  for  though  the  danger  was  evident, 
only  in  the  following  August  was  there  any  new  and  clear 
light  thrown  upon  this  cons|)iracy,  by  the  capture  of  Lam- 
berto  d'Antella "'.  This  man  having  been  ill-used  by  Piero  de' 
Medici  in  whose  cause  he  had  been  declared  a  rebel,  burned 
to  revenge  the  wrong  while  he  calculated  on  gaining  pardon 
for  himself  and  brother  l)y  a  complete  disclosure  :  he  was 
arrested  while  proceeding  to  inform  his  brother-in-law  Fran- 
cesco Gualterotti  by  mejuis  of  a  letter  found  on  his  person 
and  still  existing  in  manuscript ;  as  usual  he  was  put  to  the  tor- 
ture, for  no  evidence,  however  willing  might  be  the  individual 


•  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  42. 


•■* »/  -< 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II, 


to  give  it,  Wcos  deemed  perfect  in  those  tierce  days  without 
the  executioner's  assistance.  His  confession  is  given  at  length, 
together  with  the  private  life  and  opinions  of  Piero  de'  Medici, 
and  the  ultimate  confessions  of  all  whom  he  implicated  in 
the  manuscript  Memoirs  of  Francesco  Cei  as  copied  from  the 
original  public  documents  *. 

The  five  principal  citizens  accused,  were  Niccolo  liidolti, 
Lorenzo  Toraabuoni  (both  nearly  related  to  Piero)  Giovanni 
<^ambi,  Giannozzo  Pucci,  and  the  gonMonier  Bernardo  del 
Nero  ;  the  latter  for  being  cognizant  of  the  plot  without  reveal- 
ing  it  while  holding  that  higli  office ;  the  rest  for  a  direct  con- 
spiracy to  restore  Piero  de'  Medici  a  declared  rebel  of  the 
commonwealth.  Many  others  of  the  highest  families  in  Flo- 
rence were  implicated  more  or  less,  and  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  affair  became  of  double  consequence  both  as  a  tpustion  of 
numbers  and  as  to  the  legitimate  character  of  the  popular,  or  the 
Medician  rule.  If  the  prisoners  were  acquitted  the  latter  would 
liave  been  virtually  acknowledged  and  the  late  revolution  con- 
demned; if  punished  the  existing  order  would  have  derived 
greater  strength  and  authority  from  the  act :  and  we  have 
already  seen  that  tlie  people  were  in  a  timid  vacillating  state 
and  almost  lukewarm  about  the  consequences. 

Lamberto  d'Antella  was  what  was  called  a  rebel  of  the  "Otto 
di  Guarda,"  tliat  is  to  sav,  his  sentence  had  orimnallv  been 
pronounced  by  that  tribunal  and  therefore  to  the  same  court  was 
he  remanded  for  examination.  They  however  being  alarmed  at 
the  importance  of  the  subject  (so  much  influence  had  the  fears 
of  revengeful  kinsmen  on  courts  of  justice)  demanded  aid  from 
the  Seignory  who  immediately  ordered  seven  members  of  the 

*  The  " Memoi'ie  SloricJie'"' of  Fran,  possession  of  copies  of  the  secret  ex- 
Cei,  are  but  little  known  and  ilo  not  ami  nations  and  confessions  of  the  con- 
appear  to  have  been  ever  published,  spirators,  which  the  then  existing  go- 
He  flourished  in  1557,  and  dwells  vernraent  never  published  for  their 
much  on  the  subject  of  this  conspi-  own  justification, 
racy :  he  appears  also  to  have  been  in 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


593 


Colleges  and  Decemvirate  of  Peace  andLiberty,  besides  five  ".4r. 
roti,''  or  supplementary  citizens,  to  enter  on  the  examination. 
Before  this  began  the  great  scjuare  was  guarded  by  armed  men, 
the  palace  itself  fortified,  the  condottieri  commanded  to  hold 
their  troops  in  readiness,  the  citizens  ordered  not  to  quit  the 
town  without  especial  leave,  and  every  other  precaution  taken 
to  secure  tranquillity.     The  members  of  this  board  of  inquuy 
having  thus  secured  themselves  took  a  reciprocal  oath  not  to 
show  any  respect  to  persons  however  nearly  connected  with 
them,  and  then  ordered  those  accused  by  Lamberto  to  attend ; 
but  even  this  was  done  indirectly  and  clandestinely  by  means 
of  the  Seignor}^  s  officers  in  order  to  lull  their  suspicions.    The 
exammation  having  inculpated  a  far  greater  number  of  citizens 
than  were  at  first  suspected  their  duty  became  still  more  arduous 
and  dangerous,  and  when  finished  the  "  Otto  di  Balia"  refused 
to  take  upon  themselves  any  responsibihty  of  condemnation  ; 
allegmg  that   if  legal   assistance   were   necessary   merely  to 
imprison  and  torture  the  accused,  it  became  infinitely  more  so 
to  condemn  them.      The   twelve  supplementaiy  judges  had 
withdrawn  after  executing  the  commands  of  the  Seignory,  leav- 
ing what  remained  to  the  ''  Otto  di  Balia"  as  the  proper  tribu- 
nal, and  glad  to  escape  so  disagreeable  and  hazardous  a  task, 
en  account  of  the  high  rank,  numerous  followers,  and  many 
kinsmen  of  the  culi3rits-i=. 

To  spread  the  responsibility  o^  er  a  broader  surface  it  was  a 
prevalent  opinion  that  this  affair  shoidd  be  at  once  referred  to 
the  great  council,  before  which,  by  virtue  of  the  recent  law  of 
appeal,  it  would  in  all  probability  be  ultimately  carried.  Those 
friends  of  the  accused  who  were  amongst  the  priors  opposed 
this  universal  judgment  for  the  same  reason  that  others  wished 
It ;  namely  because  their  great  following  and  influence  could 
not  intimidate  the  numerous  judges;  and  their  guilt  was  so 
palpable  that  an  acquittal  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  in  an 


VOL.    III. 


Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  43. 
QQ 


594 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II, 


assembly  where  the  Frateschi  were  predominant.  On  the  con- 
trary many  names  would  then  be  brought  forward  which  had 
hitherto  been  kept  secret  and  much  individual  ruin  be  the  con- 
sequence:  the  gonfalonier  Domenico  Bartoli  objected  to  any 
number  of  magistrates  usurping  the  powers  of  the  great  coun- 
cil, as  suggested  by  the  culprits'  adherents  ;  a  thing  which  he 
and  the  remainder  of  the  Seignoiy  declared  would  mark  such 
judges  for  the  vengeance  of  every  friend  and  kinsman  of  the 
accused,  or  else  provoke  the  public  indignation  against  them 
as  corrupt  and  peijured  magistrates.  This  discord  in  the 
Seignoi-y  terminated  in  an  agreement  to  form  a  council  of  all 
the  chief  magistracies,  with  the  senate  or  Council  of  Eighty  and 
other  citizens,  in  order  to  implicate  many  pei-sons  and  families 
in  the  question  ;  and  this  was  acquiesced  in  by  the  prisoners' 
adherents  because  they  expected  either  to  influence  the  smaller 
body  on  their  side,  or  at  least  neutralize  its  proceedings  so 
as  to  gain  time  for  the  receipt  of  supplicator}'  letters  in  their 
favour  from  France,  Savoy,  ond  other  powere  ;  or  until  a  second 
attempt  of  Piero  should  save  them  from  execution. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  August  were  assembled  the  Seignor}-, 
tlie  Colleges,  all  the  captains  of  the  party  Guelph  then  in 
Florence,  the  Ten  of  Liberty  and  Peace,  the  Otto  di  Balia, 
the  Uffiziali  di  Monte,  the  Conservators  of  the  Laws,  the  Senate 
of  Eighty,  and  the  *'Arrotr  or  '' Eichiesti  r  in  all  about  a 
hundred  and  fifty-eight,  for  several  were  absent*.  Before  this 
solemn  tribunal  was  read  the  process  against  the  accused  with 
their  own  several  confessions  to  all  Lamberto's  charges ;  elicited 
by  torture  it  is  true,  but  not  on  that  account  less  valued,  and 
probably  in  this  instance  coiTect.  Each  member  was  required 
to  give  his  own  individual  judgment  on  tlie  guilt  or  innocence 
uf  the  accused  and  the  punishment  to  be  inflicted  :  each  magis- 
tracy was  to  make  known  its  opinion  by  its  foreman,  and  each 

*  Giov.  Cambi,  p.  111.— Fran.  Cei,    agrees  with  Cambi  who  says  «  Circha 
Mem.  Stor.,  MS.,  p.  100.— Pitti  says     160." 
1 36,  but  Cei  gives  all  their  names  and 


CHAP.  Til.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY, 


595 


bench  of  the  Senate  in  a  similar  manner  ;  or  according  to  Cambi 
by  two  members.     After  having  retired  like  so  many  juries  to 
determine  on  their  verdict,  Antonio  di  Vanni  Strozzi  was  the 
fii-st  to  reappear  and  speak  as  follows  in  the  name  of  the  sixteen 
Gonfaloniers  of  Companies  ^'.      "  My  honoured  fathers  would 
**  rather  that  this  duty  should    have   fallen   on  others   than 
*'  tliemselves  on  account  of  the  paramount  importiuice  of  the 
"  subject,  for  in  our  days  nothing  more  serious  has  ever  hap- 
**  pened ;  and  if  any  persons  were  permitted  to  excuse  them- 
*•  selves  from  such  a  task  they  would  willingly  have  done  so 
"  because  of  its  extreme  importance  ;  but  moved  by  your  com- 
*'  mands  O  most  illustrious  Seignors  !    and  by  that  affection 
*'  which  eveiy  citizen  owes  to  his  countiy  I  am  now  content 
*'  to  pronounce  their  judgment.     Your  servants  are  aware  that 
*'  no  greater  crimes  exist   than  those  committed  against  our 
*' country,  and  therefore  they  are  severely  punished   by  the 
"  laws,  because  every  citizen  owes  greater  obligations  to  his 
*'  countiy  than  to  his  fether.     And  wishing,  for  shortness  of 
•'  time,  to  express  their  opinion  on  this  case  they  find,  that  the 
"statute  and  common  law  of  Florence  severely  punish  those 
*'  who  sin  against  their  country,  which  is  the  crime  of  high 
"  treason,  and  of  so  grave  a  character  that  the  most  venial  sins 
"  become  in  such  cases  mortal,  a  thing  unknown  in  common 
**  offences.     According  to  the  tenor  of  our  laws  and  common 
**  reason,  all  these  my  fathers  are  of  opinion  that  the  live  above- 
"  named  prisoners  should  die,  and  that  their  property  should 
"  be  confiscated ;  and  although  in  some  of  them  this  crime  was 
''only  misprision   of  treason,    nevertheless,    considering   the 
"  quality  of  the  persons  tliat  ought  to  have  revealed  it  we  are 
''  a^-eed  in  this  general  condemnation.      No  judgment  is  now 
'  pronounced  upon  the  others  who  are  implicated,  because  none 
*'  has  been  demanded  ;  but  in  a  proper  time  and  place  it  shall 
'*  be  given  :  a  longer  time  would  be  desirable  for  consultation, 

*  Gio.   Cambi,  p.  lU. 
Q  Q  "2 


596 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


"  and  if  they  desene  mercy  it  is  the  laisiuess  and  proper 
"  office  of  the  prince;  and  this  I  am  perhaps  saying  without 
"  tlie  authority  of  my  fathers  ;  hut  1  conclude  hy  asserting  that 
'*  justice  sliould  have  its  course  in  order  to  rid  the  city  of 
'•  wicked  men  and  keep  the  citizens  united"*. 

Nineteen  others  as  foremen  of  their  several  juries  then  gav.' 
their  verdicts  to  the  same  eilect,  wherefore  hattted  and  aliU'med 
those  four  priors  who  were  working  for  tlie  prisoners  oppo.^ed 
fresh  ohstacles  to  the  execution  of  the  sentence  ;  they  disputed 
the  opini.m  given  as  unfair,  and  demanded  that  in  so  important 
a  trial  each  memher  should  give  his  judgment  singly.  By 
this  means  they  hoped  to  work  on  the  woaker-iuiiuled.  who 
having  thus  to  record  their  verdict  hefore  a  divided  Seignory 
woukUpeak  ambiguously  and  so  paralyse  the  judgment  of  the 
court  for  a  season  :  the  sentence  would  thus  be  delayed  until 
the  new  Seignoiy  for  September  were  chosen,  and  this  one*' 
accomplished  it  was  believed  that  every  one  would  be  well 
contented  to  discharge  his  load  on  the  consciences  of  other 

citizens. 

The  bold  determined  character  of  Francesco  Valori  at  once 
discomfited  them:  appearing  before  the  Seignory  he  called  for 
their  notar}'  and  witnesses  and  desired  them  to  record  and 
bear  testimony,  *'  that  he  judged  the  accused  citizens  worthy  of 
death  and  confiscation  of  property."  Others  followed,  and 
finally  an  order  reached  the  Otto  di  Balia  to  put  the  sentence 
into  execution.  Through  the  influence  of  Bernardo  Nasi  it 
was  at  first  declmed  but  subsequently  carried  l>y  six  votes  on 
the  seventeenth  of  August :  this  increased  the  confusion  :  (iui- 
dantonio  Vespucci  was  called  in  as  an  advocate  for  the  prisouei-s 
and  he  instantly  demanded  an  appeal  from  the  Seignory  to  th.- 
Great  Council ;  a  meeting  was  held  on  the  twenty-first  and 
the  four  priors  who  had  at  first  avoided  the  appeal  now  de- 
sired it  as  the  only  chance  for  their  friends :  a  new  contest 

•  Fran.  Cci,  Mem''.  Stor.,  p.  05,  MS. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


597 


arose  which  could  not  be  concealed  from  the  citizens  ;  divisions 
were  fomented ;  the  culprits'  supporters  were  loud  in  praise 
of  the  law,  others  condemned  it  as  opposing  an  obstacle  to 
their  present  wishes  ;  papers  were  placarded  in  the  great  square, 
from  the  Custom-house  to  the  Palace,  urging  the  people  to  see 
justice  executed  if  they  regarded  liberty.  "  Justice  ()  People  if 
''you  mean  to  be  free ;  whosoever  says  otherwise  maliyuantly 
"  wishes  to  deceive  you  :  do  that  justly  to  them  which  they  tyran- 
"  nically  were  tryiny  to  do  to  you ;  to  the  end  that  never  more 
"  fuay  he  heard  in  this  city  such  cruelty  and  wickedness.  What 
"  stranye  thiny  is  now  came  to  jxtss  0  People,  that  the  evil 
•'  doers  are  appealiny  ayainst  the  htw  which  has  most  justly  con- 
'' demned  them!  I*rovide  for  this  jjcople ;  punish  resolutely 
"  every  wicked  jjatricide,  and  shun  tyranny,  and  have  perpetual 
*'  Liberty.  Let  the  punishment  be  prompt  for  those  who  wished 
"  to  subvert  the  country  ;  chastise  those  who  refuse  to  punish 
*'  them  justly,  and  be  ye  sure  that  whoso  favours  them  is  a  wicked 
*'  citizen  and  loves  the  tyrant''^-. 

Such  were  the  means  used  to  intimidate  the  magistrates  and 
inflame  public  feeling  against  the  prisoners  !  A  meeting  was 
summoned  on  the  twenty-first,  composed  of  the  senate  and 
magistrates,  the  first  as  a  shelter  from  the  hatred  and  ven- 
geance of  the  culprits'  relations,  which  w^ould  be  found  in  its 
numbers ;  the  second  to  please  the  public  generally ;  and 
before  this  the  right  of  appeal  was  disputed.  The  Florentine 
people,  it  was  argued,  were  sovereigns  of  all,  and  no  citizens 
should  be  defrauded  of  assistance  for  his  defence  in  any  case, 
but  especially  for  his  life  :  it  was  the  duty  of  humanity  to  be 
merciful  rather  than  cruel ;  and  it  was  unseemly  in  any  to 
impose  on  himself  the  task  of  depriving  a  fellow-citizen  of  life, 
especially  when  of  so  high  a  rank  in  the  commonwealth  :  finally 
the  people  alone  had  a  right  to  judge  them,  and  to  their 
sentence  they  should  be  remitted. 


*  Fran.  Cci,  Mem.  Stor.,  p.  101-2.— Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib,  i",  p.  46. 


598 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  it. 


On  the  other  side  it  was  argued  that  in  times  of  danger  law 
should  be  dispensed  with  ;  and  what  could  be  greater  than  the 
existing  perils  ?   The  prisoners'  friends  were  constantly  agitat- 
ing in  their  favour  both  within  and  without  the  city  in  con- 
nexion with  public  malcontents  and  inimical  neighbours  who 
wanted  to  reinstate  the  Medici.     The  :Medici  themselves  had 
already  assembled  a  lai'ge  force  which  was  continually  aug- 
menting in  Romagna,  and  would  be  the  more  encouraged  to 
attack  Florence  in  proportion  to  its  civil  discord  and  divisions. 
And  if  when  Piero  de'  Medici  appeared  before  the  gates  the 
great  mass  of  citizens  was  so  indifferent,  what  would  happen  if 
they  were  to  see  in  arms  the  whole  foction  of  the  Palleschi 
aided  by  all  the  friends  and  kinsmen  of  the  prisoners '?    The 
meaning  and  intention  of  the  law  of  appeal  was  to  protect  per- 
son and  property  from  the  tyninny  of  the  Seignoiy  and  Otto  di 
Balia  whose  power  was  concentrated  and  enormous ;  but  when 
this  appeal  had  been  in  the  first  instance  declined   by  the 
prisoners'  friends,  and  when  with  their  concurrence  all  the 
principal  magistracies  and  all  the  senate   united  with  many 
other  citizens  had  been  made  judges  and  unanimously  con- 
demned the  accused  ;  was  that,  they  confidently  asked,  was 
thnt  a  distortion  of  law,  an  impediment  to  justice,  or  an  indif- 
ference to  the  common  good  ? 

The  party  opposed  to  Piero  had  indeed  reason  to  be  alarmed 
at  the  idea  of  his  restoration,  when  he  declared  that  if  ever  he 
again  entered  Florence  the  exiles  of  14:34  and  the  massacres 
of  1478  would  look  pale  in  comparison  to  what  he  would 
inflict  upon  his  country  in  order  to  prevent  the  possibility  of 
another  expulsion.  The  Nerli,  the  Capponi,  the  Nasi,  the 
(lualterotti,  the  Bardi,  Paulo  Antonio  Soderini  and  his  son ;  the 
Giugnetti,  Coi*si,  Rucellai,  Scai-fi,  Valori,  Pazzi,  Albizzi,  and 
many  others  were  all  openly  doomed  either  wholly  or  in  part  to 
ruin  and  destruction  *.     The  arguments  against  granting  au 

*  Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.,  MS.,  p.  83. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


599 


appeal  were  loudly  and  tumultuously  supported  by  the  College 
of  Gonfaloniers  who  menaced  with  an  armed  hand  and  their 
usual  impetuosity,  both  the  persons  and  property  of  any  who 
declared  against  the  culprits'  death  :  tlie  whole  assembly  was  in 
an  uproar ;  Francesco  degli  Albizzi  cried  in  a  loud  shrill  voice 
for  justice ;  others  tried  to  mitigate  the  general  confusion,  fearing 
that  prompt  severity  would  create  evil  in  the  excited  state  of 
parties  :  it  was  growing  late  ;  the  tumult  increased  ;  the  obsti- 
nacy of  faction  augmented,  and  none  seemed  likely  to  yield- 
At  this  moment  Francesco  Valori  suddenly  started  up  and 
stalking  over   to  the    Seignoiy   seized    the   ballot-box,    with 
which  striking  violently  on  their  table  he  exclaimed  in  a  loud, 
deep,  and  angry  voice ;   '*  Let  execvtlon  he  done ;  or  evil  tiill 
follow.''       Startled  at  this  violence  from  such  a  man  the  gon- 
falonier urged  his  colleages  to  comply  ;    on  which  the  proposto 
Luca  Martini  declared  that  if  he  had  six  black  beans  to  support 
him  he  would  propose  it ;  but  on  the  question  being  put,  there 
were  found  only  five  black  and  four  white  beans.    Then  started 
up  Valori  for  the  second  time,  and  in  severe  and  bitter  tones 
demanded,  '*  For  what  reason  then  have  your  lordships  sum- 
"  moned  so  many  citizens   before  you?     The   very  persons 
**  who  only  four  days  ago  so  freely  and  pultlicly,  one  by  one, 
"  recorded  their  formal  opinion  against  those  plotters  of  revolu- 
"  tion,  those  subverters  of  their  countiy,  those  destroyers  of 
"  public  liberty  ?     And  what  will  be  the  consequence  of  not  at 
*•  once  despatching  them,  except  a  new  invitation  to  the  tyrant 
"  who  is  already  prepared  to  return  in  force  ?     Do  you  not 
'•  perceive  the  inclination  of  so  many  worthy  citizens  ?    Do  you 
*'  not  hear  the  universal  cry,  jealous  of  justice  and  the  public 
"safety?     Do  you  not  see  the  danger  of  delay?     Piecollect 
"  that  the  Florentine  people  have  placed  you  in  that  high  seat 
"  for  their  guard  and  security  :  to  you  they  have  confided  the 
"  gi'eat  public  good,  which  if  you  neglect  from  respect  to  so 
**  perfidious  an  enemy,  there  uill  not  fail,  there  will  not  fail ; 


600 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


"  be  ye  sure ;  to  appear  some  who  will  pronpthj  embrace  a 
"  cause  so  just!  so  holy !  and  to  the  peril  of  those  that  oppose 
"  it ! "  Then  with  an  outstretched  arm  and  grim  aspect  he 
offered  the  hallot-box  to  Martini  and  bid  liim  put  the  question  : 
the  latter  cowering  under  Valori's  frown  instantly  obeyed,  and 
the  four  recusant  priors  equally  intimidated  offered  no  more 
opposition :  the  death  warrant  was  instantly  despatched  to 
the  Otto  de  Balia  and  the  five  condemned  citizens  were  decapi- 
tated that  ver}'  night  in  the  court-yard  of  the  Bargello  with 
closed  gates,  even  before  the  assembly  separated.  Lamberto 
d'Antella  and  his  brother  Alexander  were  pardoned  and  re- 
warded, but  none  of  the  examinations  were  communicated  to 
the  people :  the  rest  of  those  implicated  were  more  mildly 
treated,  and  Francesco  Valori  like  another  Cicero,  gained 
new  and  extensive  reputation,  but  also  new  and  bitter  ene- 
mies ;  some  from  mere  jealousy,  but  many  from  hatred  for  the 
loss  of  their  unfortunate  kinsmen,  and  he  lived  to  pay  a  bloody 
forfeit  for  his  work  *. 

There  was  a  loud  and  apparently  an  unjust  outcry  made 
against  Savonarola  and  his  party  for  allowing  their  o\m  law  to 
be  infringed  when  it  was  likely  to  work  in  an  enemy's  favour : 
but  Savonarola's  law  of  appeal  was,  both  in  words  and  spirit,  a 
protection  from  the  abuse  of  power  in  two  particular  courts 
expressly  named,  and  not  from  so  numerous  and  solemn  an 
assembly  as  the  Senate  and  a  general  union  of  the  higher 
magistracies  of  the  Florentine  Republic,  of  wliich  those  two 
tribunals  only  formed  a  small  portion.  The  guilt  of  the  con- 
spirators was  clear  and  their  punishment  just ;  they  had  com- 
mitted high  treason  against  the  state  :  they  miglit  have  been 
pardoned  although  at  the   moment  it  would  have  been  dan- 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  iu'\  cap.  vi.,  p.  xxvii.,  p.  243.  —  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib. 

109.— Lettera  di  Lamberto  dell'  An-  ii«,  p.  67.--Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  72. 

tella,  MS.— Fran.  Cei,  p.  101,  MS.—  — Macchiavelli,  pp.  57, 82,  Frammenti, 

Giov.    Cambi,     p.    111-13.  —  Jacopo  1st. 
Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  45. — Ammirato,  Lib. 


CHIP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


601 


gerous ;  but  the  granting  of  an  appeal  which  no  law  sanctioned, 
would  after  trial  by  such  an  assembly  have  been  a  mockery  of 
all  law.  Savonarola  himself  seems  undeserving  of  any  blame, 
he  had  repeatedly  declared  from  the  pulpit  that  he  never  did 
nor  ever  would  interfere  in  the  details  of  goveniment  or 
himself  attempt  or  recommend  any  man  to  alter  the  course 
of  justice.  "  I  wish  none  of  you"  (he  says  in  a  sermon  to  the 
Gmnd  Council  hi  1490),  "  I  wish  none  of  you  to  be  under  any 
"  obligation  to  me.  ''-  *  -  I  wish  to  be  free.  I  wish  to 
"  tell  you  of  this,  but  you  will  not  believe  it :  you  write  abroad 
"  that  I  interfere  in  the  affiiirs  of  state  :  you  know  it  to  be 
"  false  :  I  only  address  you  in  general  terms  about  good  laws, 
"  and  good  manners,  but  with  the  administration  of  your  state 
"  I  do  not  trouble  myself.  Do  this  then  :  let  your  first  object 
*'  be  to  make  yourselves  good  Christians"*. 

The  Frateschi  however  gained  a  considerable  increase  of 
power  by  their  success,  and  medals  were  struck  with  Savo- 
narola's image  on  one  side  and  on  the  other  that  of  Rome  ; 
over  which  a  hand  and  dagger  were  suspended,  and  the  legend 
'*  Gladius  domini  super  terrain  cito  et  relociter.'' 

These  events  threw  his  adversaries  more  than  ever  into 
Lodovico's  hands  who  always  desirous  of  establisliing  his  influ- 
ence  in  Florence  l)y  the  formation  of  an  oligarchical  govern- 
ment, had  at  the  request  of  this  party  as  far  back  as  1495, 
procured  a  brief  against  Savonarola's  preaching.  This  was 
attacked  by  the  friar  who  not  only  justified  himself  but  was 
justified  by  the  Florentine  goveniment  and  the  excellent  con- 
sequences of  his  preaching  made  manifest ;  so  that  Alexander 
who  was  then  little  interested  did  not  press  the  subject  until 
other  circumstances  revived  it.  The  asserted  illegal  condemna- 
tion of  the  five  citizens,  who  from  age,  rank,  and  character, 
were  pitied  by  many  even  amongst  the  ascendant  faction  ;  for 
all  their  relations  were  friendly  and  they  had  them  of  every 

*  Vide,  Storia  di  Savonarola,  p.  204. 


602 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   If. 


party :  the  Frate's  enemies  also  though  not  of  the  Palleschi ; 
fither  from  a  wish  to  maintain  the  right  of  appeal  in  everj- 
case  or  from  personal  affection  for  the  culprits,  had  stood 
forward  boldly  in  their  defence  and  though  unsuccessful  battled 
to  the  last  against  the  deed.  This  generous  conduct  was  not 
lost  upon  the  Bigi  who  had  hitherto  supported  the  Fratescbi 
with  their  secret  votes,  but  now  seeing  their  own  chiefs  so  hardly 
used  they  threw  all  their  weight  into  the  opposite  scale,  and 
the  result  was  a  far  greater  share  of  official  jiower  for  them- 
selves and  the  Arrabbiati,  as  well  as  more  deference  to  the 
papal  censures  on  Savonarola  which  had  hitherto  been  softened, 
or  entirely  disregarded  by  the  government  -■-. 

Pope  Alexander  VI.  who  had  first  despised  Savonarola  became 
in  the  course  of  time  incensed  against  him  and  even  fearful  of 
his  influence  extending  itself  beyond  the  walls  of  Florence : 
Girolamo's  preaching  had  already  been  interdicted  ;  nay  he  was 
excommunicated  on  the  eighteenth  of  June  in  every  Florentine 
church  and  his  adherents  were  included  in  the  censure.  But 
the  monk  strong  in  his  divine  mission  and  mundane  support 
declared  this  anathema  unjust  and  therefore  of  no  effect ;  his 
adherents  disregarded  it  and  even  took  up  arms  in  his  defence ; 
for  as  he  truly  asserted,  the  church  of  God  had  need  of  reform 
and  would  be  chastised  in  its  iniquity  f . 

Savonarola's  censures  were  too  just  not  to  be  felt  by  Alex- 
ander VI.  who  however  was  for  a  long  time  rather  excited 
against  him  by  others  than  personally  inclined  to  interfere 
except  in  political  matters,  for  he  would  willingly  have  had  any 
other  government  in  Florence.  The  Duke  of  Candia  one  of 
the  pope's  sons  had  just  been  murdered  by  his  brother  the 
cardinal  Caesar  Borgia,  partly  from  rivalry  in  a  licentious  and 
unnatural  connection  with  their  own  sister  Lucrezia  which 
their  common  father  the  pope  is  suspected  of  haWng  shared ; 
and  partly  from  jealousy  of  his  brother's  military  talents  and 


♦  Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  73.         f  Vita  di  Savonarola,  cap.  xxii.,  p.  75. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTTNE    HISTORY. 


603 


A.D.  1498. 


appointments  which  interfered  with  his  own  ambition.  The 
pope's  mistress  too,  Giulia  Famese  who  was  called  *'LaGiulia 
Bella  "  and  conspicuously  nay  even  ostentatiously  exhibited  at 
all  the  great  religious  festivals,  had  increased  the  public 
scandal  by  producing  another  son  to  occupy  the  place  of  hira 
whose  blood  had  so  lately  reddened  the  hand  of  the  fratricide. 
These  things  had  sharpened  the  edge  of  and  reenforced  Savona- 
rola's censures,  but  he  had  obeyed  the  pai)al  prohibition  against 
bis  preaching,  by  putting  the  Fra  Domenico  BonviciniofPescia 
in  his  place,  a  man  equal  in  enthusiasm  if  not  in  talents  and 
eloquence  to  Girolamo  himself.  Had  the  latter  remained 
silent  it  is  probable  that  a  reconciliation  with  Piome  would  have 
followed  ;  but  invited  and  urged  by  the  government  he  recom- 
menced preaching  in  February  1498,  celebrating  mass  and 
resuming  all  his  ecclesiastical  functions,  in  despite  of 
every  prohibition  to  the  contraiy  -=.  Savonarola's  ene- 
mies, secure  in  the  comitenance  of  Rome,  had  in  1497  worried 
him  even  in  his  pulpit  with  great  indecency  both  in  words  and 
actions ;  they  befouled  his  seat  with  everj^  sort  of  ordure  and  placed 
a  stuffed  ass  in  the  pulpit  of  the  cathedral  when  he  went  to  preach ; 
even  one  of  the  magistrates  attempted  to  drag  him  from  it  b  ut 
was  beaten  off  by  the  people,  and  I'rancesco  Cei  and  other  young 
Florentines  created  such  a  hubbub  in  the  church  that  he  was 
compelled  to  cease  and  for  a  while  abstain  from  preaching  f . 

In  the  beginning  of  1498,  political  negotiations  recommenced 
with  Rome  but  only  elicited  a  promise  of  the  restitution  of  Pisa 
on  condition  of  Florence  joming  the  league  ;  the  latter  seeing 
no  prospect  of  such  a  result  in  opposition  to  the  will  and  power 
of  Venice,  and  the  certainty  of  herself  becoming  an  enemy  of 
France  with  infinite  danger  to  commerce,  would  not  consent, 
and  therefore  incurred  the  further  anger  and  suspicions  of 
the  pontiff.      The   Florentines   immediately   engaged  Paulo 


Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.,  p.  109,  MS. — Storia  di  Savonarola,  p.  276. 
f  Amminito,  Lib.  xxvii.,  p.  241. 


C04 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  w. 


Vitelli  in  their  service  but  did  not  discontinue  their  intercourse 
with  Alexander  who  every  day  became  more  indignant  against 
Savonarola.  This  gave  new  courage  to  his  enemies  and  in- 
flamed the  sectarian  enmity  between  the  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
ciscans ;  the  former  as  supporters  of  their  prior,  the  latter  as 
zealous  partisans  of  papal  authority  ;  so  that  the  churches  of 
San  Marco  and  Santa  Croce  resounded  with  their  altercations. 

Fra  Domenico  di  Pescia  offered  in  his  zeal,  to  prove  the 
truth  and  heavenly  inspiration  of  Savonarohi  s  doctrine,  by  the 
fiery  ordeal  if  necessan- :  the  adverse  order  seriously  took  up 
tliis  gauntlet  and  the  P^ra  Francesco  di  Puglia  at  first  devoted 
himself,  but  repented  and  was  replaced  t>y  the  more  courage- 
ous Niccolo  de'  Pilli  a  Horentine  :  he  too  thought  better  of  it 
and  was  succeeded  by  Fra  Bartolommeo  llondinelli  who  boldly 
offered  himself  as  a  victim  in  order  to  remove  such  an  impostor 
as  Savonarola  from  the  world  * .  Savonarola's  congregations  were 
more  numerous  than  ever ;  he  liad  previously  to  recommencing 
walked  in  solemn  procession  round  Saint  IVIark's  church  and 
published  his  apologj'  for  disregarding  the  pope's  censures  in  a 
work  called  the  "  Triumph  of  the  Cross."  The  Archbishop  of 
Florence's  vicar  Lionardo  de'  Medici  threatened  pains  and 
penalties  against  any  that  attended  his  sermons,  but  the  first 
Seignory  of  1408  silenced  this  offic.ious  underling  by  an  order 
to  resign  liis  office  at  two  hours*  notice  on  pain  of  rebellion  f . 

In  1494  and  1405  Savonarola  had  assembled  about  thirteen 
hundred  children  from  eighteen  years  of  age  downwards  ;  prin 
cipally  those  whom  he  had  weaned  from  the  dangerous  pastime 
of  the  '' Poteuze  r  and  after  having  confirmed  all  that  were 
old  enough,  sent  them  in  white  dresses  with  red  crosses  in 
their  hands  in  procession  round  Florence.     They  were  then 


*  Fil.  N^rli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  76. — Jacopo  lia;    Nerli    that    Domenico   was   the 

Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  73.  —  Pignotti,  Lib.  challenger:   the  folly  may  he  divided 

v.,  cap.  ii.,  p.  83.  —  Ammirato,  Lib.  between  them  without  envy  or  dinii- 

xxNii.,  p.  245.  —  Nardi  says  that  the  notion  of  measure, 

defiance  came  from  Francesco  di  Pug-  f  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  69. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


605 


ordered  to  beg  at  every  house  for  what  he  denominated  the 
"  Anathema/'  or  things  excommunicated  and  cursed  of  God  : 
these  consisted  of  eveiy  sort  of  lascivious  picture  or  book ;  of 
female  ornaments,  false  hair,  odoriferous  waters,  cosmetics, 
perfumes  of  every  kind,  chessmen,  cards,  dice,  hai-ps,  lutes 
guitars  and  all  sorts  of  musical  instruments  ;  Boccaccio's  works, 
the  Morgante,  superstitious  and  magical  books  in  abundance ; 
Ovid's  Art  of  Love,  Catullus,  Juvenal  and  every  reprehensible 
production  ancient  or  modern,  of  which  there  was  a  marvellous 
quantity.  These  were  piled  up  in  the  form  of  a  veiy  broad- 
based  pyramid  l)efore  the  public  palace  where  the  whole  popu- 
lation assembled  on  the  last  day  of  the  Carnival  to  see  them 
bum ;  and  where  they  not  long  after  assembled  to  see  their 
great  prophet  liimself  at  the  stake  by  a  decree  of  the  veiy 
multitude  that  now  worshipped  him  *  I  Although  this  was 
effected  under  Savonarola's  iulluence,  Domenico  da  Pescia 's 
enthusiastic  preaching  became  the  immediate  instmment  of  so 
strange  a  reform,  l)y  which  in  lact  many  valuable  manuscripts 
and  works  of  art  are  said  to  have  perished ;  even  the  famous 
Baccio  della  Porta  better  known  as  the  painter  Fra  Bartolom- 
meo was  hiu'ried  away  from  bis  "  seducing  art ;"  as  lie  called  it ; 
and  in  one  of  these  exciting  spectacles  cast  his  designs,  paint- 
ings, and  ever}'  implement  of  his  profession  into  the  llames, 
and  took  the  habit  of  Saint  Domenico  f . 

These  shows  were  accompanied  by  religious  dances  in  which 
Savonarola  himself  and  all  his  fraternity  joined  with  enthu- 
siastic excitement  uttering  the  party  ciy  of  "  Vim  Crista.''' 
Pignotti  says  that  he  and  his  religious  brethren  sometimes 
issued  from  Saint  ^Mark's  Convent  during  the  Carnival  and 
joining  hands  with  their  lay  followers,  alternately  posted, 
danced  round  in  a  wide  circle  with  loud  impassioned  shouts  of 
"  Viva  Crista,''  declaring  it  a  glorious  thmg  to  become  frantic 
for  the  Saviour's  sake.     And  as  it  was  then  the  custom  to 


Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.  p.  56.  f  Vusari,  Vita  di  Fn.  Bartolommeo. 


606 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


unite  the  dance  and  song,  Girolamo  Benivieni  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  poets  of  the  time  and  devoted  to  Savonarola,  did 
not  disdain  to  occupy  his  Muse  in  assisting  these  well-meaning 
but  extravagant  exhibitions.  Well-meaning,  because  the  whole 
tenor  of  Savonarola's  life,  his  perfect  disinterestedness :  his 
simple,  frugal,  laborious,  and  religious  manners,  and  his  final 
sacrifice  of  life  for  his  principles,  prove  his  sincerity.  His 
refusal  of  a  cardinal's  hat  shows  a  total  absence  of  worldlv 
ambition :  for  a  cardinal  in  those  days  was  a  prince  of  great 
power  besides  being  a  step  to  the  popedom  ;  and  there  more- 
over seems  good  reason  to  believe  that  by  these  religious  excite- 
ments, he  ^^ished  to  divert  the  ])ul)lic  mind  from  the  more 
reprehensible  and  licentious  pleasures  of  the  Carnival  as  then 
practised,  by  simply  creating  another  excitement ;  as  doctor? 
cure  by  creating  a  counter  irritation  -. 

The  pope  by  a  new  brief  again  imposed  silence  on  Savona- 
rola, and  under  pain  of  a  national  interdict  and  confiscation  of 
their  property  at  Home  ordered  the  Florentines  to  see  it 
executed.  As  an  intelligible  menace  of  hostile  invasion  acc<jm- 
panied  these  commands  the  government  dared  not  in  its  wejik 
discordant  and  unsettled  state  any  longer  disobey,  and  on  the 
eighteenth  of  March  1498,  Savonarola  preached  his  last  ser- 
mon wherein  he  boldly  and  fiercely  attacked  the  sins  of  the 
clergy  and  menaced  both  Rome  and  Florence  with  coming 
misfortunes ;  Christ  alone,  he  said,  should  now  be  looked  to  as 
the  universal  head,  since  no  amendment  or  refonnation  was  to 
be  found  in  the  church  itself.  These  and  similar  expressions 
thundered  from  the  pulpit  and  exaggerated  at  Kome  were  the 
principal  occasion  of  all  the  subsequent  troubles  both  there  and 
at  Florence  connected  with  this  extraordinary  man  f . 

The  pope's  anger  was  artfully  kept  up  by  Fra  Mariano  di 
Ghmazzano,  the  Frate's  old  and  implacable  antagonist  under 

*   Storia  di  Savonarola,  Lib.  iv®,  p.     notti,  Stor.  di  Tos.,  Lib.  v.,  cap.  ii". 
28 L — Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib,  ii.,  p.  56-71.     f  Jacop  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  72. 
— Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,pp.  71-73. — Pig- 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


607 


Lorenzo's  auspices  :  this  priest  was  now  General  of  the  Augus- 
tines  and  conjured  the  pontiff  in  a  public  sermon  to  "  Take 
away  this  monster  of  the  Church  and  of  God,  and  hum  the 
instrument  of  Hell "  ^'.  Under  his  authority  Francesco  di  Puglia 
had  been  sent  to  preach  against  Savonarola,  who  declaring  as 
is  said,  that  he  had  heard  the  latter  would  prove  his  doctrines 
by  a  miracle  and  had  challenged  his  adversaries  to  raise  the 
dead;  asserted  in  reply  that  it  would  be  presumptuous  in  him  to 
attempt  such  things,  but  either  gave  or  accepted  the  challenge 
of  fire,  knowing  he  would  perish,  but  being  content  to  bum 
with  Savonarola  if  he  were  false,  or  without  him  in  proof  of 
God's  truth,  should  the  Frate  escape  f.  This  conduct  was 
highly  approved  of  by  Alexander  VI.  who  thus  addresses  the 
monks  of  Saint  Francis.  *'  To  humble  and  confound  the  per- 
"  tinacity  of  Fra  Girolamo  there  have  not  been  wanting  those 
"  amongst  you  who  have  proposed  to  throw  themselves  into 
"  the  flames.  It  is  our  duty  highh^  to  commend  this  your 
"  devotion  and  promptness  in  a  work  so  pious,  so  useful,  so 
"  praiseworthy,  that  it  never  can  be  obliterated  from  the 
"  memory  of  mortals  and  which  to  this  Holy  See  and  to  us 
"is  so  grateful  and  acceptable  that  nothing  can  give  greater 
'*  satisfaction." 

Savonarola  himself  in  preaching  alluded  incidentally  to  the 
subject  of  this  folly  and  implored  the  prayers  of  his  auditors  if 
the  trial  should  ever  take  place  :  he  was  instantly  stopped  by 
loud  and  eager  cries  of  "  Ecce  ego,  Ecce  ego  transiho  per 
ignem.^'  But  he  checked  their  ardour  by  asserting  "that  he 
"  had  neither  proposed  nor  accepted  this  proof,  although  it  had 
"  been  many  times  proposed  by  his  adversaries  ;  and  that 
"  whoever  might  be  by  the  Almighty  elected  to  enter  the  fire 
"  and  whoever  might  be  sent  to  the  proof,  he  would  without 
"  doubt  through  God's  help  come  out  uninjured  from  the 

*  Ferd".  del  Migliore,  Fir.  Illustrata,  di  Savonarola,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxiii.,  p. 
{San  Marco.)  283.— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  71. 

t  Storia  di  Savonarola,  p.  283. — Vita 


608 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


CIUP.  VII. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


609 


**  tlaraes ;  and  if  he  believed  otherwise  he  never  would  place 
"  anybody  in  such  peril  or  himself  in  danger  of  being  the 
••  destroyer  of  his  own  loving  and  affectionate  children." — 
"  What  astounds  me"  savs  Muratori  *'  is  that  this  terrible 
proof  not  having  been  made  use  of  for  some  centuries  should 
finally  be  proposed  by  men  of  priestly  character  at  Florence  in 
the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  that  Oirolamo  Savonarola, 
a  man  no  less  cdebrated  for  his  piety  than  his  learning,  con- 
sented to  it "  *. 

When  we  see  such  follies  as  these ;  attempts  as  it  were  to 
force  Heaven  into  the  performance  of  a  minicle,  only  to  suit 
our  own  caprice ;  and  when  we  see  them  approved  and  applauded 
by  the  pontiff;  proposed  and  accepted  by  learned  ecclesiastics  ; 
sanctioned  by  the  magistrates  ;  and  loudly  hailed  by  the  citi- 
zens ;  it  seems  evident  that  the  barbarity  and  superstition  of 
tlie  middle  ages ;  at  least  in  religious  matters ;  still  clouded 
the  brighter  epochs  of  Raffaello  and  Michael  Angelo,  of  Mac^- 
chiavelli,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  Guicciardini. 

Although  Savonarola's  refusal  and  discouragement  of  the 
trial  proves  that  he  was  not  completely  blinded  by  his  own  en- 
thusiasm and  therefore  had  no  confidence  in  but  endeavoured  to 
prevent  the  experiment,  it  was  not  so  amongst  his  followers, 
who  even  to  the  women  and  children  were  ready  to  enter  the 
flames,  confident  that  through  his  sanctity  they  would  come  out 
uninjured  like  Shadrach,  Meshach,  and  Al»ednego  from  the 
furnace  of  XebuchadnezziU'.  The  Seimiorv  however  and  niany 
citizens  wishing  to  end  these  disputes  contined  the  trial  to 
Domenico  da  Pescia  and  Andrea  llondinelli,  a  lay  brother,  for 
Francesco  di  Puglia  very  wisely  declined  entering  the  flames 
with  any  other  than  the  great  heretic  whom  he  wanted  to 
destroy  f. 

*  Fran.  Cei,  p.  110-11,  MS. — Storia  f  Guicciardini,   Lib.   iii.,  cap.   vi.,  p. 

di  Savonarola,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  288.— Mu-  121— Jacopo  Nartli,  Lib.  ii",  p.  73-4. 

ratori,Antichita  d'ltalia,  Diss.xxxviii.,  — Giov,  Canarci  in  the  debate   upon 

P*  213.  the   propriety   of  allowing   the   finy 


After  some  days  spent  in  discussion  a  board  of  ten,  five  for 
each  party  was  ordered  to  settle  all  disputes  and  arrange  every- 
thing for  the  ceremony,  and  on  the  seventh  of  April  1498  the 
great  square  of  the  palace  was  lined  with  armed  men  and 
crowded  with  citizens.  A  scaffolding  five  feet  from  the  *»round, 
ten  feet  broad  and  eighty  long,  extending  from  the  comer  of 
the  Einghiera  toward  the  *'Tetto  de'  Pisani"  was  seen  flanked 
on  each  side  by  a  thick  wall  of  dry  wood  and  other  combusti- 
bles piled  on  a  foundation  of  solid  earth  and  mibaked  bricks,  so 
as  to  resist  any  degree  of  heat ;  and  through  the  centre  there 
was  a  foot-path,  less  than  two  feet  wide,  by  which  the  expected 
martyi-s  were  to  pass  between  the  burning  piles-. 

This  formidable  apparatus  showed  that  the  government  and 
people  were  in  good  earnest,  and  no  doubt  produced  its  full 
effect  both  on  the  long  line  of  Franciscan  friars  w^ho  silently  and 
unostentatiously  escorted  their  champion  to  the  lodge  destined 
for  his  reception,  as  well  as  on  the  more  pompous  procession  of 
Savonarola,  who  came  in  priestly  raiment  holding  the  sacred 
Host  in  his  hand.  By  his  side  was  the  Fra  Domenico  similarly 
attired  but  canning  a  cmcifix,  followed  by  a  dark  procession  of 
friars,  all  bearing  red  crosses,  and  accompanied  by  a  multitude 
of  noble  and  other  citizens  with  lighted  torches  in  honour  of  the 
sacrament.  The  Dominicans  sang  hymns  :  the  Franciscans 
preserved  their  tacitumity.  The  latter  objected  to  the  adverse 
champion  being  attired  in  the  pnestly  robes  for  fear  of  enchant- 
ment, so  he  was  stripped  and  re-clothed :  he  wished  to  enter 
with  the  sacrament  in  hand,  but  this  also  was  denied  him  because 
as  they  declared,  it  would  infallibly  be  consumed  and  produce 
scandal  in  the  minds  of  weak  and  ignorant  people  f. 

After  much  discussion,  "  with  great  shame  to  the  clerg}^" 

ordeal,  proposed  that  tliey  should  botli  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  77.) 

be  placed  together  in  a  butt  of  tepid  *Giov.Cambi,  p.  113.— Jacopo  Nardi, 

waterand  whoever  came  out  dry  should  Lib.  ii«,  p.  74. 

be  considered  the  true  man.    (Vide,  f  Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.,  p.  Ill,  MS. 


VOL.   III. 


R  R 


610 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  li. 


says  Nardi,  who  was  an  eye-witness,  '*  as  if  this  were  a  secular 
and  profane  combat  and  not  one  of  our  foitli  and  depending  on 
divine  judgment,"  most  of  the  day  being  gone  and  everybody 
still  in  suspense,  there  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  fell  a  deluge 
of  rain^s   which,  as  the  weather  had  been  perfectly  fine,  was 
taken  for   a  proof  of  Heaven's    displeasure  :  upon   this  the 
assembly   was  dismissed,    to  the    gi'eat  dissatisfaction   of   an 
immense  multitude  that  tilled  eveiy  comer  and  housetop  all 
eager  either  for  the  success  or  failure  of  Savonarola's  preten- 
sions f.    It  was  no  subject  of  mirth  ;  that  shower  quenched  both 
the  people's  enthusiasm  and  the  prophet's  tire,  and  destroyed  his 
influence  :  the  citizens  sullenly  retired,   each  variously  inter- 
preting the  events  of  the  day,  but  all  scandalised  and  confused. 
A  change  seemed  to  have  suddenly  come  over  their  spirit ;  the 
Franciscans  had  already  gone,  and  Savonarola  was  also  making 
his  way  to  Saint  Mark's  when  the  disappointed  crowd  became  so 
unruly  that  the  sacrament  alone  protected  him  from  violence 
Instantly  ascending  the  pulpit  he  gave  an  account  of  all  that 
had  occurred,  but  his  discourse  had  no  effect  and  every  citizen 
retired  that  evening  to  his  house  ill-satisfied  with  all  parties  ; 
for  not  only  Savonarola's  enemies  but  his  most  devoted  adher- 
ents  wished  him  and  Fra  Domenico  to  have  proved  their  faith 
by  passing  through  the  flames,  whether  followed  or  not  by  the 
Franciscan.     The   confidence   of  many    was   gone  ;  they  felt 
themselves  duped  ;  their  enthusiasm  was  spent ;  it  had  swelled 
too  high  and  now  collapsed ;  they  became  sulky,  ready  for  mis- 
chief, and  still  further  excited  by  every  i)riest,  monk,  and  pesti- 
lent citizen  of  the  adverse  party. 

Public  aversion  increased  so  much  against  all  those  known  to 
attend  Savonarola's  preaching  or  who  believed  his  prophecies,  that 
they  could  scarcely  show  themselves  in  the  streets  without  being 
insulted  with  the  epithets  of  '* Piafjuoni"  '*  Excommunicated,' 


*    This  fact  is  unnoticed  by  Gio.  Cambi. 
t  Giov.  Cambi,  pp.  117.— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  pp.  74-5. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


611 


''Hypocrites''  and  ''Mockers."     These  signs    were   not    lost 
upon  so  acute  an  observer  as  Savonarola :  he  saw  that  his  hour 
was  come  and  on  Palm  Sunday  ]3reached  a   short,  earnest, 
and  pathetic  sermon,  in  which  he  almost  announced  his  ai)- 
proaching   ruin  ;    offered  himself  as  a  sacrifice  to  God,  and 
declared  his  readiness  to  die  for  his  flock;  then  pronouncing  his 
benediction  he  departed  with  much  emotion  from  his  auditors  : 
but  firm  throughout  and  e(iual  to  himself -'^     Piero  Popoleschi 
the  gonfalonier,  with  five  of  the  Seignory  for  March  and  April, 
were    enemies    to  Savonarola  and  numbers  of  noble  citizens 
stiU  burned  with  indignation  for  the  sacrifice  of  last  year's  vic- 
tims, so  that  they  moved  heaven  juid  earth  to  inflame  the  dis- 
content against  him  :  their  turn  of  triumpli  was  now  come,  and 
success  was  certain. 

Both  parties  began  to  arm;  the  palace  was  soon  encompassed 
by  a  crowd  of  angry  citizens  and  the  entrances  to  the  great 
square  were  guarded,  by  two  adverse  factions:  this  gave  con- 
fidence to  the  Seignory  who  being  strongly  urged  exhorted  the 
preposto  Lanfredino  Lanfredini,  a  staunch  adherent  of  Savon- 
arola, to  propose  that  under  llie  penalty  of  rebellion  he  should 
within  twelve  hours  quit  the  Florentine  state  ;  this  was  instantly 
notified  to  him  at  Saint  Marks  where  he  was  consulting  with 
Fmncesco  Valori,  Giovambattista  Uidolfi,  and  many  other  citi- 
zens.    The  latter  were  advised  to  arm,  especially  Valori,  against 
whom  his  own  private  enemies  were  more  particularly  exciting 
the  multitude ;  he  fled  and  by  a  circuitous  route  regained  his 
o\Mi  house  in  safety,  but  the  tide  of  anger  rolled  after  him. 

Jacopo  de'  Nerli,  Alfonso  Strozzi  the  Compaguacci  and  all 
Savonarola's  enemies  were  now  in  arms :  Luca  degli  Albizzi 
also  urged  Salviati,  Valori,  and  their  friends  to  arm  and  defend 
themselves  but  in  vain,  and  therefore  fled  himself  to  the 
Oasentino.  Next  day  being  Palm  Sunday  almost  afl  the  prin- 
cipal Frateschi   had  escaped  or   were    concealed,  so  that  a 

*  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii",  p.  76. 
RR  *2 


611 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  il- 


clear  field  remained  for  Savonarola's  enemies  to  complete  his 
destruction  :  a  tumult  alone  was  necessary  and  that  became 
under  existing  feelings  of  easy  accomplishment.    In  the  middle 
of  an  evening  sermon  preached  by  Mariano  degli  Ughi  one  of 
Savonarola's  friends,  the  cry  of  "To  arms''  "To  Saint  Marker 
echoed  through  the  cathedral,  and  instantly  an  armed  crowd  led 
by  the  Compagnacci  rushed  towards  that  convent  hi  several 
divisions,  as  previously  settled,  calling  on  all  the  citizens  to  arm 
Savonarola  was  not  undefended  and  his  monks  were  staunch ; 
a  number  of  armed  followers  had  flocked  to  his  aid ;  the  church 
was  filled  with  defenceless  people,  women  and  children ;  the 
gates  were  shut  and  the  fight  began.    The  Seigiior>'  too  had  sem 
their  guard  to  storm  Samt  Mark  s  and  take  the  friar,  com- 
manding all  strangers  to  withdraw  on  pain  of  rebellion  :  this 
mandate  was  obeyed  and  Savonarola   would  have  issued  out 
along  with  them  to  certain  destruction  if  the  monks  had  not 
compelled  him  to   remain.     Many  citizens    had    made  their 
escape  by  the  garden    before  the  tumult   conmienced,    and 
amongst  them  Francesco  Valori,  whose  house  was  soon  attacked 
by  the  multitude. 
"  The  Seignory  had  already  sent  to  secure  his  person  and  pre- 
vent violence  yet  none  would  venture  to  guarantee  his  safety 
as  flir  as  the  public  palace,  and  he  was  ultimately  confided  to 
the  care  of  Girolamo  Gori,  a  member  of  the  colleges,  and  two 
mace-bearers  of  the  Seignorj-,  but  while  on  his  way  and  pre- 
ceded by  torches,  Vincenzio  lUdolfi  met  and  killed  him  with 
one  blow  of  a  partisan.     Before  quitting  home  Valori  had  seen 
his  wife  shot  through  the  head  with  an  arrow  as  she  was  im- 
ploring the  people's  mercy,  and  his  house  along  with  that  of 
Andrea  Cambini,  was  plmidered  and  burned  without  remorse 
by  a  band  of  furious  enemies.     The  Seignoiy  had  they  been 
sincere  might  have  prevented  all  tumult,  but  they  winked  at 
every  outrage,  never  even  vindicating  their  insulted  digmty  by 
punishing  liidulfi  for  murdering  a  man  under  the  safeguard 


CHAP.  VII. J 


FLORENTINE    HISTORV. 


613 


of  one  of  the  highest  magistrates  and  their  own  municipal 
officers  *. 

Meanwhile  the  doors  of  Saint  Mark's  convent  were  destroyed 
by  fire,  and  after  a  hard  contest  and  some  bloodshed  it  capitu- 
lated :  Savonarola  and  Domenico  Bonvicini  were  instantly  led 
prisoners  to  the  palace  and  Salvestro  Maruffi  another  zealous 
adherent  followed  them  the  next  morning.  The  ascendant 
faction  lost  no  time  in  filling  every  office  with  their  friends  ; 
government  suddenly  changed  hands,  and  with  it  the  manners 
and  morality  of  Florence  which  Savonarola  had  so  long  main- 
tained in  decency.  Then  came  one  of  those  dangerous  re- 
actions so  sure  to  attend  an  over-strict  religious  life,  when 
pushed  to  the  extreme  either  in  the  mass  or  individual,  if 
based  on  passion  instead  of  principle :  vice  of  every  sort  was 
again  openly  practised  as  if  to  prove  that  the  people  were  no 
longer  hj^ocrites,  and  virtue,  say  the  cotemporary  writers, 
seemed  as  if  forbidden  by  law  to  be  countenanced  f . 

Savonarola  after  suffering  the  most  disgraceful  insults  on  his 
way  to  the  palace  was  within  a  few  days  examined  by  a  numerous 
committee  of  his  bitterest  enemies,  at  first  verbally  but  with 
the  threat  of  torture  which  was  to  be  increased  to  intensity  if 
he  did  not  speak  the  whole  truth  and  prove  in  something 
more  than  w^ords  that  his  preaching  was  dictated  by  the  spirit 
of  prophecy  |. 

During  the  fii-st  day  he  remonstrated  against  the  impiety  of 
tempting  God  by  unreasonable  demands  and  cruel  menaces  : 
the  next  his  examiners,  but  with  considerable  fear  and  doubt, 


*  Ammirato,  Lib.  xxvii.,  p.  246. — Fil. 
Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  79.  —  Gio.  C.imbi, 
p.  119.— Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  p.  52. — 
Ja;opo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii",  p.  76,  ct  scq. 
t  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii",  p.  82. 
t  His  examiners  were  Carlo  Canigiani, 
Gio.  Manetti,  Gio.  Canacci,  Baldassare 
Brunetti,Piero  degli  Alberti,  Benedetto 
de'  Nerli,  Dolfo  Spiui,  Tommaso  Anti- 


nori,  Fran,  degli  Albizzi,GiulianoMaz- 
zinghi,  Piero  Corsini,  Braccio  Martelli, 
Lorenzo  Morelli,  Anton.  Ridolfi,  An- 
drea Jjarioui  and  Alphonzo  Strozzi. 
Besides  Sinione  RuccUai  and  Tommaso 
Arnoldi  ;  two  Florentine  canons  also 
attended  as  papal  commissioners. — 
(Wide  Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.  p.  114, 
MS.) 


61i 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[hook  It. 


decided  on  applying  the  torture,  and  Savonarola  who  had  pre- 
served all  his  courage  and  moral  dignity  up  to  this  moment 
being  of  a  weak  and  delicate  fibre  gave  way  under  its  iniluence: 
he  wrote  down  whatever  it  pleased  his  tonnoiitors,  and  con- 
tirmed  it  on  the  arrival  of  the  pajial  tt)nniiissuries  (iiovacchino 
Turriano  of  Venice  General  of  the  Dominicans,  and  Francesco 
Komalini  a  Spanish  doctor  of  laws,  who  were  despatched  from 
Rome  to  preside  at  his  conviction.  Savonarola  atTirmed  that 
he  could  not  answer  for  words  uttered  under  the  torture,  hut  in 
all  other  conditions  spoke  the  truth  :  his  process  was  formed  on 
these  confessions  whether  true  or  false  :  they  were  much  doubted 
at  the  time  and  more  so  afterwards  ;  but  he  underwent  a  second 
series  of  tonnent  in  presence  of  the  pontilicid  eonnaissioners 
who  came  because  the  Florentines  refused  to  give  their  prisoner 
into  papal  custody ;  not  however  until  the  })oj>e,  according  to  eccle- 
siastical custom  had  prejudged  and  sentenced  him  as  a  heretic,  a 
schismatic,  a  persecutor  of  the  church  and  a  seducer  of  the  people. 

Alexander  VI.  being  in  fiict  appreliensive  of  a  general  coun- 
cil by  Savonarola's  influence,  was  eager  to  get  rid  of  him  : 
he  thanked  the  government  for  their  zeal,  demanded  that 
the  Frate  should  be  instantlv  delivered  ui) ;  alfsuhcd  even- 
body  who  had  committed  any  crimes  connected  with  the  late 
transactions  :  granted  an  indulgence  whicli  sent  all  to  confession 
and  repentance  who  under  Girolamo's  ausjtices  had  not  paid 
attention  to  the  late  excommunication,  ^lanv  citizens  were 
arrested  and  tortured  for  the  purpose  of  })roving  some  ciril 
crime  against  Savonarola,  and  every  means  that  could  reason- 
ably be  used  was  put  in  practice  to  implicate  his  followers  two 
hundred  of  whom  were  dismissed  abruptly  from  the  great 
council  by  a  significant  personal  message  to  each,  innnediately 
before  the  scrutiny-. 

To  new  demands  under  new  torments  the  unfortunate 
Savonarola  replied  that  what  he  had  preached  was  true  both  as 

*  Jacopo  Xardj,  Lib.  ii",  p.  70. 


CHAP.   VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


615 


doctrine  and  prophecy,  and  that  what  he  had  since  retracted 
was  false,  the  consequence  of  pain,  and  fear  of  increased  torture, 
and  that  he  would  again  affirm  and  again  retract  as  many  times 
as  he  should  be  placed  in  the  tormentor's  hands,  for  he 
knew  himself  to  be  weak  and  irresolute  in  bodilv  sufferincj. 
He  was  nevertheless  again  put  to  the  proof  and  all  his  contra- 
dictory assertions  drawn  up  into  a  sort  of  process  were  assented 
to  and  si<:]fned  bv  him  before  six  of  his  own  friars  as  witnesses  : 
on  this  confession  he  was  condennied  in  accordance  with  the 
pontiff's  pre-judgment,  but  somewhat  against  the  judicial  cus- 
toms of  Florence  -■=. 

Savonarola  was  imprisoned  for  about  a  month  before  his 
execution,  during  which  time,  while  contined  in  a  little  cell, 
still  to  be  seen  in  the  palace  tower,  with  one  small  opening 
looking  directly  towards  the  convent  of  his  bitterest  enemies 
the  monks  of  Santa  Croce,  he  composed  a  commentary  on  the 
"  Miserere  "  or  fifty-first  Psalm,  a  task  which  he  had  omitted 
in  his  exposition  of  the  rest,  declaring  that  he  expressly  re- 
served it  for  the  period  of  his  own  tribulation.  He  had  so 
intrepid  a  mind  and  so  much  eloquence,  says  Nerli,  and  trusted 
so  greatly  to  the  latter,  that  even  when  reduced  to  such  straits, 
and  the  torture  already  prejtaredfor  him,  he  nevertheless  made 
frequent  efforts  to  intimidate  his  judges,  and  spoke  so  freely  and 
effectually  that  some  among  them  began  to  tremble  ;  but  all 
this  moral  courage  ceded  to  physical  weakness  on  the  first  ap- 
plication of  torture.  The  public  reasons  given  to  F^lorence  for 
Savonarola's  condemnation  were  his  prophecies  against  Rome  and 
her  licentious  prelates,  namely  that  (iod  would  soon  reform  the 
t^hurch ;  that  for  their  crimes  the  late  evils  had  been  inflicted 
on  Italy;  and  that  he  wished  to  set  up  a  tyrant  in  Florence f. 

His  confession  (against  all  rule)  was  not  read  in  his  presence 
as  were  those  of  his  two  companions  ;  for  it  was  feared  that  he 
would  again  deny  the  truth  of  what  had  been  only  extorted  by 

*  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii^jpp.  80,  81. 
t  Fil.  Nerli,  Lib.  iv.,  p.  80.— Gio.  Cambi,p.  128. 


616 


FLORENTINE    HISTOKY. 


[book  n. 


tortiu-e  ;  but  people  of  every  rank  were  invited  to  hear  it,  and 
on  this  confession  he  was  sentenced  to  be  lianged  and  burned, 
along  with  his  two  equally  enthusitistic  companions  Domenico 
da  Pescia  and  Salvestro  Maruffi  '^. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  May  140s  a  scaffolding  six  feet  liigh 
was  run  out  from  the  Einghiera  one-fourth  of  the  way  towards 
the  "  Tetto  de'  Pisani"  at  the  end  of  which  a  post  about  twentv 
feet  long  was  erected,  and  gathered  round  its  foot  were  lar^^c^ 
piles  of  faggots  brushwood  and  other  conibustililes  with  a  train 
of  gunpowder  prepared  to  ignite  the  mass.  Across  the  top  of 
this  post  was  nailed  a  transverse  beam  on  which  the  criminals 
were  to  be  hung  in  chains,  but  it  was  suddenly  discovered  that 
this  gallows  fonned  a  cross,  whereupon  each  arm  was  imme- 
diately sawed  off  as  close  as  circumstances  would  permit  ;  yet 
the  cmcial  figure  could  never  be  completely  destroyed,  a  cir- 
cumstance not  unnoticed  by  the  superstitious. 

The  magistracy  of  the  **  Otto  di  Guardia  e  HaHa  "  having  taken 
their  seats  asatribimal  of  justice  on  the  lUiighitra  tlie  three  friars 
were  first  solemnly  degraded  from  their  ecclesiastical  condition 
by  the  general  of  their  order  and  other  prelates,  and  then  de- 
livered, stripped  of  their  religious  habits,  into  the  hands  of  that 
magistracv,  who  instantlv  commanded  them  tob«  .  x*  .uted.  Save- 
narola  was  placed  in  the  centre  between  his  two  companions: 
Domenico  was  silent :  Salvestro  said,  "  Into  thy  hands  0  Lord 
I  commend  my  spirit."  And  Savonarola,  when  the  priest  in 
the  act  of  degradation  erroneously  pronounced,  *'  I  separate 
thee  from  the  church  militant  and  triumphant,"  calmly  re- 
plied; ''From  the  Triionphaut,  lYo,"  but  spoke  no  other  word, 
and  quietly  proceeded  to  the  gallows.  When  these  three  martyi-s 
had  given  up  the  ghost  fire  was  set  to  the  pile  and  the  bodies 
were  with  some  difficulty  reduced  to  ashes  which  were  carefully 
collected  into  one  mass  with  those  of  the  fuel  and  cast  into  the 
Amo.   This  was  to  prevent  any  person  from  preserving  them  a> 

*  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  81. 


CHAP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


617 


relics,  for  many  still  revered  Savonarola  as  a  prophet,  and  the 
Fra  Domenico  as  immaculate ;  but  in  despite  of  eveiy  precau- 
tion some  of  their  dust  was  collected  by  the  soldiers  and  chil- 
dren and  is  said  to  be  still  occasionally  exposed  for  adoration-. 
Thus  perished  by  the  malignant  spirit  of  faction  and  in  the 
forty-sixth  year  of  his  age  the  celebrated  Girolamo  Savonarola 
of  Ferrara ;  "A  man,"  says  Miu-atori,  '*  worthy  of  a  better  fate 
for  his  austerity  of  life,  rare  knowledge,  and  force,  and  zeal  in 
preaching  the  word  of  God  :  he  was  of  unblemished  habits,  of 
singular  warmth  and  piety,  and  wholly  bent  on  the  spiritual 
good  of  the  people,  with  other  uncommon  endowments  indi- 
cating a  true  servant  of  God"f.  We  may  add  that  he  was  a 
man  of  high  genius  and  deeply  versed  in  sacred  and  profane 
literature,  not  even  excepting  poetr}^  and  astrology,  the  latter 
of  which  with  his  friend  Pico  della  Mirandola  he  is  said  to 
have  studied  profoundly.  But  his  chief  pursuit  was  religious 
excellence ;  and  in  this  he  was  an  intense  enthusiast  even  to  a 
full  and  perfect  belief  in  his  ow^n  inspiration :  yet  Savonarola's 
religion  was  not  merely  contemplative  nor  his  conduct  empty 
foi-m  :  his  ardent  mind  was  devoted  to  philanthropy,  and  his 
opinions,  based  as  they  were  on  an  extensive  knowledge  of 
men  and  things  ;  embraced  a  liberal  and  comprehensive  view 
of  social  institutions.  This  led  him  to  connect  in  a  natural 
and  necessaiy  union  the  general  religious  welfare  of  Christen- 
dom and  that  of  Florence  in  particular;  with  the  due  exer- 
cise of  freedom  and  morality  in  their  most  social  and  useful 
character.  Tinith  and  justice  were  his  principles  and  he  died 
for  them.  During  nearly  nine  years  of  incessant  labour  he  had 
preached,  effected,  and  in  a  great  part  maintained  a  moral  re- 
form amongst  the  Florentines ;  but  after  his  death  it  was  a 
common  saying  that  since  the  days  of  Mahomet  no  such 
scandal  had  ever  disgi-aced  Christianity  as  the  wickedness  then 

*  Giov.  Catnbi,  Stor.,  p.    127. — Ja-     momli,  vol.  ix.,  p.  206, 

copo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,   p.   82. — Segni,     f  Muraton,Annali,  Anno  1498. 

Storia  Fior.,  Lib.  i«,  pp.  23, 25.— Sis- 


618 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


[book  n. 


rife  amongst  tliem.  Insulted,  reviled,  and  trampled  upon  ;  the 
Frateschi  were  afraid  to  show  themselves  in  public,  and  even 
some  of  the  most  noble  could  scarcely  pass  tln'ough  the  streets 
without  insult  from  the  lowest  of  the  x3opulan  : .  Vice  revelled 
in  all  its  forms  as  if  virtue  had  been  prohibited  by  law,  and  no 
crime  was  held  so  abominable  so  shameful  or  ivprehensible 
as  that  of  having  believed  in  the  Frate  or  advocated  a  reform  in 
the  court  of  Rome.  Vices  of  the  most  disgusting  nature  then  but 
too  common  in  Florence,  and  which  Savonarola  had  succeeded  in 
stifling  by  his  religious  influence  and  the  penalties  o(  stake 
and  faggot,  now  revived  in  all  the  filth  of  their  unnatural  cha- 
racter, and  again  poisoned  society  as  they  had  done  in  the  time 
and  with  the  example  of  Piero  de'  Medici  i . 

In  politics  Savonarola  seems  to  have  contined  himself  to  the 
broad  questions  of  constitutional  and  legislative  reform,  with  the 
internal  union  of  the  commonwealth,  and  not  to  have  meddled 
with  the  details  or  intrigues  of  party  government  except  in  pro- 
curing a  general  amnesty  and  saving  the  life  of  a  condemned 
citizen  belonging  to  an  adverse  party.  His  great  work,  after 
the  formation  of  the  popular  council,  was  the  Law  of  Appeal,  the 
breach  of  which  he  has  been  unfairly  accused  of  permitting 
when  in  fact  it  never  was  really  violated t- 

Of  his  infamous  sentence  there  can  scarcely  in  these  days  be 
two  opinions  ;  but  that  his  confession,  independent  of  its  forced 
nature  by  what  was  called  "gentle  torture/*  was  garbled  for 
the  pui-pose  of  procuring  an  unjust  condemimtion  is  proved  by 
several  circumstances.  Nardi,  who  although  an  impartial 
writer  was  no  adherent  of  Savouarolas,  tells  us  at  the  end  ot 
his  second  book,  how  he  is  compelled  for  truth  and  conscience' 
sake,  to  acknowledge  that  a  great  and  noble  citizen,  who  had 
been  one  of  the  Frate's  examiners  and  was  appointed  on  account 
of  his  intense  hatred,  having  been  subsequently  banished  to  Ins 

♦  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  82.  Cei,  Mem.  Storiche,  MS.,  p.  77. 

t  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  83. — Confessione     ^  Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  84. 
<li  Lamberto    d'  Antella,  apud  Fran. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


619 


villa,  was  there  questioned  by  the  historian  himself  about  Sa- 
vonarola's confession  and  process  ;  to  which  he  answered  in  his 
wife's  presence  "  It  is  true  that  from  tlie  Fra  Girolamo's  con- 
"  fession  certain  things  were  omitted  with  the  best  intentions, 
'*  and  others  added"  -. 

Giovanni  Berlingheri  also,  who  was  one  of  the  prioj-s  for 
March  and  April  141)H,  is  said  by  Lorenzo  Viole,  a  cotemporary 
writer,  to  have  preserved  the  original  autograph  confession  of 
Savonarola  which  Viole  saw  in  part,  conqtared  it  with  tlie  printed 
copies  then  in  everybody's  hands,  and  finally  declared  that 
'^  they  differed  as  much  osi  day  and  niyht.'  "  The  truth  whs 
not  written,"  he  adds,  "  in  these  printed  documents  ;  but  that 
only  was  inserted  which  they  i-etpiired  to  prove  the  Frate  a 
wicked  man  for  the  purpose  of  concealing  their  own  injustice 
who  had  condennied  an  innocent  one."  There  were  not  want- 
ing some  worthy  people  before  and  after  Savonarola's  death 
who  endeavoured  to  persuade  lierlingheri  to  publish  this  docu- 
ment but  in  vain;  and  even  on  his  death-bed  when  his  near  rela- 
tions Alessandro  Pucci  and  his  wife  Donna  Maria  Sibilla  im- 
plored him  to  give  them  the  manuscript,  he  answered;  "Neither 
"  to  you  nor  to  any  person  in  the  world  will  1  show  it,  for  my 
"  doing  so  might  occasion  tlie  death  of  more  than  forty  Florentine 
"  citizens  and  God  forbid  that  I  should  cause  so  much  evil :  have 
"  patience,  for  it  would  not  be  well  that  I  should  do  this ;  nay 
"  before  I  die,  I  wish  to  cast  it  into  the  flames  and  see  it  bum." 

Other  actors  in  this  tragedy  and  one  a  most  important  per- 
sonage, Ser  Francesco  di  Barone  a  public  notary,  commonly 
called  at  the  time,  "  Ser  Caronc,"  who  was  believed  to  be  the 
suggester  and  fabricator  of  the  false  process,  is  said  to  have 
confessed  to  Lucrezia  de'  Medici  (Salviati)  Leo  the  Tenth's 
sister  "  that  Savonarola  was  a  saint  of  Heaven  but  that  it  be- 
"  came  necessary  to  impute  crimes  to  him  and  feign  many 
"  things  in  order  to  secure  his  condemnation  "f.    Guicciardini ; 


*  .Tacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  ii.,  p.  87. 
t  Storia  di  Savonarola,  Lib.  iv.,pp.  337-8-9  and  317. 


620 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


certainly  no  believer  in  Savonarola's  divine  mission ;  at  the  end 
of  his  third  book  renders  this  testimony,  "  Which  death  he 
bore  with  a  constant  mind,  and  without  uttering  a  single  word 
that  implied  either  guilt  or  innocence :  the  various  opinions  and 
passions  of  men  were  unextinguished,  for  many  believed  him 
an  impostor;  many  on  the  contrary  believed  either  that  the  pub- 
lished confession  was  a  forgerv  or  that  the  force  of  torture  had 
more  influence  on  his  delicate  frame  than  the  force  of  truth. " 
Finally  Madiabechi,  a  m-eat  authoritv  and  nearer  our  own 
times,  exhibited  proofs  to  his  friends  of  the  spurious  process 
which  according  to  Varclii  was  by  the  proposto  Lorenzo 
Ridolti  subseijuently  expunged  from  the  public  records  as  dis- 
graceful, unjust,  and  against  every  rule  of  equity  ■'•. 

Savonarola  had  constantly  persisted  in  holding  up  Charles 
VIII.  as  a  divine  instrument  for  the  emancipation  of  Italy  from 
tyrants,  and  corruption  in  ecclesiastical  government;  and  had 
never  ceased  threatening  him  witli  Heaven's  vengeance  for 
leaving  such  a  mission  unfulfilled :  the  loss  of  two  inlant  son^ 
in  succession  was  indicated  by  many,  and  almost  believed  by 
Philip  de  Comines  as  the  commencement  of  this  wrath ;  and  his 
own  sudden  death  in  one  of  the  most  filthy  comers  of  Amboise 
Castle,  on  the  very  day  intended  for  the  fieiy  ordeal  at  Florence, 
confirmed  it  in  the  opinion  of  many  f . 

He  was  succeeded  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans  under  the  name  ot 
Louis  XII.,  a  man  of  moderate  talents  whose  fiither  had  been 
made  prisoner  at  Agincourt  and  was  himself  of  that  restless 
character  that  often  makes  princes  feel  the  hardships  if  not  the 
uses  of  adversity,  and  generally  without  profit.  Louis  XII.  was 
grandson  to  that  Duke  of  Ojleans  brother  of  Charles  IV.  who 
married  Valentina  daughter  of  (jiovan-Galeazzo  Visconte  :  the 
latter,  as  was  averred,  besides  giving  the  city  of  Asti  and  a 
large  portion  in  money,  had  declared  in  the  mamage  contract 

*    Storia     di     Savonarola,    Lib.    iv.,     f  Gio.  Cambi,  p.  122. — Pbil.  de  Co- 
p.  337.  mines,  Lib.  viii.,  cap.  xviii.,  p.  579. 


CHAP.   VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


621 


that  she  and  her  posterity  should  succeed  to  the  Milanese 
dominions  if  the  male  line  of  princes  became  extinct.  This 
although  considered  invalid  by  itself,  was  as  the  king  asserted, 
confinued  by  pontifical  authority  during  the  imperial  vacancy  ; 
for  the  popes  in  those  days  assuming  a  power  founded  on  laws 
of  their  own  invention,  claimed  the  superior  right  of  administer- 
ing a  vacant  empire  *.  To  his  French  titles  Louis  therefore 
added  that  of  Duke  of  jMilan,  as  well  as  King  of  buth  Sicilies  and 
Jerusalem,  and  declared  that  he  intended  to  sustain  them  all 
by  the  sword.  This  was  sufficient  to  alarm  not  only  Milan  but 
all  the  potentates  of  Italy,  yet  the  state  of  this  country  was  now 
so  changed  that  some  even  wished  fur  his  advent,  and  to  Milan 
and  Xaples  alone  did  it  seem  formidable  because  each  of  the 
others  expected  to  advance  its  own  interests  entirely  reckless 
of  the  general  good. 

The  Pisan  war  was  a  great  fire  in  the  midst  of  Tuscany  to 
which  every  Italian  state  carried  its  fuel  according  to  imagined 
interests  or  local  jealousy,  and  Florence  unsuccessfully  endea- 
voured to  quench  the  flame  :  Lodovico  had  overreached  himself 
in  thinking  to  reap  the  fruits  of  his  assistance  to  Pisa  bv 
uniting  Venice  in  the  enterprise,  and  the  Venetians,  who  had 
spent  150,000  ducats  in  this  war,  complained  of  this  man's 
conduct  whom  they  had  twice  saved  from  destruction.  Florence 
was  nearly  ruined  by  the  long  and  expensive  conflict  which 
she  waged,  not  against  Pisa  alone,  for  individually  the  Pisans 
were  too  weak  even  with  all  their  undaunted  spirit,  to  have  stood 
a  moment,  but  against  almost  every  state  of  Italy  f.  After 
having  suqorised  and  nearly  defeated  a  strong  Venetian  detach- 
ment under  Jacopo  Savorgnano,  the  Florentine  army  com- 
manded bv  Count  Pinuccio  di  Marciano  was  suddenlv  attacked 
in  rear  and  completely  routed,  as  some  say  while  in  the  act  of 


*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.   i'',   vol. 


11.. 


p.  125. 


t  Malipiero,  Annali  Veneti,  p.  482. —    pamm. 


Bembo,  Stor.  Ven.,    Lib.  iv.,  fol.  46, 
Sic. — Guicciardini,  Lib.  iii",  cap.  iv*. 


622 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


})lundering  its  captives,  by  Tomraaso  Zeno  near  San  Regolo  .. 
This  damaged  their  cause  hut  induced  Lodovico  from  pure 
jealousy  of  Venice  to  support  them  with  troops  and  niuney ;  for 
between  Florence  and  Pisa  he  wanted  no  reconciliation  whicli 
was  likely  to  give  Venice  a  hold  on  the  latter  :  Morence  gavr 
the  supreme  command  to  Paulo  Vitelli  of  Citta  di  Castello,  an 
able  an<l  ambitious  general  who  had  learned  much  in  the  French 
service  and  was  in  fact  a  condottiere  of  that  crown  ;  but  in 
order  to  sootlie  Rinuccio  who  had  a  strong  party  of  relatiuus 
and  adherents  in  Florence  he  was  made  governor  of  the  pro- 
vince with  an  augmented  army  f,  Lodovico  exerted  himself  to 
prevent  any  ^'enetian  succours  reaching  Pisa,  by  refusing 
a  free  passage  through  his  dominions,  and  persuaded  his  niece 
Caterina  Sforza  who  still  governed  Forli  and  Imola  and  was 
strongly  attached  to  Florence,  as  well  as  r)entivoglio  of  Bologna 
and  the  republic  of  Lucca,  to  follow  this  example  ;  while  Flo- 
rence at  the  same  time  but  with  some  difFicidty,  and  not  without 
a  slight  exhibition  of  force  in  Pandolfo  Petruccis  favour,  en- 
abled him  to  force  the  Senese  into  a  five  years'  truce;.  All 
communication  except  on  the  side  of  denoa  was  thus  cut  oil 
from  the  Pisans,  but  Venice  was  not  disposed  to  abandon  them, 
for  accompanied  by  both  the  Medici  and  after  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  force  the  strong  defile  of  :\Iarradi,  whose  fortress  of 
Castiglione  was  gallantly  defended  by  Dionigi  di  Naldo,  then 
troops  retired  in  disorder  and  the  more  quickly  from  hearing 
that  the  Count  of  Caiazzo  and  his  brother  Fracasso  of  San 
Severino  were  advancing  in  considerable  force  by  Cotignola 
and  Forli  to  attack  them§. 


•   Malipicro,   p.  503.— Bcmbo,  Stor.  Stor.  Vinit.,  fol.  47. 

Venit..  Lib.iv.,  fol.  47.  t  Maluvolii,  l.il..  yi.,Parte  iii-.— Biagio 

t  Diario  di  Biagio  Bvionarcorsi,  p.  2,  Buonacror>i,      Diario,      pp.     3,   5.— 

who  was  a  coadjutor  of  the  "  Ten  of  Beinl)o,  Stor.  Viii.,  Lib.  iv.,  fol.  47,  48. 

Peace  and  Liberty  "   during  this  war.  §  Buonarcorsi    Diario,    pp.  11,    1'2.— 

(Edition,  Florence,  Giuntiy  I  !HiiL)^  Ammirato,    Lib.  xxvii.,     p.    251.— 

Fran.   Cei,    MS.,    p.    122.— Beinbo,  Bcmbo,  Lib.  iv.,  fol.  49,  50. 


CHIP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


623 


While  Paulo  Vitelli  was  actively  employed  round  Pisa  this 
army  which  had  been  assembled  at  the  instance  of  Piero  de' 
Medici  penetrated  into  Tuscany  by  means  of  Piamberto  Mala- 
testa  the  petty  chief  of  Sogliano  near  the  Ptubicon  (on  the 
confines  of  Urbino  and  the  Casentino)  who  showed  them  a 
passage  into  that  province.  The  General  Bartolommeo  d'Alviano 
pushed  rapidly  along  the  centre  branch  of  the  Bidente  and 
through  the  hills  and  sur[)rised  the  convent  of  Camaldoli  -!' ;  then 
sending  on  forged  letters  to  I^ibbieua  as  if  from  the  Decemvi- 
rate  of  War  to  prepare  quarters  for  a  detachment  of  Paolo 
Vitelli's  horse,  suddenly  entered  that  town  with  Giuliano  de' 
Medici  and  a  hundred  men-at-anns,  and  being  speedily  followed 
by  the  main  body  of  Venetians  under  Carlo  Orsini  j)laced  this 
important  con(|uest  in  security  ere  his  passage  over  the  moun- 
tains was  known  at  Florence  f. 

Poppi  a  strong  fortress  close  to  Bibbiena  was  instantly 
though  unsuccessfully  attacked,  and  the  alarm  hi  Florence 
became  so  great  that  Paolo  Vitelli  at  the  end  of  October  was 
despatched  fnnii  the  seat  of  war  to  defend  the  Casentino. 
Other  reenforcements  soon  poured  in  from  the  Duke  of  Milan 
and  Count  Kiuuccio,  but  not  in  lime  to  prevent  the  Duke  of 
Urbino  from  crossing  the  hills  and  entering  l^ibbiena  where  he 
was  in  a  manner  besieged  l)y  \'itelli,  and  so  closely  that  in  the 
beginning  of  141H»  the  Venetians  were  compelled  to 
assemble  an  army  for  his  relief  under  Count  Orsino 
of  Pitigliano.  This  force  on  arriving  at  Castel  d'Elci,  a  town 
belonging  to  the  Duke  of  Urbino  on  the  Horentine  borders, 
was  stopped  by  the  difficulties  of   snowy  mountain  passes  and 

*  Malipicro  gives  an  originallctter  from  hundred    wounded.     (Archiv.    Stor. 

Piero  Dolfini  General  of  Camaldoli  to  ItaL,  v.  vii.,  pp.  519,  526.) 

his    friend    Piero    Baroii    Bishop    of  f  Malipicro,  An.  Veneti, pp.  516,  519. 

Padua  with  a  minute  description  of  the  — Jacopo    \ardi,    Lib.    iii.,    p.  89. — 

attack  on  that  convent,  from  the  body  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,   p.  16. — Ammi- 

of  which  the  Venetians  were  gallantly  rato,  Lib.     xxvji.,   p.    252. — Bembo, 

repulsed  by  a  few  monks  and  laymen  Lib.  iv.,  folio  51. 
with  the  loss  of  forty  killed  and  two 


A.D.  1499. 


624 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book 


the  presence  of  so  formidable  an  adversary  as  Paulo  Vitelli 
who  was  ready  to  oppose  its  passage.  Paulo  was  however  a 
slow  and  cautious  general,  and  with  an  enemy  in  liis  rear  dis- 
played no  anxiety  to  force  a  battle  :  Pitigliano  retired,  and 
under  the  plea  of  sickness  Vitelli  allowed  the  Duke  of  Ilrbino, 
who  had  been  wounded  at  Camaldoli,  to  depart  with  Giuliano 
de'  Medici  as  one  of  his  suite.  This  first  made  the  Florentines 
suspect  their  general's  fidelity;  they  were  also  doubtful  of 
Louis  XII.  and  not  pleased  with  Lodovico  who  urged  theui 
to  peace,  while  he  withdrew  his  troops  on  the  pretence  of 
self-preservation  against  France.  Internal  discord  also  prevailed 
more  and  more  in  Florence,  her  linances  were  low  and  her 
neighbours  either  doubtful  friends  or  open  enemies ;  wherefore 
negotiations  for  peace  were  recommenced  under  the  auspices  of 
Ferrara  and  with  the  full  concurrence  of  Lodovico  who  wished 
to  attixch  Florence  entirely  to  himself  by  the  restitution  of  Pisa*. 
Venice  too  had  made  a  secret  alliance  with  France  in  hosti- 
lity to  Milan  and  was  now  not  indisposed  to  disembarrass  her- 
self of  the  costly  Pisan  war  for  a  more  promising  object, 
especially  as  she  was  threatened  on  her  northern  frontier  by 
Maximilian,  and  on  the  side  of  Greece  by  the  Turkish  Sultan. 
Conditions  were  finally  proposed  by  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  which 
under  certain  securities  in  favour  of  liberty  would  if  accepted 
luive  again  restored  Pisa  to  Florentine  jurisdiction  ;  but  Her- 
cules of  Este's  award,  as  generally  happens  with  arbitrators, 
pleased  nobody ;  Venice  withdrew  her  troops  from  that  city 
and  the  Casentino  but  under  protest  and  would  not  ratify: 
Florence  murmured  at  her  rebellious  town  being  only  half 
restored  ;  and  the  Pisans  themselves,  although  left  in  possession 
of  their  citadel,  plumply  refused  the  decision  resolving  to 
perish  sooner  than  again  submit  to  the  Florentines  \. 

•  Malipiero,  pp.  525  and  533.— Fran.  Diario  di  Buonaccorsi,  pp.  17,  19  — 

Cei,  Mem.    Storiche,  pp.   122,    \25,  Bembo,  Lib.  iv.,  folio  51,  52. 

MS.— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  91.  t  Fr.    Cei,   p.    12.0-30,    MS.-Giov. 

— Amiiiirato,  Lib.  xxvii.,  p.   254.—  Cambi,    p.   139.— Diario    di    Buon- 


CHAP.   VII.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


625 


The  latter  were  not  sorry  that  the  Pisans,  stimulated  by 
(ienoa  and  other  states,  refused  to  receive  this  treaty;  still 
less  so  to  lind  that  they  had  even  driven  the  Venetian  troops 
from  their  walls  witli  tlie  imputation  of  traitors  * ;  that  they 
had  offered  thomselvcs  to  Lodovico  or  any  who  would  defend 
them  and  liad  been  rejected ;  and  were  finally  al)andoned  by 
all.  This  disposed  Florence  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigour; 
wherefore  X'itclli  and  Hinuccio  were  recalled  from  the  Casentino 
and  Arezzo,  both  being  now  evacuated  by  the  Venetians,  and 
liostilities  vigorously  recoiiimeiiced  against  Pisa  without  any 
attention  to  the  propositions  of  Lodovico  Sfurza  or  Louis  XII. 
who  botli  were  urging  thcin  with  great  promises  to  declare  for 
one  or  the  other  party.  Cascina  was  taken  on  the  twenty-skth 
of  June  after  about  a  day's  siege,  several  minor  places  followed  ; 
the  investment  of  Pisa  commenced  and  that  city  was  promised 
to  the  Florentines  within  fifteen  days  by  their  too  sanguine 
commanders,  for  the  citizens  were  brave  and  numerous,  the  town 
full  of  peasantrv^  and  all  for  five  years  accustomed  to  war  ■♦■. 

On  the  first  of  August  every  disposition  was  made  to  batter 
the  walls  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Arno  near  Poita-a-Mare 
leading  towards  Leghorn,  and  at  the  same  time  carry  the  fortress 
of  Stampace  which  it  was  believed  would  give  them  command 
of  the  town  and  secure  its  i-eduction.     Alreadv  had  a  wide 

ft. 

and  easy  breach  been  etfcctcd  :  alreadv  had  the  indefati<?able 
I'isans  dug  a  ditch  and  raised  anotlier  wall  behind ;  no  danger, 
no  distress,  no  fatigue  abated  their  ardour  or  slackened  their 


accorsi,  pp.  19,  20.— Amniirato,  Lib. 
xxvii.,  p.  255. — Malipiero,  Annali,pp. 
537,  538,  551. — Bembo,  Lib.  iv.. 
folio  54  and  55. 

*  Malipiero  says  on  tlic  contrary,  that 
ihey  with  difficulty  allowed  tlieni  to 
•iepjirt:  he  however  quitted  Pisa  on 
the  27th  April,  \i9li  and  an  order 
was  given  for  the  retuiT  of  all  Venetian 
troops  and  subjects  within  a  month  on 
penalty  of  the  confiscation  of  their 
Vol.  in.  s 


proitcrty.  It  might  have  been  in  con- 
sequence of  this  that  tht  y  were  finally 
driven  out  as  tr.iiturs;  for  he  admits 
the  aliu^ivo  exprcssimis.  (Ai'ch.  Star. 
Ital.f  vol.  vii..  pp.  551,  ^i5'2.) 
f  Fran.  Cei,  Mem.  Stor.,  MS.,  pp. 
129,  130,  l.t2,  137.  149.  —Buon- 
accorsi, Diario.  p.  "20. — Amminito. 
Lil».  xxvii.,  ]».  "255. — Guicciardini, 
Lib.  iv.,  cap.  iv.,  p.  191.— Bembo, 
Lib.  iv.,fol.  51. 

S 


626 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book   II. 


CHiP.  VII.J 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


627 


efforts:  the  murderous  salvos  of  artillery  struck  down  the 
walls  and  citizens  but  not  their  courage ;  the  men  were  brave, 
the  women  and  children  braver ;  not  a  female  hand  abandoned 
the  spade  or  the  shovel,  not  a  child  its  work,  until  carried  otV 
by  the  enemy's  bullets:  two  sisters  were  working  hand  in 
hand;  one  was  killed  by  a  shot  from  the  enemy's  battery;  the 
other,  after  imprinting  a  larewell  kiss  on  the  i)allid  lips  (.1 
her  companion  (piietly  took  up  the  mangled  remains  and  d.- 
positing  them  in  the  veiy  gabion  they  liad  both  been  WW'uvj, 
dropped  a  tear  on  the  coi-pse  and  covered  it  up  for  ever.  Ner 
was  this  the  only  instance  of  female  courage  :  in  a  garn>un. 
consisthig,  citizens  and  all,  of  less  than  four  thousand  men 
female  devotion  was  conspicuous  and  almost  all  the  intrencli- 
ments  were  constructed  by  them  alone  -''. 

Vitelli  tried  unsuccessfully  to  mount  some  heavy  guns  on 
the  tower  of  Stampace  which  he  took  by  assault,  but  thougli 
commanding  the  town  it  was  too  nuieh  shaken  to  bear  them, 
and  with  mure  than  the  Italian  caution  of  lliat  day  he  con- 
tinued to  batter  until  from  fifty  to  sixty  feel  of  the  wall  had 
fallen  outwards  in  large  flat  masses  and  lornied  an  easy  ascent 
to  the  town.  In  an  instant  the  nearest  troops  weiv  on  the 
breach,  a  hot  assault  commenced  and  an  universal  t.pint  ol 
liope  and  courage  animated  every  heart ;  multitudes  of  young 
Florentine  gentlemen  who  had  been  veduuturily  serving  with 
the  troops  now  led  them  gallantly  on  ;  the  eonlli<t  was  fierce 
and  obstinate  and  Pisa  would  have  fallen  tiiat  day  had  noi 
Vitelli  and  his  brother  Vitellozzo,  against  all  entreaties, 
actually  beaten  the  soldiers  back  with  their  swonls,  crymg  oiu 
''Retreat,  retreat;'  ''Back,  back;'  and  thus  in  despite  of  the 
Florentme  commissaries,  actually  forced  their  indignant  sob 
diers  from  the  breach  1  The  sudden  fall  of  so  wide  a  space  of 
rampart  had  spread  terror  through  the  city,  for  there  was  no 

♦  Jacop..  Nardi,  Lib.  iii.,  p.  9».—  Guena  del  1500.  Scrittore  Anoninwn 
Guicciardmi,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  iv.,  p. -207.  voL  vi.,  Parte  ^^— Ar.  fetoi.  Itai., 
Fi-an.     Cei,    p.     140,     MS. — La     from  p.  3til  to  3Ji3. 


time  to  repair  the  breach,   and   Garabacorta  with  a  few  fol- 
lowers had  already  fled  towards  Lucca.     At  this  moment  the 
women,  with  a  courage  inspired  by  terror  of  what  was  worse 
than  death,  flung  themselves  before  their  brothers  and  their 
husbands,  implored  them  to  choose  death  before  slavery  and 
dishonour,  urged  them  once  more  to  defend  the  breach,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  giving  fresh  spirit  to  the  citizens!     IkM 
all  this  would  have  been  vain   had  not  the   assailants   been 
called  off:    as  it  was,  female  resolution,  a  relaxation  <.f  the 
attack,  and  three  hundred  fresh  men  from  Lucca  restored  the 
day  and  gave  them  some  years  more  of  sweet  thougli  sutfering 
lilierty.     Amongst  the  Florentines  the  rest  of  that  day  was 
spent  in  murmurs,  anger,  and  unmodified  reproaches  against 
their   general   while    the   Pisan   men,   women,   and    children 
worked  indefatigably,  and  with  sucli  ellect  that  the  next  day  s 
dawn  beheld  the  breacli  onci^  more  in  security.     Suspicions  of 
Vitelli  strengthened  and  accumulated  and  were  soon  after  con- 
fn-med  by  papers  taken  at  :\IiLin  and  communicated   by  the 
French  authorities  to  the  Jlorentine  ambassadors  which  showed 
a  secret  intelligence  between  L.ulovico  Sforza  and  Paulo  Vitelli, 
the  latter  engaging  to  procrastinate   this  war  in   order  that 
llorence  through  mere   impatienc(^  might  unite  with  him  in 
common  defence  against   the    French    monarch.     Little   was 
accomplished  after  tliis  signal  instance  of  unreasonable  military 
prudence  or  double  dealing  :   Florence  became  gloomy  and  sus- 
picious, the  soldiers  sullen  and  disheartened,  and  the  sudden 
appearance  of  a  deadly  niar.sh  fever  in  all  its  virulence  so  re- 
duced the  army  in  the  short  space  of  two  days  tliat  the  siege  was 
nused  and  the  troops  retired  sick  and  discontented  to  Ca.scina*. 
The   Florentine   SeignoiT   like   that  of  Xcuke  when  once 
mibued  with  suspicion  were   seldom  (piieted   without  blood: 
Paolo  Vitelli  had  allowed  both  the  Duke  of  Urbino  and  Giu- 

*Ammirato,  Lib.   xxvii.,  p.  2^7 .-^     Fran.  Coi,  MS.,  p.  141,  142.— Corio, 
t.uicmrdini,  Lib.  iv.,,ap.  iv.,  p.  210.     ist.  Milan..  Parte  vii.,  fol.  492. 
— Jacopo  Nardi,  Lib.  iii.,  pp.  98-9.— 

s  s  2 


6-23 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  ii. 


liaiio  de'  Medici  to  escape  from  Bibbiena;  he  had  ever  avoided 
coiiimunicating  with  the  commissaries  of  the  republic ;  he  hud 
received  secret  ambassadors  from  the  Pisaus  and  made  no  com- 
munication of  their  mission  ;  he  was  suspected  of  having  secret 
inteUigence  with   the  Medici;    he  had  neghgently  lost  the 
whole  besieging  train  of  artilleiy ;  and  ho  had  aggravated  all 
these  suspicions  of  his  tidelity  by  almost  refusing  to  take  Pisa 
when  that  city  was  actually  in  his  hands.     1 1  is  nip  was  full. 
Wherefore   Antonio    Canigiani    and    Brarciu    ^Martelli    were 
despatched  to  Cascina  with  orders  to  bring  him  and  his  brother 
Vitellozzo  prisonei-s  to  Florence  :  Vitellozzo,  who  was  ill  iv. 
bed,  on  iiearing  of  his  brother's  arrest  juiuped  up  and  mount- 
ing a  deet  horse  escaped  to  Pisa  where  he  was  joyfully  wel 
comed.     Paolo  was  escorted  to  Florence  and  the  same  night 
most  rigorously  e.Kamined  by  torture  but  without  extracting  (i 
siude  condemnatorv  word  either  of  himself  or  others ;  yet  on 
the  next  dav,  the  iirst  of  October,  he  wns  beheaded  in  the  gal 
lery  of  the  palace !     Paulo  Vitelli's  death  was  legally  unjust 
because   a   culprit's   confession   of  his  own  delinquen<'y  wu.^ 
required   by  law  ;  for  even  torture,   the  great   -substitute  f..r 
evidence  failed  in  this  instance:  and  it  was  impolitic  because  ii^ 
left  powerful  brothers  and  other  staunch  adherents  to  revenge 
his  death  -,     Thus  terminated  the  campaign  against  Pisa  with 
little  credit  to  Florence,  and  moreover  in  consequence  of  her 
indecision  she  was  compelled  to  make  worse  terms  with  Louis 
XII.  who  had  all  this  time  been  marching  with  rapid  strides 
to  the  conquest  of  Milan.    The  Venetian  troops  had  been  with- 
drawn from  Pisa  principally  because  Venice  liad  ji greed  to  assist 
France  against  that  state  for  a  stipulated  price,  but  Lodovico 
aiid  tlie  Khig  of  Naples  excited  the  Turks  against  both,  and 
the  latter  monarch  promised  the  Duke  of  ^lilan  assistance 

*  Malipiero,  An.  Vcn.,  p.  5G6.— Guic-  Caiul.i,  p.  144.-  Portovcncre,  Mcnio- 

riardini.  Lib.  iv.,    cap.  iv.,  p.  213.—  rial c,  vol.   vi.,  Parto    ii..   p.  •*^.^'^^.'; 

Bi,agio  Buonaccorsi,  Diario,    p.  25.—  Stor.  ItaL— Corio,  Puile  vii.,  tol.  4J-. 
Amuiinito,  Lib.  x.xvii.,p.  257. — Giov. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


629 


which  in  the  exhausted  state  of  his  dominions  he  was  subse- 
quently unable  to  afford.  The  pope  also  gave  him  hoi)es 
of  succour  as  he  had  lately  done  to  the  Florentines,  but  nothing 
more ;  for  he  was  secretly  advancing  his  own  and  his  sons' 
interests  at  the  court  of  France  where  with  the  power  of  con- 
ferring great  favours  he  was  almost  sure  of  success.  Spain 
kept  aloof,  and  blorence  i)layed  an  irresolute,  neutral,  and 
losing  game  while  in  full  activity  Jigainst  the  stultborn  I^isans. 
Lodovico's  father-in-law  Duke  Hercules  of  Ferrara  was  fearful 
of  committing  himself  with  France  and  \'eiiiee,  {uid  Maximilian 
while  he  abounded  in  promises  exhausted  his  slender  means 
ill  a  l»loo(ly,  cruel,  and  unsuccessful  war  against  the  Swiss. 
Thus  tlirown  on  his  own  resources  Lodovico  displayed  much 
energy ;  he  recommended  his  generals  to  avoid  any  decisive 
encounter ;  to  hold  the  strong  places,  and  endeavour  to  lengthen 
out  the  war.  San  Severino,  whose  lidelity  was  suspected, 
made  no  movement  against  the  French  army  which  under 
Giovan-Giacomo  'i'rivulzio  a  ^Milanese  exile  of  high  family, 
entered  Piedmont  in  the  middle  of  August  with  about  tweiity- 
three-thousand  men  of  all  arms,  while  the  king  remained  at 
Lyon  to  direct  their  movement  and  supplies    . 

Trivulzio  put  the  garrison  of  Aniioni  his  Iirst  conquest,  to 
the  sword,  then  spread  his  army  rapidly  over  all  Piedmont 
and  beyond  the  Po,  took  Alexandria  bv  the  bad  conduct  of  San 
Severino,  Tortona  and  other  tnwns  suec(^ssivelv  fell,  and  he  thus 
marched  from  conquest  to  coiKpiest  until  the  dreaded  gleam  of 
the  French  lances  flashed  upon  the  towers  of  ^lilan.  Lodovico 
was  not  popular,  his  nephew's  fate  hung  heavy  on  the  public 
niiud ;  every  hours  advance  of  the  enemy  gave  new  hopes  and 
new  expectations  to  the  multitude  :  no  government  was  in  those 
days  so  well  administered  that  ji  large  portion  of  the  people 
were  not  eager  for  change,  and  the  Duke  of  IMilan  although 
generally  a  just  ruler,  was  not  spared ;  he  soon  felt  his  donnnions 


Fran.  Cei,  MS.,  p.  135.— Guicciardini,  Lib.  iv,,  cap.  iv.,  p.  102. 


630 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


crumble  beneath  him  and  at  last  fled  into  Germany,  leaving  a 
<?:irris()n  of  three  thousand  men  in  the  citadel  under  Bernardino 
di  Corte  whom  he  vainly  expected  would  bo  faithful.  Trivulzio 
overran  the  ]\Iilanese  dominions  in  about  twenty  days  and  Louis 
rejoined  him  in  the  capital  amidst  the  shouts  itf  a  population  who 
though  tired  of  Lodovico  had  never  luhcld  the  l";u  e  of  an  ene- 
my during  the  whole  period  of  his  reign.  In  a  few  days  In  r- 
nardino  surrendered  the  citadel  for  a  lar^^^e  bribe,  but  was 
shunned  and  insulted  even  hv  the  verv  seducers  themselves  and 
died  of  vexation  a  short  time  afterwards  -. 

Louis  XIL  received  ambassadors  at  ^lihin  from  e\erv  state 
of  Italy  except  Naples  :  thosi^  of  Merence  eoldlv,  the  rest 
'jfraciously,  hut  extracting  money  from  all.  There  was  a  general 
prejudice  against  the  Florentines  (m  account  of  l'aul(.  Vit(lli"< 
execution,  for  he  had  been  well  known  and  liked  by  the  i'li  !u'l: 
officers,  strong  sentiments  oi  admiration  and  svm|>athy  still 
existed  for  the  Pisans,  increased  too  by  tlieir  gallant  and  unre- 
laxinjT  resistance :  Francesco  Giialterotti.  Lorenzo  Lenzi, 
Alamanuo  Salviati,  and  Francesco  Guii-eiardini,  (a  doctor  (•' 
laws,  savs  Xardi,  verv  voung  but  of  vast  promise)  were  the  am- 
bassadoi*s  :  they  had  great  difficulties,  but  Louis  so(m  put 
asi<le  empty  (puirrels  for  real  utility  and  on  the  twelfth  of 
October  agreed  to  receive  Florence  under  his  protection  and 
defend  her  against  all  enemies  with  six  hundred  lanres  ai>d 
four  thousand  infantry :  for  this  she  engaged  to  defend  hi> 
Italian  dominions  with  four  hundred  nhii-al  arm-  and  tliree 
thousand  iniimtry :    Louis  was  to  assist  her  with  his  wliok; 

*  Bcmbo,    Lib.   iv.,   fol.   56,    57. —  most    rondncivc  to    his  own  intcrci?t 

Ouicciardini,  Lib.  iv  ,  cap.  iv.,  p.  202.  on  the  French  iiivu-ion.  The  cardiiiiil 

— Muratori,    Annali.— Sisuiondi,  voL  advised  him    to  conciliate  tlie  people 

ix.,  p.  241. — Jacopo  Nardi,   Lib.  iii.,  byackno\vh*iiiing  Iiis  nephew's  infant 

p.   104. — Gio.    Andrea    Prato,  Storia  son    for  the  moment;  hut  Lodovico's 

di  Milano,  vol.  iii.,  p.  222,  Ar.  .Stor.  jealousy  and  suspicion   of  all,  even  to 

Itul. — Corio,  Parte   vii.,  folio  4.03,  et  his  own  brother,  prevented  his  taki:.? 

seq. — Malipierogivcsacurions dialogue  any  advice.   {Arch,   Stor.    Ital.,  vol. 

beween   Lodovico     and    his    brother  vii.,  pp.  561,  2.) 
A.scanio  about  the     line  of  conduct 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE    niSTORY. 


631 


force,  or  a  part  according  to  circumstances,  in  the  recovery  of 
Pisa,  after  which  about  80,000  florins  were  to  be  paid  to  the 
king  in  various  ways  besides  an  auxUiary  force  of  five  hundred 
men-at-arms  being  sent  with  him  to  the  conquest  of  Naples  *. 

The  difficulties  of  this  convention  were  nudtiplied  in  the 
hands  of  (iian-Giacopo  Trivulzio  who  aspiring  to  the  lordshi{) 
of  Pisa  advanced  every  possible  impediment  to  its  satisfactory 
conclusion.  With  a  severe  aspect  and  severer  language  he 
rated  both  embassies  for  their  attachment  to  Sforza ;  as  well 
Cosinio  de'  Pazzi  iJishopof  Arezzo  and  Pietro  Soderini,  who 
accompanied  Louis  to  Milan,  as  the  new  ambassadors  who  had 
just  arrived  from  Florence  juid  to  wliich  mission  it  is  prob- 
able that  (hiieeiar-lini  then  about  eighteen  years  of  age  was 
attached  in  a  subordinate  c;ip;ieity.  After  many  reproaches 
Trivulzio  finished  by  tearing  the  treaty  of  Lvon  before  their 
face  instead  of  ratifying  it  as  they  were  led  to  expect,  declaring 
that  fear  alone  and  not  good  will  to  France  had  induced  them 
to  sign  it  f . 

Nor  was  Trivulzio  incorrect  in  his  estimate ;  for  when  at 
Savonarola's  death  the  ducid  party  gained  the  ascendiuit  they 
endeavoured  with  Lodovieo"s  aid  and  heedless  of  1'' ranee  to 
share  the  government  amongst  themselves  ;  whereupon  they 
resoh'ed  that  in  the  ilistribution  of  external  offices,  (now  greatly 
reduced  by  the  loss  of  Pisa,)  favour  should  be  extended  to  the 
poorer  citizens  who  were  loudly  complaining  of  distress  in 
consequence  of  exclusion  from  })ublic  employment.  But  in  this 
attempt  to  gain  partisans  Savonarola's  political  wisdom  became 
apparent;  for  though  the  interest  of  the  poorer  citizens  was  by 
no  means  neglected,  it  was  yet  made  subservient  to  public  good 
and  personal  efficiency  by  the  majority  of  independent  citizens  in 

*  Malipiero  adds  forty  thousand  more  216. — Jacopo    Nardi,   Stor,,  Lib.  iii., 

of  annual  tribute.  (J  »/*ff//,    p.  567).  p.  106. 

— Gio.   Camhi,     pp.   144-5. — Baigio  f  Cio.  C'auibi,  p.   145. — Jacopo  Pitti, 

Buonaccorsi,  Diario,   p.    26. — Docu-  Lib.    i",  i)p.  57-67.  —  Document!  di 

menti  di  Storia  Italiana,  vol.  i'^,  p.  32.  Storia  Italiana,  p.  oo  and  note. 

—  Guieciardini,    Lib.   iv.,  cap.  iv.,  p. 


632 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY, 


[book  n. 


the  great  coimcil,  and  not  to  the  exchisive  benefit  of  indivi- 
duals. Nevertheless  to  give  them  a  more  equal  chance  and 
apparently  by  the  influence  of  the  ducal  party,  a  decree  passed 
for  the  distribution  of  all  offices  under  six  hundred  lire  a  vear 
by  lot  mstead  of  election.  But  the  prepotency  of  this  faction 
almost  ceased  after  Louis  the  Twelfth's  accession,  because  it 
was  expected  that  his  government  would  be  lirnier  and  wiser 
than  that  of  Charles  as  well  as  more  ffxvourable  to  Klorence, 
and  thence  a  greater  chance  was  ])romised  of  ullimately  re- 
covering her  lost  possessions.  This  opinion  strengthened  the 
French  party  or  Frateschi  but  was  shari)ly  (>p]»osed  by  tlieir 
rivals,  who  insisted  on  the  new  king  s  weakness  and  the  prospect 
of  receiving  nothing  from  his  alliance  (\c«'pt  repeated  and  in- 
satiable demands  for  money,  while  from  IVIilan  instant  and 
powerful  succoui-s  against  Pisa  might  be  expected,  and  the 
more  effectual  because  of  Lodovico  s  recent  dissatisfaction  with 
the  Venetians  who  were  eager  to  gain  that  city. 

The  Itidian  league  against  Charles  VIII.  had  vainly  at- 
tempted to  gain  over  Florence  who  had  always  jdayed  an 
equivocal  part  througli  fear  of  losing  tliat  monarch's  protection 
and  thus  leavin*'  herself  at  their  mercv  ;  V)ut  tlie  accession  of 
Louis  XII.  and  his  known  hatred  of  Lodovico  liroke  every  tie 
and  generated  new  views,  new  fears,  and  new  interests  in  the 
political  intrigues  of  Italy.  Alexander  VI.  seeing  the  hope- 
lessness of  expecting  that  the  league  could  vxcv  give  his  son 
that  dominion  in  Tuscany  to  which  he  at  one  time  aspired, 
turned  shortly  towards  Louis  with  the  expectation  of  securing 
Something  through  liis  aid  in  Lombardy,  Xaph?s,  or  llomagna. 
The  tottering  state  of  the  league  warned  King  Frederic,  and 
the  Duke  of  Milan  no  less  fearful,  would  have  reconciled  him- 
self with  Venice  ;  but  that  wily  republic  cou[ding  lier  anger 
and  aggrandizement,  unhesitatingly  offered  Louis  every  assist- 
ance at  a  certain  price  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  Milan. 
Lodovico  in  great  perplexity  implored  Florence  to  use  every 


CHAP,  vn.] 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


633 


effort  for  his  reconciliation  with  France :  this  was  strondv 
advocated  by  his  friends  and  as  vehemently  opposed  by  the 
French  party  who  deprecated  the  risking  of  Loins  s  favour  by 
so  false  a  step.  The  neutral  party  in  the  great  council  took  a 
middle  course  and  instructed  their  envoys  only  to  advocate 
Lodovico  s  cause  if  it  could  be  done  without  prejudice  to 
Florence.  Louis  would  listen  to  no  terms  with  the  Duke  of 
Milan,  but  insisted  on  an  explicit  declaration  from  the  Floren- 
tines of  friendship  to  him  and  his  allies,  and  enmity  to  his  foes. 
The  Florentines  refused  to  be  friends  with  the  Venetians  who 
were  unjustly  retaining  possession  of  Pisa,  and  warned  the 
king  of  their  selfish  projects,  their  general  enmity  to  France, 
and  their  characteristic  treachery  ;  on  this  Louis  demanded  the 
possession  of  Pisa  in  charge  for  the  Florentines,  and  a  long- 
continued  negotiation  on  the  subject  terminated  by  Venice 
declining  to  relinquish  her  hold  on  that  city*.  The  Florentines 
being  divided  amongst  themselves,  after  much  discussion  and 
delay  and  according  to  the  ad\dce  of  their  ambassadors  decided 
on  trusting  to  nobody,  for  no  certainty  was  anywhere  visible. 
Still  as  the  invasion  drew  near  the  difficulty  of  declaring  them- 
selves  increased  and  the  choice  of  evils  perplexed  them ;  French 
treachery  had  been  too  keenly  felt  and  Lodovico's  conduct  had 
given  no  claim  to  their  confidence  ;  yet  his  aid  was  near,  sure, 
and  prompt :  that  of  France  distant  and  uncertain  :  but  Louis 
was  far  more  formidable,  and  the  mercantile  relations  between 
France  and  Florence  a  serious  obstacle  to  any  quarrel :  not  so 
much  to  the  former  because  she  did  not  depend  on  them  ;  nor 
were  commercial  interests  then  sufficiently  understood  or 
appreciated  hi  the  bVench  court  to  have  great  hitluence  on  its 
ambition  ;  but  to  the  latter  because  her  welfare  WTut  hand  in 
hand  with  her  trade,  and  she  always  had  an  immense  amount 
of  capital  employed  in  that  country.  The  reasomng  of  those  in 
favour  of  the  French  alliance  would  probably  have  succeeded 

*  Ouicoiardini,  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  iii.,  p.  159.  —  Jacopo  Pitti,  Lib.  i",  pp.  54-58. 


634 


FLORENTINE    HISTORY. 


[book  II. 


with  the  phahiux  of  well-meaning  citizens  which  formed  the 
really  wholesome  strength  of  the  great  comioil,  had  they  not 
known  the  self-interested  views  of  the  movers  and  the  slender 
confidence  that  could  he  placed  in  them  ;  and  although  aware  of 
the  danger  incurred  hy  a  wealv  state  in  taking  a  neutral  position 
between  the  powerful,  it  was  still  considered  that  the  success  of 
either  party  as  allies  would  he  eijually  perilous  to  Florence; 
because  injuries  were  in  general  sooner  repaid  than  benefits ; 
gratitude  attaching  itself  rather  to  the  loser,  vengeance  more 
commonly  to  the  winner ;  and  both  in  tliis  instance  were  mis- 
trusted. If  the  power  against  whom  they  sided  were  victorious, 
vengeance  might  be  expected;  if  their  ally  coiniuered,  he  woulil 
be  grateful  to  his  adherents  alone,  not  to  the  connnunity ;  and 
thus  pfive  them  such  influence  as  bv  his  aid  would  endan-jer 
public  liberty.  For  these  and  other  reasons  a  strict  neutrality 
was  decreed  and  a  future  agreement  with  the  victor  trusted  to, 
in  order  that  the  convention  however  onerous  should  be  m:i(b 
with  the  commonwealth  at  large,  not  with  a  faction,  and  there- 
fore prove  more  secure  and  respectable. 

This  reasoning  might  have  been  juilirious,  hut  it  was  carried 
into  eifect  with  a  series  of  equivocal  timid  lliinsy  excuses  to  the 
two  potentates  that  irritated  both  and  deceived  neither ;  and 
the  French  beginning  their  successful  march  on  Milan  abirmed 
the  Florentine  ambassadors  so  much  that  in  the  absence  of  all 
instructions  they  hastily  concluded  the  very  treaty  at  Lyon 
which  Trivulzio  scattered  before  their  faces  at  ^lilan  *. 

The  pope  acted  more  cunningly  and  suceessfully,  for  he  liad 
something  to  dispose  of  and  made  the  most  of  his  commodity  : 
disappointed  by  King  Frederic's  refusal,  in  his  ohjtM't  of  uniting 
(Caesar  IJorgia  to  the  royal  house  of  Naples,  hut  still  aspiring  to 
no  less  than  that  kingdom,  he  again  attempted  through  Louis 
XIL  to  accomplish  this  prince's  marriage  with  Carlotta 
another  Neapolitan  princess  who  had  liet'ii  lelt  hy  Frederic  at 

*  Jacopo  PittijLib,  i",  pp.  57-67. 


CH.iP.  VII.] 


FLORENTINE   HISTORY. 


635 


the  1^'rench  court.  Borgia  with  extraordinary  talents  and  un- 
bounded ambition  had  renounced  all  ecclesiastical  trammels 
and  proceeded  to  Paris  bearing  Alexander's  consent  to  the 
long-sought  divorce  of  Louis,  and  his  maiTiage  with  Charles 
VIII.  s  widow  the  Duchess  of  Brittany.  In  return  for  this  the 
pontiff'  w^as  to  be  assisted  in  subduing  all  Romagna,  nominally 
to  its  legitimate  ecclesiastical  obedience,  but  really  as  a  princi- 
pality for  Caesar  Borgia  whom  Louis  had  already  created  Duke 
of  Valentinois  with  a  considerable  revenue ;  and  on  the  positive 
refusal  of  Carlotta,  had  married  him  to  the  daughter  of  Jean 
or  Alain  d'  Alhret  King  of  Navarre  so  as  to  attach  him  and 
Pope  Alexander  entirely  to  the  interests  of  France  *. 

Such  was  the  political  state  of  Italy  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century :  a  powerful  transalphie  nation  had  established  itsell 
in  the  heart  of  her  richest  provinces  ;  future  wars  and  con- 
quest lowered  in  the  distance  ;  calamity  hung  darkly  over  her  ; 
the  cupidity  of  an  uisatiate  and  formidable  rival  was  already 
awakened  ;  her  future  master  was  on  the  brink  of  his  nativity; 
her  fairest  provinces  were  to  be  made  the  arena  for  foreign 
gladiators,  and  a  long  line  of  misfortunes  was  preparing  with 
the  ruin  of  her  social  condition  and  national  indejiendence.  A 
new  state  of  things  was  to  succeed ;  distant  and  strange  nations 
were  to  be  drawn  into  contact  or  collision  ;  new  interests,  new 
policy,  even  new  worlds  combined  in  the  disniption  of  ancient 
institutions,  in  breaking  down  the  middle  ages,  and  finally 
melting  the  great.B3a!i!».of.Eurone:in.von?on^iiities  into  the  more 
simple  eiementsVaiid*<Tt^iiider:foJuii^  «Jf  UWoderu  Iiistory. 


CoTKMPORARY  IIoi.t?f fts:-^.F^»ll]^e  :  .*  ^KiVV's  '  V 1 1 1 .  .iMtil  14.08;  thcn 
Louis  XIL— Napk^;*FcVOiO:inTl*ll.\u;iCil\H^/.-^  tbfii  Frcdcrk-,  IIL— Tl»c 
rest  nnaltercd.—Vasco  dcGama  doubled  the  Caj>e  of  Good  Hope  in  1498. 

*  Guicciardini,  Lib.  jv.,  cijp.  l^i,  r>Jl5c^  'andWp.  iv  ,  p.  189.— Muratori. 
Annali.  ..,     .    ;..     ;  ',    ;  '  ',     '    ', 


END  OF  VOL.  III. 


■JlilOBIiKT    A>0    IVA^S.    I'HIJiTEIlS,   WBITSFRIiBS. 


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MAY  5    1932 


